A History O Maratha People - Forgotten Books

A H ISTORY O

MARATHA PEOPLE

C. A. KlNCAlD, LC. S.

Author of “ The In dian Heroes. ” “ Deccan Nursery Tales ,The Outlaws of Kathiawar, ” Tales from the Indian Epics,

“ Ta les of Pand harpur, ” “ Shri Krishna of Dwarka,“ Tales of King Vikrama , ” etc . , etc .

RAo BAHADUR D . B. PARASN ISAuthor of “ The Rani of jhansi , ” “Mahableshwar, etc.

Ed itor “ l tihas Sangraba ”

VOL. l l

FROM THE DEATH OF SH IVA IJIE a? 4

TO THE DEATH OF SHAHU

HUMPHREY MILFORD

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESSLONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS

1 922

PR INTED AT THE

KANARESE M ISSION PRESS AND BOOK DEPOT,

MANGALORE

PNNTEDININDIA

TO THE MARATHA PEOPLE

TH I S WORK

I S

RESPECTFULLY DEDI CATED

PR EFACE TO SECOND V OLUME

A FEW words only are needed by way of introductionto the Second volume .The main authorities for the lives of Sam bh aj i and

Raj aram are the Chitni s Bakhar,the Sh ed gavk ar Bakhar,

Khafi Khan,the Musulman works translated by Scott and

known as Scott’s Deccan , Orme ’s Fragments and theP ar asn i s Papers . I must also express my grateful ac

k n ow l ed gm en t s to Professor Sark ar ’

s History of Aurangzeb,

Vol . IV, and to Mr. Irvine ’s translation of the S toria doMogor . For my account of the Maratha wars against thePortuguese

,my warmest thank s are due to the Goa Govern

ment,who with admirable generosity and k indness sent me

a quantity of specially chosen book s and papers on thesubj ect .The authoriti es for the reign of Shahu are the Chitni s

Bakhar,the Peshwa and Sh ed gavk ar Bakh ar s , the Siyar

u l -Mu takh er in,the Par asn i s Papers

,Mal leson

’

s History ofthe French in India

,Orme

,and

,above all

,Mr . Sar d esai ’s

Riyasat, Vol . III . The mer i ts of thi s latter book are sogreat, i ts learning so profound , i ts style so clear, that Ican only compare it with Voltaire ’s S iecle de Louis XIV .

Mr . Sar d esai ’s kindness,moreover

,was equal to his erudition .

Hearing that I was engaged in writing the present work,

he placed at my disposal the proof sheets of hi s unpublishedthird volume . I can only say that words fail me when Itry to express my appreciation of his noble disintere sted n ess .

I am also greatly obliged to the Chief of Ichalkaranj i,

Mr. Dayagu d e, Chief k arbh ar i of Bhor and Mr.Mahab l eshwar

V I PREFACE TO SECOND VOLUME

kar of the Bombay Educational Departmen t for th e assistancewhich they have freely given me.Lastly

,I have to thank Mr. C . N . Seddon, I. C . S .,

for h istranslations of. Persian letters

,a task which his profound

knowledge of the Persian language rendered him eminentlycompetent to perform.

C. A . K.

CHAPTER .

XXIV .

XXV .

XXVI .

XXVI I .

XXVI I I .

XXIX .

XXX .

XXX I .

XXXI I .

XXXII I .

XXXIV .

XXXV .

XXXVI .

XXXVI I .

XXXVI II .

XXXIX .

XL.

XLI .

XLI I .

XLI II .

XLIV .

XLV .

XLVI .

XLVI I .

CONTENTS

SAMBHAI I’S ACCESSI ON 1680-1682

THE PORTUGUESE WAR 1683-1684

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSI VE . THE CONQUES'

I ‘ OF

BI JAPUR 1684-1686

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSIV E . THE CONQUEST OF

GOLCONDA 1686 -16 87

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSI VE. THE CAPTURE OF

SAMBHAJI 1687-1689

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSI VE . DEATH OF SAMBHAJI .

R EGENCY OF RAJARAM 16 89

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS I VE . CAPTURE OF RAYGAD ANDFL IGHT OF RAJARAM 1689 -1690

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSIVE. THE SIEGE OF JI NJI169 0-169 8

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSI VE. THE LAST EFFORT. TH E

BEGI NNING OF THE MARATHA COUNTER -OFFENSIVE 169 8MARATHA COUNTER -OFFENSI VE . DEATH OF RAJARAM AND

REGENCY OF TARABAI 1700-1706

MARATHA COUNTER -OFFENSI VE . DEATH OF AURANGZIB

RELEASE AND CORONATION OF SHAHU 1706-1708

SOCI AL CUSTOMS OF THE H IGH CASTES IN MAHARASHTRACI V I L WAR AND THE REORGAN I SATION 1708-17 14

AF FAI RS AT DELH I 1 707 -17 19NI ZAM-UL-MULK FOUNDS THE KINGDOM OF HAIDARABAD171 9 -1724

DEATH OF BALAJI AND ACCESSI ON OF H I s SON BAJI RAO

1 720-1730

K ANHOI I ANGRE AND THE ENGL ISHMARATHA CONQUEST OF MALWA AND GUZARAT 173 1-1736

WAR AGAINST TH E N IZAM AND NADIR SHAH’S IN VASION

1737-1738

THE CONQUEST OF THE K ONK AN . WAR AGAINST THE S IDI s

AND PORTUGUESE 1733 -1739

SHAHU TAK ES MI RAI . TH E DEATH OF BAJIRAO . ACCESS IONOF BALAJI 1739 -1740

MARATHAS I N VADE BENGAL . AHMAD SHAH IN VADEs INDI A1740 -1748

R ISE OF THE FRENCH NATION 1741-1 75 1

DEATH OF SHAHU AND FALL OF THE BHOSLES 1749 -1750

INDEX

9 1

1 17

13 1

140

159

176

202

2 12

28 1

287

2 94

32 1

ILLUSTRATIONS

Sh rin ivas Pandit P ratin id h i

Shaikh N izam Hyd rabadi

Rajaram Mah ar aj

Zul fi kar Kh an

Bajn‘

ao I

Mastani

Bal aJI Bafirao (Third Peshwa)

Raja Shahu an d h is mini ster Bal aj l Banrao

MAPS

Sketch Map of South ern India

Sketch Map of Sal sette Isl and and oth er Portuguese Possessions

CHAPTER XX IV

SAMBHAJI’

S ACCESSION

A . D . 1 680 TO 16 82

SAMBH AJI seems to have returned to Panhala a t once afterthe burn i ng of Sh ivaji ’s body On his departure fromRaygad

,Soyar ab ai , a daughter of the great house of Sh ir k e

an d the moth er of Raj aram,then a youth in his nineteenth

y ear, began to plot to secure for her son the vacant th rone .During her husband ’s l ifetime she and her kinsmen hadused their influence to remove from th e succession Sam bh aji ,a s one unfitted by his evil habits and proved treachery tor ule over the Marathas . After the king’s death she tookmore V igorous action . Sh e worked on the minds of herl ate husband ’s advisers and nobles by stating that Sh ivajih ad before his death made an oral wil l

,wherein h e had

b equeath ed to Raj aram the kingdom and had orderedS am bh aji

’s imprisonment . During the early years of Raj a

ram’s reign,she would help him to govern th e kingdom

an d would be added by the advice of the Asht Pradhan oreight ministers . Having thus tempted the ministers witht h e Increase of power that such a plan would give them,

she next roused their fears by painting in vivid coloursthe gre at dan gers that hung over th e kingdom . Au r angz ib

had heard with infinite sati sfaction the news of the greatk ing’ s death and was about to lead into th e Deccan thewhole power of Hindustan and subdue at once Mah arashtra ,Golconda and Bij apur . In such troubled times was not

Th e Chitn is Bakh ar rel ates th at Sh ivaj i ’s death was h idden from Sam bh aJI .

The l ocal tradition at Raygad,wh ich I have foll owed in V ol . I of th is H istory , is

th at Sam bh aji h eard the n ews an d rode with al l speed to Raygad , arriving there

t oo l ate to see hi s fath er al ive .

2 A H I STORY OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE

the first matter for consideration the welfare of the S tate,rath er th an th e claims of a prince whose past conductsh ewed his unfitness to cope with th e coming danger ? So

deep,however

,was the attachment fel t by the Mara tha

nobles and th e ministers to th e house of Bh os l e , th at i t wason ly with great reluctance and grave misgivings that theyjoined in the plot . Had it been executed with speed andsecrecy it migh t have succeeded ; but the lack of goodwillin most of th e conspirators foredoomed it to failure . I n

stead of at once seizing Sam bh aji ’s person, they wrote anumber of letters to various commanders to inform themof the queen ’s decision and to direct them to move theirtroops to favourable situations . The late king’ s secretary,Balaj i Avaji , was ordered to write the letters. He refused ;and h e was with diffi culty induced to consent to his sonAvaji writing them .

Among the letters sent was one to Jan ar d anp an t

Hanm an te, Raghunath H anm an te’s brother

,who had dis

t in gu ish ed himself in the Carnatic, to move his troops fromKolh apur and to attack Panhala . K anh oji Bh adwal k ar ,the commandant of Raygad

,closed the fort gates

,and a

force of ten thousand men was collected at P ach ad,th e

V i llage below Raygad, wherein Jijab ai had passed severalyears . Lastly letters were sent to Bah ir ji Ingle, Som aji

Banki and H iroji Farzand, the principal offi cers at Panhala,calling upon th em to seiz e the prince’s person . But by’

th i s time th e news of th e plot had reached Sam bh aji ’s ears .Th e common soldiers at Panhala were devoted to th e greatking’s son . At his orders they arrested fir st the messengerKh an d oji Naik, who had carried th e letters, and then Ingle,Banki and H ir oji Farz and . Th e prisoners were confrontedand questioned . Th ey confessed

,and were at once put in

ch ains . H ir oji Farzand was so fortunate a s to break fromh i s cell and escape to Chiplun with a bag of j ewelry . Hewas, h owever, taken lat er and again imprisoned . Theoth ers were tried and convicted . Banki was afterwardsth rown from the top of Raygad . Su ryaji Kank, a kinsman

SAMRHAJI’

S ACCES S ION 3

of Yesaji Kank, the friend of Sh ivaji’

s childhood,was

beh eaded on the spot . Sam bh aji was n ow in undisputedpossession of the fortress and rapidly put i t in a state ofdefence This done

,he awaited with confidence the arrival

of Jan ar d anp an t H anm an te . In th e civi l war that generalshewed none of the talent s that had earned for him in th eCarnati c the great king’ s commendation . He moved soslowly that Sam bh aji ’s preparations had been completedseveral days before his arrival . Thankful perhaps for anexcuse to take no active steps against the son of his latesovereign

,he arranged hi s troops so a s to invest Panhala

and returned to Kolhapur . To adopt such a course was tocourt disaster . In the general ’s absence, the prince wonover hi s subordinates . The bulk of the army declaredfor him . He crowned his success by marching at nigh twith the Panhala garrison and seizing Jan ar d an p an t

Hanm an te in h i s headquarters at Kolhapur . On hearingthe news, the Raygad conspirators lost their heads andvied with each other in their haste to betray th e plot .Sam bh aji marched straight on Raygad . There Sar n ob atand Yesaji Kank declared for him and Opened the posterngate for Sam bh aji to enter . He arrested the commandant,K an h oji Bh adwalk ar , who at once changed sides . MoroPingle the Peshwa and Ann aji Dattu the Pant Sach iv werearrested and th eir h ouses sacked . At the sam e time theforce at P ach ad declared for Sam bh aji and confined MalSavant the general in command . He was beheaded withten to fifteen of his staff

,under Sam bh aji ’s orders . Th e

garrison of Raygad was changed and Raj aram taken intocustody . So far Sam bh aji had done no more th an theheinousness of the crime deman ded . His further conductwas prompted by cruelty and spite . In a storm of passionhe entered Soyar ab ai ’s private room and in th e presenceof his soldiers and her maid -servants charged her withhaving poisoned Sh ivaji to secure th e throne for her son .

He then h ad some bri ck s removed from the wall of h erhouse and had her buil t in

,in the same way that the King

A H I STORY OF TH E MARATHA PEOPLE

of Bij apur had walled in his own grandfather Sh ah aj l .

The aperture left by a single unplaced bri ck gave her airto breath e . Milk was the only food allowed her . Afterth ree days she died and h er body was burnt close to whereSh ivaji

’

s had been . Two h undred other Maratha noblessuspected of particip ation in the plot were ei ther beheadedor th rown from the edge of Raygad into the Konkan .

Th e prince, busy in establishing hi s authority over thewhole kingdom

,did not celebrate his accession until the

l oth of th e brigh t half of Magh, Shake 1 602 (FebruaryAfter th e date had been pronounced auspicious by theroyal astrologers

,Sam bh aji went in person to Parali fort to

invite to the ceremony hi s father ’s friend , Ramdas . Butth e old saint had heard of the cruelties that had markedh i s seizure of power, and to mark his di spleasure at suchconduct in a son of the great king, pleaded ill-health andrefused to see the prince . His disciples, however, beggedh im to send Sam bh aji a letter of advice, such as he had inthe early days of their friendship sent once or twice toSh ivaji . Ramdas consented and sent Sam bh aji the following finely worded letter °

“Be always on your guard and never off yourguard . Control your temper and be tender and kindtowards others . Forgive your subj ects th eir faults andbind th em to your person by making them happy . Theh appier they are, th e easier will be your task . If theyare against you, your task will be hard . If you andyour nobles fall out, your enemies will profit . Let allof you live in unity . Seek out your Musulman enemiesand remove them from your path . Create fear inothers not by your cruelty but by your valour .Oth erwi se your kingdom will be in danger. Deal witheach difficulty as it arises . Keep your anger undercontrol or at least do not betray it in the presence ofoth ers . Make your subjects your friends

.Let them

love rath er than fear you . Make the people one ; fil ltheir minds with the single thought of resisting the

SAMBHAJI’

S ACCE S S ION 5

Ml en cch a. Guard what you already h ave ; add to it by yourown exertions and so extend on all sides the K ingdomof Maharashtra . Respect yoursel f and wear the swordof ambition . That way lies th e path to success . BearKing Sh ivaji in mind . Deem your life a worthlesstrifle and try to live by your fame both in th i s worldand the next for ever . Keep before your eyes theimage of Sh ivaji . Think always of his valour and hisdeeds . Remember always what he did in battle andh ow he acted towards his friends . Give up sloth andlove of ease . Keep before your eyes a certain goaland strive to win it . Never forget how Sh ivaji wonthe kingdom . If you call yourself a m an

,try and do

better even than he did .

”

Sam bh aji took in excellent part the advice contained inRamdas’ letter . He gave the messenger a gift of clothesand a verbal message for the saint that he would ac t as hedirected . Later he sent Ram das a wri tten invitation tothe coronation and the old man

,fl attered at the prince ’ s

reply,accepted it . He d id not, however, go in person to

Raygad but sent a disciple Divak arbh at j‘ to represent him .

The ceremonial adopted for Sam bh aji ’s coronat ion resembledthat of Sh ivaji . The k ing weighed himself against gold ,silver

,brass

,iron

,cotton

,sal t

,nuts

,cocoanuts

,molasses

and sugar and distributed th em as gifts . Royal saluteswere fired from every fort in the k ingdom . Moro Pingle

,

Yesaji Farz and, Som aji Farz and and other conspiratorswho had not been executed

,were released . Forty thousand

Brahmans were given food and money ; and so great wasthe crush of spectators that many were trampled underfoot and k i l led . But in Spite of the seem ing splendour ofthe festival

,there were not want ing so the Maratha

chroniclers relate clear signs of divine displeasure . Th e

sun hid its face behind a bank of clouds and never once

Ramdas Charitra .

l a ’. Divak ar Cosavi or Divakarbh at l ook ed after Ramdas’ affai rs . H e

cam e from Mahabl eshwar,wh ere hi s descendan ts stil l l ive .


lent i ts rays to brighten the spectacle . On l eaving his throneth e King drove out to kil l th e K alpu ru sh a or god of death ;as h e did so, th e pole of his carriage broke . Sam bh aji ,

undismayed,h ad the pole mended and ended the coronation

to th e satisfaction of the nobles , by increasing the tain at sor official retinues of subh ed ar s, m u jum d ar s and S imilarofficers of h i s government . *

Th e first campaign of the new k ing was in his father ’sbest manner

.In May

,1 680, the emperor had sent for the

second time Khan Jehan

,formerly known as Bahadur

Khan Koka,as V i ceroy to the Deccan . So incompetent

h ad been his first tenure of office that he had in 1 6 72allowed Sh ivaji to extor t a ransom from Golconda

“

?Anxious to justify the emperor ’s indulgence, Khan Jehana ttacked Ah ivan t

,a fort in the Chandod range, taken by

Sh ivaji some m onth s before . He failed in the attempt .Th e lateness Of the season prevented further hostili ties,but Sam bh aji sent the Moghul general a challenge to meethim in the open field after the rains had abated . At theDasara festival

,early in October, 1 680, the Maratha horse

in th ree divisions moved out to make good the Marathasovereign ’s th r eat i On e division moved towards Surat,one into Kh andesh

,a third skirmished with the imperial

troops near Kh an Jehan ’s camp at Aurangabad . TheseOperations however were subordinate to Sam bh aji ’s designof celebrating h i s accession by the sack of a great Moghulci ty. Immediately after his coronation

,the King collected

th e th ree divi sions and set out as if to plunder the Berarprovince . Suddenly turning back

,h e l ed his troops by

forced marches to Burhanpur,th e capital of Kh andesh and

the wealthiest town in th e Deccan V i ceroyalty. In themiddle of February

,the Maratha horse were Vi sible

Ch itn is Bakhar.

TSee vol . 1,p . 2 37 .

I Sark ar’s Au ran gzib , vol . IV .

, p 244 .

§Khafi Kh an gives th e date as th e l 5th February . Mr . S irkar puts the dateearli er in th e en d of January . That

,however

,cl ash es with th e dateof th e coron ation .

SAMBHAJI’

S ACCESS I ON

on the Sky line to the sentries on the walls . The comm andant whose garri son numbered only 2 50, dared notface the Maratha army and withdrew into the citadel .There he gallantly resisted all attempts to scale i t . Butthe town ' and its ample suburbs of ‘ Bahadurpur andHasanpur lay a t the king’s mercy . So unexpected wasthe attack

,th at the merchants had no time to flee with

their j ewels and money . A vast booty fell into the handsof the Marath as

,who destroyed all that they could not

conveniently carry off. Pi cked runners had carried thenews of thi s disaster to Khan Jehan

,who hastened to the

relief of the plundered town . In twenty-four hours hecovered three days’ marches and so exhausted his forces

,

that h e was com pelled to rest i t at F ar d apu r , sixty-fourm i les from Burhanpur . Profi ting by his inactivity

,the

Maratha divisions retreated through Chopra to Sal h er .

The Maratha raid and the inefficiency of Khan Jehan ’ spursuit so enraged the citiz en s of Burhanpur

,tha t they

wrote to the emperor an account of th eir misfortunes andto emph asise i t they discontinued the mention of hi s namein their Friday prayers ; thus threatening to renouncetheir allegiance to a sovereign who did so littl e to protectthem. Au r an gz ib , deeply affected by the letter, recalledKh an Jehan and resolved to go in person to the Deccan .

The real cause,however , of thi s strange resolve must

be sought in Northern India . Raj a Jaswant S ing, the rulerof Jodhpur

,had during h i s life been one of the chief

pil lars of the Moghul throne . In 1 6 79 A . D . the emperorhad sent him with reinforcements to Kabul . Shortly afterreaching it

,the Raj a died . The Rajput nobles in hi s

train sent to the emperor word of the prince’ s death andasked leave to take hi s sons back to Marwar . In replyAu r an gz ib ordered that they should be sent to his court,where they would be suitably cared for . The Rajputnobles rightly guessed this order to mean that the boyswould be b r ou gt up a s Musulmans . Exasperated at theemperor ’s bigotry and ingratitude, they resolved to disobey


th e Moghul command .They substituted for the young

princes two boys of the same age and lef t them at Delhi .The real princes with their moth ers, disguised in men

’

s

clothes,they took to Rajputana and appealed for protection

to the honour of Mewar . Th e Rana of Udaipur had givena reluctant submission to the emperor Jahangir . Hi ssuccessor welcomed gladly a pretext to throw Off the yokeof th e hat ed Moghul ; and receiving the princes w ith al l

honour h e gave to the eldest, Aj it S ing, the hand of hi sdaughter . The emperor sent his son, Prince Az am Shah ,to invad e Rajputana and followed later with his son Akbar .The Rajputs shewed equal Skil l in battle and intrigue .They destroyed several Moghul battalions in the Ar aval ipasses and seduced prince Akbar

,Au r an gz ib

’s fourth an d

favourite son,by promising to place on h i s head the crown

of Delhi . The plot was foiled by the Skill and cunning of

the emperor,who contrived that a letter written by h im

to prince Akbar should fall into the hands of his Rajputallies . In it Au r an gz ib th anked the prince for havin g wonover the Rajputs and directed h im to crown his servi ce sby bringing th em to a Spot where they could bemown downby the cannon of both arm ies l

"

The Rajput chief believed the lying letter and desertedth e prince . Akbar, fleeing to the south with four hundredfollowers, made h i s way to Pal igad , twenty-five miles fromRaygad (May 28th There he appealed for help andfriendship to the Maratha k in g j‘ Sam bh aji welcomed th eroyal exile and announced that he would himself seat himon the imperial th rone . He gave him a residence nearDh od sa and called i t Pad sh apu r . Th e honours that h epaid him were remarkable . He sent his ch ief officers witha thousand gold mohurs

,by way of homage

,an d publicly

declared that he would always stand in the new emperor ’ spresence . Encouraged by their king

,the whole countrysid e

did th e exile reverence and by August 1 680 Akbar had inKhafi Khan1

“ See Appendix for Akbar ’s l etter to Sam bh aj i .

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10 A H I STORY OF TH E MARATHA PEOPLE

gave to th e Abyssinian fleet a ccess to their Bombay harbour,alth ough to Sam bh aji th ey professed neutrality . The S idish ad in Sh ivaji ’s time taken Un d h er i

" outside Bombay .

In May 1 68 1 a force of 200 Marathas had tried to retakethe island but were driven out with great loss . TheAbyssinian leaders were so elated at thi s success that theyplundered with perfect impartiality the lands of the Engli sh,Marath as and Portuguese alike . In December, 1 681 ,

Sam bh aji came to the Sh ore Opposite Janj ira with twentyth ousand men and a powerful siege train . His guns dailybattered down the eastern defences of Janj ira wh i le heh imself sought, as Alexander had done at Tyre, to build amole from th e mainland to the island . At the same time,one of his officers

,K on d aji Farz and, pretended to desert

to Janj ira with the intention of blowing up th e S idi s ’ magazine on th e day fixed by Sam bh aji for th e a ssault. Th e

Abyssinians believed K on d aji ’s tale and welcomed the fugitive . Emboldened by his welcome

,he bough t some women

with wh ose aid he hoped to corrupt th e garrison . Theseh e distributed among the chief officers of Janj ira . Um

happily for K on d aji , one of th e women had been at someformer time the mistress of the officer who now boughth er . He extracted from her th e story of Kon d aji ’s plot .It was discovered and stamped out with merciless rigour .Farzand was beheaded ; his accomplices were flung intothe sea and drowned .

On the failure of K on d aj i F ar zan d’s plot

,Sam bh aji

renewed his efforts to build the mole and gathered forth at purpose no less th an fifty th ousand workmen

.But

th e Abyssinians h eld th e command of the sea and hamperedthe work, just as the Tyrian ships had hampered the workof Alexander. Sam bh aji , moreover, had to leave the coastto face a Moghul force under Hussein Ali Khan

,that was

r avagm g the Northern Konkan . He drove the Moghulsback to Ahmadnagar, whence they had issued, but by th e

time h e h ad gained this success the monsoon of 1 682 hadSee Vol . I

, p . 289 .

SAMBHAJI’

S ACCE S SI ON 1 1

broken ; and the monsoon s eas destroyed the unfinish edmole . In August Dad aji Raghunath, whom Sam bh aji leftin command of the besiegers attempted to land on Janj ira .

Those who have seen the Arabian Sea in the height of themonsoon can estimate justly the boldness Of the attempt .It was pressed with the utmost daring. But the ragingsea broke in pieces many of the boats. Others weresunk by the Abyssinian fleet . Those that reached theShore were driven back by the garri son . The Marathaattack f ailed with a loss of two hundred men . Dad aji

Raghunath withdrew his army,but even so did not shake

Off his misfortunes. The triumphant Abyssinians raidedthe whole countryside and one nigh t entering Mahad

,a

village below Mah ab l e shwar,of which Dad aji Raghunath

was hereditary deshpande or revenue officer,carried off

his wife and family to Janjira .

After thi s disaster Sam bh aji realised that without thecommand of the sea

,he could not take Janj ira . The rest

Of August and all September he spent in collecting warship sand building others . About thi s time an Abyssinian namedS idi Misri

,a relative of S idi Samba]

,who with S idi Yakut

and S idi K hai r iyat had deposed from his command theAfghan Fatih Khan deserted to Sam bh aj1 .

* The k ingplaced him in command of the Maratha fleet ; but SinceS idi Mi e h ad been reduced for incompetence in Janj ira ,the choice was not a happy one . S idi Misri with thirtywarship s atta cked the Janjira fleet outsid e Bombay . TheJanjira vessel s only numbered fifteen

,but they were com

m an d ed by Yakut Khan, the most skilful Indian sailor ofhis time . The battle ended in a decisive vi ctory for theAbyssinians . Four Maratha warship s including S idi Mi sr i ’sflagsh ip were taken . S idi Misri himself, mortally woundedin the fight

,was landed in Bombay to die ; and the Maratha

king once more foiled in his efforts to take Janjira turnedhis attention to a new danger

,the recent alliance between

the Moghuls and the Portuguese .* See vol . I

, p . 23

12 A H I STORY OF THE MARATH A PEOPLE

APPENDIX I

(Letter of Ak bar to Sam bh aji given in Riyasat , vol . i . , p . 564)“ Ever sin ce hi s reign began it has been Au rangzib

’

s design to trampl e on th e

H indus . Th is was th e cause Of h is quarrel with the Rajputs . Al l m en are God’s0

ch il dren an d th e king is their protector I t is therefore not righ t for th e emperorto destroy them . Au rangzib

’

s wickedn ess has exceeded all boun ds and I am

certai n that,because of th e suffering h e has in fl icted on h is peopl e

,the domin ion

wil l pass from his h ands . Seeing that your coun try is far from th e emperor’scamp ,

I h ave resol ved to come to you . With me is the Rathn Durgad as . Freeyour mind from al l suspicion s about me . If by the mercy of th e Most H igh I winth e empire , I shal l be i ts mas ter in n ame on ly . The empire wil l reall y be yours .Together we shal l overthrow the emperor . What n eed to write overmuch to thewise ?”

APPENDIX I I

GENEOLOGI CAL TREE OF TH E CH ITN I S FAM I LY

Bal aj i Avaj i

Kh ando Bal l al N il o Bal lal

Bapuj l Govind rao Bahi raoMah ipati

Ram rao DevaraoTrim bak rao

Mal har

K h an d erao

Mal har

(Sard esai vol . p . 549 )

CHAPTER XXV

THE PORTUGUE SE WAR

A . D . 1683 TO 1684 .

A LONG friendship had united the viceroys of Goa andthe emperors of Delhi . Akbar, whose active mind soughtto gather into one faith the various truths contained inseveral

,invited to Fatehpur S ikri Portuguese priests and

li stened with interest to their preaching and to their contentions with the holy men of Islam . He shewed sti l lfurther his appreciation of the Portuguese by adding tohis zanana Maria Mascarenhas * and by building for her atFatehpur S ikri the house

,on which can still b e seen painted

the head and wings of the angel announcing to the Virginthe birth of the S aviour . It occurred to the resourcefulbrain of Au r an gzib that the Portuguese migh t be inducedto let him use Goa as a naval base for the conquest of theDeccan . The S idi s held the command of the sea and withGoa open to the Moghul transports

,the emperor would

have a second line of communication with the south . Inreturn for the use of their harbours

,the emperor offered

to let the Portuguese hold whatever they could conquerfrom the Marathas by their u naided arms . Th e Portuguesehad long dreaded the ri se of the Maratha power ; and notrealising that to allow the emperor to make Goa a navalbase was possibly to lose it for ever

,the Viceroy Francesco

de Tavora,Conde or Count of Alvor

,fooli shly agreed to

the emperor ’s proposal .

Um a Don a Portigueza n a corte do grao mogol . p . 41 . c i s eq. by J . A . I smaelGracias .

‘

I kn ow that th e l egend of Akbar ’s Portuguese wi fe was stren uouslyrefuted by the l ate Mr . Vin cen t Smith . Bu t with al l deferen ce to th at emin en twriter , I thi nk that Mr . Gracias ’ statemen t of th e case is con cl usive . The discu ssion

, h owever, of th is question is outside th e scope of th is work .


News of this alliance soon reached Sam bh aji . Thelatter had in January 1 683 bribed six Arab warsh ip s * toattack an E ast Indiaman, the “President ”, commanded byCaptain Hyde

.But th e “President ”, admirably sailed by

h er captain, sank th ree Arab ship s and beat off the others .Wh en th e Engli sh complained, Sam bh aji stoutly denied allknowledge of the incident

,and learning the plan s of Alvor

made peace with the English by granting them tradingprivileges in Jinj i . In June 1683 , Sam bh aji descended theGhats with thirty thousand men and laid S iege to thePortug uese fortress at Chaul . But both in a ttack anddefence Sam bh aji ’s engineers were far behind the Portugu ese . In the cold weath er the initi ative passed to theKing’s enemies ; and with twelve hundred Europeans andtwenty-five thousand natives

,Alvor ravaged the Maratha

territories near Goa . Unable to cope w i th the Portuguesewh en covered by th e guns of their fortress, Sam bh aji ,planned to lure them into the Open country

,where his

cavalry would be able to act with freedom . To attain thi send he sent agents into Goa . Th ey talked openly of a vaststore of treasure concealed by the Marathas in Phondafort, and expressed wonder at the Portuguese not attempting its capture . The V i ceroy fell into th e snare ; and witheigh t h undred Europeans and eight thousand Canaresesepoys he set out to storm Phonda . The garrison defendeditsel f vigorously

,but in ten days the Portuguese Si ege

train h ad battered to pieces i ts stone wall s . The assaultfixed two days later would certainly have carri ed all beforei t . At this point Sam bh aji appeared to raise the siege .He h ad fourteen thousand foot and eight thousand cavalry.

He soon cut Alvor ’

s communications with Goa and th e

viceroy ’s army had either to starve,surrender or retreat .

But to retreat in face of a Maratha army was to courtdi saster . His every step was h arassed by charges of horse

,

wh ile Maratha sharpsh ooters fired continuously from theh ill s at th e retiring enemy . Alvor left behind him hi s

* Orme, p . 1 54 .

TH E PORTUGUE SE WAR 15

baggage and his siege train ; and before h e reachedCum b ar im i sland he had lost two hundred Europeans anda thousand Indian sepoys . At Cu m b ar im the Goa garrisoncame out to cover hi s retreat and a number of boats conveyed his soldiers to safety . Sam bh aji

’s infantry likewise

got boats and followed ; but the Por tuguese knowing betterthe reaches of the Goa river

,rowed round the i sland and

cut Off and destroyed three thousand Marath as who hadestablished themselves on it . In thi s way th e Shatteredarmy of Alvor reached in safety the walls of Goa(September

Sam bh aji , however, was not disposed to leave Goa tobe the emperor ’ s naval base without a serious attempt totake it . On the advice of prince Akbar he first tried fraud .

The young Moghul had by this time grasped that it wasbeyond the power of the Maratha king to place him onthe throne of Delhi . He was, therefore, anxious to go bysea to Persia and take refuge at the Shah ’s court . For

th i s purpose he wished to build a Ship in the Goa dockyardsand asked for and obtained leave to send workmen to helpin the building. His plan was to send daily large bodiesof soldiers disguised as labourers and in this way to collecta strong force inside the city . The plot wa s discoveredby Man u cc i

,a Venetian adventurer who happened to be at

Goa * ; and the V iceroy frustrated it by insisting that everynight all th e prince ’s workmen Should leave the town andthat next morning the same number only Should return .

Akbar th en made a further attempt on Sam bh aji ’s behalf.He was a friend , so he wrote to Alvor, both of the Portugu ese and the Marathas, and before he left India he wishedto mediate between th em . Let him but enter Goa as arbitrator and he could soon smooth away every diffi culty tothe satisfaction both of the V iceroy and th e king. Alvorwas at first duped but he afterwards perceived the Mogh ul ’ sdesign . It was to enter Goa with a large escort, attack th egarri son and open the gates while the Marath as assaulted

S toria (l o Mogor, vol . I I , p . 262 .

1 6 A H I STORY OF TH E MARATH A PEOPLE

th e walls from with out . The V iceroy foiled this secondplot by insisting th at the prince ’s escort sh ould not exceedseven men

. Unable to succeed by fraud , Sam bh aji madevigorous effort to succeed by for ce . He overran th e provinces of Bardes and Salsette * and on the 2 5th November,1 683, took th e i sland of Santo E stavao. The 2 5th November was th e anniversary of Albuquerque ’s capture of Goaand th e population and most of the garri son were celeb r at in g i t in th e Goanese churches . At 10 p . m . Sam bh aji

sent across at low tide four thousand men . Taking thegarrison by surprise

,th e Marath as put them to the sword

and occupied th e i sland fortress . Next day th e V iceroytried to retake it

,but the Portuguese were d riven back

with h eavy loss . Several weeks passed in furious attack sby th e Marath as and desperat e resistance by the Portuguese .Th e forts of Rachol, Tivim,

and Chapora fell into Sam bh aji ’shands and th e town of Mar goa surrendered . At last i tseemed certain that th e Marath a arm y would force a wayth rough th at part of Goa known as the quarter of SaintJohn . Despair seiz ed the soul of the chivalrous Alvor .Death on th e field Of h onour had no terrors for a nobleof Portugal . But the fear of losing th is ancient possessionof h i s master ’s house weigh ed on him deeply and led h imto form a strange resolve . Instructing his officers to fightto th e last , he called together several monks and with thementered th e church of Bonn Gesu

,wherein lie in Splendid

state th e earth ly remains of Francis Xavier.Th i s famous man, the scion of a noble Spanish house,

was one of th e first seven disciples of Ignatius Loyala,the

founder of the Jesuits . At first ordered to conver t toChristianity the Musulmans of Palestine

,Xavier was

afterwards chosen by Loyala to be the head of the missionsent by John I I I . of Portugal to convert the east . From1 542 to 1547 he preached in southern India and the SpiceIslands and then left for Japan . Death overtook him in1 552 wh en about to attempt the conversion of Ch ina. H i s

Th is is differen t from th e isl an d of Sal sette to th e n orth of Bombay.



the Maratha commandant . Shah Alam was to harry th esouth .

Directly the Si ege of Goa began , the Viceroy sentMan u cc i to call to his aid the Moghul fleet, that wascruising Off V en gor l a . The Moghul admiral who hadstrict orders to prevent Akb ar ’

s flight by sea would n ot

leave his post,but he seems to have sent word to Shah

Alam of the danger in which Goa stood .

Shah Alam had in the m eantime crossed the Krishnaand entered the Belgaum district . He had stormed Shahpur

’

a little fort close to Belgaum, and Sam pgaon , a towneigh teen miles south-east of Belgaum . It was here thatthe prince seems to have received the message of theMoghul admiral . At once he led his troops through theRamghat Pass

,twenty-six miles west of Belgaum ; and

overcoming a Maratha force sent against him by Sam bh aji ,then struggling furiously to take Goa

,hi s army poured

into Savantvadi and hastened by forced marches to therelief of Alvor . It was the vanguard of thi s army thatthe despairing Portuguese saw on the sky line . It must

,

however,be admitted that th e Portuguese were soon almost

as frightened of their heaven-sent allies a s they had b eenof the Marathas . Th e Moghul commander wished to bringhis fleet into th e Goa harbour

,while his army camped

inside the walls . But on the advice of Manu cc i who,as

Shah Al am’s doctor, had had a long experience of hi s

patient ’s * character, th e V i ceroy refused the Moghul fleet

*Orme’s fragmen ts , p . 17 1 an d Storia de Mogor, vol . I L ,

p . 2 73 . As th e n amesof Au ran gzib

’s son s and daugh ters are con fusing

,I shal l give their nam es bel ow

1 . Mah omed Sul tan . H e deserted to Shuja during the war ofsuccession— Jun e 1 659 He was thereafter imprison ed un tilhi s death on 3rd December

,16 7 6 .

2 . Mah omed Muazzim or Shah Al am, af te rwards th e emperor

Bah adur Shah .

3 . Mahomed Azam or Azam Shah,kil l ed in battl e again st Shah

Al am .

4 . Mahomed Akbar Comm on l y known as Akbar .5 . Mah omed K am Baksh . Comm on ly cal l ed Kam Bak sh . K il l ed

in battl e again st Shah Alam .

S on s .

THE PORTUGUE SE WAR 1 9

admission ; and by firing on their leading galliots forcedthem to flee into the river Nerul to the north of the ci ty .

Shah Alam revenged himself by plundering Bardes andother Portuguese villages and by carrying Off their womenand children .

From Goa Shah Alam marched on V en gor l a where heburnt a ship belonging to prince Akbar and sacked th e

town for having sheltered it . From the surroundingdistricts he gathered in the cattle

,reaped the standing

corn and burnt the villages . In this way he soon ate upthe Konkan and then reali sed the folly of his quarrel withthe Portuguese . The viceroy no longer allowed the Moghulfoodstuffs to use his harbours . The river Bardes whereinthey were forced to discharge had no facili ties ; and harassedby the Maratha horse

,the victorious army was soon on

the verge of starvation . Shah Alam broke hi s camp andbegan to retreat a long the Konkan shore . His realdiffi culties now began . Sam bh aji

’s troops were amply

supplied from the grain stores in his forts,very few of

which Shah Alam had taken . Shah Al am ’

s army had noresources whatever . A pestilence broke out among thestarving Musulmans and took a daily toll of five hundredmen and of unnumbered horses

,elephants and camels .

The prince sent a messenger to Au r an gz ib imploring help .

The emperor sent to hi s relief Ru hu l l a Khan, the imperi alpaymaster

,with part of the army at first entrusted by

him to Azam Shah . After the capture of Salh er thatprince had in vain tried to take the Maratha fort Ram sejor Rama ’s couch . It i s on a hill near Nasik, and the divineRama is supposed to have sometimes slep t on it, when

1 . Zebunn issa . Sh e h elped Akbar in hi s rebel l ion an d was

impri son ed un til h er death in 1 702 .

2 . Zin atu nn issa. Sh e succeeded her aun t Jabanara as h ead ofAu rangzib

’s seragl io and to th e titl e of Begam Sah ib . I t is

Daug h ters ° n

she who befriended the youth ful Shah u .

3 . Meh runnissa . Married .

4 . Zabdatunn issa .

5 . Bad r unn i ssa . Died unmarried , aged on ly 22 .


living with S ita on the banks of th e Godavari . After thisfai lure

,Azam Sh ah had retired to the imperial headquarters .

At the same time as the emperor sent a force by land, hesent by sea from Surat a fleet of foodstuffs to relieve hisson ’s immediate wants . Unhappily for th e Moghuls thefood- Sh ip s fell into Maratha hands . The troops, however,under Ruh u l l a Kh an successfully reach ed their goal*. On

th e 18th May, 1 684, the remnants of Shah Al am’

S armyfound th e welcome Shelter of the walls of Ahmadnagar .In spite of Shah Al am ’

s retreat, his own failure to takeGoa seems to h ave weighed h eavily on the Maratha King’smind . S ince the discovery of th e Sh irk e plot, he distrustedh i s Maratha officers, with th e single exception of hiscavalry commander

,Ham b ir r ao Mohite, a blunt and gallant

sold ier,whose nature somewhat resembled his own . Un

willing,in view of his great services to Sh ivaji , to dismiss

Moro Pingle from the post of Peshwa, he yet would notgive him eith er power or responsibili ty. These he gave infull measure to a certain Kalash a

,by caste a K an oja or

Kanauj Brahman . He was a member of an Obscure clanwho near Allah abad lived ' on the offerings of certainDeccan families . These employed as priests the membersof K al ash a’

s caste,whenever they made pilgrimages to

Allahabad or Benares . Among the clients of K al ash a ’s

family were the Bh osl es and Kalash a seems to have beenprivy to Sh ivaji ’s escape from Agra and to have beenintimate with Sam bh aji , whil e the latter remained behindat Mathura . With the charming manners of NorthernIndia he won a great influence over the young prince

,

which lasted until hi s death . Shortly after Sam bh aji b ecame king, he made Kalasha his chief executive officerwith the t i tles of Kavi Kalash a or of Kalasha the poet andCh an d agom atyafi

‘ But K al ash aj i admirably suave and

*H istory of Au rangzib , p . 294 vol . IV

j‘ Th e meani ng of this word is doubtful

,but probabl y it mean s “ l earn ed in

the Vedas .”

I Th e correct H indi spel li ng of this word is Kal ash a (or jar) .

THE PORTUGUE SE WAR 2 1

courteous towards his mas ter, was arrogant towards hi s

Maratha colleagues and subordinates and crassly stupidabout questions of Deccan administration . He was stil lless competent to manage the royal possessions in SouthernIndia . He tried to hide his incapacity by blaming thediffuseness of the officia l reports and gave out publiclythat the king’ s power would increase if he abandoned allSh ivaji

’s distant conquests . He used to tell Sam bh aji th at

a k ingdom Should be like the j ewel in a ring,at all times

wholly visible to i ts owner ’s eye . The Marathas, who hatedKalasha both as a fool and a foreigner

,believed that he

retained his influence over Sam bh aji by charms and magicand by hideous rites in which the blood of cows andbuffaloes flowed abundantly . It seems, however, probablethat the minister kept and increased his power by themethods commonly used in India by those who wish tosubj ect a prince to their will . He plied Sam bh aji withwine

,bhang and opium ; an d

,a s Cardinal Dubois did for

the Regent Orleans,he procured for him an endless suc

cession of pretty and lascivious women . But whatever theSecret of K al ash a’

s domination,i t wa s disastrous to the

Maratha state . The finances fell into di sorder. Sh ivaji’

s

treasure was exhausted ; and unable to pay his troops,Sam bh aji gave them leave to plunder at will, thus relaxingthe iron discipline by which Sh ivaji had made his armiesformidable . The result wa s seen in the successes presentlygained by the Moghu l commanders .

CHAPTER XXVI

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSIVETHE CONQUEST OF BIJAPUR

A . D . 1684 To 1686

D I R ECTLY the rains of 1 684 had abated , the Moghul arm ie sbegan to move . Shahabuddin Khan , the father of Nizam u l

Mulk,of whom much will be read hereafter, advanced with

a great force to take Raygad . He was burning to achievedistinction

,for he had been involved in Azam Sh ah ’s failure

t o take Ram sej. That stronghold had been most gallantlydefended

.The Moghuls in vain built lofty towers from which

to command the interior of the fortress . The commandant,wh ose name unhappily has not survived , built hi s wallsstill higher and repelled every assault . When his cannonwore out he fired leather missiles from the trunks ofhollowed-out trees ; and when th ese failed h im he droveback the storming parties with Showers of stones

,burning

grass,and Ol d quilts steeped in naphtha and set on fire .

Shahabuddin Khan was rel ieved by Khan Jeb an , but neithers cience nor patience coul d overcome the dauntless courageof the besieged . At last, baffled by the garri son withinan d harassed without by Ham b ir r ao Moh i te

’

s cavalry,

Khan Jeb an withdrew his force . Before retiring he burntShahabuddin Kh an ’s wooden towers amid the mockery ofthe Marathas, who begged of him not to run away, but toh ide under the ashes of h i s own ed ifices .* The siege ofRam sej raised , Ham b ir r ao Mohite made a countermove .At Path d i , some forty miles south-east of Poona

,were the

emperor ’s elephant stables . Mohite detached a body ofMarath a cavalry who swooped down on P ath d i , killed the

Scott’s Deccan ; Sarkar, vol . IV .,p . 29 8 .

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSIVE 2 3

garrison,and drove off the entire herd of elephants. Khan

Jeh an ,grasping the importance of their recovery rode night

and day after the raiders and in the end recovered all,

or nearly all,the missing elephants .

On hi s way to Raygad Shahabuddin Khan took andg arri soned‘ Chakan and Supa in the Poona district and thend escended into the Konkan . A large Maratha force meth im at Pach ad at th e foot of Raygad

,but in that hilly

tract their cavalry had no room to deploy . They weres everely beaten and w i th the loss of their guns and equipment retreated into th e fort . Raygad itself was impregnable ;and the Moghul general after magnifying his victory inhis despatches to th e emperor, rai sed the Siege . As areward for his success at Pach ad he was given the titlesof Ghazi -u d -din ( the Apostle of th e Faith) and F iroz Jang( th e sapphire of battle) .In February

, 1685 , Sam bh aj i to retaliate sent a body oft en thousand cavalry to plunder Khandesh under Ni lojiPandit. This force sacked Dh ar am gaon '

t and ravaged then eighbourhood ; but in its absence Shah Alam moved southand took one after the other Gokak

,Hubli

,Dharwar and

Karwar . In turn Sam bh aji detached fifteen thousandhorse to harass Shah Al am ’

s movement . This duty theydid so skilfully that once more Shah Alam had to retreatw i th the loss of h alf hi s army . The forts , however, thathe had taken remained in the hands of Moghul garrisons .Believing that he had for the moment inflicted sufficient

losses on the Marathas,and confident from the report s

that reached him that Sam bh aji , if left to himself, wouldabandon himself to drink and women

,the emperor applied

himself to the darling proj ect of his life,namely

,the

conquest of Bij apur and Golconda . On e of the last featsof th e great king was to force Diler Khan to raise theS iege of Bij apur . Since then there had been no active

Scott’s Deccan .

TSark ar , vol . IV .

,p . 301 .


h ostilities between Au r an gzib and Masaud Kh an, the Bij apurregent

.Indeed

,both the emperor and his daugh ter-in -l aw

,

Sh ah r Banu, the w ife of Azam Sh ah, known to th e Marathasas Padshah Begam,

had in 1681 appealed to the Bij apurgeneral

,Sar za Khan, to join in a combined crusade against

Sam bh aji . But th e Adil Sh ah i government knew well th atthe destruction of Sam bh aji would be followed by theirown ; and instead of sending help to Au r an gz ib secretlysent every man wh om th ey could spare to the Marath aking’s aid . To pun i sh Bij apur, Au r an gz i b had twice sentAzam Sh ah to raid its northern territories . But it wasnot until th e 1 s t April, 1 685 , that the Offensive againstBijapur began . The difficulties f aced by the invadingarmy were three—fold . Th e Adil Sh ah i king, S ikandarShah

,h ad t aken over th e government himself

,and Masaud

Khan,th e former regent, had retired to Adon i, where he

hoped to establish an independent state . Rid of thi sworth less man

,S ikandar faced the Moghul invasion with

calm courage . * He asked for and obtained promises of helpfrom Golconda

,where the wise Mad ann a Pant was stil l

first minister,and from Sam bh aji . On the i 4th August

,

1 685,a Golconda force under Am b aji Pandit reach ed Bij apur

and from December,1685

,Ham b ir r ao Moh i te

,with a body

of Marath a horse,began to hara ss the Mogh ul communi

cations with th e north . In October, 1 685 , another body ofMaratha cavalry

,imitating Sh ivaji ’s raid on Surat, appeared

suddenly before Broach . Thi s historic city, known to th eGreek mariners of Egypt as Bar u gaza, was one of the mostancient ports of India . Its name is derived from two

words, Bh r i gu and Kaccha . Kaccha means field, and Bh r iguKacch a means the field of Bh r i gu , the name of the mightyrishi, or seer, wh o owned it . On one occasion

,so it i s ‘

related, th e rishis of India , doubtful which one of the H indutriad they should honour most

,sent Bh r igu to visi t in p er son

*He sen t a spirited l etter to A u rangzib deman ding th e evacuation of hi scoun try an d th e return of th e tri bute pai d by h im . On those terms h e said h ewoul d join th e emperor again st th e Marathas . See extract of h is l etter in Appendix .


2 6 A H I STORY OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE

But th e fear th at his brother, Sh ah Alam, might pay himback the cutting j ests

,that he had himself made about

Shah Al am’s disasters, made the prince cling to his post .

Au r an gzib , approving h i s son ’s conduct, determined toopen up h i s son ’s communication s. He himself was atSholapur and had no provisions to Spare . But he orderedSh ah abuddin Kh an

,hereafter known as F iroz Jang, to set

ou t from Ahmadnagar with twenty thousand bul lock-loadsof grain . Th e Bij apur government guessed rightly thatth e fate of their city depended on the failure or success ofFiroz Jang. Sar za Khan ,

and Abdur Raf,with eight

th ousand h orse,threw th emselves with the utmost valour

on Firoz Jan g’s convoy . For some time the fate of the

relieving force hung in th e balance . But F iroz Jan g roseto th e height of h i s recent honours. Th rough his generalShip and th e stimulating presence of Jani Begam ,

one ofAzam Shah ’s wives

,who from the back of an elephant,

ch eered on her h usband ’s succours,the convoy reached in

safety the headquarters of the besieging army .

* Fromth i s moment th e tide turned ; and no longer anxious abouthis son ’s safety, Au r an gzib was able to dam the stream ofreinforcements that Mad ann a Pant was sending fromGolconda .

Against the Ku tb Shah i king the imperial governmenthad valid grounds of complaint. He had helped Sh ivajiin h i s great southern campaign . Alth ough warned by theemperor of th e consequences of such conduct

,Abu Hussein

had continued to send to Bij apur troops,equipment and

supplies . But it was ch aracteristic of Au r an gz ib that headvanced a wh olly different ground . He sent one Mirz aMah omed to demand two giant diamonds, which , so theemp eror asserted, lay hidden among the Ku tb Shahitreasures . With exquisite courtesy Abu Hussein assured .

th e envoy th at had he possessed such gems,he would long

ago have sent th em as a gift to his suzerain . Foiled inthis attempt to pick a quarrel

,Au r an gz ib Sent with out

Khafi Khan an d Scott’s Deccan .

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN SIVE 2 7

furth er pretence Khan Jehan and Shah Alam with largearmies to punish Abu Hussein for the aid given by h im toBij apur . Abu Hussein sent Ibrahim Khan with fortythousand men to oppose the Moghul advance . * IbrahimKhan was an officer of high reputation and had th e fullconfidence of Abu Hussein and Mad an n a Pant . He made adaring attempt to overwhelm Khan Jehan before Sh ahAlam could send him help . He manoeuvred so skilfullyth at he at last i sol ated a body of ten thousand men underKhan Jehan

,and with his entire army attacked it in front ,

fl ank and rear . Khan Jehan extricated himself by hisown skill and courage . He killed in S ingle combat one ofth e enemy ’s leadin g officers . Thereafter he determined tocut his way through the ever narrowing circle of theGolconda troops . In front he put an elephant belongingto Raj a Ram S ing

,the son of Jai Sing and Sh ivaji ’s com

panion a t Agra . In the eleph ant ’s trunk its mahout put aheavy iron chain . The sagacious beast used the chainwith such terrible effect against the Golconda horsementhat he forced in their ranks a gap

,through which Kh an

Jeh an and most of his men succeeded in escaping. (March

Khan Jehan celebrated his escape a s if i t had been avictory

,and sent a glowing account of i t to the emperor .

But Au r an gzib was too Skilled a soldier to be deceived ;and h e reprimanded for their inactivity both the generaland th e prince . They became more Slothful than ever andwere soon besieged in their own camp and exposed to th erocket fire of the Kuth Shah i general . But other forceswere working in favour of the emperor. Ibrah im Khanand many other Musulman officers of Abu Hussein regardedwith envy the favour s conferred on Mad an n a Pant and onhis broth er Ak an n a Pant . Indeed, i t would seem that withthe avarice of in creasing years th ey appropriated to themselves large sums from the state coffers j

‘ Ibrah im Khan*Khafi Khan .

“

j"

Orme,p . 186 .

28 A H ISTORY OF TH E MARATHA PEOPLE

in h i s h atred of th e Brahman broth ers, li stened readily toproposals made to him by Moghul emissaries . Alth oughmaster of th e field he withdrew his troops and allowedKh an Jeh an and h i s army unmolested to leave their camp ,and to occupy th e fortress of Malkh ed, th e chief bulwark ofth e Golconda state . Justly indignant, Abu Hussein recalledIbrah im Kh an to stand h i s trial . Ibrahim Kh an retaliatedby Openly deserting to Khan Jehan with th e larger part ofthe king’s army . Rustum Rao, Mad ann a Pant ’s nephew

,

was appointed to th e ch ief command and rapidly restoreddiscipline . But Abu Hussein ’s mind had been SO affectedby Ibrahim Khan’s t reachery th at one night in June heabandoned Haidarabad

,wh ich h e had made his capital

,and

fled to Golconda fort . The flight of the king led to a tumultin th e city . Th e army retreated and fell back on Golcondain disorder. First the crim inal classes and then the imperia ltroops plundered Haidarabad and subj ected th e inhabitant sof both sexes to every kind of barbarity and outrage .Mad an n a Pant tried in vain to restore Abu Hussein ’s courage .But the king’s only thought was to make peace withAu r an gz ib . On reaching Haidarabad

, Sh ah Alam did hisbest to quell th e disorder

,and to th at prince came the

envoys of th e trembling monarch . Shah Alam h ad no wishto be over harsh to a Musulman sovereign . S till more hefeared h i s father ’s j ealousy

,if h e took a fortress that had

once defied Au r an gz ib ’

s own arms. He imposed a fine oftwelve million rupees and required the cession of Malkhedand th e surrounding districts . Mad an n a Pant and Ak an n aPant were to be imprisoned and Abu Hussein was publiclyto ask of Au r an gz ib forgiveness for any Offence which theimperial fancy might fasten on him. Th ese di sgracefulterms were eagerly accepted . In silver chains Abu Husseinappeared in his oppressor’s camp

,and prostrating himself

in the dust, implored and obtained pardon for numerouscrimes, very few of wh i ch he h ad com m i tted j

‘ In regard

‘

l‘

Orme,p . 188 .

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSIVE 29

to Mad an n a Pant , Ak an n a Pant and th eir neph ew, a z ananaintrigue forestal led the imperial wish es . Some women inAbu Hussein ’s harem sent to their houses a band of assassinsand all three fell stabbed by the murderers ’ knives . Th eirh eads were sent w ith many compliments to th e prince ’ scamp . By treating with some leniency Abu Hussein, ShahAlam escaped th e j ealousy of the emperor . Neverth elesshe incurred the censure of the commander- in - ch ief .Au r an gz ib sent for both Sh ah Alam and Khan Jehan andreprimanded th em for not completing the conquest of thekingdom . (OctoberThe left flank of the imperial army was now sa fe from

the attacks of Golconda . Sam bh aji’s inactivi ty secured the

safety of the emperor ’s right flank . Au r an gz ib , therefore,could con centrate his energies on th e reduction of Bij apur .

It took some months for Sh ah Alam to extort from thewretched Abu Hussein the large indemnity wh ich he hadagreed to pay . But in June 1 686 all th at could be squeezedout of Golconda h ad been paid into th e emperor ’s treasuryand the Moghul army of occupation

,now under the sole

command of Shah Alam,j oined Au r an gz ib ’

s camp outsideBij apur . But th e prince was in no h umour to workcordially either with his fath er or his brother Az am Sh ah .

The censures of the former and th e gibes of th e latterrankled deeply

,and in order to ch eat them of the glory of

conquest Sh ah Alam Opened secret negotiations with theAdil Shahi king Sikandar . The prince ’s envoy was oneShah Kuli . Sik an d ar

’

s envoy was one Sayad Alam . ButSh ah Kuli was fond of forbidden liquor and in hi s cupsboasted that shortly his arts would reduce Bij apur . Hiswords were soon reported to Ru h u l l a Khan

,the head of

the military police,who repeated th em to Au r an gz ib . Sh ah

Kuli was arrested . Under torture h e named h i s accomplicesand among them the prince . Shah Alam repudiated th e

ch arge,and as even th e emperor could hardly order th e

torture of a prince of the blood,the emperor released

,but

Kh an Jeh an h ad been disgraced .


entirely ceased to trust him . S ikandar Shah next tried anappeal to the emperor ’s religious feelings and sent his bestth eologians to convince Au r an gz ib that to fight against atrue believer was opposed to the teachings of Islam . ButAu r an gzib

’s religion was always under th e control of his

politi cal ambitions and h e skilfully retaliated by chargingS ikandar with his alliance with the infidel Marathas. IfS ikandar would join h im in a crusade against Sam bh aji ,Au r an gz ib would at once rai se th e siege of Bij apur.S ikandar knew th at even so he would not save h i s kingdomand hoped against h ope th at Sam bh aji would, as Sh ivajihad done before

,lead a Maratha army to h i s rescue . He,

therefore,continued th e defence with unabated vigour .

Th e chief obstacle to th e besiegers was n ow the moatround th e city . It was deep and full of water ; and inevery direction it was guarded by flanking towers . Theemperor ’s aim was to fill i t up with earth , but so deadlywas th e musketry fire from th e walls th at no labourerscould be hired for the duty . At last by offering a goldcoin for a Single basket of earth he was able to proceedwith th e work . But earth was not the only material used .

Dead cattle,h orses and men were hurled into th e moat ;

and many an unfortunate labourer who had earned a fewgold coins was robbed of his gains and thrown in alive byhis broth er workmen .

* At last the perseverance of theemperor and the skill of hi s engineers caused S ikandarSh ah to despair . His garrison n ow numbered only ah andful . In September h e opened negoti ations withAu r an gzib and on the i 2 th September, 1686, j‘ the famouscity surrendered . Au r an gz ib entered it in triumph and atfirst affected to treat Sikandar Sh ah w i th liberality . Butin later years the deposed king must often have regrettedthat h e h ad not trusted to the ch ances of war

,desperate

though they were, rather th an to the generosity of h is* Sarkar, vol . IV .

,p. 322 .

j' Thi s is the date given by Mr. Sarkar . Khafi Kh an gives October as the

mon th of the surrender .

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN SIVE 3 1

conqueror . Instead of the high office promised him byAu r angz ib , he was given a dungeon in th e fortress ofDaulatabad . After some years he was released and draggedabout from place to place

,a pri soner in th e camp of th e

emperor . In 1 700 A. D . ,wh en only 32

,he died during th e

siege of Satara fort . Th e tide h ad th en begun to turn andthe failure of the Moghul offensive was imminent . It wastherefore not unfitting that then

,too

,Au r an gzib sh ould

l ose th e pleasure h e derived from the sorrows of his captive .

32 H I STORY OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE

AP PENDIX

EXTRACT FROM S IKANDAR ADIL SHAH ’

S LETTER TO AURANGZI B

You shoul d h and over to me according to an cien t practice the territory of th eMoreed Zad up (Son of a spiri tual pupil ) wh ich formed th e jagh ir of Sarja Khanan d Mangal vedha and Sangol a, etc .

,wh ich are n ow in th e possession of Nawab

Um dat u l Mul k . I f th e imperi al forces an d those of the n obl es an d mi n isters quitmy territory

,it wil l remove th e misfortun es th at fol l ow a mil itary occupation an d

th e peopl e of my vill ages wil l be happy . I f I be favoured with th e mon ey whi chh as been l evied from the servan ts of the exal ted court, I sh al l be abl e to pay mysepoys and accompl ish the object Of the expedition again st th e sin ful in fidel

(Sam bhaj i ) .

(Th is l etter was discovered in 1848 by Sir Bartl e Frere then Residen t ofSatara .)



In spite of his treaty with Abu Hussein and the latter ’sreal efforts to keep it

,Au r an gzib had no sooner conquered

Bij apur than he determined to conquer Golconda . He

called a council of war,ostensibly to consider in which

direction the imperial armies should move . Shah Alam,

who had signed the treaty with Abu Hussein, proposed th ereduction of Sam bh aji . Kam Baksh, however, Au r an gzib

’

s

youngest son,acting on h i s fath er’ s instructions proposed

the immediate conquest of Golconda . Shah Alam protestedthat such a course would be a stain on his own honour

,

and added th at the loss of a son ’s honour involved the lossof h i s father ’ s . But the word ‘honour ’ had no meaning forAu r an gzib The protest

,delivered in a spirited tone

,

roused the emperor’ s anger . He publicly reprimanded th eprince and threatened him with lifelong imprisonment .Sh ah Alam wisely kept his temper, but his son Mu azu d d indrew his sword " and was with difficulty restrained byShah Alam from killing his grandfath er. “Let us not

,

said Shah Alam,

“set a pernicious example to posterity .

Th e emperor, with a magnanimous air, affected to overlookthe young prince’s conduct

,but h i s acts presently sh ewed

that,as was h i s wont

,he had nursed and brooded over th e

insult . To th ose present in th e Council he declared thath i s work in the Deccan was over, that his treaty withGolconda forbade its conquest and th at he would at oncer eturn to Delhi . To give colour to th i s story, he sent offersof peace to Sam bh aji , who gladly consented to' a treatythat would leave him free to enjoy strong drink and th e

society of pretty women .

But the emperor’s intention was still to reduce AbuHussein to th e same state as S ikandar Sh ah

,and he

concealed it merely to surprise the king. He began tomarch northwards as if to Delh i ; on his way, so he wrot eto Abu Hussein

,he wished to do h omage to th e tomb of

Sayad Mahomed Gisu,a famous saint of Gulbarga

,and

asked leave to visit it . Abu Hussein begged th e emperorKh afi Khan .

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN S IVE 35

to do so,and sent him gold moh urs to distribute

in charity. The emperor accepted the money,worsh ipped

at th e saint ’s shrine until hi s army h ad occupied a numberof strategic points

,and th en repaid Abu Hussein’s gift by

march ing with all speed on his capital . His pretext wasthe balance of th e tribute which Abu Hussein still owed .

The unhappy king did hi s best to avert disaster by raisingin his city a forced loan . Th e amount so collected still fellshort of h i s debt to th e imperial exch equer . He imploredthe emperor ’ s envoy

,Sadat Kh an

,to intercede for h im

,and

s tripping himself and his wives of their j ewels beggedSadat Kh an to send them to Au r an gzib . The envoy did so ;and the emperor ’ s debt h aving been paid in full

,he was

forced to invent a new pretext for his continued aggr ess I On .

He wrote a long letter of reproach * to Abu Hussein inwhich he repeated h i s ch arge of alliance with infidel s andadded to it ch arges of drunkenness

,debauchery and injustice .

To none of Au r an gz ib ’

s warnings had Abu Hussein paidheed .

“ In th e insolence of intoxication and worthlessness,

wrote the emperor,

“you have h ad no regard for the infamyof your deeds and you h ave displayed no hope of salvationeither in th i s world or th e next”. After reading thishypocritical missive

,Abu Hussein ’s spirit rose to th e same

height as in th e campaign of 16 7 7,when h e defeated the

combined armies of Delh i and Bij apur . He withdrew in toth e fort of Golconda

,and fortifying it with all Speed and

care sent fifty thousand men to delay as long as possiblethe emp 'eror ’ s advance . But Ibrahim Khan

,wh ose treachery

h ad in the last war p roved fatal to his master, commandedth e Moghul vanguard . A traitor h imself

,he succeeded in

corrupting many of the Musulman officers In th e armyopposed to h im . Nevertheless, Abdur Razzak , th e K u tb

Sh ah i commander-in—ch ief,delayed th e investment until

the end of January, 168 7 , and then with drew into th e

fortress to join th e garrison . Th e emperor tried to takei t by a sudden assault . But the leader of th e storming

* Khafi Khan,p . 325 . E l l iott and Dawson

, vol . V I I .


party,Kulich Kh an

,F iroz Jan g ’

s fath er, and grandfath erof Nizam u l Mulk

,was killed by a cannon ball , and the

assault failed . Both S ides now prepared for a long siege,and Firoz Jang was placed at the h ead of the besieging army.

Th e pride of Shah Alam had been deeply hurt by th eemperor ’s disregard of th e treaty, and wh ile under th e

walls of Golconda,h i s feelings led him to enter into

separate negotiations with Abu Hussein . The king pliedthe prince with presents in th e hope of securing h i s intercession

,and invited h im to a personal interview within th e

fortress. Shah Alam accepted th e invitation ; but before

h e could act on i t , news of i t reach ed th e emperor ’ s ears .Next morning wh en Sh ah Alam and h i s two eldest sonsMu azzu d d in and Mah om ed Azim,

attended the daily durbarth e emperor asked th em in th e kindest tones to go into anadjoining room to confer on matters of state with two ofh i s general s. Not suspecting treachery, the princes compliedand were at once arrested . The prisoners were treatedwith the utmost severity

,and for S ix month s were not

allowed even to dress th eir hair . Gradually their imprisonment grew less h arsh , but it was not until seven years hadpassed th at Au r an gz ib released Shah Alam from confinement .Sh ah Al am ’

s arrest in no way discouraged Sikandar Sh ah .

Th e soul of h i s defence was the gallant Abdur Razz ak .

Au r an gz ib , accustomed easily to corrupt th e chiefs ofopposing armies

,offered him almost regal h onours if he

would betray h i s master . But Abdur Razzak called to himthe leading soldiers of th e army, read out in th eir presenceth e emperor ’ s letter

,and by way of answer tore i t to pieces

on one of th e bastions of Golconda . S ikandar Shah hadaccumulated vast stores of food and ammuniti on . Th e

Golconda springs were abundant and perennial . Outsidefamine raged ; for Sam bh aji , seeing th at th e emperor ’s peacewas merely a device to gain time

,sent Marath a h orse to

cut off th e imperial supplies .Th e emperor decided to fill in the moat as h e h ad done

a t Bij apur, and after purifying h imself,sewed the seams

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVE 3 7

of the first cotton bag to be filled with earth and th rowninto the moat . In spi te of the fire from th e walls

,the

Mogh uls filled it in and tried to build on it a mound highenough to overlook the city . On the mound they intendedto pla ce h eavy guns and looked forward to a speedysurrender . But increased fire from th e walls hindered th eerection of the mound . And the besiegers ’ losses and theprevailing famine depressed dangerously their spirit . Theemperor recalled Azam Sh ah from northern India

,and

Ru h u l l a Kh an from Bij apur, and bade them come at oncewith all available troops and supplies . Th ey obeyed th ecommand but the reinforcements ate up th e supplies whichth ey brought . In May, therefore, F iroz Jang attempted anight surprise . He collected scaling ladders and ropesand h i s attempt all but succeeded . A few men h ad reachedthe top when a pariah dog barked at th em and gave thealarm . The garrison rush ed to th e spot , th rew down th eladders

,killed th ose who had mounted by them and drove

off the rest of the storming party by musket fire,from th e

walls . Th e next day Abu Hussein visited the spot andth anked the defenders . For the pariah dog he reservedspecial honours . He gave it a gold collar

,a gold chain

and a gold coat . He created it a noble of Golconda andkept it thereafter as his constant companionNext day th e garri son counterattacked . At Abdur

Razzak’

s orders a picked force sallied from the fortress,

carried th e mound,blew i t up and destroyed both its

garrison and th e artillery to be mounted on it . With indomitable perseverance

,Au r an gz ib had th e mound rebuilt

and fresh cannon made ready for it . But n ow anotherally came to the aid of the besieged . In th e middle ofJune th e monsoon broke and th ree days’ h eavy rain washeddown the half finished work and flooded the trenches .Once again Abdur Razzak led out h i s men

,and either

killed or made captive every soldier inside them. Amongth e prisoners was Sar b ar ah Khan

,one of Au r an gzib ’

s most* Khaf i Kh an .


trusted officers . Abu Hussein received kindly the veteranMogh ul

,and shewing him h i s vast stores of food and

ammunition,tried to convince him how hopeless was the

siege . He then sent him back to the emperor with a letterin wh ich he deplored the mutual slaughter of the faithful

,

and offered to pay as tribute ten million rupees as well a sa present of ten million rupees for each attempt thatAu r an gzib had made to storm the fortress . If the emperorpreferred it h e would proovision th e besieging army, so as tofacilitate its re tirement . Au r an gz ib angrily refused tocross th e golden bridge . He sent back a message that hewould never pardon Abu Hussein until he had seen himstand in front of him with clasped hands. Exasperatedat h i s failure to raise batteries to command th e fortress

,

Au r an gz ib decided to undermine its walls. To the skill ofth e engineers th e emperor added h i s own cunning. Hedrew up h i s army as if to assault a spot where th ree mineshad been dug under the walls . By this device he wishedto draw there a large number of the garrison and blowth em up together with the fortifi cations. But AbdurRazzak

’s skill was superior to th at of the imperial engineers .

Countermining,h e discovered the mines and wetted the gu n

powder on the side of th e fortress. The result was thatwh en the mines were fired only one ignited . It blew outwards and h armless to the garrison

,killed a number of

th e besiegers . The garrison instantly sallied out and inth e confusion inflicted h eavy loss on th eir enemies. Thebesiegers h ad no sooner driven back th e sallying partyth an the second mine exploded unexpectedly

,and proved

also far more fatal to the Mogh uls than to th e fortress.The emperor resolved once again to build the mound

and raise on it h eavy batteri es . But ill-fortune attendedh is every enterprise . On the completion of the mound and theerection of the batteries

,he ordered a general assault . But

a violent storm broke and in a few minutes turned th e

countryside into a sea of mud . In th e water-logged groundth e Moghul battalions could neith er advance nor retire

,

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVE 39

a n d fell in heaps under th e fire of the fortress . At lastAbdur Razzak sallying out, cut th em to pieces, spiked theirguns and blew up their earthworks; He removed at leisureth e beams and bags of earth used in building the moundan d employed them successfully to repair such damage asth e explosion of the mines h ad caused to the walls . Amongthe wounded was Firoz Jang

,the commander of the b e

s ieging army.

Disgusted at his repeated failure the emperor againhad recourse to treachery. He made further overtures toAbdur Razz ak

,but received the reply that Abdur Razz ak

would figh t to th e death like th e gallant men, wh o diedround the prophet’ s grandson at K arb el a . An Afgh annamed Abdulla Khan received Au r an gz ib ’

s proposal s morefavourably . On the 2 7 th September

,Abdulla Kh an

Opened th e gate over wh i ch he held command . TheMogh uls p assed through and overpowered the surprisedgarri son . But the lofty soul of Abdur Razz ak refused toaccept defeat . With only a doz en fol l owers he th rew himself on the Moghul army . His followers were soon cutdown . But Abdur Razzak ’

s swordsmanship was a s u n

rivalled as h i s courage . Leaving behind him a lane ofd ead and dying

,h e cut h i s way through a thousand enemies ;

and with the blood streaming from seventy wounds hestrove to reach the upper citadel

,wherein h e h oped to

organise a fresh defence . But the dauntless Spirit thathad triumphed over ill-fortune

,pain

,nay even death i tself

,

c ould no longer sustain th e body ’s failing strength . He

swayed in his saddle,then reeled and fell under a cocoanut

tree in th e garden of the citadel . Two days later he wasfound and carried to the house of Ru h u l l a Khan

,who

c h ivalrously cared for the fallen leader . In course of timeAbdur Razzak recovered and

,although at first he refused

,

e ventually accepted high Office in the imperial army.

Abu Hussein met calamity with the same spirit withw hich he h ad borne th e siege . On hearing of Abdulla

Orme , p . 14 .


Kh an ’s treachery, he went to his zanana and there tookleave of his wives and asked their par don for any offencesthat he might inadvertently have committed . Th en goingto the great room wh ere he had for many years h eld royalstate

,he seated himself on h i s throne and with unmoved

face awaited th e coming of th e Moghul leaders . As th eydelayed

,he sent for and ate his evening meal . When

Rph u l l a Kh an, the first Moghul captain to enter th e palacearrived

,h e greeted h im with exquisite urbanity . When

Azim Sh ah came he threw round his neck the ri ch pearlnecklace that he himself was wearing . E scorted toAu r an gzib

’

s presence,so h igh was his bearing th at he ex

tor ted from th e conqueror civility, if not humanity. LikeS ikandar Shah

,Abu Hussein passed from a throne to a

dungeon in Daulatabad . His treasures were valued atnearly seven millions sterling in coin alone . His j ewelsprobably amounted to another million "

. Of this sum onelakh only was diverted from th e imperial treasury . BeforeAbu Hussein was sent to Daulatabad

,he spent an evening

listening to the imperial band . So pleased was he at theskill of the bandsmen that h e said with a sigh that had h estill been a king

,he would have divided among them a

hundred thousand rupees . The words were repeated toAu r an gzib and he at once ordered the sum in question tobe paid to the fortunate m u si cian s j

'

The siege of Golconda,lasting as it did for eigh t months ,

caused to th e imperialists vast losses both in men andmaterial . Nor was there any real corresponding gain .

The cost of th e siege far exceeded the treasures found inthe fort. Th e rich country round Golconda had been soplundered th at it was no longer cultivated and it paid toDelhi very little of what it had formerly paid to th e

K u tb sh ah i kings. It is true th at the prestige acquired bythe conquest both of Bij apur and Golconda was immense ,and th e state maintained at thi s time by Au r an gzib was

Khafi Khan .

1" Chi tn is Bakh ar .


CHAPTER XXVIII

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSIVETHE CAPTURE OF SAMBHAJI

A . D . 1 687 TO 1689

THE closing years of Sam bh aji ’s life have long perplexedh istorians . For some months he would neglect hi s duties

,

suffer his armies to disperse,and his horses and elephants

to die,for want of food

,wh ile h e Shut himself up in some

fort or palace . Then he would once more appear at theh ead of his army and defeat th e Mogh ul forces whereverhe met th em. The key to the riddle i s th i s . Two opposingfactions were ceaselessly struggling to obtain an influenceover the king’s mind . On the one Side was Kalash a with h i sband of panders and harlots

,trying to reduce the k ing

to the imbecile inertness wh ich suited their purpose . On

the oth er side were Sh ivaji’s old comrades

,who were

str ivrn g to rouse th e noble and manly feelings not yetextinguished in Sam bh aji ’s heart . Sometimes one faction,sometimes the oth er faction gained the victory

,and the

varying fortunes of th e struggle were seen in the changingconduct of th e king.

E arly in Sam bh aji ’s reign a remarkable incident occurred .

In 1 681 Ragh u n athp an t Hanm an te,the governor of Jinj i

,

and of Sh ivaji ’s south ern conquests, arrived in state to payh i s respects to the n ew king.

* With h im came fiveth ousand cavalry and ten thousand infantry and a train of

*Ch itn i s Bakh ar. Gran t Duff (vol . I . p . 2 63 ) writes that af ter the Durbarthe king rel eased Moro Pingl e and Jan ardanpan t But Moro Pingl e had beenrel eas ed at the coronation . Since Janardanpan t was , accordi ng to th e Chi tn isBakhar presen t at th e banquet, h e h ad probabl y been rel eas ed at the same time .According to Mr . Sard esa i (Riyasat, vol . I , p . 5 80) More Pingle died in thi s year.

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN SIVE 43

carts and eleph ants that carried between th irty and fortylakh s in gold coins, th e surplus income of his province.

Sam bh aji received him in a specially prepared camp onthe bank s of the Bi rwad i river, and graciously accepted aninvitation to a banquet . In return th e k in g

‘

h el d a receptionin Ragh u n athpan t ’s honour, and invited to it the viceroy ’sbrother

,Jan ar d anpan t , th e unlucky commander of th e

force that had invested Panhala . Among the other guestswere Nilo Pingle

,the Peshwa ’s son , Ham b ir r ao Mohite the

cavalry commander-in -chief,Netoji Palk ar and Umaji Pant .

After th e k ing had thanked Raghu n ath pan t for his careof the distant province

,th e latter rose to reply . But

instead of the usual ceremonial words,Hanm an te recited

a formidable li st of grievances against the new administration .

“Why,asked th e daring viceroy

,

“was the kingdom

shrinking daily ? Why was th e S idi still unsubdued ?Why were the peasants discontented ? Why were Brahmansbeheaded and not imprisoned ? Why were not Sam bh aji ’senemies won over rather than executed ? Why was th eadministration not in the king’s hands instead of those ofKalasha ? ” Sam bh aji bore th e viceroy ’s rebuke with outwardcalmness

,and merely protested th at th e l abour and cost of

the administration had grown since h i s father ’s death . Buthe deeply resented wh at h e deemed Hanm an te

’

s breach ofetiquette

,and Kalasha did not fail to fan his resentment .

H anm an te saw th at it was no longer safe for him to remainat court . In a private interview he warned the kingagainst the coming Moghul invasion

,and begged him to

meet i t by an offensive and defensive alliance with Bij apurand Golconda . But his advice was treated with contempt ;and a few days later h e asked for and obtained leave toreturn to Jinj i . On th e way he fell ill and died . Neverth e l ess

,the courage and sincerity of the viceroy were not

lost on the king ; and the Maratha nobles added to thestrictures of Hanm an te their own respectful counsel . Totheir advice were no doubt due th e vigour and activi ty0 Sam bh aji

’

s early years.


But Sam bh aj i had to fight an enemy from which h i s

fath er had been free,namely

, th e treason of his own

officers . I have already mentioned the great plot of th eSh ir k e s . But the intrigues of Au r an gz ib and the intensedislike fel t by the Marath as for Kalasha were th e cause ofmany fresh conspiracies . Sal h er and even Ram sej, gallantlydefended th ough it had been against Firoz Jang and Kh anJehan

,fell in the end by treach ery . In November,

two th ousand of Sam bh aji ’s cavalry tried to desert to theMoghuls . They obtained leave to bathe in the Godavari

,

the holy river th at runs past Nasik . Th ey intended toloi ter there until they could conveniently j oin th e Moghularmy. But Sam bh aji received information of th eir designand turning back

,massacred th em to a man . Such treachery,

instead of furthering the Marath a cause,only led the king

to rely more and more on th e smooth-tongued Kalash a .

But the obvious peri l which threatened th e state on thefall of Bij apur and the siege of Golconda roused th e kingand enabled for th e time H am b ir r ao Mohite to overcomethe evi l influence of the alien minister . In

,

the precedingchapter I have mentioned the atta cks of th e Maratha h orseon the army investin g Golconda . But they were neverpressed h ome ; for th e true Maratha policy was to prolongand not raise the siege . By lengthening the arduouscampaign the Marathas would gain for th emselves freedomto overrun th e southern provinces of Bij apur and therebyincrease in size and in resources th e sanctuary whichSh ivaji

’s genius had made ready for h i s people .

In 1 68 7 Harj i Mah ad ik was viceroy of th e Marathapossessions in the south and south-east . To Harj i Mah ad ik

Sh ivaji had given in marriage Am b ik ab ai , h i s daughter byhis first wife Saibai

,and Sam bh aji ’s full sister . After the great

southern campaign Harj i Mah ad ik was made governor ofthe fort of Jinj i . On Ragh u n ath pan t H anm an te

’s death

Sam bh aj i raised Harj i Mah ad ik to the post of viceroy ofthe south . Vyank oji , Sh ivaji

’s half brother and Raj a of

‘ Orme,p . 1 80 .

0 El llchpu r

Dh arampur

Dam e.Chand vad

"Na

Dand a

Mah abBe d ar

IbargaoGo lc ond a

‘Haldarabad

Kr i shn a

Be l la r l C oo lA nkol

Su n d ae nor e

Ch l ia ld u rg Ope n u k on d anae d n u r‘

GALORE‘onJeve ram

Oo scotla

Cann an o r e My sor eI. s t 00 0 4 O

Q U I IO

MAP OF SOUTHERN INDIA

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN S I VE 45

Tanjore h ad on Sh ivaji ’s death repudiated the suzeraintyof the Maratha king and as Sikandar Sh ah ’s vassal hadsent forces to aid h im during the siege Of Bij apur . Notonly that

,but he and his son Shahaj i had added several of

Sh ivaji’s conquests to the S tate of Tanjore . To safeguard

his possessions in southern India and above a l l the greatfort of Jinj i

,Sam b h aji in June 1687 sent to reinforce Harj i

Mah ad ik a body of twelve thousand h orse under the command of K esh av Pingle. Moro Pingle ’s broth er, and aMarath a Officer named San taji Gh orp ad e . The latter wasa distant connexion of th e Gh orp ad e wh ose treachery toSh ah aj i was so terribly avenged by Sh ah aji ’s son . Mudholwas th e fief of th at branch of the Gh orp ad es . Anotherbranch had establi shed themselves at Kapshi and Mh al ojiGh orpad e of Kapsh i was the contemporary and friend ofSh ivaji wh om h e outlived for nine years . He died inSam bh aji

’

s defence as captain of his guards . Mh aloji leftth ree sons

,San taji , Bah ir ji and Maloji , and all three served

in the armies of the great king. San taji and Bah ir ji wondistinction by taking Colar

,Gaj endragad and other strong

places in the Carnatic . As their reward they receivedGajendragad in fief. Kalash a had insinuated to Sam bh ajithat Harj i Mah ad ik wish ed to make himself independent .Sam b h aji , therefore, advised K esh av Pingle and San taji

Gh orpad e to arrest Harj i Mah ad ik and seiz e and hold Jinj iin the king’s name . Harj i Mah ad ik harboured no disloyalfeelings towards one, who was at once his brother- in -l awand master . But his agents at court had warned h im ofth e royal intention and he naturally regarded w i th d i sliketh e commanders sent to reinforce him . Instead of co

operating with them cordially,h e spent several weeks in

strengthening h i s hold over Jinj i fortress . The emperorwh o had learnt alike of the despatch of the troops and ofthe dissensions between the Marath a leaders

,sent a force to

attack Bangalore,stil l in Maratha hands . Th e strai ts to

wh ich Bangalore was soon reduced led Harj i Mah ad ik andK esh av Pingle to forget th eir j ealousies and march to it s


relief. But in August, 1687 , i t fell before the relievingarmy reached it . Harji Mah ad ik retired to Jinj i and sentK esh av Pingle and San taji Gh orpad e with eighteen thousandhorse to invade Mysore .After the battle of ‘Tal ik ot in 1564 an d the subsequent

break -up of the Vij ayanagar kingdom the viceroy ofMysore had made himself an independent ruler, and hadrecently grown greatly in power . Harji Mah ad ik

’s design

was to reduce Mysore to a Maratha possession while theMoghuls were still engaged in the siege of Golconda . Butbefore he could achieve anything the military S ituationentirely changed . The fal l of the beleagu ered fortresshad freed the Moghul army to conquer southern India .

Nor was the emperor slow to profit by his success . Six

thousand Moghul horse under Asad Khan seized the countryfrom Masulipatam to the Palar river . The Golcondaviceroy at Cu d d apa on the north P enn ar river at onceaccepted service under the conqueror. Nor were th e Hindugovernors of Can jever am and Pu n am al i less ready tosecure their posts by ch anging sides. Th e latter

,indeed

,

justified his conduct by a picturesque illustration .

“Th e

world”,he said

,

“was constantly turning on its axis andaltering the side which i t presented to the sun . It was,therefore

,not strange that an inhabitant of the world

should follow so excellent an example .

” The Moghul successes produced among th e Maratha leaders quarrel s anddespondency . Harj i Mah ad ik recalled K esh av Pingle andordered him to invade the countries on the eastern coastbetween the North P en n ar and the Palar rivers and todrive out th e Moghul garrisons and parti sans . K esh av

Pin gle refused to obey Harj i Mah ad ik’

s orders . So Mah ad ik

with great daring sent instead,a part of the Jinj i garrison .

Th e governor of Pu n am al i true to his principle, once morerevolved on his axis and owned Sam bh aji as his suzerain .

The rest of the province followed suit and the SmallMarath a force without difficulty collected th e revenues ofPu n am al i

,Arcot and Can jever am .


48 A H I STORY OF TH E MARATH A PEOPLE

robbing and torturing th e unfortunate peasantry . WhileAu r an gzib th us neutralised the Mara tha successes in thesouth -east

,h e d i d not overlook the advantages of carrying

war into the enemy ’ s country. In December 1 687 he sentSarj a Khan , a B i j apur officer, who had joined th e Moghuls,to recover the western provinces of Bij apur . At firstsuccessful

,Sarj a Kh an recovered the Open country and

penetrated the Krishna valley as far a s Wai . Th ere hi sarmy met th e fa t e th at had befallen Afzu l Khan ’s . Ham b ir r ao

Mohite sent by Sam bh aji to Oppose Sarj a Kh an drew himinto th e den se forests round Mah ab l eshw ar and after afierce struggle gained a deci sive victory . But severe a sthe disaster was to the Moghul s, the victorious Marathassuffered an even greater loss . Among those slain in thebattle of Wa i was the gallant H am b i r r ao Mohite . Thewarworn cavalry leader added to skilful generalsh ip anintimate knowled ge of the Deccan and Konkan hill s . On

the battle -fi eld th e sound of the veteran ’s voice was worthfifty squadrons . In the counci l chamber he alone venturedto beard th e infamous Kalasha or recal l to his master afitting sense of h i s exalted dutie s . Had H am b ir r ao l ived ,i t i s probable that with hi s hold firmly establi shed onJinj i and with t h e resources of much Of southern India a this command

,Sam bh aji would have repelled th e Moghul

offensive . Bu t on Hamb i r r ao Moh i te’s death Kalasha

became al l powerful and Sam bh aj i became more and morea slave to profligacy and intemperance ; and the effects ofthe king’s vice and sloth were soon V i sible in the disastersof hi s armies .The Mogh ul troops recovered the Bijapur and Golconda

provinces recently occupied by th e Marathas, includingPu n am al i

, of which th e volatil e governor, completing hisrevolutions, adhered finally to the Moghul cause . At thesame time Au r an gz i b ’

s armies issuing from their headquarters at Bij apur swept th rough th e Maratha Deccanand reduced Sh ivaji

’s line of fortresses between Tath avd a

an d Panhala . It i s interesting to note that in this campaign

THE GR EAT MOGHUL OFFEN S IVE 49

an outburst of bubonic plague caused severe loss to theimperial arm yf

‘ It had been imported from Ahm adabadand Surat, but i t disappeared when the emperor moved hiscamp from Bij apur to Ak luj in the Sholapur d i strict .Au r an gz ib resolved to take one after the other the Marathastrongholds above the Sah yad r i s . Nevertheless so long asSam bh aji remained at Raygad the emperor ’s successescould not be decisive . Th at was the heart of the Marathakingdom . Therein lay Sh ivaji ’s treasures, his trophies andh i s reli cs . It was there th at the Maratha leaders gatheredto worship the d eparted hero . SO long as the Marathasovereign dwelt a t Raygad the Maratha Spiri t would liveand th e embers of Maratha independence burn u n extin g

u i sh ed . Raygad , if properly defended, was impregnable .The giant crag rising out of th e Konkan to a height ofnearly four thousand feet defied alike the Moghul engineersand the imperial artillery . But in the rainy season theclimate of Raygad is unpleasant . The monsoon burstsover i t with exceptional violence and from June to September its summit i s veiled in fog and mist . TO Kalashaborn and bred in the Gangetic valley

,i t s climate was

peculiarly repellent . He therefore induced Sam bh aji inthe summer of 1688 to exchange the shelter of Raygad forthe comforts of San gam e shwar pj

‘ a small township twentymiles north of Vishalgad and twenty-two miles north -ea stof Ratnagiri . It i s built at the ‘

Sangam ’ or junction of theAl ak n an d a and Varuna rivers and as the name implies

,i s

sacred to th e god Shiva . There Kalasha had built himselfa palace surrounded by beautiful gardens and for th e

summer months he placed it at the king’s di sposal . Thefamily mansion of the Sar d esais § was offered him for therainy season . Trusting to the forests that lay betweenSangameshwar and the Moghul forces, Sam bh aji passed

Khafi Khan .

j Pl ace n ames ending in ‘eshwar ’ impl y that the spot is sacred to the god

Sh iva .

88ce app en dix .


th e mon soon of 1688 in an orgy of every kind of in tem perance. Nor would any evi l result have ensued

,had h e

amended hi s ways when the rains died down . But theminister, unwilling to return to Raygad, artfully detainedh is master by the constant addition of new beauties to h i sz enan a . At last he induced Sam bh aji to seiz e the comelybride of a Maratha noble on the way to j oin her husband?“Thereafter i t i s probable that he persuaded his master tolinger on at Sangameshw ar u ntil the storm raised by h i sact had abated. However thi s m ay be, the ill-fated kinginstead of returning in September to his impregnablestronghold lingered on in Sangameshwar until the lastdays of December 1 688 . This delay proved his ruin .

Among th e nobles who, during the siege of Golcon dadeserted k ing Abu Hussein was Shaikh Niz am Haid ar ab ad i .§As a soldier he had a high reputation and as the rewardof his treachery

,he received the command of five thousand

horse . His son I k l as Khan was made a commander of fourthousand . In the cold weather of 1 688 father and son weresent by Au r an gz ib to besiege Panhala . Another force underFiroz Jang was sent to take the fortresses round Raygad andafter isolating that fortress

,to reduce it by famine . But

Shaikh Niz am was an enterprising soldier and hearingreports of Sam bh aji ’s inactivity at Sangame shwar, he conc e ived the daring plan of seizing the king in his own

chosen hiding place . He first s ecured hillmen who knewthe paths through the wild forest s that surround it. Thenstarting from Kolhapur with his son I k l as Khan, h i s

nephews and two or three thousand horsemen,he rode at

full speed for Sangameshwar. Where the paths were toosteep for the horses

,their riders alighted

,but they rested

only so long as was needed to save their animal s fromexhaustion . Behind the raiding party followed at a morel ei surely pace, two thousand horse and a thousand trained

*Orme,p . 107 .

§ Khafi Kh an an d Scott’s Deccan . H is other n ame was Makan ah Khan not

Tuk um'

b Khan as given by Gran t Duff.

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN SIVE 5 1

infantry . They were Shaikh Nizam’s supports in case thescheme failed . It wa s impossible that so large a forceshould entirely escape notice

,and on the morning of the

28th December scouts brought to the k ing word that abody of Moghul horse were approaching at ful l gallop .

But Sam bh aji was S leeping Off the previous night ’s debauchand referred him to Kalasha .

“Kala sha i s a magician,

said the drunken king,

“and he wil l by his magic destroyour enemies.” The scouts tried in vain to make the kingreali se his danger ; but Sam bh aji losing all patience drovethem from his room

,threatening to cut off their noses

,if

they told him any more wild tales of Moghul horsemen .

The scouts went to the officers of the king’ s guard . Theysaw Shaikh Nizam only a mile or so away and imploredthe king to d ress

,promising him th at they would cut a way

for him to the shelter of Raygad . But nothing couldrouse Sam bh aji from his drunken stupor . Little tim e wasnow left ; for the Moghul squadrons were circling roundthe V i llage or galloping at breakneck pace through thestreets to the palace . Some Maratha offi cers

,despairing

of their k ing,took flight and succeeded in reaching Raygad .

Others faithful unto death remained by their master .*

When Shaikh Nizam saw fugitives leaving Sangameshwar,

he sent on I k l as Khan and his fastest troops with a letterin which he offered to enter into negotiations with th ek ing. By thi s ruse Shaikh Nizam hoped to detain Sam bh ajiuntil he could arrive with the main body. But no ru sewas needed . The king slumbered on

,heedless alike of

war or peace . Ik l as Khan presented his letter to thesentries ; but learning that the king was still inside thepalace

,he forced hi s way in . Such guards a s resisted

were at once cut down . Kalasha shewed unsuspectedcourage . He fought until an arrow pierced his right arm,

when he fell to the ground . Sam bh aji whom his attendantshad forced to mount his horse

,immedi ately dismounted

*Am ong th ose who died figh ting for Sam bhaj i was MbaIOJI Ghorpad e , th e

captai n of hi s guards an d fath er of San taji Ghorpad e .


and carried Kalasha to a li ttle temple of Sh iva attached tothe palace . There the king , as his father h ad done a t

Mathura , tried to escape in th e gu i se of a Shivaite ascetic .The priests had the king’s hair and beard rapidly shavedand smeared him wi th ashes . There was

,however

,no

time for th e king to conceal hi s ornaments ; and whenIk l as Khan saw on thi s strange asceti c a pearl necklace

,

he at once seiz ed hi s person . On Shaikh Niz am’s arrivalSam bh aji admitted his identity. He was put in chainsand when th e supports arrived he was seated on anelephant alongside of Shaikh Nizam . Other elephantscarried Kalash a and the remaining prisoners taken by theraiders and the victorious procession started for theemperor ’s camp . (28th December

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN S IVE 53

APPENDIX

The date of Sam bh ajr’s capture is a con troversial question and has been very

ably discussed by Mr. Pand u rang Narsing Patwardhan . Gran t Dq h as n ot giventhe date of Sambh ajr

’s capture , but he h as given as the date of h is execution th e

beginn ing of August 1689 . Gran t Duff, h owever, did not arrive at th is d ate byindepen den t enquiry . He fol l owed Orme . In N ote l xxviii to h is “H istoricalfragmen ts of th e Moghu l Empire ” Orme has given h is reason s . A l etter wri ttenby the Governmen t of Madras to th e Compan y at home

,dated th e 20th Jul y, 1 6 89 ,

makes no men tion of Sam bh aji’s death . But th e abstract of a l etter dated Augu st

2 7th con tai n s th e fol l owing .

Have n ews from the Moors’ camp, th eir forces had surprized Sambhaji ,brough t him prison er to th e Moghu l : was moun ted on a camel

,h is eves put out

and beh eaded ; his quarters dispersed as a traitor.”

I f twen ty days be al l owed for the coming of th e n ews Sam bh aji must havebeen taken at th e en d of Jun e or the beginn in g of July . I f it be assumed thatth e Madras Governmen t did not at on ce w rite to th e Company on receiving th en ews

,Sam bh aji was probably executed towards th e en d of July or the beginning

of Aug ust . With al l respect to that emin en t h istorian,h is reason ing , abl e though

it be,is more or l ess in th e n ature of surmi se . Again st it we have the date of

Sam bhajr’s capture given by the Mai sur-i -Al am giri as th e 28th December ( see

footn ote to p . 3 12,vol . I I S toria do Mogor) Th is date finds support in th e cl imate

of San gameshwar . Th e coun try round Vishalgad woul d in Augus t be impossibl eto caval ry Th e rain fal l in August is extremel y h eavy and the forest path s are

raging torren ts . The king,th erefore

,must h ave been captured some tim e in the

col d weath er. Mr. Sarkar (vol . LV .,p . 40 1 ) fin d s

'

th at h e was captured as l ate asthe en d of January, 16 89 . Th e real date appears to h ave been 28 th December1 6 89 . (See Burgess , p .

The residen ce of Sam bh aji in the h ouse of th e Sar d esai s is establi sh ed by th el etter 289 of vol . 20 of Mr . Rajwad e

’s col l ection . I t is a l etter written by on e of

the Sard esai s,th e fam i ly who owned th e V il l age of San gameshwar an d th e h ouse

wh ere Sambhaji was l ater. Long af ter th e occurren ce a question ar ose wh eth er thehouse was th eir private property or state property

,an d in th is l etter Sard esai

cl aimed that the h ouse was h i s The l etter con tai n s th is importan t passage :“ Our man sion at Sangam eshwar is an h ereditary p roperty H is Highn ess th e

l ate Sam bh aji of bl essed memory , wh en h arassed by th e Moghu l s and misl ed byK abji (Kal asha) wen t to Sangameshwar. H is H ighn ess pas sed the summer of Shake1 6 10 n ear our man sion , th en th e rainy season passed. Af terwards th ere was a greatdisturban ce everywh ere . Seeing th at our man sion was a Spacious buil ding H isH ighn ess, after con sul ting us, occupied it . Two and a hal f m on th s late r ShaikhN izam , subedar of the Moghu l s , seized h im

CHAPTER XXIX

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENSIV E

DEATH OF SAMBHAJI AND REGENCY OF RAJARAMA . D . 1689

AS soon as he found lei sure, Shaikh Niz am sent a formaldespatch to Au r an gzib , inform inghim of his brilli ant featof arms. But the news had already been conveyed bynews writers to the imperial camp . Everywhere there wasimmense rej oicing. The regular troops looked forward toa speedy peace an d a trium phant return to the capital .The Rajput contingents h oped

lth at they would soon see

again the wild plains of Jod hpu r or those gloomy fastnessesin the Ar aval l i s from wh ich chief after chief of Udaipurhad defied successfully th e Moghul arms . The nobles ofBij apur and Golconda

,n ow officers In the imperial service

looked forward to the enjoyment of the fiefs a cquired bytheir recent treachery . The wretched peasantry hopedthat after years of warfare they would for a time

,at any

rate,get a breathing space in which to repair the havoc

cau sed by the contending armies. Durin g the five daysthat i t took Shaikh Niz am to go from Sangameshwar toAkluj the countryside hardly S lept at all

,SO busy were

they celebrating the success and getting ready a welcomefor the hero who had achieved i t . Nor was the emperorniggardly in the bestowal of honours . He sent to a pointfour miles from Ak luj a large body of troops to escort in

Khafi Kh an . Akl uj is on th e n orth of th e river N ira . Gran t Duff write sthat the emperor had by thi s time moved to Tal apur. Scott’s Deccan givesBahad u rgad . Th e Maratha ch ron icl ers do not give the pl ace wh ere th e emperorfirst saw Sam bh aji . Th ey men tion Tul apu r as th e pl ace of execution . I th inkthat K haf i Kh an is righ t an d that Akl u j was th e spot to wh ich Sam bh aji was

first taken . Th e emperor shortl y afterwards moved to Tu l apu r .


THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVE 5 5

triumph the general and his pri soners . AS the processionneared the c amp , i t passed through densely crowded lan esan d s treets, while a vast multitude of both sexes gazedfrom the roofs on the spectacle of successful daring andfallen maj esty.

The events of th e last few days had sobered the kin g ;and free from the fumes of wine and the evi l influence ofKalasha

,he recovered the courage with which nature had

abundantly endowed h im. With undaunted brow hereturned the gaze of the spectators and met their gibesan d j eers with scornful indifference . Once or twice hebegged the Rajput soldiers whom he passed to ki l l himand so spare him further humiliation . But though theypitied deeply Sam bh aji ’s condition, they yet feared moredeeply stil l the wrath of the inexorable emperor . Au r an gz ib

had summoned a durbar and into the assembly room fi lledwith the captains of Delhi and the nobles of Raj asthan

,

Sam b h aji and Kalasha were brought . As they entered,

Au r angz ib descended from his throne and humbly bowedhi s head

,to shew his gratitude to the Almighty. Kala sha

p rofited by the occasion to display a wit and courage,th at half redeemed his honour . His hands were so tightlybound that he could not stir them . H i s head was sofastened that he could not move i t . Nevertheless hesucceeded in catching his master ’s eye and quoted to hima Hindi couplet of which the meaning was a s follows :

“0 Raj a , at the sight of thee King Alamgir ( the officia ltitle of Au r an gzib ) cannot keep hi s seat, but has perforced escended from it to do thee honour. ”The emperor had not a s yet determined the fate of h is

captives . He ordered their removal to pri son and turnedto the more pleasing task of rewarding their captors . Hegave Shaikh Nizam the titles of Khan Jaman ( the chief ofthe time) and Fateh Jang ( the victorious in battle) . Hebestowed on him an immediate gr ant of Rs. and ahorse and an elephant from the imperial s tables ; and heraised his command from one of five thousand to one of


six thou sand horse . I k l as Khan was promoted from acomman d of four thou sand to one of five thousand

,and

al l Shaikh N izam’s nephews who had taken part in th e

expedition received rewards. For some weeks after theDurbar th e emperor discussed the S i tuation with his leadingadvi sers. They pres sed Au r an gzib to spare Sam bh aji ’sl ife, on condition that he ordered his officers to surrenderthe fortresses stil l held by the Marathas. At first Au r an gzibseems to have inclined to thi s merciful course

,foreign

though i t was to his nature . But Sam bh aji steadily refusedto accept these shameful terms . With a courage u n

surpassed by hi s father, he told the imperial messengersthat he did not trust th e emperor ’s word and thateven were i t kept, he for his part preferred death tolifelong captivity . At last

,weary of their importunity,

he broke out into passionate abuse both of the emperorand of the prophet whom he revered . When his speechwas reported to Au r an gz ib , the emperor gladly made itan excuse to rej ec t the humane suggestions of his nobl es .He moved his camp to Tu l apu r , a town s ixteen milesnorth -east of Poona, built near the spot where the I n d ryan iriver flows into the Bhima . It was at one time known asNan gargaon bu t was changed by Shahaj i , Sh ivaji

’s father,

to Tu l apu r‘

; or the place of weighing. On e day, so thestory runs

,Shahaj i wished to weigh an elephant belonging

to his friend,Murar Jagdev, the minister of Bij apur. * The

latter had made a vow to distribute in charity the weightin silver Of his riding elephan t . In vain the learned menof the Adil Shahi court racked their brains to devise apair of scales strong enough to bear the animal . Sh ah aji

’

s

in genious mind solved the problem. He put th e elephantin a flat bottomed boat on the In d ryan i river . Markingthe waterl ine on the boat he had the beast removed an d

the boat fi lled with stones,until i t again san k to th e

former waterline . Lastly removing the stones he weighed

* See vol . 1 , p . 143 and Wil kes’ Mysore, vol . p . 156 .

V

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVE O 7

them and thus correctly, if l aboriously , a scertained theweight of Murar Jagd ev ’

s elephant .The emperor resolved to make Tu l apu r memorable to

the Maratha people by a spectacle far more terrible thanthe weighing of an elephant . He had Sam bh aji and h i sfavourit e Kalasha dressed in the garb of wanderinganchorites . In their hands they carried rattles and on

th eir heads were caps sewn with bells . They were thentied on camels with their faces to the tail . In this guisethey were led in triumph through the market place ofTu l apu r . After he had feasted his eyes on the degradationof his enemy

,the emperor sent Sam bh aji a m essage that

even yet he would spare hi s life if he accepted Islam .

Sam bh aji , fearless to the last, met in sult with insult . Hereplied scornfully that if the emperor gave him in marriagehis daughter

,he would turn Musulman

,but not otherwise .

To this reply he added several words in praise of the godShiva and in foul scorn of Mahomed . On learningSam bh aji

’

s answer, Au r angzib determined to give full reinto his vindictive temper. He had Sam bh aji brought b eneath his throne and there ordered hi s tongue to be cutout a s a punishment for his blasphemy . His eyes weregouged out of their sockets by the court surgeon . Hisheart was torn out

,hi s l imbs separated from his body and

all save his head thrown as food to the village dogs ofTu l apu r .

* After Sam bh aji , Kala sha and the other prisonerswere tortured to death . Finally the heads of the k ingand his minister were stuffed with straw and paraded bybeat of drum in all the chief citie s of th e Deccan . ( 1 1 thMarch

So died at the age of 32 the eldest son of Sh ivaji . Th e

misfortunes of hi s reign are chiefly to b e traced to hisown treason to his father . But for that the great k ingwould never have been estranged from him. Nor wouldSoyar abai and her Sh irk e kinsmen have dared to plot

Orm c : th e Shedgavkar Bak har ; Khafi K han .

TBurgess gives the date as 14th Mar ch 16 89 .


his supersession by Raj aram . Their s edition led him totrust Kalasha rather than his own subj ects and in the endenslaved him to a lewd and scheming priest . Marathachroniclers have painted Sam bh aji as a monster of iniquity .

But the king was not that ; and in other circumstances hisc areer might h ave been very different . Alth ough he spentmost of h i s l ife campaigning, he was by no means aversef rom study . He employed a learned man called K esh avPandit Ad hyak sh , a friend of the great king, to read with himValmiki ’s celebrated epic the Ram ayan . As a reward, h egave K esh av in 1 684 A. D. sixteen h undred small silvercoins known as ladis . The king was moreover no meanversifier. He is known to have written two books of Hindipoetry. Th e first was called Nakh sh ik h , in wh ich h e

described th e pleasures of love . The second was namedNayak abh ad . In it h e sang the varying charms of th eb eauties who beguiled his leisure moments . His excesses,both in wine and women

,n ever blinded h im wholly to the

claims of religion . I n a letter,written in 1 688 A. D . ,

whichi s still extant

,he rebuked severely a subedar

,for trying

to extor t money from th e temple of Morya Gosav i atCh inchwad .

“What need h ave you,

” wrote th e angry kingto h i s subordinate

,

“ to raise trouble in th e village ofCh inchwad ? How can th e king suffer such conduct ? Ifyou continue in your evil courses, there will be noforgiveness for you . He who rai ses trouble like this willd ie at th e king’s h ands .

”

In caste matters Sam bh aj i h ad th e liberal views of th esoldier . A certain Brahman, by name Gangadhar Ran gn ath ,

Kulkarni of Harsul,was in th e service of the Moghuls .

Incurring th eir displea sure,h e was forcib ly conver ted to

Islam and compelled to eat and drink with his newc oreligionists. After his conversion h e was again restoredto favour an d raised to high Offi ce . In course of time heamassed a fortune

,but as he grew Ol d h e wished to r e

enter th e faith of h i s ancestors . He abandoned his wealthto his oppressors and mak ing h i s way to Raygad, he begged

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN S IVE 5 9

S am bh aj i to help him . To the strictly orth odox GangadharRan gn ath had sinned beyond hope of pardon . But Sam bh ajiby using his influence induced the priesthood to prescribea penance by which he might once more become a Brahman .

Th e penance prescribed was no light one . The unhappypervert was ordered to walk th ree h undred and sixty timesround a holy mountain and make two pilgrimages todistant sh rines . Gangadh ar Ran gn ath , however, performedth e penance . The king thereafter obtained the signaturesof a number of leading Brahmans to a document, th atpronounced th e sinner to be pure and declared that anywho doubted his purity was himself guilty of an Offence ,not only against the Brahmans

,but against the gods them

selves ."

That Sam bh aji committed grave faults cannot be denied ;yet great a s they were, his punishment was greater still ;and when the Maratha l ead er s ' h ear d of his cruel executionof hi s dauntless bearing in the face of torture

,of the

courage with which he had silently borne hideous torments,all resentment against the king left their breasts . Theyremembered only the gal lant youth who had seiz edJan ar d anpan t at Panhala , had defeated Alvor at Phondaand had hunted from the Konkan the shattered army ofShah Alam .

To decide what step s should now be taken,the Maratha

l eader s assembled at Raygad . Sam b h aji had left a widowYesu b ai and a son Sh ivaji . Ye su b ai l ike Soyar ab ai was adaughter of the patrician house of Sh irk e . Her maidenname had been Jiu b ai

,which she changed according to

Hindu custom on her marriage . Her father was Pilaj iSh i rk e . Sh e was married to Sam bh aji in December 16 67shortly after the prince ’s return from Delhi . Her sonSh ivaji h ad been born in December 1680 (Mar gsh ir sh Su d

10,

shortly after Sam bh aji ’s accession ; and in honourof his birth Sam b h aji had given large sums in charity andhad completed the darn of a lake left unfinished by his

Rajvad c’s Itih asach i Sad han e

, vol . V .


father. Yesu b ai with prince Sh ivaji at her sid e presidedat the council and round her sat a group of men

,whose

names were in the next few years to become immortal .San taji Ghor pad e

’s origin has already been related . Next

to him sat Dh an aji Jad av, a cousin of the prince . In 1629 ,a s i t wil l be remembered Lakh aji Jad av the father ofJijabai , was assassinated at Daulatabad at th e order ofMurtaza Nizam Sh ah the second . Wi th him peri shed h i sson

,Ac haloji . Ach aloji left an infant son named San taji

whom Jijabai adopted as her own . He grew up the companionof Sam bh aji , Sh ivaji ’s eldest brother and fell with him beforeth e walls of Kanakgiri . San taji left a son called Shambhusing whom Sh ivaji brought up . Sh am bhu sin g

’

s only son wasth e renowned Dh an aji Jadav . He was already distingui shedby his courage and soldierly talents and h ad won the praiseand esteem Of Pr atap r ao Guzar . Beyond Dh an aji satKh an d er ao Dabhade . He was the son of Yeshp at i l Dabh ad ej'a small landowner of Talegaon Dabhade

,a V i l lage on th e

road between Poona and Bombay . Ye sh pati l h ad for som e

years been the personal attendant of Sh ivaji and af terwardsof Raj aram . Yesh pat i l

’

s two sons,K h an d er ao and Sh ivaji

first entered the service of the royal family ; then theyreceived comm ands in the army . Sh ivaji afterwards losth i s life in saving Rajar am ’

s . Kh an d er ao Dabhade lived toconquer Gu zar at .

Beyond the m artial faces of th e Maratha captains couldbe seen the th oughtful brows of th e Brahman and Prabh ustatesmen . Hanm an t e was there

,now fully restored to th e

royal favour. Beyond h im sat Pr alh ad Ni r aji , th e son ofNir aji Ravaji , Sh ivaji

’

s Sar Nyayad h i sh or Ch ief Justice .Beyond him again were Khando Ballal Ch itnis andRamchandra Ni lk an th Bavd ek ar . Khando Bal lal was theyounger son of Balaj i Avaji Chitnis, the great king’sprivate secretary . His father and h i s elder brother hadat Sam bh aji ’s orders been trampled to death under th e

See vol . I . . p . 124 .

"

f Dabh ad e Bakh ar .



Sanskrit equivalent Am atya . That office Ramchandra hadh eld with di stinction through Sam bh aji

’

s troubled reignto the present t ime .Deeply incensed at the cruelties inflicted on the dead

king,none present th ough t of making peace with the

Moghuls . Th e first question discussed was wh ich memberof th e Bh osl e h ouse was best fitted to succeed Sam bh aji

and avenge his death . Should prince Sh ivaji be crownedand Ye su b ai appointed regent ? Should Sh ivaji becrowned and Rajaram appointed regent ? Yesu bai herselfsuggested a solution of th e problem .

“Let th ere be nocoronation c eremony, sh e said

,

“but let Sh ivaji be cousidered king and Raj aram regent . Th i s qu estion decided

,

th e council debated on the plan of campaign . P r alh ad

Nir aji’

s weighty eloquence won alike the minds of th estatesmen and the soldiers . Discipline should be atonce restored to the army

,and Sh ivaji

’

s regulationsa s to th e deposi t of all plunder in th e royal treasury

,

strictly enforced . The fort s sh ould be r e -armed w i thartillery and th eir walls repaired . They should be amplyprovisioned and strongly garrisoned . Wh i l e ath e Mogh ulswasted th eir time in sieges

,a field army sh ould be formed

by local levies and reinforcements from th e Carnatic . LetRaj aram c ommand th e army

,wh ile Yesu b ai and prince

Sh ivaji remained behind th e impregnable defences ofRaygad .

Wh en Pr al h ad ’

s plan had been approved, Raj aram roseto address th e queen and h er council . He had been bornin 166 1 and was th us In his twenty-ninth year , but th egreat king was ten years younger when h e planned theliberation of t h e Maratha people . In every quality saveexperience

,Raj aram was eminently fitted to bear the

mighty burden now placed upon his shoulders . His personwas noble and commanding

,hi s manners courteous and

pleasing. From the accession of Sam b h aji and the failureof Soyar ab ai ’s plot , h e had lived a pri soner in RaygadHis confinemen t h ad "been neither close nor harsh . But '

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN S IVE 63

Snares lay all around him and his every word was reportedto his j ealous brother. A single false step would haveruined h im

,but like his contemporary

,William of Nassau

,

h e learned so to bridle his tongue,that i t never disclosed

the secrets of his heart . A captive during adolescence , h ewas not exposed to th e temptations that ruined Sam bh aji .Th us when called upon to save his fath er ’s kingdom

,he

brought to h i s ta sk a cautious,discerning mind

,a vigour

unimpaired by vice and a spirit that no danger couldappal

,no disaster dismay .

Part of Rajar am ’

s speech has been preserved . Hebegged his hearers to abandon any resentment that theystill might h ave against the dead king. Let their th ough t sdwell on Sh ivaji rath er th an on his son , and let th emtransfer to the young prince all the love and loyalty wh ichth ey or their fathers had once felt for th e great king.

For,in truth

,their young sovereign was th e reincarnation

of the dead hero . Had not Sh ivaji foretold that h e wouldbe born again as Yesub ai ’s son ? j' Had not Bh avani toldSh ivaji that h i s n amesake would rule long and gloriouslyand conquer all India from Attock to Ram eshwar am ?

“I ambut the prince ’s servant ;” continued Rajaram,

“you nru st,

i t i s true,give me your obedience

,but your loyalty and

devotion you must keep for my master . Do b u t this andI am confident that we shall not only save the kingdom

,

but bring to pass th e proph ecy of th e goddess Withth ese inspiring words he bound h imself by an oath toserve th e prince diligently and faith fully . The othercouncillors did likewise and left the council chamber .Th at evening Raj aram and his two wives left Raygad . Heh ad been first married to Jan k ib ai

,a daughter of Pr atapr ao

Guj ar,but sh e had died in giving birth to a daugh ter

named Soyar ab ai , afterwards the w ife of Bajajr Nimbalkarof Ph altan . Thereafter Raj aram married two ladies

,one

th e famous Tarabai,the daughter of Ham b ir r ao Moh ite ;

Chitn is Bak har.

1' Thi s proph ecy is to be found at the end of the Sabhasad Bakhar.


the oth er Rajasb ai , daugh ter of Gh atge of Kagal . WithRaj aram went Pr al had Ni r aji , Khando Bal lal Ch i tnis,San taji Gh orpad e , Dh an aji Jad av and Kh an d er ao D abhade .

Before descending th e sides Of the steep cliff,Rajaram

paid a last vi sit to Yesubar. They h ad always beena ttached to each other and Ye su b ai

’

s kindness had donemuch to soften th e rigours of Rajar am ’

s prison . He laidh i s head at her feet and his voice broke . But the bravelady sternly repressed her own sorrow

,and

,placing her

h and on Rajar am’s h ead

,said to him

,

“Th ere i s no causefor grief . Victory will surely be yours and you will reconquer your fath er ’s kingdom Raj aram rose

,embraced

prince Sh ivaji , and said farewell .Just as Sh ivaji would have done, Raj aram first went

t o Pr atapgad to invoke the blessing of Bhavani . But ashe went , he inspected the for tresses that lay on the roadand had them provisioned and armed . Everywhere theg arri son s hailed with enthusiasm his advent . The charmof his address won all their heart s and from his namemen drew a fortunate omen . Through the countryside thes aying ran that just as in olden time s Raj a Ram of Ayodhyah ad conquered the demons of Lanka

,so the new Raj a Ram

would drive from th e l and the demons of Delh i . AtPr atapgad the prince prostrated himself before Bhavani ’ simage and prayed earnestly for her benediction . Whenhe had ended his prayer

,so the story runs

,a h andful of

f lowers fell from the goddess’ hand upon the young man’shead . The prince

,confident that he had been vouchsafed a Sign,

gathered th e flowers and left P r atapgad fill ed with freshhopes . His next visi t was to Ramdas’ sh rine at Parali .Ramdas had died in 1 681 an d after his death Sam bh ajihad erected on the summit of Parali a shrine in h i s honour .

He had also allotted money for an u tscw or religiousfestival

,from the first to the t enth of the dark half of th e

Hindu month of Magh,in remembrance of the saint ’s death .

The conduct of the festival h e had assigned to Akka, achild widow

,wh om Ramdas had taken as a disciple . Akka

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVE 65

r eceived the prince and led him to the shrine,where lay

exposed for worship the sandal s worn by the saint . Be

neath th em Rajaram prayed to th e dead man ’s spiri t tog ive

'

h im counsel no less precious than that which duringh i s life he had given to the great king. Here again , so i ti s said

,flowers fell on th e prince as a token that his prayer

had been heard . Akka p l ck ed them up and put them witha cocoanut into Rajar am

’

s hands. Sure now of the goddess’help and the sain t ’s advice, the prince bent all hi s en ergiesto the task before him .

*

Chitn is Bakhar and Ram das Ch aritra . The festival to Ramdas begun by

Sam bh aji is stil l observed . Ramdas died on the 9 th of the dark hal f, Magh ,Shake 1603 .

A H I STORY OF TH E MARATHA PEOPLE

APPENDIX 1

Letter written at Sam b h aji ’s ord ers to K r i sh naji Dad aDesh pan d e . I t gives an ins igh t into th e frank ,

im petuous ch aracter of Sam bh aji .

As a watan dar , i t was your duty to be faith ful to th e mas ter whose sal t you

had eaten so l ong ; yet you joined the Mogh uls wh en th ey came h ere a sh ort tim eago. But your broth er Shivaji who h as also joined th e Moghul s is your en emy .

Thus you had better h ave stayed with the k ing . You wou l d th ereby h ave sh ewnyour good faith and l oyal ty . Stil l it matters not . S tay with the Moghul s i f youstil l wan t to do so. Who cares wh at you do ? But remember that wh en ever wedecide to do so

,we shal l cut you and th e Mogh ul s

,your friends

,to pieces in no

time . If you real ly sh oul d care to join the king,do not send messages to the

comman dan ts of our forts . We cannot perm i t th is . I f you have an y message tosend us

,send it direct. We sh al l th en con sider wh at you say an d issue orders as

we think fit Do not write to oth er peopl e,address us in person .

”

Paras n is Pap er s , quoted in the Riyasa t.

APPENDIX I I

Th e fol low ing i s th e genealogical tree of Ram ch and ra Ni l kan thBavd ek ar

’s fam ily as given in Mr . Sard esai Riyasat I I , p . 607 .

Naropan t (in the service of Mal on Bhosl e)

Sond ev or Sono (in the service of Shahaj i Bhos le)

NIl Opan th (1647— 16 7 2 )

N am pan t Ramchan dra ( 16 72— 1720)

CHAPTER XXX

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVETHE CAPTURE OF RAYGAD AND THE FL IGHT OF

RAJARAM

A . D . 16 89 TO 169 0

UPON Sam bh aji’

s death th e emperor regarded th e conquestof the Deccan as all but completed . He di schargednumbers of h i s Hindu soldiers, who at once flocked roundRajar am

’s standard . Neverth eless Au r an gzib did not mean

to return to Del h i until Raygad h ad fallen . He sent I t ik adKhan*

,a son of h i s prime minister Asad Khan

,with h eavy

guns and a large army to reduce it . A daring planoccurred to the fertile mind of San taji Ghorpad e . Th e

talents of Ramchandra, th e finance minister, had enabled

h im to equip an army of forty th ousand men . This forcewas under th e immediate command of Dh an aji Jad av . Itwas

,h owever

,too small to achieve anyth ing in open battle

against th e innumerable battalions of the emperor . So

San taji Gh orpad e suggested th at it sh ould establi sh i tselfat Phaltan and from that base draw to itself by a seriesof fal se attacks the attention of th e Moghul generals .San taji himself with a body of h orse would raid theemperor’s camp at Tu l apu r , and if possible kill Au r angzibin the middle of his army . Dh an aji Jad av approved th e

plan and gave San taji two th ousand troopers with V i th ojiChavan as h i s second in command . V i th oji Chavan wasth e son of one B anoj i Ch avan

,who had long served under

Sh ivaji . He fell on field service at a place called Gh alm ota,

l eaving a baby son called V i th oji . But the Ch avan s wereManueci

’s S toria de Mogor

,vol . I I .


k insm en of the house of Ghorp ad e an d Maloji Gh orp ad e

obtained for V i th oji Chavan while s till a boy a ch arge inthe army . There he won the close friendship of his cousinSan taji and on that account was now appointed hislieutenant .

San taji and his daring band, starting at dusk , kep t toth e ' h i l l s as far as Jejuri, the famous shrine of th e god

Kh an d oba. Then descending by the Diva pass they restedby day in the woods below the hill s. At midnight th eyse t out for Tu l apu r . They had ridden but six miles whenthey met a large body of Moghul horse . To these theyexplained that they were a body of Maratha cavalry,fu rnished by the Sh irk e nobles, many of whom had, afterthe failure of their plot

,taken service under Au r angzib .

Allowed to pass on,they met no further obstacle, and in

the early dawn reached th e imperia l camp . S lippingthrough the s leeping sentries, they made a sudden rushat th e emperor ’s tent . They cut the tent ropes and killedeveryone inside . Luck i ly for Au r an gzib , he was sleepingelsewhere

,but the Marathas cut the gold tops off hi s tent .

poles an d carri ed them away in triumph . San taji Ghorpad e

was too prudent to return by the road h e h ad c ome . Hefell back on S inh gad , then held for the young king bySid oji Gujar, a son of Pr atapr ao Gujar. He s tayed in

Sinh gad for two days . Then l eaving there h i s woun d ed ,h e took h i s trooper s d own th e Bhor Gh at and falling uponth e r ear of I tik ad

’s arm y r ound Raygad, carried off five

of the imperial war elephants . With this booty San tajiGh orpad e p resented himself before Raj ar am at PanhalaRaj aram distributed to the su ccessful comman der an d hisofficers rich cloths an d title s. To San taji Gh orpad e hegave the title of Mam l ak atm ad ar

,to h is brothers Bah irji

an d Maloji Ghorpad e th e titles of H in du r ao an d Amir u l

Um ra. V i th oji Chavan was s tyled Himat Bahadur . Lastlyp rompted by Ramachandra Bavd ek ar , the regen t appointedSan taji Gh orp ad e commander -in -chief in th e place of thegallant Ham b ir r ao Mohite . This raid h ad great indirect


THE GREAT MOGHU L OFFEN S I V E 69

c onsequences. The raiders, i t i s true , failed to compassAu ran gzib

’s death

,their chief obj ect . But the gain in the

army ’s moral was immense and every Maratha soldierfrom Jinj i to Raygad deemed th e stroke a fortunatebeginning to king Sh ivaji

’s reign . While these honours

w ere being distributed at Panhala , Dh an aji Jadav with themain army repulsed an attack on hi s position at Ph altanand w ith some of the enemy ’ s captured guns rej oinedSan taji Gh orpad e at Panhala . There he received the titl eof Jaysin gr ao, or Lion of Victory .

Unhappily thi s successwas soon oversh adowed by a terriblecalamity

,n anre ly the capture of Raygad , together with king

Sh ivaji and his mother Yesu b ai . Determined at all coststo take Raygad

,the emperor continued to send reinforce

ments to I tik ad Khan,who was soon able to invest Panhala

a s well . Rajaram who was in Panhala slipped just a s hisfather had done

,through the besieging lines and fled to

Vishalgad . But fresh reinforcements enabled I tik ad Khan toinvest Vishalgad also and so prevent Raj aram from makingany further efforts to harass the besiegers of Raygad . Thegreat preponderance of the Moghul forces and the vigourWi th which th e siege was conducted

,affected the Spirit of

the defenders . At the same time I tik ad Kh an sent messagesto Yesu bai th at

,if the fortress surrendered

,he would

guarantee her safety and that of h er son . Yesu b ai stil luncertain whether or not to yield

,made I t i k ad Khan swear

on the Koran that he would prot ect h er and Sh ivaji againstth e cruelty of the emperor . I t ik ad Kh an did so . Butbefore Ye su b ai could surrender Raygad

,sh e was forestalled

by the mili tary governor, Su ryaji Pisa ] . He had, or pre

tended to have claims to be De shm u k h or h ereditaryrevenue officer of Wai . He sent word to I t ik ad Kh an th ati f he promised to get h im made De shm u k h

,h e

'

wou l d

th row open the gates of Raygad . I t ik ad Kh an gave hi spromise and secured the fortress 19 th October, He

Th is is th e date given by Sard esai vol . I .

,p . 6 17 . Burgess gives th e date as

2 8th October (Muh arram 15 H .


kept h i s word both to Yesubai and to Su ryaji Pisal . Th e l a tterI tik ad Khan took to the emperor and asked him to

give Su ryaji Pisal the price of h i s treachery . Au r an gz ib

received him graciously,but insisted upon h is adopting

Islam . Su ryaji did so, and was made Deshm uk h of Wai ;but he lived to regret his in famy . E ighteen years laterShahu returned from Delhi . On e of his first acts was to putto death Su ryaji Pisal and several of his family in revengefor the long captivity which he had h imself endured .

*

Th e sworn faith of I t ik ad Khan would h ardly haveshielded Yesu b ai and her son h ad she not found a friendin the emperor ’ s second daugh ter Zin atu n n i ssa . Betweenth e death of Sh ah Jehan and her own death in September1 68 1 , Au r an gz ib

’s sister

,Jah an ar a

,h ad been the first lady

at court . Sh e controlled the emperor ’s seraglio and borethe title of Begam Sahib or the Princess Royal . On h er

demise the emperor appointed to the vacant post hissecond daughter Zin atu n n i ssa

,who had never married .

Z in atu nn i ssa greeted Yesu b ai as a sister and adoptedprince Sh iv aji as her son . The Maratha chroniclers loveto repeat a strange exp lanation of her kindly conduct .In 1666 , she had, a s a girl, seen Sh ivaji ’s gallant bearingin the imperial hall at Agra and from that time on

,had

conceived a regard for the Maratha leader . Afterwardswhen Sam bh aji asked for her hand as the price of hisaposta sy

,she treated the request as a genuine offer of

marriage and thereafter deemed her faith plighted to thedead king. In memory of him she treated Yesu b ai as herco-wife and Sh ivaji as her own child . However this maybe, her help proved of the utmost service to the youngk ing. The emperor wished to convert th e boy to Is lam,

but on Zin atun n i ssa’s entreaty agreed to accept in his

The treach ery of Suryaji Pisal i s not men tion ed in th e Bak hars , b u t is everywh ere bel ieved in and repeated . Gran t Duf f righ tly ac cepted th e story . The

Musulman descendan ts of Su ryaji Pisal stil l l ive at Ozarde n ear Wai on good termswith their Hi ndu kin smen . See R iyas at vol . I . ,

p . 6 17 . See al so Sanad at

p . 19 5, San ad s and Letters by Pu rushotam Mawji and Rao Bah adu r D . B . Parasnis .

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN S IVE 7 1

place Kh an d on Guj ar, a son of Pr atapr ao Guj ar, who, tosave h i s master’s religion , offered h imsel f as a convert .Thereafter th e emperor looked with a kind ly eye on h i s

enemy ’s son,whom h e called Sahu, or the good one, as

opposed to his grandfa ther and fath er whom h e alwaysabused as thieves and robbers . This nickname Sahu

,

pronounced Shahu , th e young king afterwards adopted ash is royal t itl es j‘

On th e capture of Raygad al l that remained of Sh ivaji ’streasure

,all th e records of the Maratha government

,the

royal h orses and elephants with their state trappings,and

the golden th rone made by th e great king for his coronation

,fell into I t ik ad Khan ’s hands . So did a mistress of

S am bh aji and h i s natural son Mad an sin g . As a rewardfor thi s splendid success I tik ad Khan was given the title ofZulfikar Khan and ordered to reduce Panhala . Th e

Maratha commandant was Gh atge of Kagal , th e ancestorof both the present chiefs of that name . He made a gallantdefence. He repulsed numerous assaults and, so the tale runs ,he once made so terrible a slaughter of the storming partythat he was able to make a platform of their heads andfire cannon from it into the Moghul trenches . At l a st theemperor w i th large reinforcements joined Zulfikar Khan .

Gh atge wrote to Ramchandra Bavd ek ar for help . But theF inance Minister had no troops to send him and advisedhi s surrender on the best terms he could get . On receivingth i s message Gh atge opened negotiations with the emperor .Au r an gz ib , weary of the siege, offered to confirm Gh atge

as chief of Kagal and to give him a post on theimperial staff with the title of Sar jer ao. Gh atge acceptedth e offer and surrendered th e fort ; but to convince th e

* Shah u af terwards gave K h an dop Gujar th e d eshm u kh i ri gh t of sixty vil lagesn ear Paral i . Hi s descendan ts stil l profess I sl am al th ough th eir customs and

mann ers are H indu .

TMr . Rajwad e h as tried un successful ly , as I thi n k,to refute thi s story and to

prove that th e word Shah u is a corruption of Shahaji , the boy’s real n ame Bu t

in an extan t Sanad given by Sh ahu in 17 10 th e kin g is referred to as Sh ivnarpati .Hi s name, th erefore , coul d n ever have been Shah aj i .

7 2 A H I STORY OF TH E MARATHA PEOPLE

regent that he meant on th e first ch ance to return to hisallegiance

,he sent to Jinj i hi s broth ers with all his valu~

ables and personal effects . The fall of Miraj followedsh ortly on the fall of Panhala (AprilIn hi s strongh old of Vish algad Rajaram h ad foreseen

th at as soon a s Panh ala fell,the emperor would lead h i s

ent ire army to th e s i ege of the former fortress . Th us tostay at Vishalgad was merely to court capture and a crueldeath . He held a council of h i s chief offi cers and told themthat the time h ad come to carry out th e great king’sstrategic plan and leaving Maharashtra , to fall back onJinj i . Th at fortress would be defended to th e la st, wh i lethe field army would strike blow after blow at the longline of the emperor ’ s communications. Ramchandra Bavd ek arwould remain in the western Deccan to organise suchresi stance as was sti ll possible . It wa s a momentousoccasion . To realise th e desperate character of th e ,

r egen t’s

plan,the reader must imagine for a moment that the

French army had been beaten on the Marne and that th eFrench government had decided to evacuate France andwithdraw to Gibraltar

,leaving bands of francs tireurs to

h arass, a s best they could , th e German communications .An even closer parallel will perhaps be found in the retrea tof th e Servian army to Corfu and its subsequent advancefrom Salonika . The Maratha chiefs hesitated , as well th eymight. even though Rajar am ’

s plan h ad been handed downto him by Sh ivaji h imself . F inally it was settled th at th egarrisons of Vishalgad and of such other strong places, a sstill h eld out for th e k i ng should be left to defend them .

Raj aram and h i s ch ief offi cers should split up into smallgroups and disgu i sed a s religious pilgrims go on foot fromVishalgad to Jinj i . Ahead of them went runn ers to warnthe viceroy Harj i Mah ad ik and Nilo Pingle

,Moro Pingle ’s

son,and now Harj i Mah ad ik

’s lieutenant

,of th eir coming

so that they could send bodies of cavalry to meet th em,

when they reached their neighbourhood . On e nigh tRajaram with San taji Gh or p ad e , Dh an aji Jadav, Kh an d er ao


Dabhade,P r al h ad Niraji and Khando Balla l Ch i tnis, all

d ressed as Lingaya t pilgrims, left Vi shalgad fort . Theyclung as long a s they could to th e Sahyad r i h il ls . Goingdue south th ey halted at Sonda . Thence th ey went toBed n u r

,where the Rani

,a feudatory of th e Maratha king

,

welcomed the fugitives. But the news of Rajar am ’

s flighth ad reached th e ears of th e emperor. All the imperialofficers in southern India were warned and their vigilancecommanded . Some of the groups were surprised andkilled . Raj aram and hi s party reached Ban galore safely .

Thi s place,a s I have already mentioned

,had fall en into

Moghul hands during the dispute between Harj i Mah ad ik

and K esh av Pingle ; and a close watch was kept for theMaratha fugitives . The royal party halted at the resth ouse . There Rajar am ’

s servants began to wash th eirmaster ’s feet . On e servant poured water over them,

anoth er brough t a towel and got ready to dry them . Th e

d eference paid by th ese servants to Raj aram,so inconsistent

with the equal i ty of pilgrims,aroused the suspicions of

some other travellers. Th ey were Canarese and began intheir own tongue to discuss th e incident and the possibilitythat the party were political fugitives. In th e end theyresolved to go to the fort an d tell the Musulman commandanttheir suspicions . Happily

,one of Rajar am

’s comrades

understood Canarese and when the travellers left the resthouse

,he informed the regent and his companions of their

peril . The devoted loyalty of Khando Ballal Chitnis founda way of escape . The regent, he said , San taji Ghorpad e ,Dh an aji Jad av and K h an d er ao Dabhade sh ould go by on e

route ; P r alh ad Ni r aji and one or two o thers should go byanother route . He , one P ar asn i s , and the regent ’s servantswould stay behind and stoutly maintain their character a spilgrims . When they h ad baffled th e enquiries of theimperial o ffi cers

,they would all meet at a given Spot .

The generous offer of Khando Ballal wa s accepted and theregent and P r al h ad N ir aji left by different ways . An hour

In on e sanad th ey are said to h ave been disguised as kap d z i . e . cl oth sel l ers .


or two l ater th e commandant of the fort with a ban d ofa rmed men came to the rest h ouse

,and seizing Khando

Ballal and the servants began sharply to question them .

Khando Ballal w i th an assurance as admirable as hisd evotion , pleaded that he and the three or four men withhim were poor pilgrims t o Rameshwar. * The others wh ohad left were chance acquaintances made on the road . Astheir destination was different

,they had now taken a

d ifferent path . The commandant still doubted and hadKhando Ballal and his companions flogged and then madethem stand in the sun with stones on their heads. F inallyh e h ad bags full of h ot ashes tied over their faces. Neith erpain nor fear extorted anyth ing from th e pilgrims. Thecommandant began to th ink that their tale migh t be true .

H e threw them into prison . Th ere they refused food ont h e plea th at a s pilgrims th ey could not eat in confinement .Convinced at la st of the truth of their plea

,he let them

all go . In a few days they caugh t up the regent and therest of th e fugitives. From Bangalore onwards no furtherm i shap befell th em . Near Jinj i th ey met a Maratha forceled by Harj i Mah ad ik and Nilo Pingle . u Th e viceroygreeted the regent with every mark of respect and escortedhim with great ponrp and ceremony to Jinj i, which now

became the n ew capi tal,of the Marathas. (April

Ch itn is Bakh ar .

TPaper 3 47 in Rajwad e’s vol ume X V th is dated April 1690 . I t con tain s

the n ews of Rajaram ’s arrival at Jlu ji .



under Sh ivaji and Sam bh aj i , was relieved of i t and created viceroy of Maharashtra with th e titl e of HakumatPanha

,which implied that within the viceroyalty his

powers were equal to the king’ s .3 . The Pant Sach iv or Accountant General was

Shankar Malhar Nar gun d k ar .

4 . The post of Mantri or Home Member was conferred on Sh am jir ao Pinde .

5 . The office of Sum an t or Foreign Minister wasgiven to Mah ad ji Gadadh ar .

6 . Sh r ik ar ach arya K al gavk ar was made Pan d itr aoan d given charge of all ecclesia stical matters .

7 . The post of Sar Nyayad i sh or Chief Justice wasbestowed on Nir aji Ravaji .

8 . Th e post of Senapati or commander-in -chief wasgiven to San taji Gh orp ad e . He had already been appointed to th e chief command by Raj aram. But h e had in theinterval been guilty of gross insubordination . He hadbeen ordered by Ramchandra Bavd ek ar to rai se the siegeof Panhala . Bu t l eaving Panh ala to i ts fate he had sweptalong the valley of the Tu n gabh ad r a and finally occupiedGoot i . His intention was to create a sanctuary for h imself in case Jinj i fell . As a punishment for th i s d i sob ed ience

,Ramchandra Bavd ek ar summari ly degraded San taj i

from his high office and gave it to Mah ad ji P an sam bal ,a brave but old and unenterpri sing soldier . He had sinced ied and Raj aram restored San taji Gh orpad e to his formercommand . None of the eigh t seats in counci l was givento P r a l h ad Nir aji . But Raj aram h ad not forgotten hiseminent merits . He created especially for him the officeof Pr atin i d h i or the king’ s mirror and gave h im a precedence superior to seven of the eight ministers an d equalto that of th e Peshwa h imself .Having thus formed his cabinet

,Raj aram bestowed a

number of minor offices and d igrri t i e s* and sent messengersthrou ghout Maharash tra to announce h i s safe arrival at

Th ey are given at l ength in th e Ch itni s Bakh ar .


Jinj i and his assumption of th e royal title . The news ofRajar am

’s safety and the establi shment of the monarchy

gave fresh vigour to Ramch andra Bavd ek ar and those whowith him were loyally struggling in Mah arashtra for theroyal cause. Ramchandra h ad le ss difficulty in collectingrevenue and in obtaining su pplie s . His chief task nowwa s the reorganisation of the Maratha army . Its headquarters were partly at Jinj i and partly in th e Deccan .

But the country between was overrun by Hindu soldiersof all castes, deserters from Sam bh aji , troopers dischargedfrom th e imperial service or the remnants of the oldarmies of Bij apur and Golconda . They caused some lossesto the Moghuls but far greater losses to the peasantry

,and

by plundering the countryside in the name of the Marathaking were mak ing the name of the Marathas h ateful a l l

over southern India . The most prominent of the freebooter s were two brothers Babaj i and Rupaji Bh os l e .

Th ey had once been captains in Sh ivaji ’s service but hadturned marauders and they harried the Moghul posts withmerciless perseverance . As they and their followerscarried no weapons bu t Spears

,th e word “Bh al er ai

” orspear rule came into use to designate the depredations of“freelances ”. Ramchandra Bavd ek ar managed to attachth e two brothers to th e royal cause. Other bandits werehun ted down by San taji Ghorpad e , who gave them thech oice of death or enrolment in Rajar am ’

s army .

The emperor halted for a time between two Opinions ,n amely, whe ther he should remain in the Deccan untilh e h ad conquered fort by fort

,or whether he should

follow Rajaram to Jinj i. The wisest course would probablyhave been at once to bes iege Jinj i . But had he done so,

th e whole Deccan would again have burst into flame . On

th e other hand, if h e left Raj aram alone in Jinj i, the kingwould soon conquer the whole rich eastern seaboard an d

m ake Jinj i an impregnable stronghold . The choice was

a difficult one . The emperor in the end decided to continu eth e subjugation of th e Deccan, but at the same time to


send a small force to k eep Raj aram in check until th eemperor could engage him with hi s main army . Thi sscheme might have succeeded but for th e activity ofSan taji Gh orpad e and Dh an aji Jad av. These enterprisingcommanders aided by Pr al h ad Nir aji soon collected fre shbodies of tr0 0 ps an d rai sed them to a high state ofefficiency . When the Moghul force appeared that was tokeep in check Raj aram , San taji Gh orpad e and Dhamaj iJad av at once attacked and destroyed it .Relieved of immediate danger, Rajaram resolved to send

for his wives from Vishalgad to Jinj i . Since his flight h eh ad been living with a nri str e ss called Sagu n ab ai , by whomh e had a natural son afterwards well known as Raj a Karira .

But Ye sub ai in one of her letters from th e Moghul campurged h im to send for h i s family . If he himself led anirregular life

,he could not restore to th e army the disci

pline wh ich it needed . It was impossible that the roya ll adies Sh ould travel a cross all southern India

,overrun as

i t was by soldiers and fr ee l arrces . Tarabai , moreover, hadrecently given birth to a son named Sh ivaji . * It wasth erefore resolved to send th em by sea . Th efi th r ee queens

,

Tarabai,Rajasb ai and Am b ik ab ai , in ch arge of V i saji

Prabhu,Shipped at Yeshwan tgad on th e Konkan coast and

d oubling Rameshwar landed near Pondicherry,whence

th ey went by lan d to Jin j i . There in 169 3 Rajasb ai gavebirth to a son named Sam bh aji and Am b ik ab ai to adaughter

,who d ied a few days later .

In th e meantim e for tune h ad snri l ed but coldly -on theemperor ’s operations in th e Deccan . Th e effect ofRamchandra Bavd ek ar ’

s vigorous viceroyalty and of thesuccesses and reorganisation at Jinj i was seen in the gallantdefences of the Maratha strongholds . In th e cold weatherof 1 69 1 th e emperor

,i t is true

,reduced Sinh gad and Pu r an d ar ,

but his every movement was harassed by the Marathah orse . After they h ad destroyed the detachment sentagainst Jinj i

, Rajar anr sent San taji Gh orpad e and Dh an ajiShivaji , Tarabai

’s son

, was born early in 169 1 .


Jad av to command the Maratha forces in the Deccan .

San taji Ghorpad e first surprised the Moghul garrison at

Wai . He soon followed up this success by th e recaptureof Miraj fort . At the same time Raj aram distributed amonghi s nobles large grants of land formerly occupied bySh ivaji but n ow in the possession of the emperor . Thesegr ants encouraged the Maratha leaders to equip troops attheir own expense and with them to establish strong placesin the midst of the Moghul possessions . Bands of Marath asappeared in Khandesh

,South Guzerat

,the Central Provinces

and the country now known as the Niz am’s Dominions,to

enforce grants bestowed at Jinj i . P atank ar establish ed himself in the valley of Patan and levied Cha n t/2 and Sdr d eshm u lch i , all round Wai and K ar h ad . Pawar ravaged theCentral Provinces so successfully that Rajar anr conferredon h im the title of V i shwasr ao or th e man of trust . Atoleplundered the valley of the Godavari . At th e same timeRamchandra Bavd ek ar rai sed large levies from the Dhangar sor Shepherds of th e western h i ll s, with which he retook anumber of Deccan walled villages . At last the emperorsaw that so long as any member of Sh ivaji ’s h ouse r enrain edat large

,his plans of conquest would never be reali sed .

He,therefore

,sent a considerable army under Zulfikar

Kh an to besiege Jinj i . The Marathas, aware of his coming,tried to bar h i s passage . But Zulfikar Khan was a skilfulcommander . Defeating the Marath as h e continued h i s

march towards Jinj i . On the way he took severa l fortifiedplaces and at la st sa t down before the Maratha capitalZulfikar Khan ’ s forces were not large enough to invest

Jinj i and it was too strong to be bat tered down by theMoghul artillery . Indeed from th e first he rrru st haveperceived that th e capture of that fortress was beyond hisresources

,for h e soon entered into a compact with th e

garrison that th ere sh ould be no real hostili ties betweenth em. His object seems to have been the foundation of anindependent kingdom on th e death of th e aged emperor .Th e regent readily accepted and observed the compact ,


s ince it allowed him to send the bulk Of h i s garri son a sreinforcem ents to th e Decc an .

In th e year 1 69 2 the recapture Of Rajgad and Panhalawere the most important Marath a successes. As it will beremembered

,th e great king had in 1647 A . D .

* fortified ah ill called Morbad and had changed its name to Raj gad .

During the monsoon of 1 688 it had been taken by theMoghuls an d one Abu Khair Kh an was appointed itsc ommandant . Th e fort was a very strong one, hardly lessso than P u r an d ar or S inh gad , and probably on thataccount h ad only a slender garri son . Suddenly a Marathaforce appeared before i t and demanded its surrender .

Firoz Jang had received intelligence of the Marathamovemen t s and at once d e tat ch ed a large contingent tor elieve Abu Khair . It came too late, for the fortress h adalready been betrayed by the craven fears of its governor .Dreading an assault in which he migh t have peri shed

,he

had surrendered th e fortress on the promise of a safec onduct for himself

,his family and his property . The

Maratha general gave him a pass through hi s lines andproceeded to occupy Raj gad . But hi s ’ sold i ers

,less

scrupulous than their master,reli eved Abu Khair of his

money an d clothes and his women of their j ewelry. In thisplight he met F iroz Jan g

’

s rel ieving column . Theemperor, justly incensed, dismissed

.

him from the armyan d ordered h im to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca . Th e

successful Maratha leader was Shankar Narayan Gan d ek ar ;He was th e son of Naro Mukund the hereditary Kulkarnior village ac countant of Gan dapur. He took service as ac lerk under Moro Pingle an d afterwards under Ramchandr aBavd ek ar . In 1692 the vi ceroy ordered him to rai se acorps Of Maval infantry. This he did with such successthat h e was ordered to surprise Rajgad . My readers w i l lbe in terested to learn that he was the ancestor of thatloyal nobleman H . H . the Pant Sach iv of Bhor.

Th e captor of Panhala was another clerk in the service* See vol . I

, p . 134 .

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVE 8 1?

of Ramchandra Bavd ek ar . The story runs that in K inh ai,

a small village in the Wai taluka,lived a pious Desh as th

Brahman n amed K r i shn aji . He was a devout worshipperof the goddess Parvati and yearly used to visi t Au n d lr

,

where s he had an ancient temple . As the years passedand he grew too ol d for th e j ourney

,he prayed to Parvati

in her temple a t Aundh to come and stay near h im atK inh ai . That n igh t the goddess appeared in a dream toK r i sh n aj i and promi sed to follow him to K in h ai providedthat on the way h e did not turn round to look at her.K r i sh n aji promised ; and when he awoke he started towalk ba ck to K inh ai . AS he went

,the god dess followed

him . He did not look back until he reached th e top ofsome hill s . Overcome by fatigue he sat down and withoutthinking looked back the way he had come . Instantly thegoddess changed her form to that of a Maratha woman .

It s o chanced that just then a bania came up driving a

bullock-cart fi lled wi th bags of sugar. The disguisedgoddess asked him wh at he had in hi s bags . He repl iedthat they were full of salt . He went on his way, but onr eaching home found that th e sugar actually had changed tosalt. In the meant ime K r i sh n aji rose and resumed h is

march . But the goddess no longer followed him . Hearingat K inh ai of the bania ’s misfortune, h e knew that theMaratha woman must have been Parvati and both returnedto the Spot where they had seen her. The bania prayedfervently to the goddess . Sh e relent ed and turned hisbags of sal t back into sugar. K r i sh n aji fee l ing sure thatParvati would not go beyond the spo t where he had lookedback

,built on it a temple with a wall round it and called

it Sak h argad or th e Fort of Sugar. There he dwelt unti lhis death . His piety was rewarded by the birth of a soncalled Trimbak

,who as his fath er had d one spent his life

i n Parvati ’s service . Trimbak had two sons Mad h avr ao

an d Parashuram . In 1 674 when in his fifteenth year,

Parashuram entered as a lowly paid clerk the service ofN i lo Son d ev . There he became the close friend of Nilo

6


Son d ev’s son Ramchandra Ni lk an th . He rose in time to b e

th e latter’s con fidential secre tary . Afterwards he receiveda military command an d distin guished h imself by th e

escalade of P anh ala . For thi s and many subsequent feats.

of arms Raj aram honoured him with the title of ShamsherBahadur

,or the Samson of bravery . Thi s gallant soldier

was the ancestor of that admirable arti st and courtlygentleman

,the Pant Pr at in id h i , chief of Aundh*

In 1 693 the Marathas destroyed or took a number ofdetachments . Several of these actions have been graph icallydescrib ed by Khafi Khan . In turn San taji Gh orp ad e

captured and held to ransom I snrai l Khan,Rustam Khan

,

Ali Mardan Kh an,and Jan n i sar Khan . According to the

Musulman historian , so great was the terror of h i s n ame“ that there was no imperial Arh ir bold enough to resisthim and every loss he infli cted rrrad e the imperial forcesquake . ” The emperor was at h i s wits ’ end and said inpubli c that “Th e creature could do n othing

,for everything

was in the hands of God .

” After this con fession of impotencehe decided to relieve Zulfikar Khan Of his command infront of Jinj i . This he did in th e cold weath er of 169 3and ordered Zulfikar Khan to serve under his youngestson

,prince Kam Bak sh , wh om he sent there w i th a fresh

army . The veteran general was infuriated at h i s supersession . Although h e and hi s staff went out with allrespect to receive the prince

,he did his utmost to frustrate

his plans and to inflame against h im the minds of h isbrother Officers . He was especially successful in excitingagainst K am Baksh , Jam d at u l Mulk, who was in charge ofth e civil government of the surroundin g country, andNasrat Jang

,whose duty i t was to collect the revenue.

They declin ed to recogn i se the authority of the prince an dtook upon themselves to reprimand him for some youthful .indiscretion . Kam Bak sh appealed to the emperor, but h e .

The Aun dh ch iefs stil l wors hip Parvati at Sakh argad under the name of

Sakhargad n ivasin i or sh e who dwel l s at Sakhargad . Parashuram received th e

titl e of Mukhya Pradhan in 169 5 .


84 A H I STORY OF THE MARATH A PEOPL E

twenty miles nor th of Jinj i , lay a Moghul divi sion underAli Mardan Kh an . San taji Ghorpad e decided to destroyit before attacking the prince’s main army*. Al i MardanKhan

,

‘unused to Maratha warfare , moved out to meet h isenemy . At a critical m oment in the fight some n ew l eviesthat he h ad raised, deserted . He at once ordered aretreat on Jinj i . He was soon surrounded and his division ,with its entire transport

,arms and equipment fell into the

hands of the Marathas .Having thus cleared their flanks

,the Maratha com

manders moved towards Jinj i . By th i s time the prince,exasperated by th e insubordination of Zulfikar Khan andhis confederates had in turn begun to li sten to Rajar am ’

s

envoys. Th ey assured h im that the emperor was on th e

point of death and that if Ka rn Baksh would but j oinRajaram

,the Maratha armies would secure h im the

succession to the imperial throne . The assu rances of theenvoys were confirmed by the rumours an d the gossip ofthe canrp , an d K am Baksh agreed to desert with the troopsupon whom he could most confidently rely . Fortunatelyfor the emperor h e had shortly before sent his primemin i ster, Asad Khan, Zul fik ar Kh an ’ s father, to report onthe progress of the siege . He came to hear of the plotand informed his son . They kept a careful watch on theprince’ s movements . On e night they noticed unusualpreparations in his quarters . At the same time thegarri son sallied vigorously against other parts

~

of theMoghul lines. Certain th at the prince was about to betrayhis father, th ey went to his tents and asked the cause Ofhis preparations . He replied vaguely that he expected an ight attack and was getting ready to meet it . AsadKhan assured him that his information was faulty andsternly directed him to countermand his order . Theprince, seeing th at his treachery had been detected, sullenlyobeyed . In the night Zulfikar Khan brought from anotherpart of the siege works a large body of loyal troops and

Ibrd , p . 89

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN SIVE 85

massed th em round Kam Bak s lr’s quarters . Next morning

Asad Khan and Zulfikar Khan went on elephants insidethe prince ’s zan ana and seizin g his person , imprisoned h imin the fort of Bh in d wasn i , be tter known under its Engli shcorruption Wan d ewash .

While Zul fikar Khan was trying to restore order inthe imperial camp

,San taji Gh or pad e ceaselessly attacked

it from without. In no long time the besieging army wasitself besieged an d forced to enter into a truce with thegarrison . The terms were that Zulfikar Khan shouldretire unmolested to Wan d ewash an d await further ordersfrom the emperor . Both Asad Khan and San taji Gh or pad eOpposed the truce . The latter was confident that in itspresent state he cou l d take or destroy the entire investingarmy . But Raj aram hoped tha t the aged emperor wouldat la st make peace and release Sh ahu . Asad K han d i d

n ot wish to cease hostilities w i thou t the em peror's orders .But while he was trying to win over to his own viewsZulfikar Khan

,the imperia l artill ery m utin ied and forced

on h im the acceptance of the armisticeWhen the em peror learned that the siege Of Jinj i had

been rai sed,he indignantly summon ed to h i s presence

both Asad Khan and the prince,and reprim anded Asad

Khan severely. The prince he pretended to pardon, butsometime later * ordered hi s strict confinem ent . He sentZulfikar Khan reinforcemen ts and commanded him torenew the siege . Th e truce had already been broken.

San taji Ghorpad e , who had strongly Opposed it, was determin ed to interpret i t strictly . He mad e no attack on theretreatin g Moghul arm y But when it had reachedWan d ewash he deemed himself freed from his obligations .Hearing that a Moghul force under Kasim Khan

,the

governor Of the Bijapur Carn a ti cj ‘ was escorting a quanti tyof supplies to Wan d ewash

,he resolved to intercept i t .

Gh or pad e came up w i th the convoy near Caver ipak on1' Scott’s Deccan

, vol . p . 9 1 .

‘

l' Th e Bijapur Carnatic was th e south ern part of the o ld Bijapur kingdom


th e Palar river . Kasim Khan took shelter beh in d i ts

walls. Zulfikar Khan, hearing of his straits, marched toh i s relief an d escorted him safely to Wan d ewash . San taji

Ghorpad e baulked of his prey, at tacked an d took a numberof fort s with their Moghul garri sons . Zulfikar Khan at

on ce turned back,retook the forts an d entering Tanjore

took from Shahaj i , Vyank oji’

s son, a large indemn i ty .

Returning northwards,he led out his army from Wan de

wash and renewed the siege of Jinj i . Unable to cope wi thZulfikar Khan ’s m il i tary sk il l and the large forces at hisdisposal

,San taji Ghor pad e entered the southern provin ce

of Bij apur" . Th e emperor ordered K asim Khan to intercep t him. His recent successful revic tuallin g Of the Moghularmy had turned Kasim Khan ’s head . Near Budheri fort,twenty-five m ile s north-east of Clri tald u r g, he allowed hisadvance guard to be surprised . He hastened to their helpbut wa s soon himself surrounded . All that day he fou ghtan d passed the nigh t under arms . After a three days ’

battle he was driven into Du d h er i fort which San taji atonce invested . The S iege lasted a month and

[ the Musulmansold iers l ived on the flesh Of their h or ses ‘

an d baggagecamels . The Hindus starved or deserte d . At las t KasimKhan poisoned himself and his second in command Roh u l l aKhan Opened negotiations w i th the besieging force .

San taj i Ghorpad e, who had no wish to be encumberedwith prisoners

,d emanded and Obtained a promise of seven

lakhs of rupees as ransom . He le t the officers take withthem their h orses and clothes . The soldiers he let takesuch effects a s they could carry . The guns, treasure an dtransport were th e spoils of war .

San taji Gh orpad e had no sooner dispersed K asinr Kh an ’sarmy than he heard of a large Moghul force under Hima tKhan advancing at all speed to Kasim Kh an ’s relief.Raj aram and the Jinj i garri son had skilfully delayed itsadvance

,unti l the other Moghul force h ad been rendered

harmless . He then let i t proceed to i t s destruction .

Scott’s Deccan, vol . IL

,p . 9 1 .



agr eed to l et the regent d o so, if some plan could b e con :

ceived by which no blame would rest on him . At th esame time he vigorously pressed the siege an d i t began tolook as if Zulfikar Khan would carry the d efences whileRaj aram was stil l in the town . Khando Ballal was at h iswits’ end . At last he thought of Gan oji and Ram oji Shirkswho commanded the S iege works to the south-west of Jinj i.They had escaped from the Sh ir k e massacre an d had takenservice with the em peror . At first they haughtily refusedany assi stance . But Khando Ballal would not be rebuffed .

He pleaded earnestly Rajar am ’s innocence and their own

k inship to the unhappy Soyar ab ai , the regent ’s mother,At last Gan oji and Ram oji Sh irk e gave way on the condi

"

tion of receivin g a grant of the revenues of Dabhol in th eKonkan . They in turn won over certain offi cers of th eMohite clan to which Rajar am

’

s eldest wife Tarabai be~lon ged . Another helper was found in Nagoji Mane . Hewas the son of one Rataj i Mane who had held a greatcommand in the Bij apur army

,where he had won a high

reputa tion for courage . During Rataji ’s lifetim e his sonshared wi th his father the favour of th e k ing of Bij apur .

But on Ra taji’

s death Nagoji quarrelled with the Bij apurcourt and entered the Delhi service . He now commandedfive thousand horse opposite the western gate of Jinj i .Khando Bal l al ’s plan was tha t Nagoji sh ould make a

feigned attack on the western gate . In the confusionRaj aram and his attendants should es cape to the Sh i rk e ’

s

lines . Zulfikar Khan * approved the plan and i t wasc arried ou t . The same night Nagoji Mane attacked thewestern gate and Raj aram fled to his k in srn en ’

s camp .

Next morning the Sh irk es pretended to go on a huntingexpedition . With them they took the regent and hisa ttendants disguised as huntsmen . Ou t of s ight of theMoghul army they galloped to

,

a spot fifteen miles away

* I sh oul d men tion h ere that Mr. Sard esai th inks that the eviden ce is agai ns tthe treason of Zu lfi kar Khan . I am rel uctan tly forced to differ from his

con cl usion .

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFEN SIVE 89

where a large Maratha force commanded by Dh an aji Jad avwaited for th e fugitive . Dh an aji took charge of Rajar am ’

s

person and escorted him to Vellore There San taji

Ghorpad e j oined them with his divi sion and after someskirmishes with Moghul horse

, th e regent reached Vishalgadin December On Rajar am

’s flight Harj i Mah ad ik

’

s

son took command of the garri son . But the v igour ofZu lfikar Khan ’ s at tack s soon af terwards carried the outerwalls. In Janu ary 1 698, Daud Khan caure by chance tolearn of a path through a small wood up th e side of thefortress . Sober for the moment

,he examined it an d

w i thout inform in g Zulfikar Kh an,decided to storm it . He

joined with h im in the enterprise a Rajput chief calledDalp atr ao. The garri son thought the assaul t to be on lyone of Daud Khan ’ s drunken outbreaks and paid littl e heedto it

,until Dal p atr ao had carried the main defences . The

garri son fled to the citad el . But the Moghul forces n owentered the town on al l sid es and the ci tadel surrenderedto Zulfikar Khan . AS he had previously prom i sed to do,he handed over Rajar am ’

s wives and their two sons to th eSh i rk es

,who arranged for their return to the western

Deccan .

So ended the great Siege o f Jinj iEnd ing a s i t did by th e storm Of the fortress, i t mightseem that the emperor had been the gainer in the struggle .The contrary

,h owever

,was the ca se. By the time Jinj i

had fallen , i ts S iege h ad ea ten deeply into the resourcesof the empire . Th e Maratha troops had repeatedly shewnthemselves equa l or superior to Moghul armies . Th e

sanctuary created by the great k ing had done i ts work .

The endless ch ain of the Moghul communications h ad beenstrained to break ing point . Th e time was a t hand whenthe Maratha counter-o ffensive migh t begin .

Wilks , p 133 .

‘

l' Ch itn is Bakhar .


APPENDIX

Th e following genealogical tree of th e Sh irk e s i s cop ied fromvol . I of Mr . Sard esai ’s R iyasat , p . 663 .

Waghoji Raje

K anhop

Yesu baiRamon =Sam bhajr I

I

Th e following tr ee of th e Hanm an tes will b e fou n d

Narayan Hanm an te

Raghunath Hanm an te Jan ard han Han man te

Trimbak Tim ajr Am bu rao Babu rao Gangadh ar Sh rini vas

Am atya

1708-1789 Avad hu t

Am atya ( 1739 -50)



schem e of conquering all India in the very hour of i tsconsummation ? Where the infidel s to deride the crownedsaint of Islam in the moment of Vi ctory ? The emperorhad

,i t i s true

,passed the allotted Span of human existence .

But was that n ot a sign that th e Almigh ty was prolon ginghis l ife that he might win the goal which Asad Khan now

urged h im to abandon ?The emperor was shrewd enough to guess the m otives

of the military chiefs . But with senile obstinacy' he clun g

to his hope to bring, as Alauddin had done, all Indiaben eath the canopy of Delh i . Asad Kh an , however, prevailed on him to Open negoti ations . But the loyal Raj aramasked for the liberation of Shahu before he would ceaseoperations . Th e emperor lost hi s temper at thi s n ot u n

rea sonable dem and and gladly made i t an excuse to d ismissrudely the Maratha envoys . He was confirmed in hisV iews by an event that took place about thi s time, namely,the murder of San taji Ghor pad e . For a long time pastthere had been a feud between this di stinguished soldierand Dh an aji Jad av . It began early i h Rajar am

’

s

'

r e i gn

when San taji Gh orp ad e was promoted to the ch ief commandi n Spite of cl aims which to Dh an aji , at any rate, seemedsuperior . So long as P r alh ad Nir aji l ived, h i s high in

fluence and character curbed the passions of the angrycaptains. But in 1 69 7 , during the Siege of Jinji , Pr alh adNir aji had incurred the d i spleasure of the regent, andbroken-hearted by his rebuke

,had gone on a pilgrimage to

Pandharpur*,and had commi tt ed suicide before the Shrine

of Krishna . Pr a lh ad N ir aji’s control removed

,Dh an aji

Jad av resolved to destroy h i s rival . At this time San tajiGh orpad e at the head of a force numbering twenty-fivethousan d men was c am p ed ‘

l‘ som e eighteen to twenty miles

south Of Bij apu r . F iroz Jang,with a large body of

Moghul s, was advancin g against him from the north . Whens ti ll four or five marches away

,he heard of Dh an aji Jad aV ’

s

Ch itn is Bakh ar.‘

l' Khafi Khan .

TH E GREAT MOGHUL OFFENS IVE 9 3“

intentions . He at once pressed forward to profit by th equarrel s of the Maratha general s . In the very presenceof the enem y

,Dh an aji Jad av attacked San taji Gh orpad e ’s

force . The latter ’s stri ct d i scipline and cruel punishmentshad m ade him unpopular w i th hi s offi cers and m en . On

a concerted Signal the bulk of th em deserted to Dh an ajiJad av . San taji fled alone into th e western hill s fol lowedby Firoz Jang on one S ide and on the other by his owntroops and Dh an aji Jad av ’

s army . He might have escaped .

but for the tireless pursui t of Nagoji Mane . AS will beremembered

,Nagoji Mane had helped Raj aram to escape

from Jinj i and thereafter he had deserted the Moghulcause . He was by birth the d eshm u k h or hereditaryrevenue officer of Mhaswad and he had a bitter privatefeud with San taji Gh orp ad e . As a punishment for som emilitary Offence

,San taji had ordered Nagoji Mane ’ s brother

to be tram pled to death by an elephant This act Nagojin ei ther forgot nor forgave . When the others gave up th echase

,Mane relentlessly pursued the fugitive . San taji ,

thinking that he had shaken off his enemies,dismounted

to bathe himself and his horse in a small stream . As hebathed

,Nagoji Mane and his men came upon h im and

ki lled him . Mane cut Off the dead man ’ s head and puttingit in a b ag, tied the bag to his saddle, meaning to take itto Dh an aji Jad av . As he rode, th e b ag became unfasten edan d fel l to the ground . It was picked up shortly afterwards by some of F iroz Jan g ’

s scouts,who Opened i t and

recogni sed the head as that of San taji Ghorpad e . Theyc arried it back to Firoz Jang who sent i t by a messengerto Au r an gzib . The latter was delighted and gave them essen ger the ti tle of Khush Khabar Khan

,or lord among

th e bearers of gl ad tidings . The head was paraded byb eat of drum through the army and through several Of

the chief towns of the Deccan . San tajr’

s death was a greatl oss to the Maratha cause . For seven years he had been

An oth er accoun t given by Mr. Sard esai men tion s that San taji h ad kil l edAm ritrao N imbalkar Nagoji Mari e

’s fath er-ih -law .


th e terror of th e Moghul armies an d so great was the fear”

that prevailed among th em both of him and of Dhamaj iJadav

,that th e Musulman troopers used , when their horses

r efused to drink, to ask them whether they saw the faceof San taj i or of Dh an aji in the water.The emperor

,greatly encouraged by the death of th i s

brilli ant soldier,devoted himself more zealously than ever

to the subjugation of the western Deccan . He determinedto take one by one the Maratha forts ; and having driventhe Maratha troops into the plains

,to overwhelm them in

th e open . Had this strategy been adopted earlier, i t mighthave succeeded . But the imperial troops had been SO

weakened by death and disease,discharges and desertions

,

that they did not n ow greatly outnumber the forces Of theregent . Cap tured fortresses needed garri sons to hold them ,

and the creation of garrisons meant the further diminutionof th e imperial army . During the Siege of Jinj i th e

emperor h ad been compelled,in order to reinforce Zulfikar

Khan,to reduce to a dangerously low number his army in

the Deccan . The result was that a number of Deccan for t sh ad passed into Maratha hands . I have already mentionedthe recapture in 1 692 of Rajgad and Panhala by Sh ankarNarayan Gan d ek ar and Parashuram Trimbak . In thefollowing year

,1 693 , Shankar Narayan took Torna and

Roh id a close to Rajgad and occupied effectively th e countrybetween th ese forts . S id hoji Guj ar, the Maratha Sarkh elor admiral, took Su var n ad u r g and Vij aydurg on th e Konkancoast. On S i d lroji

’

s death the regent conferred th e postand title of Sarkh e l on K anh oji An gre . The original nameof the Angres was Sangpal and th ey claimed

,apparently

w i th justi ce that they were of pure Rajput descent .K anh oji

’

s father, Tuk oji , h ad been a sailor in th e GreatKin g’s fleet an d K anh oji had from boyhood served in th eMaratha navy . He captured the Kolaba district

,from the

Abyssinian s an d in course of time recovered a large partof the Kon kan seaboard . Vishalgad was retaken byParashuram Trimbak . After Rajar am

’s flight the siege


“


Ramchandra said in a grave, clear v0 1ce“During you r

Highness’ absence from Maharashtra,we, so far as our

humble powers permitted,guarded and administered your

possessions. Now,w ith your leave

,we return to you your

kin gdom .

” The regent acknowled ged the viceroy’ s Speechby praising the mann er in which he had discharged thed uties of his high office . He lauded the services ofAtole

,Dabhade

,Pawar an d Patank ar and distributed

to them and to others dresses of honour sui ted to theirrank and achievements . He then disclosed to the councilhi s plans . He meant to l e t the emperor wear out hisarmy besiegin g the Deccan fortresses

,while he and h is

li eutenants invaded with large bodies of horse the Moghulterritories further than they had been invaded for manyyears . Thus while the emperor was trying to destroy hisbases

,the Marathas would retaliate by destroying his .

The enemy ’s power i s weakened ”,con cluded Raj aram,

our troops no longer fear to meet the emperor ’s . Ou r

ta sk i s reaching its close . By the blessing and m erit ofmy father

,the d ivine Shivan, fortu ne w i l l crown our

e fforts w i th victory.

” He then raised Timaji Hanm an te,

son of Jan ar d anp an t Hanm an te,to the office of Pr at in id h i

and appointed Ramchandra Bavd ek ar to hi s old post ofAm atya or Finance Minister .

Both sides were anxious to strike the first blow. ButAu r an gzib

’s preparations were hindered by the extr aor d i

nary rise of th e Bhima river. For some years past he hadestablished his headquarters at Brahmapuri , It had beenfortified as became the residence of the em peror

,and his

high offi cers had built th emselves costly and luxurioushouses . In the mon soon of 169 9 the Bhima river

,which

flowed past Brahmapuri, rose to an unprecedented heightand overflowing its bank s caused immense loss to theimperial army. Between ten and twelve thousand menp eri shed ; vast quantitie s of horses and cattl e, tents, armsan d equipment were swept away by the raging river. In

d espair the emperor wrote on scrap s of paper verses from


the Koran and with hi s own hand threw them into thewater . When in due course the Bhima subsided

,his

courtiers ascribed it s fal l to the holy verses thrown intoit . While Au r an gzib , Koran in hand, was thus battlingwith the elements

,the Maratha counter-offensive began .

On San taji Gh orpad e’s death, Rajaram had appointed

Dh an aji Jad av to the chief command . As before,the

Maratha arm y was form ed to three divisions. Dh an aji

Jadav in addition to his supreme command led one division .

Parashuram Trimbak led the second and Shankar Narayanled the third . E arly in 1 69 9 Raj aram took the field withthe combined divisions

,amounting at least to sixty thousand

men ; and as the arm y advanced northwards, i t was joinedby brigades under Par soji Bhos l e, the founder of theBh os l e house of Nagpur, Haib atrao Nimbalkar, Nem aji

S india and Atole . This mighty force moved towards theGodavari valley . The Moghul garrisons who tried toresist were overwhelmed . Dhamaj i Jad av defeated onelarge body of imperial troops near Pandharpur . ShankarNarayan cleared another contingent under Sarz e Khan outof the Poona district . Entering the valley of the Godavari

,

Rajaram publicly proclaimed his right to levy from it thechau th and the sar d eshm u kh i , the taxes of fif th and T

’

Uth

which Sh ivaji h ad created . From those villages that couldnot pay

,bonds were taken . From the Godavari valley

Rajaram marched into Khandesh and Berar. This timehe came not a s a mere raider ; and to convince the lnhabitants that he would give them protection and exercisesovereignty, he divided the country into military districtsand left in them strong detachments under distinguishedgeneral s. K h an d er ao Dabhade took command in Baglanand northern Nasik . Par soji Bh os l e was made governorof Berar, Nem aji Sindia governor of Khandesh and Haib atr ao

Nimbalkar governor of the valley of the Godavari . Raj aramhimself led a large body of cavalry to plunder the rich

* The real n ame is Sh in de . But I h ave decided to adhere to th e commonspel l ing .


city of Jalna, some miles south-east of Au r an gb ad . Afterthe departure of the regent

,Nem aji Sindia won an import

ant success near Nan d arbar,a large town some eighty

miles east of Surat . Hearing that a Maratha army was inthe neighbourhood

,a Moghul * commander called Hussein

Ali Khan,with seven or eight hundred horse and three

thousand foot went out with more courage than prudenceto meet i t. The Moghuls fought well but they weresurrounded and captured . Sin dia fixed their ransom attwo lakhs of rupees . Hussein Ali Khan managed to findamong his friends security for one lakh and eightythousand . Twenty thousand rupees remained sti ll ou t

standing. He begged the help of the merchants ofNan d arb ar . But relying on a Moghul garrison

,the

merchants refused to pay anything to the Marathas ei thera s ransom or tribute . Hussein Ali Khan found an ingeniousway out of hi s difficulties . He induced Sindia to releasehim on parol that he might enter Nan d arb ar and personally interview the reluctant traders . S india was then tobesiege the town . Two days afterwards Hussein Ali Khanwould open the gates to the Marath as . ’

Everythinghappened as Hussein Al i Khan planned . He found shelterinside Nan d arb ar and Opened the gates to the Marathaarmy. He then led Sindia to the houses of th e chiefmerchants and took an active part in torturing them untilthey disgorged their treasures . So effective was the j ointaction of the Moghul and Maratha commanders that insteadof twenty thousand they soon extorted from the rich menof Nan d ar bar a hundred and seventy thousand rupees. Of

these S india took a hundred and forty thousand . HusseinAli Khan was allowed to keep the remainder himself .In the meantime the emperor had begun his new

campaign . Leaving a garrison at Brahmapuri wh ich herenamed I s l am pu r i , he led out his grand army in October 1 69 9to reduce the Maratha strongholds . His first object wasV asan tgad , a large fort between the Krishna and Koyna

*Khafi Khan,V ol . V I I . Ell iott and Dawson

,p . 3 62 .


100 A H I STORY OF THE MARATHA P EOPLE

to the god Sh iva and called it Yu vateshwar or the god ofthe bamboo trees. The temple i s stil l to be seen and bothi t and the mountain on which i t stands are familiar toresidents in Satara as Yeoteshwar . The fort, however, wasonly provisioned for two months and must have yieldedfrom hunger

,had the Marathas not found an ally in the

corruption of the emperor ’s son Azim Shah . Directly hehad realised the emperor ’s design

,Parashuram Trimbak

had thrown himself into Parali, only six miles away. Bymeans of l arge bribes he persuaded Azim Shah to letconvoys of food an d munitions pass from Parali into Satara .

At the same time clouds of Maratha horse circled continuou s ly round the besieging army . Unable to redu ceSatara by famine and threatened with scarcity himself,Au r an gz ib tried to make a breach in the fortifications .From a radius of several miles he attracted labourers tohis camp by offering them a gold coin for every basket ofearth they removed . When two of the borings had reacheda suffi cient depth

,they were filled with explosives. A

large storming party was held in readiness and a numberof guns trained on the fort to support their attack . Inorder to attract the garri son to the spot where the mineswould explode

,the emperor decked himself in hi s state

robes and j ewels and accompanied by a splendid retinuehad himself carried on a portable throne below th e northeast corner of the fort . The garrison

,including th e

commandant Pr ayagji Ph an se, thinking the processionto be some religious celebration

,crowded to the edge .

Instantly the first mine was fired . A vast mass of stonerose in the air

,carrying with it two hundred of th e

garrison . Under cover of the smoke and confusion andthe fire of their own batteries

,the storm in g par ty climbed

up the hill . When they were half way up, the second minewas fired and the emperor hoped that its explosion wouldopen a further breach for the attacking force . Un for tu

n ately the mine exploded in the wrong direction .

Quantities of great boulders rose in the air, but falling

THE GREAT MOGHUL OFF EN S IV E 101

outwards showered on the heads of the unhappy Moghuls,

The entire storming party was swept away . Some twothousand were buried u nder the falling stones . Hundredsof others were shot down by the garri son . Greatly cheeredby this success

,the garri son looked for their commandant .

He had been sitting under a tree near the north -easternbastion and had been blown up when the first mine exp lod ed . By great good luck some rock s

,a s they fell,

formed an arch over his body . He was able to call hi smen who after considerable labour

,dug him out unhurt .

The loss of his storm ing party,a s the Maratha chroniclers

relate,so enraged the emperor th at

,los ing his usual self

command,he ordered his e l eph an ts an d all hi s transport

cattle to be killed and their bodies piled up outside thewall s a s stepping stones by which his army might climbinto the fort . Asad Khan

,however

,persuaded him to

countermand this ridiculous order and hinted that a betterway would be to censure Azim Shah and make him stophi s treacherous complaisance with the enemy.

Au r an gz ib recovered hi s self-control and sending forAzim Shah reprimand ed him so severely on the want of

discipline that a llowed convoys to pass through his lines,that the prince saw that further treachery was impossible .He accordingly wrote to Parashuram Trimbak warninghim that in future he would seiz e al l supplies meant forthe besieged . Thi s warnin g was communicated by Parashuram Trimbak to P r ayagji Ph an se , No sooner had th e

commandant heard it,than he received other and still

more depressing information . This was the suddendeath of the regent . After holding out for a week or twolonger P r ayagji opened negotiations . On the 2 i st April1 700 he surrendered the fort . Although provisioned foronly two months

,i t had stood a siege of six. The gallantry

of i ts defence had foiled the emperor’ s design of reducingin the dry season the Maratha forts and of attack ingduring the monsoon Rajar am

’s unprotected armies .

*Ch itn is Bakhar .


Nevertheless,heartened by the news of the regent ’s death ,

which he proclaimed everywhere by beat of drum,

Au r an gz ib at once moved against Parali . To sootheAzim QSh ah

’s feelings hurt by the recent reprimand

,and to

stimulate him to more vigorous efforts in the comingsiege

,Au r an gz ib changed the name of Satara to Azim

Tara or star of Azim S h ah . He also announced that th ewhole credit of i ts fall was d u e to the tireless efforts ofof his gallant son . On the March to Parali the emperorboasted to his soldiers that now Raj aram was dead, hi sarms would soon overcome the regent ’s helpless widowand children .


CHAPTER XXXI I I

THE MARATHA COUNTER -OFFENSIVEDEATH OF RAJARAM AND REGENCY OF TARABAI

A . D . 1 700 To 1 706

As mentioned in the last chapter, Raj aram had taken withhim a l arge force to attack Jalna . His march was at

first successful . He plundered the city and then set it onfire . Entering the Godavari valley

,he plundered Paithan

,

Bhid and other towns along the river banks . Fearing topenetrate further east h e turned back

,meaning to deposit

hi s plunder within the walls of Sin h gad . He had no soonerturned than he was surprised and defeated by ZulfikarKhan . That talented captain had in a series of sk ilfullyfought actions worsted repeatedly Dh an aji Jad av and hadd riven the Maratha tr0 0 ps out of south-eastern India . Hethen hastened north -west and infli cted on Rajar am ’

s army,a severe reverse . The regent fell b ack with all speed, buthe never shook off th e Moghul pursuit . In this di sastrousretreat the regent ’s resource and courage alone saved hisarmy. Although half dead with fatigue

,he fought for

fifty miles a continuous series of rear-guard actions,and

at last brought his command,reduced but not destroyed ,

to the welcome sh elter of Sinh gad . Unhappily, the hardships and exposure aggravated a weakness of Rajar am ’

s

lungs contracted at Jinj i . He at first seemed in goodspirits at the fortunate end of his enterprise

,received

modestly the congratulations of Ramchandra Bavd ek ar

and the other ministers . But after some days high feverset in with frequent hemorrhages . Knowing that hisend was near

,he called to his bedside his ministers and

forgetful of his own sufferings,he commanded them not


to relax their efforts in th e war of liberation until KingShahu had been freed and the Moghuls driven from th e

l and of th e Marathas . He raised Ramchandra Bavd ek arto th e presidency of the council and bade the othermin i sters be guided by the old statem an

’s wisdom and

experience . Then dismissing them,he composed his mind

an d met death w i th the firmness with wh ich h e had sooften faced h is enemies . (5th March 1 700 Falgun Wadya9 th , Shake

Engli sh historians have united in prai sing the placabletemper

,the regular life and the Open-h anded generosity

of Raj aram . Bu t h e has been charged with complici ty inthe murder of San taji Ghorpad e . The only originalauthority that I have seen, that fastens on Rajaram ashare in that gallant soldier’s death i s Scott’ s Deccan .

But the Musu lman histori an therein translated has explainedthat San taji Ghorpad e, according to the regent ’s information

,entered into a treason able plot against him. Thi s

was not un likely in view of San taji ’s previous conduct .Nor did the times allow of formal investigation . Thus atm ost i t can be said that Rajaram

,acting on evidence

before him, ordered San taj i ’s execution . But there i s noreason to suppose that this historian i s correct . KhafiKhan, a far more reliable authority

,has laid no blame

on th e r egent . He h as ascribed the general ’s murder toth e enmity of Dh anaji Jad av and Nagoj i Mane . This V i ewderives support from the fact that these officers made acommon cause wi th th e Moghul Firoz Jan g

,a course

which Raj aram would certainly not have tolerated . Itm ay b e urged that the regent should at least have punishedDh an aji Jad av . Against a settled government this chargewou ld h ave had some weight . But in times as difficult asthose in which Raj aram ruled

,i t i s impossible to expec t

perfect justi ce . Raj aram had just lost h i s best general.To have punished Dh an aji Jad av a s he deserved, wouldh ave involved the loss of the only other Maratha captainwh o h ad so far shewn himself of outstanding abili ty, whose



thi s would take several hours and the sun was low on thehorizon . But confident in her powers as a sa ti , Am b ik ab aiput a twig on the ground and forbade the shadows to passover it

,until she had fulfilled her vow . Obedient to her

command,the sun stood still in its course until the wood

from Malkapur had arrived and the pyre had been built .Then taking in her hands a favourite turban of her husbandsh e entered the pyre and with unflinching courage burntherself to ashes .Tarabai

,the chief queen of the dead regent

,shewed a

d ifferent but no less ardent spirit . Sh e summoned acouncil of state on beh alf of her son Sh ivaji and demandedhis recognition as king of the Marathas . RamchandraBavd ek ar protested that the true king was Shahu, onwh ose behalf Rajaram had ruled . Sh ivaji could not haveinherited from his father a better ti tle than his fath er hadpossessed. At the same time he readily agreed to serveunder Tarabai a s regent for King Shahu . But the highspiri ted Tarabai impatiently brushed aside his obj ectionsand insi sted th at her son Sh ivaji should be crowned asking.

“He i s the Sh ivaji , ” she added, “of whom th e proph ecy runs that he will conquer all India from Attock toto Ram e shwar am

”. Sh e had already won to her son ’s

cause Parashuram Trimbak and Shankar Narayan, whoappreciated the advantage of serving a present ratherthan an absent king

,no matter how strong th e la tter ’s

c l aim . Relyin g on their support , Tarabai reduced Tim aj i

Raghunath from the office of P rat in id h i and gave it toParash uram Trimbak who had already held it for a shorttime in 1698 . Sh e reduced Shankar Malhar from the postof Pant Sach iv and gave it to Shankar Narayan Gan d ek ar .

The other ministers,overaw ed

,

by h er vigour,agreed to

Sh ivaji’s coronation . E arly in 1 701

,the child was crowned

with the customary splendour at Panhala and married toBh awan ib ai

,a daughter of the house of Gh atge . At th e

s ame time Tarabai threw her co-wife Rajasb ai and her sonSam bh aji into pri son .

THE MARATHA COUNTER-OFFENS IVE 0 7

While this question of state was being settl ed,the

emperor had taken Parali . It had been for tified andprovisioned by Parashuram Trimbak and, according tothe Maratha chroniclers

,i t received supernatural aid from

the spiri t of the dead saint,Ramdas . The vulgar belief

had been that he was the r e -incarnation of the monkey godMar u t i

,who had h elped the divine Ramchandra in the

conquest of Lanka . S ent by the dead saint,crowds of

monkeys hastened to the defence of Parali * and hurleddown rock s on the besieging Moghuls . Nor were they theonly aid that the Marathas received from the animalkingdom . Clouds of wasps flew round the Moghul storming parties and maddened them with their stings . Howeverthis may be

,an attempt by Fateh Ulla Khan , the general

in command of the siege Operations,to carry the place by

escalade fail ed d i sastrously. Th e scaling ladders wered estr oyed }

L and three hundred picked tr0 0 ps perished .

But it was no part of P ar ashu r am ’s policy to sustain a

lengthy siege . All he wished to do was to engage theimperia l army unti l the rains fell

,when the monsoon would ,

he knew,cause i t greater losses than any he and his

garri son could infli ct . He waited unti l th e monsoon hadburst . He th en removed from Ramd as ’ temple the saint ’simages of Rama and S ita , sealed the saint ’s shrine andskilfully evacuating Parali , fel l back on Wasota

,a great

fortress in the Koyna valley (June The emperorgarrisoned Parali and pleased w i th i ts comparativelyspeedy fall renamed it Nauroz Tara

,or the star of the

new day . His pleasure,however

,was short - l ived . Th e

Urm od i or Breast -breaker river which runs past the footof Parali came down with the violence which has given toit its name

,and destroyed quantities of baggage and

animals . But when the army reached the Krishna , a disaster § of the first magnitude occurred . So violent was

Ch itn is Bakhar .

"

i‘

Scott’s Deccan .

Khafi Kh an .


the current that Au ran gz ib ’

s rear-guard was com pletelycut off. Nine out of ten of those who tried to swim th e

Krishna were drowned . The remainder stayed on th e

further bank without food or shelter . They perished to am an . Au r an gz ib and the bulk of the army reachedWar d h an gad in safety. There the emperor, justly attributing the sufferings of hi s troop s to the corruption andtreachery of his son

,Azim Shah

,reli eved him of his com

mand and appointed him governor of Uj j ain . When therains had abated

,the emperor led his army ou t of th e

hills and camped at Khawaspur * on the banks of the Manriver . There he sent for reinforcements from Burhanpur,Bij apur

,Haidarabad and Hindustan . But even at Khawas

pur th e unhappy Moghuls were not free from misfortune .The rainfall at Khawaspur i s

,a s a r u l e,

‘

ligh t . But unluckilyin October 1 700 the rains fell W i th unusual violence andthe Moghul camp was inundated by the sudden rise of atorrent which passed close to i t. Numbers of soldiers andof transport cattle peri shed and the emperor

,who was in

bed with a sore foot was with some difficulty r escu ed j‘

.

With senile obstinacy Au r an gzi b continued to besiegethe Maratha fortresses . His next obj ective was Panhala .

This fortress,as i t will be remembered

,had in spite of

Gh atge’s gallant defence been taken by the Moghuls and

afterwards recovered by Parashuram Trimbak . Th e

emperor once more laid siege to i t . Dhamaj i Jad avharassed in the usual Maratha way the besieging army .

But Par ashu r am ’

s tacti cs were now adopted by the commandants of all the forts . After a two months ’ siegeduring which the garrison inflicted a s much loss a s theycould on the investing army

,they cut their way through

it an d on the 28th May 1 701 abandoned to the emperorthe empty fortress . In the same year the emperor wonthe barren glory of retak ing Chandan Wandan

,near

Satara . He met,however

,a more vigorous resi stance

Kh awaspur is in th e Shol apur d istrict.

j‘ Scott’ s Deccan .



government. Tarabai had inherited the military talentsand energy Of h er father Ham b ir r ao Mohite . With thetireless vigour wi th which Hera strove to rouse againstPriam the princes Of Hellas

,the Maratha queen flew from

camp to camp and fortress to fortress . Living the life Of acommon trooper

,exposed to th e sun, sleeping on the ground ,

Tarabai was everywh ere encouraging her officers,planning

campaigns,organizing victories . Nor did the soldier s

resent her interference . SO clear was her vision, sounerring

( her jud gm ent, that she was equally welcome onthe battlefield and in the council chamber ; and in noshort time the Maratha counter-Offensive

,at first halting

and ineffective,began to threaten the very heart of the

Moghul empire . Nor could the invaded provinces Offerany resi stance . The emperor to reinforce his grand armyhad left behind only feeble garrisons and had disarmedthe landowners to prevent th em rebelling against thegarri sons . F inding nowhere any organised Opposition

,

th e Marathas ceased to be mere raiders . Everywhereth at their armies penetrated they created permanentadministrations for the collection of revenue “ Everywherecould be found their agents

,their su bh ed ars , and their

K am cw is d ar s . In th e year 1 705 two Maratha armiesS imultaneously crossed the Narbada . On e led by Nem aji

Sindia forced the Vindhya mountains and ravaged CentralInd i a a s far as Se ron j, some fifty mil es north of Bhopa l .The other led by Kh an d er ao Dabhade, turning aside fromSurat and Broach threatened the whole Of the wealthyviceroyalty Of Guzerat , The Moghul government sentfrom Ahmadabad one Mahomed Beg Khan at the head ofthirteen or fourteen th ousand regular horse and a levy Of

ten thousand K ol i s or hillmen . But Mahomed Beg Khanwas no match for the experienced Maratha commander ,F irst Dabhade sent a few squadrons to meet Mahomed Beg’sarmy

.Mahomed Beg thought them to be the entire force

w ith which he had to deal and attacked them with twentythousand men

.The Maratha troopers fled at their

TH E MARATHA COUNTER -OFFENS IVE 1 1 1

approach leaving as they fled some led h orses,a few

spears and umbrellas. Mahomed Beg Khan congratulatedhimself and hi s men on their easy victory and collectedtriumphantly the spoils Of war . As th e day grew warmer,th e conquerors camped on the banks Of the Narbada ; th eyunsaddled their horses

,laid a sid e their arms and were

soon asleep,dreaming of th eir recent triumph . Suddenly

eight thousand Maratha horse,whose spies h ad been

watching the Moghul movements burst on the unpreparedenemy . A wild panic seiz ed Mahomed Beg and hi s troops .The whole mass fled

,hoping to put between them and the

enemy the Narbada river . But a strong tide was sweepingup the estuary and men and horses were d rowned bythousands . Th e remainder were cut down by the MarathasBefore evening the Mogh ul army had ceased to exist andGuzerat as far north as Ahmadabad was plundered byKh an d er ao Dabhade .These continual disasters broke the spiri t of the im

perial soldiery . Worn out by twenty years of war, theycould only

,if led by Zulfikar Khan

,be made to face the

Maratha horse. On the Moghul side were slackness,

disorganisation and dismay . On the Maratha side was th econfidence born of repeated success . Indeed so great hadbecome the contempt Of the Marathas for the aged emperor

,

that to m ock the Musulmans who every Friday Offered upprayers in Au r an gzib ’

s name,the Maratha captains also

ordered their own men every Friday to offer up prayersto heaven to prolong indefinitely the life of one whoOpposed them so feeb lyj‘ . At last on the representations Ofhis Officers , Au r an gzib ’

s youngest son,Kam Bak sh

,who

not long before had been released from cap tivity, Obtained

hi s father ’s leave to open negotiations with Dh an aji Jad avi .

As Rajaram had done, Jad av demanded a s a preliminary

Kh afi Khan . El l iott an d Dowson,V I I

,p . 374 .

j' Scott’s Deccan .

I Kh afi Khan writes th at Dh an aji Jadav Open ed the negotiation s . But Gran tDuff is , I th ink , correct in stating that th e offer must h ave come from th e

Moghul s .


c ondit ion th e release of Shahu . The king was to be eutrusted to Kam Bak sh

’

s care and led by him to the Marathacamp

,where he would receive and confer with the Maratha

leaders . Thereafter the latter would present themselvesbefore Au r angzib and receive recognition of the right ofthe Maratha government and levy chau th and sar d eshm u lch i

over the southern provinces of the empire . NO less thanseventy invitations to Maratha Officers had been written ,when the emperor broke Off negotiations . Taught byb itter experience, he mistrusted the good faith Of his sonan d formed the belief that the negotiations were only ascreen for his impending treachery . It was the prince’ sintention to join with Shahu the Marathas and with theiraid to depose Au r an gz ib and usurp the throne Of Delh i .The emperor dismissed the Maratha envoys

,recalled his

own ,and leavin g the Maratha country led hi s grand army

to the siege Of Wak in k er a

After the fall Of Bij apur,the Moghul generals reduced

the fortresses owned by Sikandar Adil Shah . On e Of these,S agar

,between the confluence of the Bhima and the Krishna

,

was held by one Pem Naik the chief Of a wild tribecalled Ber ad s

,a name which the Musulman historians

c orrupted into Bed ar s or fearless ones . On the approachof the Moghul army

,Pem Naik at once submitted and

presenting himself at court was raised to the rank of acommander of five thousand . But the savage Chieftains oon pined for his own wild highlands and asked for andObtained leave to go to Wak ink er a

,a walled village

fifteen miles from Sagar. On his death shortly afterwards,Pirya Naik, setting aside the claims Of Pem Naik ’s son,a lso called Pem Naik

,succeeded to the headship Of the

Berad tribe . He presented himself at court,was given a

command of five thousand and did excellent service underRoh u l l a Khan at the siege Of Raichur . After the fall Ofthat place he withdrew to Wak ink er a and fortifying itbecame a robber chief. He collected round him fourteen

*My accoun t taken from Khafi Khan differs sl igh tl y from that of Gran t Duf f.


1 1 4 A H I STORY OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE

sight of the garrison,led the Hindu sepoys to admit him .

Inside the fort he made no attempt to hide,but built

him self a straw shed,wherein he lived on so harsh a diet

that he convinced the Moghul commandant that he wasindifferent to the thin gs of this world and cared only forhis own future in the next . With careless contempt theMoghul let the anchorite roam as h e would . By moneyand eloquence Anaj i artfully corrupted the Hindu soldiersamong the garrison . At the same time he kept in constanttouch with Parashuram Trimbak

,until one night the latter

at the head of a storming party took Satara by escaladeand put the garri son to the sword . A few days laterParashuram Trimbak took Parali by escalade . This wasthe signal for a great religious rejoicing. Ramdas’ imagesOf Rama and Si ta were brought b ack in triumph fromWasota and Ram da s’ own shrine was Opened and purified .

About the same time a s Satara and Parali were retaken,Shankar Narayan Gan d ek ar retook Sinh gad , Rajgad andTorna . Having thus robbed Au r an gz ib Of the fruitsof hi s recent campaign

,the Maratha captains concentrated

their divi sions in the neighbourhood Of Wak ink er a . P i rya

Naik had made a gallant defence and from guns Of everycalibre had fired cannon ball s and showered rockets onthe Moghul lines . Nevertheless the emperor pressed thesiege with vigour and seemed on the point Of takingWak ink er a when he was compelled to meet a generalattack by Dh an aji Jad av at the head of largely increasedforces. Dh an aji Jad av and several other Maratha leadershad in 1 703 entrusted their wives to Pirya Naik ’

s keeping.

They now formed a bold scheme for their rescue . TheMaratha army pressed home a vigorous attack on thebesiegers and were with diffi culty beaten Off . During th ebattle a body of three thousand horse cut their waythrough the investing lines and into the fort. There theymounted the generals’ wives on spare horses and oncemore cut their way out . In spite Of thi s success theemperor ’s progress continued

,so the Berad chief had r e s

THE MARATHA COUNTER-OFFENSIVE 1 15

course to a ruse . His brother Som Shankar presentedhimself at the Moghul headquarters and asked forgivenessfor P i rya Naik an d a week ’s truce . His erring brother

,

so Som Shankar said,had gone m ad and jumped from the

fort walls . If nothin g was heard of him at the end Of aweek he

,Som Shankar, would surrender. The week passed

and a small force und er Mu h tash am Khan entered Wakinkera to take possession Of i t in the emperor ’s name . Butthe shriek s and screams of Birya ’s mother for her missingson so distressed the new commandant that for severaldays he did not distu rb her possession . At la st he insistedthat she should hand over the ci tadel . The Ol d lady withstreaming eyes consented

,but prayed that Som Shankar

should be sent back from the Moghul lines,a s he alone

knew Where his brother had buried his treasures . Herprayer was granted and Som Shankar returned . NO soonerh ad he done so than Birya Naik emerged from hiding

,

seized Mu h tash am Khan and the men with him and oncemore closed the gates in the face of the enemy . The delaygained by the arts Of Bi rya

,Som Shankar and their

mother had enabled fresh bodies of Marathas to joinDh an aji Jad av ; so Au r an gz ib ordered Zulfikar Khan tohasten to him with all available reinforcements . Thearrival of this talented command er restored confidence inthe investing army and once again the siege progressed .

Zulfikar Kh an skilfully seiz ed the well s on which thegarrison depended

,and following up this success he pushed

h i s trenches so near the main works of the fortress thatthe emperor fixed the following day for a general assault .Birya Naik reali sed that Wak ink er a was no longer tenable.He left three thousand picked troops with orders to defendthe wall s to the last . With the rest of his army he leftth e fortress by a number of secret tunnels which he haddug for such an emergency and joined Dh an aji Jad av.

Wh en Zulfikar Khan next day made his way into Wakinkera over the bodies of Birya Naik ’s reargu ard, he found

Khafi Khan .


an empty for tress (2 7 th April The guns had beendestroyed

,the provisions burnt and everything of value

taken away by the fleeing garri son . The emperor affectedto be plea sed by the fall of Wak in k er a and renamed itRahman Baksh

,or the gift l of the Merciful On e . But the

escape Of P i rya Naik, following as i t did the loss Of SataraPar ali , Rajgad, Sin h gad , Torna and Panhala, for the capture Of which he had sacrifi ced his grand army , preyedon hi s mind . He fell seriously ill and for ten or twelvedays his life was despaired of. He recovered

,but he knew

himself a beaten man . He had bu t one desire and thatwas to withdraw safely his army and him self from thecoun try which he n o longer hoped to conquer. (December1 706 )



train was taken . Indeed had Dh an aji Jad av pressed h i ssuccess h e could have captured Au r an gzib himself. Butwhen the Marathas had cut their way to the emperor ’sbodyguards, the near presence and pomp Of majesty sooverawed them

,tha t they did not dare advance . TO this

c ircumstance alone Au r an gzib owed his escape from theirarms.At last th e wall s Of the great fort built by Ahmad

Niz am Shah offered a kindly refuge to the war-wornautocrat . Twenty-one years before he had camped there

,

confident that in a few months’ time he would,l ike

Ala -u d -din,have ad ded all southern India to his dominion .

He reached i t now in January 1 707,bankrupt in hopes

and power,his army shattered

,his treasury empty

,conscious

that his sons were but waiting for hi s death to begin anewthe struggle for the Delh i throne . All around him wereMaratha armies led by Dh an aji Jad av , Nem aji S india andUd aji Pawar, and for a time it seemed that even Ahmadnagarcould not long protect him . Happily for Au r an gzib , hehad with him I k l as Khan

,the son Of that Sheikh Niz am

Hai d ar ab ad i who had shared with his father the credit ofSam bh aji

’s capture . I k l as Khan

,who had been honoured

by the ti tle Of Khan Alam or lord of the known world ,reorganised the troops

,dismissed such Officers a s had

parti cularly disgraced themselves and inspired in thecowering fragments of the grand army some Of his owncourage . E arly in February 1 707 h e led a Moghul forceout Of the shelter of Ahmadnagar and inflicted a severereverse on Dh an aji Jadav . The respite thus gained enabledZulfikar Khan to effect a junction w i th Au r an gz ib . Thearrival of th i s able soldier restored for a time, at any rate,the Moghul fortunes. He was at once put in chief commandand Ik las Khan sent to guard Central India . ZulfikarKhan stored his baggage in Ahmadnagar fort and organiseda strong flying column . With it he pursued Dh an aji Jadav,and driving him first across the Bh ima and then acrossthe Krishna

,encamped at Miraj .

THE MARATHA COUNTER-OFFENSIVE 1 19

But a more powerful foe than any Maratha leader hadrisen up against Au r an gz i b . About the 1 5th February1 707 , the emperor was attacked by fever . He aggravatedhis illness by unceasing prayers ; and although he shewedhimself daily to his Officers they could see on h i s coun te

nance the stamp of death . Hamid-u d -din Khan,who in

spite of h i s recent cowardice in the field,really loved his

master,sought counsel of some Hindu astrologers . They,

after the manner of their k ind,prescribed that Au r angzib

should give in charity a rich j ewel and a royal elephant .The emperor contemptuously wrote on the back Of theprescription that to give away an elephant was not thecustom of a good Musulman but the accursed practice Of

Hindus and star-worshippers* . Then he sent a letter withfour th ousand rupees to the chief Kaz i of Ahmadnagarand asked that they should be distributed among thedeserving poor . He ended the letter with a Persiancouplet

,which being interpreted ran as follows“ Carry thi s creature Of dust quickl y to the first burial pl aceAn d con sign him to th e earth without any usel ess coffi n .

”

He d id not,however

,pass away until the 3r d March

an d his last days were embittered by the quarrels Of hissons . Mah omed Akbar and Sultan Mahomed were dead .

The three survivors were inflamed by mutual enmity .

Shah Alam the eldest,had been released some years before

and was governor of the Panj ab . Azim Shah was governorof Ahmadabad . Kam Baksh was with th e emperor . Of

these the most ambitious and self-confident was AzimShah . Hearing of hi s father ’s failing health

,he begged

leave to visit him,pleading that the air of Ahmadabad

did not suit him . The emperor had , when abou t to rebelagainst Shah Jehan

,written in the same strain and he

fancied that Azim Shah meant to follow his example . Hewrote back refusing Azim Shah leave

,adding sardonically

th at all airs (haw ) suited a man ’s health except the airs(hava ) Of ambition . Azim Shah , undaunted by this rebuff,

Khafi Kh an .


persisted in his petitions and at last Obtained leave . Here ached Ahmadnagar a few days before the emperor’sdeath and at once picked a quar rel with K am Baksh , hisfath er’s youngest and favourite son . At last Au r an gzib toseparate them sent Kam B aksh to Bij apur and appointedAzim Shah to be governor Of Central India . Neverthelesshe knew that after they had left

,their parti sans were

intriguing, scheming, canvassing among the soldiers tosecure the succession . In despair the emperor drew up awill

,by which he divided his empire between his sons and

entrusted i t to Hamid-u d -din Khan . On the morning Of

3r d March 1 707 Au r an gz ib rose a s usual and said, asstrictly as ever

,hi s morning prayer . An hour later he was

dead . He had reigned for forty-nine years and was in hiseighty-ninth year .It i s diffi cult

,if not imposible

,for a historian Of the

Maratha people to do justice to Au r an gzib . His conducttowards Sh ivaji and Sam bh aji was treacherous and cruel .His every relation with the kings of Bij apur and Golcondawas stained with inhumanity and perfidy. His kindnesstowards Shahu was prompted by politi cal “ rather th ancharitable motives. S till i t must be conceded that of allthe Delhi emperors the memory of Au r an gz ib i s dearestto Indian Musulmans . If to Hindus he was cruel andintolerant

,to the orthodox* followers of Islam he was

gracious and indulgent . Yet his excessive par tiality toMusulmans convicts the emperor of folly . The Moghulthrone was guarded by the swords of the Rajput clans.Conquered and conciliated by Akbar

,honoured alike by

Jahangi r and Shah Jehan,the chiefs Of Raj asthan had

during their three reigns been the bu lwark Of the houseOf Timur . The soul Of chivalry

,they h ad poured out like

water in the service of the empire,the best blood Of their

kingdoms . It was not until they had suffered a successionOf insults from the bigoted Au r an gzib that their hearts

*Au rangzib treated the kings of Bijapur and Gol conda badly because th eywere Sh ias .



an d Guzerat , But th e younger brother contemptuouslyrefused the Offer

,Observing th at for the son of a Moghul

emperor th er e was no choice save between a coffin and ath rone *. The contending armi es met at Jaju, fifteen milesfrom Agra . Azim Shah was defeated . Refusing tos urrender

,he died on the battlefield . After the death of

his more serious rival,Shah Alam Offered to confirm Kam

Baksh in his governorship of Bij apur and Golconda . Butthe Mogh al prince thought that to refuse battle woulds tain th e honour Of a descendant of Timur . Zulfikar Khanwho

,after Azim Sh ah ’s defeat had been pardoned and

promoted by the kind ly Shah Alam,was sent with an army

against Kam Baksh . The general an d th e prince h ad beeninflamed by m utual enmity since the siege Of Jinj i andZulfikar Khan fell upon Kam Baksh

,his talents wh etted

by the fury of his hatred . Th e result Of th e battle wasn ever in doubt . Kam Bak sh

’

s army was destroyed andth e prince wounded and taken . Sh ah Alam tried to consolehis brother

,but the proud youth could not endure hi s

misfortunes and he died a day or two after the downfallOf his hopes . He was buried near the tomb Of his ancestorHumayun . After th e death and defeat of his two brothersShah Alam under th e title of Bahadur Shah became emperorOf Delhi in February 1 708 A. D . The quarrels Of the deademperor ’s sons had given Tarabai a chance of increasingthe Maratha conques ts . Poona and Ch akan were at thi stime held for the Mogh uls by an Officer named Lodi Khan .

H im Dh an aji Jad av attacked and defeated and Tarabaibegan to weave fur th er sch emes for the extension of herson ’s dominion . Th ese sch emes were frustrated by th e

release of Shahu . As a condition Of his release h e hadagreed to rule as a feudatory Of Azim Shah and to leavebehind him as hostages hi s surviving wife

,his mistress

V ir u b ai,a pretty sl ave girl whom Au r an gz ib had given

him at the time Of his marriage, his mother Yesu b ai andhis illegitimate half-brother Mad an sin g . On the other

Takh t va takh ta, was th e Persian saying .

THE MARATHA COUNTER -OFFENSIVE 1 23

hand Azim Shah had granted Shahu the sar d eshm u khi an d

the chau th over the six Deccan subhas Shahu was alsoappointed governor of Gondwana

,Guzerat and Tanjore

during good behaviour .For Sh ah u ’

s escort Az im Shah detached a few Bangadj‘troopers . His personal attendant Jyotaji K esar k ar

,the

pati l or headman Of Punal near Panhala, went with Yesu baito Delhi

,in order that he might get th e sanad from the

hands of the emperor . Events,however

,had turned out

contrary to Azim Shah ’s hopes and by the time JyotajiK esark ar reached the capital

,Shah Alam was emperor . A

quarrel now arose between Zulfikar Khan and MunimKh an

,the vazir

,as to whether the new emperor sh ould

recognise Shahu or Tar ab ai ’s son Sh ivaji . At last ZulfikarKhan contrived th e recognition of Sh ah u . Zulfikar Khanwas subh ed ar or viceroy Of the Deccan and h e had ap

pointed Daud Khan,the captor Of Jinj i

,a s his deputy .

Zulfikar Khan made Daud Kh an agree to grant the claimsof Shahu to the chan t/7, and sar d eshm u kh i over the sixsubhas Of the Deccan

,provided they were collected and

paid by Daud Khan ’s own lieutenants .Shabu’s re turn was not greeted by the rejo i ci ngs that

had welcomed the return Of Sh ivaji or indeed of Raj aram .

Sh ah u’

s situation resembled that Of Herod Agrippa . Bothpr inces h ad been brought up in a foreign capital and hadall but wholly lost touch with their own countrymen . ButShabu ’s case was even worse than Herod ’s

,for Tarabai

h ad in his absence usurped his throne for her own sonSh ivaji . Indeed had the latter been a boy of ordinaryu nderstanding

,i t i s probable that Sh ahu would never have

regained his throne . Raj aram had indeed ch ivalrouslys tyled himself Sh ah u ’

s deputy . But for political purposesThe six subhas of th e Deccan were Khandesh ,

Berar , Au rangabad , Bedar ,Hai darabad or Gol conda an d Bijapur . Th e two l as t became greatly en l arged byconquests . Th e south ern provin ces overrun by the Moghul armies were dividedbetween th ese two subh as an d w ere cal led respectively the Haidarabad or BijapurCarn atic .

j‘ Rangad s are Rajput con verts to I sl am .


he had assumed th e royal insignia and the Maratha peoplehad all regarded him as their king . They therefore deemed the succession of his son Sh ivaji a s th e natural descentOf the crown . But Sh i vaj i was an idiot and Rajasb ai ,Tar ab ai

’s c O-wife

,was sedulously pushing the claims of

her son Sam bh aji . Many, therefore, Of the Maratha nobleswere ready to support Shahu to avert a civil war betweenRajar am

’

s widows . Tarabai,however

,proclaimed th at

Sh ah u was an impostor and that Sam bh aji ’s son h ad diedmany years before . Not to lose a weapon against th eMarathas

,Au r an gz ib had substituted for th e dead prince

another boy of the same age . Tar ab ai’

s proclamation wasnot inherently improbable

,since Au r an gz ib had adopt ed

this very course when,on Jasvan t S ing’s death , his two

sons had escaped from Delhi to Udaipur . Tarabai comm an d ed her Offi cers to swear on milk and boiled ricefidelity to her son against all claimants . Three onlyobeyed . They were Parashuram Trimbak who owed toher the Offi ce Of P r at in id h i

,Ramchandra Bavd ek ar

,wh o

had been won over entirely to Tar ab ai ’s cause and ShankarNarayan wh ose reverence for Ramchandra Bavd ek ar im

p el l ed him to adopt the views of h i s former master, wh atever they were . The others would only swear fidelity toSh ivaji , provided Shahu proved to be an impos tor . Thusthe question really narrowed itself to this was ShahuSam bh aji

’

s son or notAs Shahu rode through the mountain passes to Burhan

pur,he for the first time l earnt of Tar ab ai ’s designs . I n

a hilly tract,not far from Burhanpur

,l ived a zamindar

Sajjan sin g by name . From him Sh ahu begged arms an d

men,and indeed he n eeded them

,for his only troop s

were his escort Of fifty Bangad horse . Sajjan sin g promisedShahu his support . Encouraged by the z amindar ’sadh esion

,Shahu sent letters to the chief Marath a leaders

appealing to their loyalty . The first to j oin him was

Par soji Bh osl e . The next was a robber baron namedAm r i tr ao Kadam Bande

,wh o had a castle at Kok arm an d a



a man,and became the ancestor of the well-known Rajas

of Akalkot .From Parad Shahu marched to Khed , a town in the

Poona di strict on the Bhima river . There he met thelarge army which Tarabai had sent against h im under th eleadership Of Dh an aj i Jad av and Mau sing More . Withthem better to serve h er interests she had sent KhandoBallal Chitnis . Sh ah u was unwilling to ri sk a battleagainst so redoubtable a captain as Dh an aj i Jad av , so heresorted to other means . Taking with him his personalattendant Jyotaji K esar k ar wh o had overtaken him atBurhanpur he mounted his elephant and went boldly towardsthe enemy ’s lines until he could distinguish Dh an aji Jad avand Mausing More . He th en called on them to join th eirlawful master . Their allegiance to Tarabai had alreadybeen shaken by Shabu ’s letters . His resolute action n ow

convinced them that the prince was no impostor . Theywent over with their t roops to Shah u and by their desertionenabled Shahu to defeat and disperse Tar ab ai

’s forces .

After the victory Sh ahu marched th rough Chakan,Poona

,

Jejuri and laid siege to Ch andan Wandan a ‘ great doublefortress visible from Satara town . It surrendered after ashort siege . Parashuram Trimbak with th e remains Of th eKhed army threw himself into Satara fort and refused toadmit that Shahu was king Sam b h aji ’s son . Unwilling topress mat ters against hi s aunt

,Shahu engaged in a desultory

siege of the place . He was moved to more vigorous actionby the unsoli cited advice of an Ol d Maratha woman . On e

day he had gone h unting and overtaken by darkness hetook shelter in a village called Ban avad i

"

. The p at i l ’swife

,an aged lady

,offered him for supper some boiled rice .

Shah u with a h unter ’s appetite h astily took a mouth fuland burnt himself. His hostess

,ignorant Of h er guest’ s

identity Observed,

“You are behaving [like King Sh ahu .

Instead Of reducing the countryside he wastes h i s time,trying to take th e capital . In th e same way, you instead

Sh cdgaok ar Bakh ar

THE MARATHA COUNTER -OFFEN S IVE 12 7

of taking the rice at the edge of your plate,where it i s

cool take it from the middle where it i s still too h ot toeat . Next day Shahu returned to his army and followedth e Ol d lady ’s excellent advice . Leaving an investing forceround Satara fort

,he reduced the Krishna and Yenna

valleys and th en returned to crush P ar ash u r am ’s resistance .

The commandant Of Satara fort was a Musulman namedSheikh Mira , whose wife and children were at Wai . Shahuh ad th em arrested and brought below the wall s Of Satara .

There he tied them to guns,threatening to blow them to

pieces unless Sheikh Mira surrendered . Th e threat provedtoo much for the commandant . He seized ParashuramTrimbak

,and handed over to Shahu the fortress Of Satara .

The king entered the great stronghold in state and flungParashuram Trimbak into a dungeon . Sheikh Mira wasdeeply concerned about the fate of Parashuram Trimbak

,

whom he warmly liked and respected . Before surrenderingSatara

,he had m ade the king promise to give him in

return for the fortress anyth ing he asked for. WhenShahu had secured it he asked Sheikh Mira to name h i sreward . Sheikh Mira threw himself at the royal feet andbegged him to release Parashuram and make him hisP r at in id h i . The king unwilling to break his word sentfor Parashuram and Offered to confirm him in his post .The latter fel t deeply grateful to Sheikh Mira

,but he would

not abandon Tarabai . The k ing sent him back to pri sonbut to honour him had his iron fetters changed to silverones . Shortly after Satara

,Parali

,and Mah im an gad

surrendered to Shahu .

Th e prince had wished to make Ahmadnagar his capitalbut Zulfikar Khan would not permit i ts occupation by th eMarathas . Sh ahu

,th erefore

,selected Satara which since

Rajar am’s time had been the Mar atha headquarters . Now

master of it,he though t the time favourable for his coro

nation . In January 1 708 * he ascended the th rone with allThe date of Shabu’s coronation h as been settl ed by a l etter quoted by Mr.

Sar d esai . Th e capture of Satara h as always been regarded by Shabu ’ s successors


the ceremonial adopted by Sh ivaji . S ince ParashuramTrimbak would not desert Tarabai

,Shahu gave the post

Of Pr at in id h i to Gadadhar Pr al h ad . He gave the post OfPeshwa to Bah iro Pingle

,the son of Moro Pin gl e j‘ He

gave to Hanm an te the Office Of Pant Am atya held byR amchandra Ni l ak an th , who after a quarrel with Tarabaiwas now more devoted to her than ever. The queen hadbeen greatly disturbed by Sh ah u ’

s success at Parad . Sh e

vented her ill temper so violently on Ramchandra Ni l k an ththat in his wrath he sent a friendly message to the youngk ing. Thi s came to th e knowledge Of the queen . Sh e

promptly put Ramchandra in silver chains and threw himi nto a dungeon . On hearing Of Dh an aji Jad av

’

s desertionand Of the fall of Satara she grew desperate . Sh e Openedthe door Of Ramchandra Ni lk an th ’

s prison and had h imescorted with great honour into her presence. On hisarrival she placed in his lap her son Sh ivaji and her stepson Sam bh aji and imploring him to protect them,

madehim her chief minis ter. From that time on RamchandraNi l k an th remained her loyal servant . The king left vacantthe post Of Pant Sach iv held by Shankar Nar ayen , whostood by Tarabai . The Office of commander-in -chief hegave to Dh an aji Jad av .

Having thus settled his Government,Shahu resolved to

v isit Parali in person and win to his cause the powerfulspiritual aid Of Ramdas’ followers. The saint on his deathhad resigned the management of Ram ch an d r a

’

s temple tohis female disciple Akka . Sh e received Shahu andacknowledged h im as Sam bh aji

’s son . Sh e next begged

that he would free her in her Ol d age from the arduoustask assigned to her and give it to Gangadhar Swami, the

as the most importan t even t in hi s reign . I t was taken on a Saturday and it wasal ways the custom of the Mahar ajas of Satara— now it is the custom of th eirdescendan ts

,the Sar dars of Satar a— to soun d drums on Saturday in honour Of the

even t . Sheikh Mira was the an cestor of the presen t Sardar Of Wai .

‘

i‘ N il o Pingl e

,Bah iro

’s elder brother

,remai ned with Tarabai .


1 30 H I STORY OF THE MARATH A PEOPLE

APPENDIX

Th e following i s a sp ecim en Of th e letters sent by Sh ahu toMarath a Officers an d Nobles as h e advanced .

F rom Mah araja Sh ahu

Malaji Jed h e Deshm u k h of Roh i d kh ora.

We,th e Maharaja

,are pl eased to order you as foll owsz—Wc are at presen t

at Ch orwad District Utran in Khandesh . We are advan cing by rapid march es ;You have l ong served th e crown . Come th erefore now an d serve us A s we

ad van ce join us with your foll owers . Wh en we meet,we shal l con sider how best

we can reward you . Fail not to act as we bid you ”

Sard esai vol . I .

CHAPTER XXXV

SOCIAL CUSTOMS OF THE

H IGH CASTE S IN MAHARASHTRA

THE present stage in our History is,a s i t seems to m e , a

suitable one in which to examine for a m oment the customsand Observances of the people whose story I am relating.

The Engli sh reader will greatly err,if he thinks that th ey

in any way resemble those of western Europe . TheHindu’s life i s bound up in an intricate ceremonial quiteforeign to the experience of Englishmen . Indeed in hi smode of life

,in hi s demeanour

,in his mental outlook

,

when unaffected by contact with Europeans,the Hindu

far more resembles the Hellene or Roman of classi caltimes than the westerner of to-day . Nor is thi s extraordinary . Hinduism i s the eldest Of three great si sterAryan civilisations . The younger sisters were Hellenismand Mazdaism . In the first century before ChristHelleni sm was mistress of the Mediterranean and theEuxine and from Marseilles to Trebizond , the populationsworshipped the gods of Attica . In Iran flourished stillthe worship of the great Ahura Mazda , whose ears hadonce heard the prayers of Cyrus th e king

,the Achaemenian .

In India Hinduism had reigned supreme for at lea st tencenturies . But if we pas s over six hundred years, whatdo we find ? Hellenism has vanished completely . Sh e

has given place to Christianity,an offshoot Of Judaism .

If we pass over yet another six hundred years, we findthat a second offshoot Of Judaism

,Islam

,has swept aw ay

Mazdaism . But the onslaugh t s of both these Semitic

Th is ch apter is l argely based on chapter I I I , vol . XVI I I , pp 1 12 to 154 ,Cam pbel l ’s Gazetteer .


fai ths were successfully resi sted by the eldest of the threesi sters

,Hinduism . Nor does she shew at the present hour

any signs of senile decay . Sh e still l ives in the full vigourOf her eternal youth ; and her acolytes num ber at leastthree hundred millions . It has thus happened that whilethe European has in the la st two th ousand years changedentirely

,the Hindu Of to -day worship s the same gods

,Oh

serves the same ritual,leads the same home-life

,a s he did

when Pericles invoked Palla s at Athens or when Mars andJupiter received at Rome the sacrifi ces of E m i l iu s andScipio .

Now in all India there are probably no more orthodoxHindus than the Maratha p eople and the Hinduism whichthey profess i s Of the most austere and puritan type . Theextravagances which find a place in the religion of someo ther Indian nations are looked on with disfavour by th esober

,simple-minded dwellers in the Deccan . In this

chapter I shall try to give m y English readers a morevivid idea Of their private lives by sketching

,a s briefly as

I can , some Of the family Observances of the high casteHindus of Maharashtra .

For her first confinement the young Brahman wifegenerally goes to her father ’s house . As soon as her babyboy. i s born, he is laid in a winnowing fan . Mother andchild are bathed in hot water

,a fire i s lit in the room

,

myrrh i s burnt and an iron bar laid across the threshold .

Wh en the father hears of his son ’s birth he hastens to hisfather-in - law’s house to perform the Ja tlcarm a or birthceremony . Before he begins it, he bathes carefully, donsa rich s ilk waistcloth

,pours a ladle full of water on the

ground,saying : “I throw this water to cleanse the child

from the impurity of i ts mother’ s body .

” The motherthen brings the child in her arms and sit s on a stool closeto her husband . The father takes a gold ring, passes i tthrough some honey and clarified butter and lets a dropfall into the child ’s mouth . He touches the chi ld ’ssh oulders with his right hand and pre sses the ring in his



married woman mark s the child ’s brow with red powder .All then bow to the house gods and the elders Of thefamily ; and the deities are asked to gi ve the ch i ld a longlife . The boy drinks from a silver cup some m i lk mixedw i th molasses and sesamum and then he i s free to enjoyh i s birthday as only healthy little boys c an .

The m u nj or thread -girding ceremony corresponds insome measure with the Christian confirmation . By theone the high caste man is admitted to the caste . By theother the Christian becomes a fully responsible member ofthe Christian community . The thread-girding ceremonyis very elaborate indeed and a detai led account Of i twould be both too long and too tedious . I Shall mentionon ly a few of the m ore important incidents . When theli ttl e boy i s between seven and ten

,a day for the great

occa sion ha s to be fixed by the astrologer in one Of themonths when the sun i s going northwards

,i . 6 . January to

June . This settl ed,a b and is hired

,a porch buil t in front

of the house and invitations sent to rela tives living at ad istance. Other rel ations

,the house gods

,the village gods,

caste men and friends in the neighbourhood are invitedorally . On the morning of the thread -girding ceremonytwelve low wooden stool s are set in a row and twelveu nmarried thread-wearing Brahman lads take their sea tson the stools . Dinner i s served and for the la st time theboy dines with his mother . After a variety of mostcomp l icated rites

,the boy tells hi s father that he wishes

to become a Brahman and be told the sacred verse . Henestles close to his father and the priests cover them witha shawl . That no one else, high caste or low caste, manor woman may hear th e verse, everyone present goes toa lit tl e d i stance . The father three times whispers thesacred verse into his son ’s right ear an d the boy repeatsi t after his father. The Shawl is then removed , the priestsinvoke blessings on the boy ’s head and the sacred threadis tied with three knots round his waist . A staff i s putin his hand and his father addresses his son— “Till now

SOCIAL CUSTOMS IN MAHARASHTRA 1 35

y ou have been a Sudra (low caste) , now you are a Brahmanand a Brahmachari (Brahman The boy is n ows upposed to become a begging Brahman . That eveninghe goes to the vi llage temple

,worships the village god

and on hi s return begs alms from his mother and otherclose relations . For ten or twelve days he learns thes an d hyas or evening prayers, worsh ips the tulsi plant orh oly basil and then rej oins his family. A number Of

intricate c eremonies follow. On their completion,the

family priest flings a waistcloth over his Shoulders,bids

him never bathe in the evening, never look at nakedwomen

,never commit adultery

,never run , never climb

t rees,never go into a well

,never swim in a river . “Up

to thi s time,

” the priest continues,

“you have been aB rahmachari now you are a su a ta la or householder . ”This point reached , th e boy starts out as i f to go on a

journey . His maternal uncle or other near relation feignss urprise and ask s him where he i s going. He replies, “ToB enares ;” in other words he proposes to become a relig ions anchorite on the banks Of the holy Ganges . Theboy ’s rel ations crowd round h im and beg him not to go

,

promising to find him a wife . He consents to put Of f h i spilgrimage

,goes back to his house and the thread-girding

c eremony ends with a fea stTh e family have now to keep their promise and find

t h e la d a wife . Negoti ations are Opened with the parentsof a girl of a suitable age and rank . A good deal Of

haggling ensues and the negotiations Often fall through .

If they are successful,the family a strologer i s called in to

fix a lucky day . The marriage ceremonies extend over along period

,but I Shall at once com e to the day before th e

wedding. In the evening the boy dresses himself in a newturban and shawl given him by hi s betrothed ’s relativesand his si ster ties to his headdress a garland of flowers .With a cocoanut in his hand the boy worsh ip s his household gods and gives th em the cocoanut . He next bows

The l ast part of th e th read-girdi ng ceremony is cal l ed the Sod Munj.


low to the elders of his house . He is taken to th e h odsedoor, h i s cheeks are touched with l ampblack an d/r edpowder, he is seated On a horse and his relativ an d

friends go with him in procession to the house Of hi s

betrothed . TO quiet evil spirits,cocoanuts are from

/ time totime broken and thrown to them ; and as the boy passes,the neighbours come out Of their houses and wave lampsbefore h im . On arrival at the house of his intend ed bride,the girl ’s father carries th e boy into the marriage hal land seats him on a high wooden stool . After a number Ofm inor ceremonies, the astrologer draws up two marriagepapers

,reads th em aloud

,and hands them to the fathers

Of the two families .Th e really essenti al p art Of the marriage is the sap ta

padi or the tak ing of seven steps . The sacrificial fire i skindled . To the left of the fire are put seven small heapsOf rice . The boy and girl leave their seats and the boythrows three handful s Of rice into the fire . He lift s u pth e girl and carrying her on his left arm walks twiceround it . Sh e then , with the help Of the bridegroom walksin turn over all the seven heaps of rice . The boy thenagain lifts her and for the third time walks round the fireThe seven step s have now been taken and the priest leadsthe boy and girl out of the house and points out to themDhruv or the Polestar . They gaz e at i t, bow to i t andreturn to the house . A pretty ceremony then ensues . Inturn the boy and girl take a roll of betel between theirteeth and the other one bites off the end . The marriagefestivities end with the throwing of coloured water overthe boy by the bride ’s relations . Presents of clothes areexchanged and the bridegroom returns to his fath er’shouse .The death of a high caste Hindu i s as elaboratel y

ordered as his l ife . When he is on the point of death, a

spot in the women ’ s h all i s heaped with cowd u n g . Tulsil eaves are scattered over the spot and a blanket i s spreadover th e leaves. On the blanket the dying man is l aid



Other male mourners follow the bier bareheaded andbarefooted

,repeating in a low voice “Ram

,Ram"” “Jay "

Jay " Ram "” NO woman goes to the burning ground .

When it i s reached a funeral pile is built and the bierplaced on it with the feet of the body to the south . TheSheet over the body i s pulled a side, the cloths that bindthe thumbs and the loincloth are cut

,SO that the body

may return a s it first came upon earth . The chief mournerlights the pile at the head and fans it with the end Of hisShoulder cloth . When the Skull bursts, the chief mournerstands near it with an earthen j ar full Of water. Anoth ermourner makes a hole in the j ar with a pebble . The chiefmourner walks round th e pyre, the water trick ling fromthe j ar . A second hole i s made in the j ar and the chie fmourner walk s again round the pyre . A third hole ismade and a third round completed . The chief mournerthrows the pot backward over his shoulder

,Spilling the

water over th e ash es . He nex t calls aloud striking hismouth with his hand . The procession i s n ow ready toreturn home . Before starting each mourner flings a pebbletowards the nearest hill or mountain to relieve his feelings.Mourning i s observed for ten days during which the

deceased ’s family eat neither betel nor su gar and drink nomilk . They neither Shave their heads nor wear shoes norturbans . On th e third day the chief mou rner collects th edead man ’s burnt bones and ei ther throws th em into aneigh bouring stream or pond or buries them in a j ar tobe taken a year later to th e Ganges or Godavari . On theeleventh day the chief mourner

,i f he can afford to do so,

brands and sets free two calves . The bellowing Of thecalf when branded is bel ieved to carry the dead man toheaven

,and i ts first cry opens the cele stial doors for the

dead man to enter. If the chief mourner cannot afford toset free two live calves, he makes and sets free two calvesmade out Of dough . A cow called the V ai tarn i cow i sgiven to a priest so that the dead man may cross the riverof blood and fil th that separates earth and h eaven by

SOCIAL CUSTOMS I N MAHARASHTRA 139

holding on to the cow ’ s tail . A number of other presentsare th en given to th e priest

,and as h e bestows them

,th e

chief mourner says,

“ I make you these gifts that the deadman may be freed from his Sins and reach heaven insafety ; and th at all h i s life there, he may have a cot tolie on

,a packet Of betel t o eat

,a maid to wait on him

,an

umbrella to shade him from the sun,and a sti ck to help

him when walking.

” The priest after receiving these giftsis supposed to become the ghost of the deceased. Th e

inmates,therefore

,pelt him away from the house with earth

and cowd u n g . A few other ceremonies are performed andthe mourning rites are over .

CHAPTER XXXVI

THE CIVIL WAR AND THE REORGANISATION

A . D . 1708 To 17 14

SHAHU Should at once have followed up his victory byattacking Panh ala

,the seat Of Tar ab ai ’s government . But

he passed the monsoon of 1 708 at Chandan Wandan tryi ngto increase his forces. Among those to whom he appealedfor arms and men was Si r Nicholas Waite

,the Governor

Of Bombay, who politely regretted his inability to help h im .

The king did not again take the field until October 1 708after celebrating the Dasara festival . He first took V asan tgadand next led hi s troops against Panhala . Tarabai fledfrom that fortress to Ran gn a . Shahu invested Panhalaand besieged it with vigour . In Spite Of i ts great strengthhe soon forced the commandant to com e to terms . Th e

l atter offered to join Shabu ’ s cause,if retained a s the

governor of the fortress. Shahu accepted the Offer andearly in 1 709 moved against Vi shalgad . The commandantsurrendered it on the same terms that the Panh ala commandant had done . The mighty stronghold of Bangna stillremained in Tar ab ai ’s possession . In it were RamchandraNi lk an th

,Tarabai

,her son and step son Sh ivaji and Sam bh aji .

Ram ch an d r a’s first care was to send the royal party by

a secret path to Malwan,which had once been Sh ivaji ’s

naval base . He himself stayed and defended the fort withresource and resolution . Nevertheless he was soon reducedto the greatest straits. Had th e Siege been begun earlierRangn a must have fallen . Shahu himself directed theOperations and nearly lost hi s life in doing so . On e daya s he inspected the work s Of the besieging army, h i s horse



Sh e next sent her agents everywhere to corrupt the loyaltyof those Maratha Chiefs who had adhered to Sh ivaji . Sh e

urged the chiefs to make themselves independent or evenjoin the Moghuls rather than serve under the banner of aproclaimed impostor . Her advice fell on willing ears. SO

long as the Moghuls threatened their independence,the

Maratha chiefs willingly combined against them under thelead ership Of Tarabai or Raj aram . But the Moghul dangerhad past . The emperor and Shahu were friends. Of thetwo services that Of th e emperor Offered more attractions.Mili tary distinction could more easily be won on the farflung Moghul fron t th an in the narrow Deccan . Moreover,th e captains who served the emperor were in their ownfiefs independent princes. Sh ivaji and h i s successorshith erto had given th eir nobles grants Of money ratherthan assignments Of l and . This rule had no doubt beenrelaxed after the great King’s death

,but it sti ll held good

and Shahu,firmly seated on the throne

,would no doubt

enforce it . The first to join the imperial service was

Nem aji Sindia . During Tar ab ai ’s regency h e had establish edhimself in Central India or Malwa

’f. On th e death of

Au r an gzib , Zulfikar Khan had won him over to the causeof Bahadur Shah and he had aided Zulfikar Kh an in thebattle

,wherein fell th e unh appy Kam Baksh . His services

were handsomely rewarded and he was made a commanderof horse

,while high posts were also bestowed on h i s

sons and grandsons. Other chiefs proclaimed ‘ themselvesindependent . Th e m ost notable of these was the MarathaAdmiral K an h oji Angre Of whom a full account will begiven hereafter. A Brahman named K r i sh n ar ao establishedh imself near the great temple Of Sundar Mahadev

,at

Kh atav,a town less than twenty miles from Satara . After

the capture and execution of Sh ivaji ’s son Sam bh aji ,K r i sh n ar ao had j oined the Moghul cause and had receivedfrom the emperor the title of Maharaj a and as fief or j agirthe pargana or district of Kh atav j' . During the siege Of

Kh afi Khan . j‘ Riyas at I I , p . 5 1 .

THE CIVIL WAR AND TH E REORGAN I SATION 143

Jinji Ramchandra N i lk an th , viceroy of Maharashtra , hadgiven as appanage to a Maratha noble called Damaj iThorat the district Of Supa, north Of Poona

,and that Of

Pata s on th e main road between Poona and Baramati.At

H in gan gaon ,a village close to Patas

,Damaj i had built

himself a strong castle and with a body Of freelances usedto levy contributions from the peasants up to th e verywalls of Satara . North Of Satara

, Shankar Narayan , thePant Sach iv, h eld for Tarabai Poona and the great fortsOf Sinh gad , Pu r an d ar , Rajgad and Torna, in th i s waycutting Shahu Of f from all communication with Khandeshand Nasik . Thus by the end Of 1 7 10 the king 's cause

,

which in 1 708 had seemed so prosperous,again began to

flag. His territory was reduced to the land round Sataraand a few hill forts garrisoned by loyal Officers . SO low

,

indeed,had his cause sunk that but for a Singular piece Of

good fortune, i t i s doubtful whether he would not himselfh ave been forced to invoke Moghul aid and to become apetty subordinate Of th e empire . The fortunate event wasthe strange collapse Of Shankar Narayan Gan d ek ar . Afterhi s failure against Ran gn a, Shahu resolved to try andreduce the ring Of fort s round Poona . It was with theircapture th at the great King had begun his wonderfulcareer and they were regarded by the Maratha people a sthe keys Of the Maratha Kingdom . SO long as th ey werein Tar ab ai ’s hands, her son might well be deemed th e truesuccessor of Sh ivaji and Sam bh aji . On the other handTarabai

,wh o had carefully provisioned and garri soned

them and had entrusted their defence to the skilful handsof Shankar Narayan, looked forward with confidence toth eir prolonged resistance . Long before her fortressesfell

,h er armies would be able to attack with effect Sh ah u ’

s

rear and retake Satara . Neither side foresaw nor couldh ave foreseen h ow Shankar Narayan would act . LoversOf Walter S cott will remember h ow in Ivanh oe , Brian deBOi S Guilbert

,in the fulness Of hi s strength and manh ood

and unhurt by Ivanhoe ’s Spear,fell to the ground slain by

144 A H I STORY OF TH E MARATH A PEOPLE

th e violence of his own contending feelings . A similarf ate overtook the Pant Sach iv . Trusting to Tar ab ai ’s wordthat Sh ahu was a pretending knave, Shankar Narayan hadsworn to defend her son ’s cause against all comers. Hewas now convinced that Shahu was no impostor butSam bh aji

’s son . Devotedly loyal to the house of Sh ivaji ,

h imself a hero Of the war of independence, Shankar N arayanc ould not bear to fight against the great King’s grandson .

At the same time he had sworn an oath Of loyalty toTarabai, wh ich he could not as an honourable man break .

Th e dilemma in which he found himself was too great forthat loyal

,brave

,and S imple soul . While he hesitated

wh at course to pursue,Sh ah u

’

s troops stormed Rajgad andthreatened S in h gad and Torna . Forced at la st to a decision,h e chose a course Of conduct

,that would present itself

more readily to an ea stern than a western mind . Heresigned his charge and h i s powers ; and donning the garbo f an anchorite

,went to reside at Am b avad e , a h oly place

on the Nira river " . But even thus he did not escapef rom the vexations Of l ife . Ramchandra Ni l k an th incensedat what he regarded as desertion

,sh arply reprimanded

Shankar Narayan and accused h im of cowardice . Thecharge weighed heavily on one who had taken citi es andwon stricken fields . On e way remained by which he migh tprove to his Ol d master that fear of death had not promptedhis action . He built for himsel f a small raft . To eache n d he fastened earthen j ars, in the bottoms Of which holeshad been bored . Seating himself on the raft

,he had it

towed to a deep pool in the Nira river . As the watere ntered the j ars, the raft sank carrying with it the gall antb u t misguided soldier. Shahu with a magnanimity worthyOf Charles II of England, took no action against Sh ankarNarayan ’s infant son

,Naro Shankar . He confirmed him

* Bhor Sam sthancha I tihas an d Ch itni s Bakhar. Ambavad e is sacred to thememory of th e Maratha sai n t Nagn ath . A short accoun t of him wil l be found inmy “ Tal es of th e sai nts of Pandharpur. ” Th e cl oth es of Office coul d not be wonp f Shankar ’s son

,th en on l y a baby Th ey were

,th erefore

,tied to h is cradl e .



ing bare the Konkan . This recl aimed tract Par ashu Ramabestowed on the fourteen Brahmans. They went to dwe llthere and built themselves a town called Ch i tpol an or th etown Of the burnt heart, wh ich in course Of time becameChiplun . To themselves they gave the name Of Ch i tpavan sor Brahmans purified by th e funera l pyre .Whatever truth may underlie thi s romantic tal e “

,

Balaj i V i shvan ath Bhat and his brother Jan oji were th ehereditary Deshm u k h s or revenue Officers of Sh r ivar d h an ,

an d Harihar,two vil lages to the north Of Bankot creek .

The Office of Deshm uk h or Desai was a creation Of th e

Musulman government . The headman of the village wasa Marath a patil ; and under the ancient Hindu rulers, h eacted directly under the supreme government . Th e

Musulman governors sought to decentralise the administration by appointing an intermediate Officer— known as

Deshm uk h — and usually a Brahman— to supervise the workOf the pat i l s . Besides acting as Deshm uk h s

,the Bhat

family administered in Sh r ivar d h an the revenues of thetemples Of Som aji , Laxm in ar ayan , Baheri and K al ash r i ;

and they yearly distributed among the Brahmans of th eneighbourhood thirty-two and a half measures (K h an d i s)of rice . In th e year 1648 the Offi ce of Deshm u k h ofDanda Rajpuri fel l vacan t and was conferred on th e

ancestor Of Balaj i and Jan oji and remained in the Bhat .family until 18 18 . According to the author of the PeshwaBakhar

,the S idis Of Janj ira on becoming masters of

Srivardhan confirmed Balaj i and Jan oji in their offi ce .

Afterwards the S idis came to suspect the brothers of anintrigue with K anh Oj i Angre . They first seized Jan oji ,sewed h im up in a sack and rowing out a m ile from lan d,dropped the sack into the water . Balaj i succeeded inescaping to the neigh bouring town Of Velas on th e southern

Various auth ors h ave in ferred from th is tal e th at th e Ch itpavan Brahman s

are foreign immigran ts from Arabia, Egypt or even Scandinavia. My own viewis that th e l egend con tain s no tru th whatever . Exactl y the same l egen d is tol d bythe Ben ei-I srael to exp lai n th eir presen ce in th e Bombay Presiden cy .

TH E CIVIL WAR AND TH E REORGANI SATI ON 147

side Of the Bankot creek . In Vela s lived a Ch i tp avan

family called Bh anu . It consi sted Of three brothers Balaj iMah adev

,Hari Mahadev

,and Ram aji Mahadev . They

received the fugitive kindly and on hearing h i s story r e

solved to flee with him. They feared th at if they stayedbehind

,the S id i s would punish th em for having harboured

an enemy . They made their way to Rahimatpur whereBalaj i had a friend in Gh an ashyam Narayan Sh envi , anOfficer in Dh an aji ’s service, who had once been hospitablyentertained by Bal aji

’s fath er V i sh van ath . Gh an ashyam

welcomed the party and introducing them to Dh an aji

Jad h av Obtained for Balaj i and two Of the brothers postsunder the commander-ih -chief. Ram aji Mahadev tookservice with Shankar Narayan .

Th i s account was accepted by Grant Duff and untilrecent times was regarded as the true account of the originOf the Bh at Peshwas . Modern criti cs, however, doubtedthis fantastic story . They could not believe that withinsix years any one

,however fortunate

,could even in those

troubled times,ri se from a humble clerkship to the post

of first minister. Their suspicions were confirmed by areference to Balaj i V i sh van ath Sabh asad in an OfficialMarathi paper dated 169 6 . The titl e Sab h asad , corresponding with that of Privy Councillor

,was only conferred

on men who h ad been some years in the royal service .Balaj i V i sh van ath must therefore have entered it someyears before 1 69 6 . The discovery of thi s paper was

followed by the discovery Of several others . They sh owedthat from 169 9 to 1 702 Balaj i acted a s Sar subh ed ar Of thePoona district and from 1 704 to 1 707 as Sar su bh ed ar ofDaulatabad . But just as tod ay a Civil Servant does notbecome a Commissioner until h e has served for many yearsa s Assistant Collector an d Collector , SO Balaj i before he becameSar su bh ed ar must have served as Sh ekhdar, K am avi sd ar

and Su bh ed ar . Thus in all probability Balaj i entered theroyal service in Sam bh aji

’s reign

,or at any rate, in the

early years of Rajar am ’s regency. From this i t does not

10"


follow that the legend in the Bakh ar s i s wholly untrue.

It may well be that Balaj i or his father fled fromSrivardhan in circumstances similar to those thereindescribed . But the S idis ’ victim could not have beenJan oji , for an entry in his handwri ting discovered by Mr.R—ajwad e , Sh ows that in 1 706 he was still alive .In the troubles provoked by Sh ah u

’

s return to theDeccan, Balaj i V i sh van ath found his Opportunity. He wasthen in high Office under Dhamaj i Jad h av and

,according to

Mr . Khare, i t was Balaj i, wh o at the battle Of Khed,

persuaded that commander to give to Shahu his valuable su pport . Thereafter Dh an aji Jad h av

’

s esteem forBal aj l V i shvan ath and his confidence in his capacityaroused th e bitter j ealousy of the former ’s son Ch an d r asenJad h av .

*Enraged that his father should prefer to his son’s

counsel the advice of a Konkan Brahman, Ch an d r asen

began to intrigue with Tarabai . Upon his father ’s deathCh an d r asen was invested with the robes and the dignityOf the commander-in -chief ; and King Shahu releasingfrom pri son the P r atin id h i -j

' Parashuram sent him andKh an d er ao Dabhade to convey to the young noble ther oyal condolences. By this act Of courtesy Shahu no doubth oped to retain Ch an d r asen

’s loyalty. He failed in his

Obj ect , for not long afterwards Ch an d r asen boasted in alet ter to Tarabai that he had won to her cause Kh an d er aoDabhade

,Man sin g More and H aib atr ao Nimbalkar. The

k ing at last aware Of Ch an d r asen’s intrigues appointed

Balaj i V i sh van ath nominally to control his collection butreally to watch his conduct. The appointment of hisenemy to such a post sufficed to turn Ch an d r asen ’

s j ealousyinto murderous hatred ; and he now only sought an excuse to destroy him . Late in the year. 1 710 Ch an d r asen

Dhan aji Jad hav l eft th ree son s . The el dest San taj l , by Dh an aji’s first wife ,

h ad quarrel l ed with hi s fath er and h ad separated from him an d l eft him . By h issecond wife Gopikabai Dhanaji had Ch an d rasen and Shambhu sing. We shal lh ear of Sham bhu sing l ater . Gopikabai burn t h ersel f with Dhanaji Jadh av

’s body .

R iyas at vol . I I . ,p . 12 .

TRiyasat I I .,p . 3 8 .



of Khando Ballal Chitnis . Govin d r ao li stened attentivelyto the story and sympathised with Balaj i . He advisedPu r an d ar e to enli st the sympathies of one L in gav, the maidservant of Sh ah u ’

s mistress V ir ub ai . Pu r an d ar e followedhis advice . L in gav told the tale to V i rub ai , who repeatedit to Sh ah u ’

s queen Sagun ab ai , and the two ladies won theroyal ear . Shah u sent a force to Pan d avgad to escortBalaj i in s afety to his capital and ordered Ch an d r asen topresent himself at Satara and lay his case before him .

The turbulent noble,Instead of obeying the order

,sent

back a message that unless the k ing at once handed overBalaj i to his vengeance

,he (Ch an d r asen ) would renounce

h i s allegiance . Such language no sovereign could tolerate .He ordered H aib atr ao Nimbalkar to reduce Ch an d r asenJad h av to Obedience . Haib atr ao Nimbalkar attackedCh an d r asen at Adarki in the Phaltan S tate

,now a station

on the South Maratha Railway and severely defeated him .

Ch an d r asen with the remains of his army retired to

Panhala,where he Openly joined the cause Of Tarabai .

(AprilWorse was yet to follow. In spite Of his victory over

Ch an d r asen Jad h av,Haib atr ao Nimbalkar began also to

Open negotiations with Kolhapur . Large detachments ofthe royal troops were at thi s tim e on field service inKh andesh and Berar. Th e only high Officer on whom theking could for the moment rely was Balaj i V i sh van athand h i s contingent had just been dispersed . Shahu, however,sent for Balaj i and sought his advice how to suppress thedisorders of the kingdom With the Optimism ofgreatness Balaj i undertook to raise a fresh army . Hesoon collected round him two thousand Of his old soldiersand with these as a nucleus soon created a respectablefi eld force . The king Showed his gratitude in a fittingway . On the 2oth August 1 7 1 1 he conferred on his capableservant the well -deserved titl e of S ena K ar tea or “Makerof Armies . ”While Balaj i was thus forging a weapon with which to

THE C IVIL WAR AND TH E REORGAN I SATION 1 5 1

meet in the fi eld his master ’s enemies,he turned against

Tarabai her own armoury Of intrigue . As long as thatdaring and active woman remained in power at Kolhapur

,

i t was impossible to restore Sh ahu’

s authority. It SO

chanced that late in 1 7 1 1 a fresh quarrel broke out betweenTarabai and her wise Ol d counsellor Ramchandra Ni l k an th .

Th e l atter relaxed hi s control over the affairs of hismi stress and gave Balaj i the chance for which he sought .He instantly sent a message to Rajar am ’

s younger widowR ajasb ai and offered her Sh ahu ’

s support,if she overthrew

Tarabai and substituted for the rule Of the imbecileS h ivaji that of her own son Sam bh aji . Eagerly Rajasb aiaccepted the offer. In 1 7 12 with the aid Of several of theKolhapur nobles— Gir joji Jad h av, An taji Tr im al

,Tu l aji

Sh i tol e and others she corrupted the garrison of Panhala,o verthrew Tar ab ai

’s government and flung her and her

s on Sh ivaji into pri son Sh e then had Sam bh aji crownedin Sh ivaji

’

s stead . Ramchandra Ni l k an th escaped Tar abai ’sfate but was dismissed from his Off i ce j

‘

. Ch an d r asen

Jad h av fearing that Sam bh aji might surrender him to Shahus ent his lieutenant App ar ao to Nizam-u l -Mulk

,the n ew

viceroy Of the Deccan . The Nizam gladly welcomed theo vertures Of SO di stinguished a commander. He Offeredhim a fief with twenty-five lakhs a year on condition thathe kept fully equipped fifteen thousand men . Ch an d r asen

a ccepted the Offer and from that time on was the unrelenting enemy of the Maratha cause . For a few years Sam bh ajiand Rajasb ai grateful to Balaj i for hi s help and advicec ea sed openly to make war against Shahu . Those few

Gran t Duff has rel ated th at Sh ivaji died Of smal l -pox in 17 13 . Th ereuponRamch andra N il kan th removed Tarabai from th e governm en t . Thi s is not

correc t . Shivaji did not die un til 17 23 . The n ames of Rajasbai’s con federates

are taken from a l etter written by Tarabai h ersel f .“ Lately

,

” writes Tarabai,

“ our cause h as suffered greatly . Sam bhaji and

R ajasbai wi th the h elp of Girjoch i (s ic) Yadav ,An taji Trim al an d th e ga rrison

and Tal aji Shi tol e have seated Sam bhaji Raja on the th ron e an d put us in prison .

”

R iyas at I L ,p . 44 .

1“He died in 1 720 .

1 52 A H I STORY OF THE MARATH A PEOPLE

years sufficed ; and when Sam bh aj i again became activelyhosti le

,Balaj i had restored order in Sh ah u ’

s dominions.It must

,however

,be admitted that Bal aji ’s new troops

did not meet with immediate success. But that was ratherthe general ’s fault than theirs . In the cold weather of1 7 1 1 the k ing ordered Balaj i to reduce Damaj i Thorat.Balaj i with Am b aji Pu r an d ar e a s his lieutenant led out h i stroops against the robber baron Of Hin gan gaon . But theyallowed themselves to be outwitted . Damaj i Thorat professed himself willing to lay down his arms and invitedthe two commanders to enter his castle at Hin gan gaonand discuss w i th him the terms Of surrender . He sworeby the holy Bel tree and the hardly less holy Bhan d ar *

or

turmeri c that he would allow them to enter and leaveH ingan gaon unharmed . Balaj i and Pu r an d ar e thinkingthat no Hindu would dare break so binding a contract

,

went to the freebooter ’s castle and were at once th rowninto a dungeon . TO their remonstrances Damaj i Thora twith odious levity replied that the Bel was after all but atree and that every day all of them ate turmeric . For

himself he attached no importance to such a promise . At

the same time he threatened to put over the ir heads bagsof hot ashes unless they

'

speedily paid him a large ran som .

The news of their confinement reached the k ing who paidthe ransom and obtained their release .Balaj i undaunted by this mishap

,planned next th e

r eduction of K r i sh n ar ao of Khatao . Before, however, heset hi s forces in motion

,he resolved

,if i t were humanly

possible,to w i n over to Shabu’s Side Parashuram Trimbak

the Pr at in id h i . Ever since th e fall of Satara that gallantsoldier had languish ed in prison . For on hi s return fromhis mission to Ch an d r asen Jad av , the k ing had m ade himgo back to his dungeon in Satara . At Bal aji ’s advice th eking released Pu r ash u r am and entrusted to him the greatfort of Vish algad and the surrounding country . Parash uramsent his eldest son K r i sh n aji to a ssum e ch arge of his n ew

Be"and Bhand ar are both sacred to th e god Kh an doba of Jejuri .



This time Parashuram accepted it . In his judgment,

the appointment of his son K r i shn arao to the post ofP r atin i d h i Of Kolhapur

,Par ash u r am

’

s own office,released

him from his allegiance to Sam bh aji . He was no longera Kolhapur Officer and was free to take service withShahu . The king never again entrusted Parashuram withan army but he greatly esteemed him and Often acted onhis advice ; and he showed his appreciation of the gallantold man by frequent gift s Of l and and money .

In the cold weather of the same year (1 7 13) Shahuresolved to reduce K an h oji Angre . K anh oji Angre wasthe son Of Tu k oji Angre, who had during Sh ivaji ’s reignbecome famous a s a sailor. The real name of the Angrefamily was Sangpal

,but as their native village was Angar

wadi they had come to call themselves Angre . Tu koji

died in 1690 leaving a son K anh oji Angre, who was destined to advance still further the family fortunes. Hehad long been reputed a skilful seaman and in Sambh aji ’sreign he had been promoted to high command in theroyal fleet . At that time the chief Maratha strongholdson th e coast were Sagar gad under Mankoji Suryavan sh i ,K han d er i under Ud aji P ad val

,Rajkot under Subh an j i

Kh ar ate and Kolaba under Bh ivaji Guj ar. On the captureOf King Sam bh aji , Mankoji Su ryavan sh i , Ud aji Pad val andSu bh an ji Kh ar ate deserted their charges and fled to th efort of P r abh algad . Bh iwaji Guj ar and K an h oji Angredivided between themselves the coa st fortresses . In 169 7 ,the two Marath a leaders quarrelled and Bh iwaji Guj ar,imprisoned by K anh oji An gre, soon died, leaving Angresupreme in the Maratha Konkan . An gre received fromTarabai the title Of Sark h el or admiral of the Marathafleet and availed himself of her quarrel with Shahu tomake himself independent . Feigning to act under Tar ab ai ’sorders

,he had seized the town Of Kalyan and the surround

ing districts as well a s the great fort of Rajm ach i belowthe Bh or Ghat and that Of Loh gad just above it . To subdue this powerful noble Shahu despatched a large force

THE C IVIL WAR AND THE REORGAN I SATI ON 155

under his Peshwa Bahiro Pingle . Unhappily Pingle wasa man Of mediocre talents . K an h oji Angre was one of thef irst soldiers of his time . He defeated Bahiro Pin gle in apitched battle and took him prisoner and throwing himinto a dungeon in Loh gad , Openly talked of an advance onSatara . Shahu in alarm ordered Balaj i V i shvan ath withfresh troops to Oppose his march . But Balaj i wisely trustedto diplomacy rather than arms. He formed the view thatthe royal government was no longer strong enough toadhere to Sh ivaji ’s Ol d constitution

,under which the king

aided by his eight ministers was the sole ruler in hi sdominions. The time had come wh en that ideal must beput aside as an impossible counsel of excellence. Let theking give hi s nobles grants of land instead Of money andallow them within their confines to act as vassal princesrather than salaried offi cers . Shahu accepted his minister’sadvice and consented to the change . Balaj i invested withfull powers

,met the Maratha admiral at Lonavla . The

two had kindly feelings for each other from the days whenBal aj i V i shvan ath lived in the Konkan . Balaj i Spoke eloquently of the danger which the Maratha people ran underrulers divided against each other . His eloquence touchedthe war-worn sailor ’s heart and Angre agreed to acceptSh ah u

’s terms. He was confirmed in th e ti tle Of Sark h e l

or Admiral Of the royal fleet and was allowed to retainRajm ach i and a number of lesser forts in the Konkan*At the same time Balaj i j oined his forces with Angre ’s andthe combined armies invaded the Sidis’ possessions on thewestern coast . The S idi s were rapidly driven out Of

Sh r ivar d h an ,Bal aji

’

s birth place,and several other point s on

the coast wh ich Angre added to his fief. Thereafter Angrereleased Bahiro Pingle and became an allied confederate ofthe king. In this way the Maratha confederacy was born .

* Th e forts men tion ed by Mr . Sard esai were K h and eri,Kol aba

,Suvarn ad urg,

Jaygad , Devgad , K an akd urg , Fatehd u rg , Avachi tgud . and Yeswan tgad besides 16l esser p laces , 6 . g . Bah irugad , Kol ata, Bikatgad , Man ikgad ,

Mirgad,Sagargad , Rasul

gad , Ram d urg, K haerpatan ,Rajapu r , Am beri , Satvad em , Sh rivaeha, and Manaranjan .


Shahu delighted with Bal aj i ’s success, removed BahiroPingle from th e post '

of Peshwa wherein he had so S ignallyfailed and on the 16 th November 1 7 13 conferred it onBalaj i V i shvan ath At th e same time he directed Balaj ito unite the forces Of the k ingdom against Damaj i Thorat .After the failure Of Bal aji

’s expedition

,Shahu had called

on the Pant Sach iv to reduce the graceless filibuster.Naro Shankar the Pant Sach iv was sti l l a tiny child

,but

his m u ta l ik or agent took him on field service to encouragethe troops . Unfortunately Damaj i Thorat proved as

formidable in battle as in low intrigue . He overthrewthe Pant Sach iv ’

s troops and took the little boy and hism u tal ik prisoners . These als o th e king ransomed . BeforeBalaj i started on the third expedition

,Shah u

,anxious to

give Damaji Thorat a last chance of returning to hi sal legiance, invited him to meet h im at Jeju r i and promisedhim a safe conduct . There he graciously received th e

rebel Chieftain and Offered him the most favourable terms.Confident in the strength of the castle and in his numerousand well-trained bands

,Thorat bore himself with such

overweening pride a s to m ake reconciliation impossible .The king dismissed him and the royal commanders convergedon Dam aj i Th or at ’s castle . Damaj i met the k ing’s troop sin the Open but for al l hi s skill he was b eaten and driveninto H in gan gaon . He defended himself bravely behindhis castle walls, but they were breached and the placestormed . Damaj i Thorat was taken prisoner and sent toa dungeon in Pu r an d ar . His fortress was utterly destroyedand the Spot where it had stood was ploughed up bydonkeys . The king was more pleased than ever withBalaj i . To reward him and at the same time to Show hisdispleasure at th e Pant Sach iv ’

s failure,Shahu took from

the latter the fort of P u r an d ar and the town Of Sasvadand conferred them on Balaj i V i shvan ath . Balaj i in turn

“Gran t Duff ’s statemen t that th e Pan t Sach iv’s moth er Yesubai gave Puran dar

to Bal aj i as a Sign of h er gratitude is in correct . Th e govern orsh ips of the fort,

were stil l in th e gif t of th e king . R iyas at I I .,p . 56 .


APPENDIX A

Th e genealogical tree of th e P ingles .

Moro Trim al Pingl e

Bahi roDaugh termarried Ramchan dra

Bavd ek ar

CHAPTER XXXVII

AFFAIRS AT DELHI

A . D . 1 707 TO 17 19

AFTER the death of Au r an gz ib Maratha h i story becomesonce again connected more or less closely with that ofDelhi . As I have related , Shah Alam under the tit le Of

Bahadur Shah became after the defeat and death of hi sbrothers

,emperor Of Hindustan . Shah Alam was the

kindest and most humane Of men,but he lacked the vigour

th at was needed to make secure the tottering throne Of

the Moghuls. He succeeded his father at the age of sixtySeven and for nearly fifty years he had never known amoment free from the fear Of death or imprisonment . Heruled for less than five years

,most of wh ich he passed in

fighting the Sikhs,who had now become a formidable

power. In February 1 7 12 h e suddenly issued a peremptoryorder to destroy every dog both in his own camp and inLah ore city. An order so needlessly cruel in the mouthOf so k indly a prince rai sed fears that h i s mind had failed .

The fears were justified and on the l 6th February 1 7 12he fell into a swoon from which he never recovered . Theemperor’s second son Az im u sh an was his father’s favouriteand at once seized the royal treasure and proclaimed himself emperor. But Zulfikar Khan lent his powerful supportto Bahadur Shah ’s other three sons . Az im u sh an wasdefeated and fell on the battle-field . Before his defeat, h i sthree brothers had agreed to divide the empire . But withthe death Of their rival

,their amity vanished . Moizu d d in

,

th e eldest,fought in turn hi s two brothers and with

Zulfikar Khan ’s help em erged from the struggle the sol e


survivor . He mounted the throne under the title Of

Jeh an d ar Shah on the 9 th June 1 7 12 .

Th e new emperor was not without abili ties but he waswholly under the sway Of a pretty dancing girl Lal Koor.After the manner of her k ind

,she sought to retain her

d ominion over her lover by keeping him under the influenceof drugs an d l iquor . Nor was Zulfikar Khan averse fromJeh an d ar Shah ’s self-indulgence . He relieved his masterOf all affairs of s tate and became in fact

,if not in name

,

emperor Of Delhi . Lal Koor used her influence to exalther brother Khosal and her former friends. Khosal wasmade a commander of seven thousand men . A womanc alled Zahra

,who had been k ind to Lal Koor when a child,

became so ri ch that Sh e a ssumed the state Of the greatestnobles in court . On e day Zahra was passing with herretinue down the street when she met Mir Kamaruddin,better known as Chin Kulich Khan

,a title given him by

Au r an gzib . He was the son of Firoz Jan g " and thegrandson Of that Kulich Khan who in 1 687 had fallenbefore Golconda . After Au r an gz ib

’

s death Ch in KulichK han had retired from court

, content with the wealthwhich his father had amassed . Seeing Zahra approach onher elephant he made his retinue move aside to let herpass . With the insolence of an upstart, Zahra rebukedChin Kulich Khan for not mak ing

‘

way for her sooner.“Ch in Kulich Khan

,Sh e cried

,

“you must surely be theson Of a blind father not to move out Of the road .

” Thehot blood Of Turkestan boiled in the soldier ’ s veins at theinsult . At hi s S ignal hi s retinue threw themselves uponthe servants of Zahra

,beat them severely and finally

dragged Zahra herself out Of her gaily decked howdah .

Realising hi s danger Chin Kulich Khan went straight toZulfikar Khan

,implored and Obtained his protection .

Thereafter he returned to court and asked to be reinstatedin th e imperial service . Such was th e unpromisingbeginning of the career of the great Nizam-u l -Mulk, the

* K ha.fi Khan . Firoz Jang died in Guzarat in 1709 .



willingly resigned to Zulfikar Khan the toi ls Of Offi ce,bu t

F ar u kh s ir resented the tyranny Of his two allies . Notdaring to dismiss them

,he fawned on them to their faces

,

but behind their backs wove scheme after scheme for theirdestruction . On F aruk h s ir

’

s elevation,he appointed Chin

Kulich Khan to succeed Zulfikar Khan as viceroy Of theDeccan

,and Chin Kuli ch Khan induced Shahu in return

for imperial recognition to agree to support F ar u kh sirwith ten thousand horse . The emperor now recalled Ch inKulich Khan and sent the Sayad Hussein Ali Khan to takehis place. Directly Hussein Ali Khan had left Delhi

,th e

emperor begged Daud Khan to attack and destroy him .

Daud Khan,who had been Zulfikar Kh an ’s former deputy

and had Since been named governor of Gu zar at,accepted

readily the task . He enlisted a number of Maratha troops,

especially those under Nem aji S india, who had made himselfmaster of the entire revenues Of Auran gabad . On th e

2 5th August, 1 7 16 , the two armies met on the plain outsideBurhanpur . Daud Khan was renowned through India forh i s courage . His gallantry had won the battle when a straymusket ball struck him in the forehead

,killing him on

the spot . Fortune at once changed Sides and Daud Khan’ svictorious army became a routed mob . Nem aji S india, ofwhom Daud Khan had expected great things

,took no part

in th e action , but galloping about with his cavalry on th eoutskirts Of the battle

,only joined in it

,when he saw Daud

Khan’ s force finally dispersed . He then rode up to HusseinAli Khan

,congratulated him on his vi ctory and applied

h imself to plundering Daud Khan ’ s effects .Hussein Ali Kh an secure in the viceroyalty of th e

Deccan tried to clear his province of Marath a marauders.Th e ch ief among th ese was Kh an d er ao Dabh ade . He h adactually built a number Of mud block -houses along theSurat-Burhanpur road

,

* and kept a revenue Officer thereto levy the chau th which the Marathas now claimed n ot

only over the Deccan,but over Gu zar at as well . Hussein

* Siyar-u l -Muta K herin p . 140 .

AFFAIR S AT DELH I 163

Ali Khan sent eight th ousand men under one Zulfikar Begto drive away Kh an d er ao Dabhade and destroy his blockh ouses . But the general had neither the skill nor th e mento achieve his purpose . Kh an d er ao Dabhade who hadbetween eight thousand and nine thousand veteran troopersand six or seven thousand local l evies met Zu lfikar Begnear th e edge of the Baglan forest . Zulfikar Beg instantlyattacked him . The Marathas dispersed on all sides intoth e wooded hill s . Zulfikar Beg divided hi s army intosmall parties so as to pursue them . When the Moghulshad penetrated deeply into th e mountains

,detachments Of

Marathas closed the path s beh ind them ; Zulfikar Beg wasslain and his entire force ei ther killed or taken . HusseinAli Khan attempted to avenge Zulfikar Beg by sendinga large army under his minister Raj a Moh kam S ing toGu zar at . At the same time he sent another force underhis own brother Sar fu d d in Ali Khan to support him.

K h an d er ao Dabhade was too wary a soldier to fight ata disadvantage . He clung to south Gu zar at by means Ofhis chain Of for ts which the Moghuls failed to take andsuccessfully declined a general engagement . Hussein AliKhan ’s ill success against Dabhade wa s learnt by theemperor with great satisfa ction . F ar u k h sir wrote privatelyto various Maratha leaders

,urging them to make war

without respite on his own viceroy . The Maratha leaderswere only too willing to comply with the emperor’s requestand broke the truce that they h ad more or less Observedsince Sh ah u

’s accession . Everywhere in the Moghul

possessions in the south appeared bands of horsemen,

who with justice announced that they were acting for theemperor . Hussein Ali Kh an had no alternative but to buyoff the Marathas on their own terms.He sent as h i s ambassador to Sh abu ’s court a t Satara

a Desh asth Brahman named Shankar Malh ar . He hadbeen a clerk under Sh ivaji and had been appointed PantSach iv by Raj a Ram ; but he had been removed from thatOffice by Tarabai . He had then joined the Moghul service

1 1 c


and h ad acted at the viceregal court as the agent Of theMarath a captains in the pay of the emperor. Balaj iV i shvan ath conducted the negotiations on Shab u ’s behalf.On h i s release Shahu had Obtained a promis e of the chau thand sar d eshm u kh i in the six Deccan provinces . Su b se

quently by a private arrangement between Shahu andDaud Khan

,th e Maratha king h ad waived his right to the

sar d eshm u kh i , provided Daud Khan guaranteed the regularpayment of th e chau th . Th e first demand , therefore, Of

the Maratha plenipotentiary was that "the viceroy shouldguarantee the sar d eshm u kh i as well as the chau th . Thiswas at once acceded to by Shankar Malhar . But th i s wasonly a small part of th e Marath a demands . Balaj iV i shvan ath next asked for sovereign righ ts over all theterritory except Kh andesh which had belonged to Sh ivaji .In lieu of Kh andesh Sh ah u should receive compensationround Pandharpur . The Moghul s should evacuate Shivnerwhich had twice defied the great king’ s assaults

,restore

Sh ivaji’

s Carnati c conquests and send Sh ah u ’

s mother andfamily back to the Deccan . With Special vehemenceBalaj i

,a devout and orthodox Brahman

,demanded the

surrender of Trimbak . It i s a place dear to every DeccanHindu and i s yearly visited by thousands Of pilgrims. Itwas there that the saint Nivr at t i

,brother of Dnyan d ev ,

ended his earthly career . But, above all, i t i s renowned asth e Spot where the Godavari river rises . TO the Marathasthe Godavari i s the holiest Of al l southern streams and bythe dwellers on her banks Sh e i s usually called Ganga orthe Ganges . Indeed a current legend claims for her aholiness even greater than that of her proud northernsister . When King Bh agir ath by his prayers and penancesbrought down from heaven the divine Ganges

,th e god

Shiva caught her in his hair . There he held her impri soned for a year. Parvati, Shiva ’s wife, grew jealous Of thestately lady

,whom her husband carried always with him .

Sh e called to her aid her son,the elephant -headed Ganpati .

Now it so happened that near Trimbak a great sage called



Hussein Ali Khan . Both F ar uk h sir and his former alliesnow prepared for war ; but while the Sayad brotherscollected men and guns with vigour and resolution

,the

wretched emperor could not decide on any settled plan .

At last a Kashmiri called Mahomed Murad won the imperialfavour by suggesting to him a variety Of futi le designsby which he might destroy the Sayad s . In return for thisworthless counsel Far u k h s ir ennobled Mahomed Muradwith the title of I ti k ad Khan Far u k h sh ah i Rukn-u d -daulat ,which

,being interpreted

,means the confidential noble of

the court Of the emperor F ar uk h sir and pillar of the state .At I t ik ad Khan ’ s advice the emperor recalled SarbulandKhan

,the governor of Patna

,Chin Kulich Khan

,now eu

nobled with the title Of Nizam -u l -Mulk or deputy Of theempire and governor of Moradabad

,and Aj it S ing

,the son

Of Jaswant S ing,Maharaj a of Jodhpur

,whom as a child

Au r an gzib had wished to detain in Delhi and convert toIslam . After Aj i t Sing’s successful flight, the Maharana Of

Udaipur,the first Of the Rajput princes

,had bestowed on him

the hand Of his daughter ; and Bahadur Shah had publiclyacknowledged him as Chief of Jodhpur . He was n ow

governor Of Gu zar at . Ajit S ing, however, correctly gaugedthe emperor’s vacillating and treacherous nature and notonly refused to help in the destruction of the Sayad s , butdisclosed to Sayad Abdulla Khan

,who was still a t Delhi

,

F aruk h si r’

s intentions . Nizam-u l -Mulk and SarbulandKhan had relinquished their high Offices when recalled toDelhi

,but h ad been assured that they would be promoted,

the one to be vaz ir,th e other to be commander-in -chief .

On these terms they were ready to attack the Sayad s .

But when they asked Of the emperor the fulfilment of hi spromises

,they learnt that he intended to make I tikad Khan

both vazir and commander-in -chief . They vainly protestedthat since they had ceased to be governors, they couldnot help Far u kh si r , unless he gave them high posts atDelhi ; but they received the reply that I tik ad Khan aloneh ad the necessary talents to be head either of the civil or

AFFAI RS AT DELH I 16 7

t h e military administration . Seeing that the emperor wasbent on his own destruction

,Nizam-u l -Mulk and Sarbuland

Khan wisely made their peace with the Sayad s . The d aysof F ar u k h s ir ’

s reign were now numbered . Of all hi sf riends Jai S ing

,the raj a Of Jaipur

,alone stood by his

S ide and Offered with his Rajput troops to atta ck anddestroy Abdulla Khan before Hussein Ali Khan could j oinhim . But fear now dominated the wretched successor Of

Au r an gz ib . Without an effort to resi st, he allowed HusseinAli Khan with th e troops of the Deccan and a contingentof ten thousand Maratha horse under Balaj i V i shvan athto march on Delhi and join Abdulla Khan . The emperorwas lost . He tri ed in vain to concilia te the brothers, butth ey had gone too far for pardon . They replaced hi sguards by their own soldiers and insolently repeated toF ar uk h si r

’s face the various orders which he had given to

compass th eir destruction . The emperor lost his temperand broke into passionate reproaches. The Sayad s at onceseized his person . A few nobles, touched by their master’sfall

,tried to rescue him

,but in vain . The attempt ended

in a street riot,during which the mob fell on the Maratha

contingent and killed fifteen hundred Of them,including

S an taji Bh os l e, a son of Par soji Bh os l e, and Balaj i Mahadev,one of the three Bh anu brothers*. When the Sayad s hadrestored order

,they had their unhappy m aster blinded and

th rown into a gloomy dungeon where he soon afterwardsd ied (February Niz am-u l -Mulk and SarbulandKhan were rewarded for their inaction

,the former by the

governorship of Malwa,the latter by the governorship Of

Kabul .

Ch i tn is Bakhar . Siyar-uI -Muta K he rin . Khafi Khan .

CHAPTER XXXVIII

NIZAM -UL -MULK FOUNDS THE KINGDOM

OF HAIDARABAD .

A . D . 17 19 TO 1724

TH E body of the deceased emperor was buried in th e tombof Humayun

,the Spot where lie the remains Of th e murdered

Dara Shu k oh and where many years later the heirs of th ela st Moghul emperor sought in vain a sanctuary . In h i splace the Sayad brothers seated on the throne one R af iu d

Dayat , the son of one of prince Akbar Mah om ed’

s daughtersand therefore the great-grandson Of Au r an gzib . Theemperor was only twenty years Of age

,but h e was alr eady

stricken with a mortal si ckness . He was sufferin g fromconsumption

,and three months after his coronation

,he

followed F ar u k h si r to the grave . At the dying boy ’

s

request,hi s brother Raf iu d Daula t was crowned in h i s

stead ; but a victim to the same pitiless malady, he al soexchanged in three months ’ time the throne for a grave .During the reign Of these two princes the Sayad s weremasters Of the empire . Abdulla Khan selected for h i s ownz anana the favourite b eauties Of F ar u k h si r

,and th e

Musulman chroniclers rel ate as a symptom " of the decayOf th e empire

,tha t Maharaj a Aj it S ing took back th e

daughter whom he had given in wedlock to th e l a teemperor

,and reconverting her to Hinduism

,sent h er back

to his own palace at Jodhpur . Th e nex t prince whomthe Sayad s seated on the throne was Roshan Akhtar, th eson Of Jeh an d ar Shah . In September 1 7 1 9 he becameu nder the titl e of Mahomed Shah , emperor of Delhi .

Siyar-u l -Muta K herin .


1 70 A H I STORY OF THE MARATH A PEOPLE

vacil lation he would willingly have destroyed them . Henow entered readily into a plan for their discomfiture

.

He first established himself firmly in his governorship Of

Malwa , and having reduced that province to Obedience,

b e resolved to make himself master of the Deccan . Heknew a good deal about Deccan warfare and had in 1 7 13

and 1 7 14,when viceroy for a short time, protected i t with

success against Maratha encroachments . His daring mindconceived the plan of u sing th e resources Of that province

,

which others regarded as nearly lost to the empire,to

oust the Sayad s ’ dominion . He assembled twelve thousandveteran horse at S ironj and then without warning crossedthe Narbada and marched southwards. The Sayad s, whohad expected him to march on Delhi

,were dismayed by

thi s unexpected move . The rebel ’s march was at first atriumphant progress . The giant fortress of Asirgad ,

which had for many years withstood the arms Of Akbar,surrendered on payment Of two years ’ arrears Of pay .

Burhanpur capitulated on the same terms . Anwar Khan,th e governor Of Khandesh

,at once handed over hi s charge .

Rao Rambha Nimbalkar,Ch an d r asen Jad h av and other

Maratha leaders,discontented with Shahu

,and a contingent

from Kolhapur presented themselves at Niz am-u l -Mu l k ’s

camp . Lastly, Ghaus Khan , the governor of Berar anda Turk l ike the Niz am himself

,brought to hi s fellow

countryman a body Of veteran troops and a train Of

artil lery. The Niz am ’s head was not turned by these easysuccesses . He knew that he would soon have to faceAlam Ali Khan

,a nephew Of the Sayad s and for the moment

viceroy of the Deccan . TO Alam Ali Khan ’s help , too,were marching Dilavar Khan

,a Sayad like the two brothers,

an d a Maratha contingent under Kh an d er ao Dabhade .Th e Nizam

,however

,had the advantage Of interior lines

and h e resolved to destroy his enemies b efore th ey couldunite . His tactics were those which he had learnt inDeccan warfare" . On the approach of Dilavar Kh an, the

Khafi Khan and Siyar-u l -Muta K her in .

N I ZAM -UL -MULK FOUNDS HAIDARABAD 1 7 1

Niz am left on the wooded banks Of a stream his lieutenantInayat Khan

,with a picked body of infantry and a large

train of arti l lery. With the bulk Of his force he went outto meet Dilavar Khan . The latter, thinking that he h adbefore him the entire army of his enemy

,ch arged impetu

ou s ly . The Niz am skilfully retreated until h e h ad ledDilavar Khan close to his concealed reserves . While theS ayad was pursuing his foe in the disorder Of fanciedvictory

,there burst on him and his men a storm Of cannon

Shot . Dilavar Khan ’s soldiers fel l in heaps and the rest ,taking advantage Of the smoke

,fled in dismay from the

battle . (1 9 th JuneIn the meantime Alam Ali Khan had reached Aurangabad .

He had affected a junction with the Marath a contingentunder Kh an d er ao Dabhade and with twelve thousandMarath as and his own army of thirteen thousand men hethough t himself a match for Niz am-u l -Mulk . The latterfeared most the Maratha contingent . Against them heresolved to rely on massed batteries Of heavy arti llery, adevice used afterwards with still greater effect by theF rench general

,de Bussy . He stripped As i r gad and

Burhanpur of their cannon and then sought hi s enemy .

Kh an d er ao Dabhade and his Marathas behaved in a wayworthy of his high reputation . But Ghaus Khan kept themat a d i stance with the fire of his batteries and chargedthem in the field with the squadrons under Ch an d r asenJad h av . The main action took place at a spot call ed Balapurin Berar a lmost half-waybetween Burhanpur and Aurangabad.

The Niz am’s tactics were S imilar to those Of hi s recentvictory but more artfully concealed . In the evening beforethe battle he ostentatiously massed his entire artillery infront Of his lines . At night he withdrew the bulk Of hi sguns and hid them in a copse a mile or two in the rear .

Next morning the 1oth August 1 7 20, Alam Ali Khanattacked with the same fury as Dilavar Kh an h ad done

* Th is battl e is kn own as th e battl e Of K hand va. Th e battl e again st AlamAl i Khan w as cal l ed th e battl e of Bal apur .

1 7 2 A H I STORY OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE

and fell into t h e same snare . Nizam -u l -Mulk slowlyretreated

,followed by Alam Ali Kh an .

-When the deludedcommander had reached the desired spot

,the concealed

batteries in a few minutes swept away hi s troops bythousands . Profitin g by their disorder Nizam-u l -Mulkcounter-attacked . Th e Maratha contingent fought bravelyuntil Alam Khan ’s death

,when Kh an d er ao Dabhade

,seeing

that the day was lost,withdrew his detachment safely to

the Deccan . Among th e fa llen was Shankar Mulb ar,

Hussein Ali Khan ’ s envoy to the court of King Shahu .

The rebel ’s victories were heard with dismay by theSayad brothers

,but with secret joy by the emperor and

his mother,and they deemed the time propi tious for rid

ding themselves Of their overbearing benefactors . To thisend they won over another Turk named Mahomed AmirKhan

,who had deserted F ar u k h sir to the Sayad s and now

that the Sayad s ’ cause seemed to totter, was ready to

desert back from the Sayad s to the emperor . The su spi

cions brothers forbade any private interviews , but AmirKhan and Mahomed Shah conveyed to each other theirplans by speaking Openly in Turki

,a language unknown

to the Sayad s , but always diligently studied by the houseOf Babar . As Hussein Ali Kh an was the abler of thebrothers

,i t was decided to remove him by assassination

,

and in one Mir Haidar,a Chagata i Moghul

,was found a

suitable instrument . The assassin pretended to OfferHussein Ali Kh an a petition written in extremely Obscurelanguage . Hussein Ali Khan accepted i t and while hetried to unravel the tangled rigmarole

,Mir Haidar plunged

a dagger into his heart . On the death Of their leader thebulk Of hi s troops deserted and the rest were overpoweredby the nobles atta ched to the imperial cause . Abdull aKhan stil l remained to be dealt with . He was at FatehpurS ikri

,the beautiful ci ty which Akbar built near Agra and

afterwards abandoned . On hearing of his brother ’ smurder he at once marched on Delhi . To give his advancea Show Of right

,he had crowned another grandson of



master. Marching into Gu zar at he contrived so skilfullyto sow sedition in Haidar Kuli Khan ’s army

,that at a given

moment i t deserted in a mass to the enemy . The wretchedgovernor left with only a few personal friends

,saved h i s

life by pretending to be mad and fled to Delhi . He wasfollowed there by Nizam-u l -Mulk

,who once more under

took hi s duties as vazir,with the added prestige of hi s

recent victory and a third viceroyalty . His return wasSO dista steful to the foolish boy who occupied the throne

,

that Nizam-u l -Mulk began to fear that if he stayed longat Delhi he would

,like Hussein Ali Khan

,be removed by

the knife Of an assassin . He begged leave to resign hisOffice as vaz ir and go to his governorships Of Malwa

,

Gu zar at and the Deccan,where

,as he pleaded

,the fresh

inroads of the Marathas demanded his immediate return .

With a Sigh Of relief,Mahomed Shah graciously granted

his request and lavished honours on the departing minister .Nizam-u l -Mulk was given the titl e Of Asaf Jah and Vaki l-iMulk

,or agent-general of the empire

,and permitted to

l eave court with every wish for his future success .The Nizam went first to Malwa and thence after a short

interval to the Deccan . But h is master ’s enmity precededhim . An imperial messenger had already reached Mub ar izKhan

,th e commandant of Haidarabad fort

,begging him to

destroy the viceroy and assume the V i ceroyalty himself.Tempted by the offer

,Mu b ar iz Khan won over a number

of the leading Musulman offi cers and raised an army bigenough to encourage h im to attack the emperor’s enemy.

On the 2n d October,1 724

,the rivals met at Shakar Khera

in Berar,eighty miles from Aurangabad*. Mub ar iz Khan

tried to outmarch the Niz am and turning his flank to seiz eAurangabad . But he was Opposed to a master of the artof war . Nizam-u l -Mulk marched even more rapidly thanhe did and forced him to action . In spite Of the personalbravery of Mub ar iz Khan

,he was k i lled and his army

overthrown . Nizam-u l -Mulk knew as well a s anyone th eKh afi Khan . (Th e pl ace is now known as Sakhar Kh ed .)


CHAPTER XXX IX

THE DEATH OF BALAJI V I SHVANATH AND THE

ACCE SSION OF H I S SON BAJI RAO

A . D . 1 720 TO 1 730

BEFORE leaving Delhi, Niz am-u l -Mulk had appointed hisuncle Hamid Khan as his lieutenant in Gu zar at . MahomedShah was advised to release from prison Abdulla Kh anand send him to reconquer that province first and th e

Deccan afterwards . This plan was frustrated by Nizamu l -Mu l k

’

s friends, wh o successfully administered to thefallen vaz i r a dose Of poison . The emperor then choseS arbuland Khan

,th e governor Of Kabul, as his instrument .

The latter,however

,wh o aspired to be vazir, did not at

once proceed to Gu zar at but sent there one Shuj aat Kh anwith a body Of pi cked troops . Hamid Kh an ’s own forcewas not equal to resi stance

,SO h e fell back on Dohad,

where he induced a Maratha leader K an taji Kadam Bandet o j oin h im

,promising him in return the chau th Of Gu zar at .

The allies advanced against Shuj aat Khan and defeatingand killing him at K ap adwan j, entered Ahmadabad intriumph . It so happened however, th at Rustam Ali Khan,the Mogh ul governor Of Surat

,was Shuj aat Khan ’s brother .

He took up arms to avenge him and following hi s enemy ’sexample induced anoth er Maratha leader named Pilaj iGaikvad , wi th whom h e had for some time past beenc onducting a more or less successful guerill a warfare, topatch up a truce and j oin him against Hamid Kh an andK an taji Bande . Th i s Pilaj i Gaikvad was the founder ofthe great house of Baroda ; and since English historians,as a rule

,interpret wrongly the name Gai k vad to mean

cowherd,i t will not be out of place to narrate here the

THE DEATH OF BALAJI V I SHV ANATH 7

origin of the family . The word Gaikvad i s made up Of

two Marath i words— “Gai ” a cow,and “K avad

” a smal ldoor . “Gaikvad

” therefore means a “ cow ’s door ” Thef amily came to adopt the name in this way . Nan d aj i

"

,the

great -grandfather Of Pilaj i Gaikvad , was in charge of Bherfort in that part Of the Mawal tract which , watered by theP avana river in the Bhor state, i s known as the PavanaMaval . On e day a Musulman butcher drove past the fortgates a herd Of cows

,intending at the close Of his j ourney

to convert them into beef. Nan d aji , like a virtuous Hindu,rushed out and rescued the cows

,which ran for Shelter

i nto the fort through a side door or ‘Kavad’. Proud Of

thi s meritorious feat, Nan d aji assumed the name of “Gai

k avad”

,or cow’s door which has since been corrupted into

Gaikvad . Nan d aji had a son K er oji , and K er oji had foursons Damaj i

,Lingoj i

,Gu joji , and Har jir ao. Damaj i took

service under Kh an d er ao Dabhade and so distinguishedhimself in the battle Of Ba l apur that his conduct wasbrought to the royal notice . Damaj i had no son but headopted Pilaj i

,the son of one Of his brothers and Obtained

f or him a small post in Kh an d er ao Dabh ad e’

s household .

Shortly after hi s appointment Pilaj i, who was an efficienthorse-master

,was put in charge Of some forty or fifty

mares,which had become too thin to carry Kh an d er ao

Dabh ad e’s troopers . He took the mares to Narayanpur in

the Nawapur par agan a of Gu zar at , where they shortlyrecovered their condition . Dabhade then gave him two orthr ee hundred other foundered horses

,which also recovered

health and strength ; indeed Pilaj i not only sent them backin excellent condition

,but he also returned a part Of the

money given to him for their keep . As a reward Dabhadepromoted Pilaj i to the command Of a squadron with whichto garri son Nawapur . This pargana and the neighbouringdistricts were then in the hands Of the Bandes and theP awar s

,also subordinates Of the commander-in -chief. They

‘ Pil aj i Gaikvad Bak har pl aced at my disposal by the courtesy of H . H . The

Maharaja Gaikvad of Baroda .


affected to believe that Dabhade had made a mistake an d:

refused to hand over to Pilaj i hi s new grant . TO com ~

pensate him,Dabhade gave him the command Of two mor e

squadrons and allowed him to establish him self at a fortnear Su r at

,. to which Pilaj i gave the name Of Songadh or

the golden stronghold . He was now at the head Of a

considerable division and flattered by Rustam Ali ’s offeragreed to serve under his command . An indecisive a ctionwas fought by the two Opposing Moghuls on the banks Ofthe Mahi river . Rustam Ali remained master of th e fi eld .

But Hamid Kh an worsted in battle proved more formidabl ein intrigue . He induced his Maratha ally Bande to winover Pilaj i . The next day Hamid Khan renewed the ba ttle.Pilaj i Gaikvad Obtained leave to guard the guns an d

baggage while Rustam Ali charged the enemy . Awaywent the glittering masses Of the imperi al horse . PilajiGaikvad instantly spiked his commander ’s guns and chargedinto his rear . Attacked On all sides

,Rustam Ali ’s force

was destroyed and the too trusting generals fell on th e

battlefi eld “. In consideration of Pi l aji ’s timely treachery,Hamid Khan divided the chau th of Gu zar at between h imand K an th aji Bande . The two Marathas quarrelled overthe division

,but in the end they accepted Hami d Kh an’s

ruling that the ehau th Of eastern Gu zar at shoul d go to

Pilaj i and that Of western Gu zar at to K an th aji . The Mahiriver was declared to be the boundary between them.

After this sett lement Hamid Khan returned in triumph toAhmadabad and made his headquarters in the Shahi Bagh

,

now the residence Of the British commissioner . H i s

triumph,however

,was short- lived . Sarbuland Khan

,

feeling that if he tarried longer at Delhi he migh t loseeverything

,determined to go to Gu zar at himself and drive

out the deputy of Nizam-u l -Mulk . He succeeded in forcinghis way into Ahmadabad

,but there he was besieged by

thirty thousand Marathas and compelled to give themd rafts for large amounts on the chief bankers Of Gu zar at .

*Khafi Khan and S iyar-ul -Muta Kh erin .



erecte d in his father’s honour by Sh r ip atr ao and may yetbe seen at Mahuli on the banks of the holy Krishna . Anot less enduring monument i s the collection Of Sanskritand Marathi verse whi ch the soldier and statesman wrotein Satara fort, to beguile the tedium of his imprisonment .Balaj i V i shvan ath died Shortly after hi s return south

wards. The fatigues Of the journey,the anxieties of h i s

stay,his vast labours to Obtain the confirmation Of the

treaty drafted by Hussein Ali Khan had exhausted evenhis enduring fram e . Early in October 1 720 he felt himself unable to carry on even the ordinary duties of hischarge and Obtained leave to retire to Sasw ad

,the li ttle

town below Pu r an d ar . During the winter and summer hisfamily lived in Pu r an d ar

,but to avoid the damp cold of

the monsoon months it was their habit to descend into thevalley below. In his house at Sasw ad , surrounded by hisfamily

,the great Peshwa tried to regain his strength and

on the 1 1 th March 1 7 20 he marri ed his son Baji r ao to thecharming K ash ib ai

,but the hand of death was already on

him. On the 1 st April 1 720 after a few days ’ i llness hedied Of heart failure . It i s a great misfortune that morehas not come down to us Of this di stinguished man . Muchha s survived to us Of his son Bajir ao’

s life and character .Yet although Bal aji ’s exploits were less brilliant than thoseOf his more famous son

,i t must be borne in mind that the

latter began where the former ended . The success,which

attended Bajir ao was, in truth , the success Of Bal aji ’s prudent and far~seeing policy . It must be conceded that in thegranting of lands in stead Of salaries to the k ing’s Officers

,

Balaj i departed from the wise rule of Sh ivaji . But thefault was not the minister’ s but his master’s . Balaji sawthat Shahu had not the commanding talents and energywhich had made possible the great king’s concentrateddominion . S ince th e best was not obtainable

,Balaj i chose

the second best and substituted for the autocracy of theking the Maratha confederacy . Such a confederacy hadthe seeds of weakness. Nevertheless

,as Mr . Ran ad e has

THE DEATH OF BALAJI V I SHVANATH 181

Observed, i t made its power felt all over India and enduredfor more than a hundred years . Again it was to Balaj ithat the complicated Maratha system of collection wasdue . To it a s much as to their vi ctories in the field theMarathas Owed the spread Of their empire . Everywherewere scattered their agents, col lectors and K am avisd ar s ,

their Gum as tas and Sh er i s ted ar s , who by constant interference with the Moghul Officials undermined their authority

,hampered their finances

,fomented their quarrel s and

furnished to the Satara government a never-failing excusefor hostili ties . As a child Balaj i had married Rad h ab ai

Barve,a lady of extraordinary accompli shments . In an

age when few men were li terate , this talented lady couldboth read and write . Sh e ruled her household with a rodof iron . Yet in social matters she was large -minded andtolerant . At one time it came to light that a certain Brahman Sardar owned a S l ave girl of the Mhar caste . Thestri cter citiz en s would have excommunicated the Offender .But Rad h ab ai induced the king to impose instead Of asentence of excommunication a trifling penance . Bal aj i

’s

eldest son was V i saji , better known as Bajir ao, born in1 698 . His second son was An taji , better known as Ch im n aji

Appa,born in 1 7 08 . He left also two daughters . On e of

them An u b ai married Vyan k atr ao,the founder Of the house

of Ichalkaranj i . The other Bh iu b ai , became th e bride ofAbaj i Joshi Of Baramat i

,th e brother Of Balaj i Naik a

wealthy money-lender and known to fame as Bajir ao’

s mostharassing creditor .The third great Maratha chief to die was Kh an d er ao

Dabhade . In every campaign,nay in almost every battle

fought by the Marathas since the death of Sh ivaji , he hadplayed his part . In his l ast great fight

,th at of Balapur

,

he was in no way responsible for defeat ; and h i s couragein the field and his skilful retreat enhanced rather thanlowered hi s reputation . But on his return to the Deccan ,

he felt himself no longer fi t for service and asked for andObtained leave to retire . He had won wide possession s in


the rich plains Of Gu zar at ; but like a true Maratha hepreferred to them all the littl e Deccan vil lage which hadseen his birth . To Talegaon Dabhade, as it i s still called,on the bank s of the In d ryan i river, the war-worn soldierwent . Two picturesque lakes surrounded by Shady treesadjoin the village and provide it with a never failingsupply of water . The neighbouring hill s furnish it with abeautiful and ever-changing landscape . The summer isnot more severe than that Of southern France. The winteri s as bracing as that of Al geciras or S icily ; and if therainfall i s unduly heavy

,the temperature i s never high

and the air i s always cool and pleasant . But neither climate nor scenery could restore the old warrior ’ s exhaustedframe . For some months previously he had suffered fromgravel and he lived only long enough to see his own titleof Sena Khas Khel transferred to his son Tr im b ak r ao andto receive the assurance that Tr im b ak r ao would also onhis father’ s death succeed to the post Of commander-iachief . (MayIt was at one time commonly believed that Bajir ao’

s

accession to his father ’s Office was delayed until the samemonth as Tr im b ak r ao’

s appointment to the commandershipin -chief. For some time previous to Balaj i V i sh van ath ’

s

death there had begun to form what for convenience sakemay be called the “Deccan Party —a combination ofDesh asth or Deccan Brahmans and Marathas against Balaj iV i sh van ath and h i s Ch i tpavan or Konkan fellow castem en .

The most formidable leader Of the Deccan Party wasSh r ipatr ao, the son Of Parashuram Trimbak . TO him wasj oined F atesin g Bh os l e , the child whom Shahu had adoptedafter the capture Of Parad village . On Bal aji

’

s deathShahu had announced to h i s council th at he meant toappoint Bajir ao in his father ’s pla ce . Sh r ipatr ao artfullyurged the king to be in no hurry . Let the k ing wait andjudge for himself whether the young man ’s abilities were

Gran t Duff . Mr. Sard esai gives th e date of Kh an d erao Dabhad e’s death as

1729 .



The Moghuls had overrun Sh ivaji’

s southern conquests .Let the Marathas retake Jinj i and all it s fertile districtsand the provinces torn by the great king from Bij apur.This second am bition realised

,i t would be time enough to

set in motion their arm ies against Delhi .Bajir ao replied that the way to restore their finances

was to plunder the rich provinces of Hindustan and n ot towaste their strength and trea sure in the barren plains Ofthe Deccan . He drew a vivid picture of the deeds ofSh ivaji , who with far less resources had defied the Moghulempire in i ts heyday . He excited Shabu ’s cupidity bydwelling on the indolence, the imbecility, and above al l , onthe wealth of the Moghuls ; and he stimulated his religiousz eal by urging him to drive from the holy land Of Bharatvarsha the outca st and the barbarian . The orator’sreasoning migh t have been wasted , but for his transcendent personal qualities. The commandin g stature, whichall but reached the low ceiling of the royal palace

,th e

rich,clear voice

,the bold virile features

,the dark

,imperi

ous eyes that forc ed attention,and above all

,th e rare

feli city of diction that for centurie s has been the peculiargift of the Ch i tpavan Brahman, produced an irresistibleeffec t . At the close Of a lofty peroration

,the minister

fixed on Shahu hi s glowing gaze and said :Strike

,s trike at the trun k an d th e bran ch es wil l fal l of th ems el ves .

Listen but to my coun sel an d I shall pl an t th e Maratha ban n er on th ewal l s of Attock .

”

Rhetoric succeeded where argument might have failed .

Shahu , completely carried away, cried with blazin g eyesBy heaven " You shall p lant i t on the throne of theAlmightyIt was, however, sometime before Baj i r ao could fulfi l

his dazz ling promises . The finances had to be put inorder, troops raised and the royal authority stren gthened .

Gran t Duff. Th e l earn ed author has wrongly tran sl ated “K innar Khand"”

Th e ph rase in Shabu ’s mouth did not mean th e coun try beyond the Himal ayas ,but th e cel estial region s .


In 1 724,h owever

,he felt strong enough to invade Malwa .

This province,as i t will be remembered , had been bestowed

on Nizam-u l -Mulk . But on the lat ter ’s invasion Of theDeccan the emperor dismissed him from th e governorshipOf Malwa and conferred it on Raj a Gir i d h aar . The latterwas ab l e

,since Niz am-u l -Mulk had d rained the province

Of his troops to conquer the Deccan ,to win it back with

little diffi culty to the imperial cause . To resist the Marathaleader was a harder task . Bajir ao swept like a whirlwindthrough Central India . Then leaving it

,he appointed

as King Sh ah u ’s agents Ud aji Pawar, Mal h ar r ao Holk ar and

Banoj i Sindia . The first Of these was the founder of thehouse of Dhar

,the second was the founder of the state

of Indore,and the third the ancestor of the Maharaj a s of

Gwalior.Mal h ar r ao Hol k ar was of lowly origin . His ancestors

were Dhangar s or herdsmen by caste and first lived inthe village of Waph gaon . Afterwards they moved to Ho]on the bank s Of Ni r a

,forty miles from Poona and

within th e limits of the Phaltan state . Their originalname was V i rk ar

,but thi s they changed to Holk ar a s a

result of their n ew resid ence . Mal h ar r ao’s father was one

Kh an d oji Holk ar who held in Hol the Offi ce Of Changa la

or Chaudhari,a superior village servant . He became the

father of a baby boy,to whom he gave the name of

Mal h ar i . When the boy was only three years Ol d , Kh an d ojiHolk ar died . TO save her baby from the malice of hisfather’s brothers

,his mother Jiwai took him with her to

her own village of Talode in Khandesh . There Mal h ar i orMalh ar r ao a s he now came to be called

,was brought up

by hi s mother ’s brother Bhojr aj, who was in command ofa troop of irregular horse under K an taji Kadam Bande .On e day when stil l a child he went to sleep in th e shadeof a tree . AS he S lept

,so the story runs

,the sun moved

and it s rays fell upon the unconscious boy. When hi smother came to fetch him home

,Sh e saw a large cobra

protecting his face with i ts hood expanded . Sh e called


her brother to witness thi s strange spectacle and bothagreed that i t foretold the boy’s future greatness ". Notlong afterwards Bh ojr aj had a vision of the goddessLakshmi

,who told him that his nephew was destined to

be a king. Convinced by these two events that Malh ar r ao

was reserved for something better than a herdsman’slife

,Bhojraj enlisted him as a trooper and gave him in

marriage his own daughter Gau tam ab ai . Mal h ar r ao’s

courage soon brought him rewards,but he once nearly

ended his career by striking in the face Balaj i V i shvan ath ’

s

son Bajir ao with a clod of earth, because the latter objectedto his cutting the peasants’ corn to feed his horses. Bajir ao

was generous enough to ask his father to spare the roughsoldier . This generosi ty Holk ar did not forget . Afterthe battle of Balapur (1 7 20) in which he greatly d i st in gu ish ed himself

,he smoothed over a qu arrel between

K an th aji Kadam Bande and Bajir ao. This pleased theyoung Peshwa SO much that in 1 72 5 he gave Hol k ar acommand Of 500 horse in his own service and becamegreatly attached to him.

Banoj i S india came of an ancient Kshatriya family ofwhich the original name was Sen d r ak . They rose to theroyal notice in the time of the Bahmani Kings and theirname was corrupted into Shinde

,a word which the English

have further corrupted into Sindia . They became p at i l sor herdsmen of the vi llage Of Kanh erk h ed , about twelvemiles from Satara . In Au r angz ib ’

s time they held commands in his army and the emperor married to Shahu

,

while in captivity,Sav i tr ab ai

,the daughter Of a S india in

his service . On Au r an gz ib’s death Savi tr ab ai ’s father fell

fighting for Azam Shah . Banoj i S india was a scion of ayounger branch . His father was in Balaj i V i shvan ath ’

s

service and he himself was brought up as a playmate ofBajir ao. When Bajir ao grew up, he made Banoj i hisorderly and it was Ranoji ’s duty to carry his master’ss lippers . On e d ay Bajir ao found his orderly asleep, but

*B ol kar Chari tra by Mr . Atre,p . 12 .



Haidarabad and won the Pr atin i d h i ’s good -will by Offeringhim a j aghir in Berar

,as an equivalent for the chau th

payable on his n ew capital . Bajir ao indignantly protestedbut in vain . Shahu, who did not penetrate the schemesOf his powerful neighbour

,was induced by th e Pr atin i d h i

to approve the exchange,since

,SO he said, the Niz am

would feel deeply the payment of tribute on his metropoli s.Encouraged by this success

,the Niz am next affected

igno rance of the respective claims of Shahu and Rajar am ’

s

son Sam bh aji . He declared himself unable to pay to th eMaratha government it s chau th and sar d es lzm u lek i , untilthe matter had been settled . At the same time he removedSh ah u

’s agents from his dominions and invited both Shahu

and Sam bh aji to send envoys to Haidarabad, where h ewould himself decide which Of the two princes had th ebetter right to the crown of the Marathas . The Pr at in id h iblinded by hi s hatr ed for Bajir ao, urged h i s sovereign tocomply . But the Peshwa laughed h i s rival to scorn andSO worked on Sh ah u

’

s feelings that the king instantlydeclared war . The Niz am successfully invoked the aid ofSam bh aji . The latter joined the Niz am ’s camp with alarge Maratha force and the Niz am flattered himself thathe would be able to destroy the power of the Marathas

,

forcing them into a civil war,which would never

,if

his efforts availed anything,be ended . But he had counted

without th e genius of Bajir ao. That aspiring statesmansoon shewed h imself as great in the field

,a s he had been

eloquent in the council chamber . On the 7 th August 1 72 7,

while rain was sti ll falling,Bajir ao led his army into the

field . Entering the Auran gabad district,he first plundered

Jalna and the distric ts round it . The Nizam sent a forceunder Ewaz Khan to meet h im . After an indecisive action,the Peshwa outmarched his Opponent and reached Mahur.Again turning towards Aurangabad

,he gave out - that he

meant to plunder Burhanpur . To protect th e wealthy city,the Nizam hastened to join Ewaz Khan . But Bajir ao hadalready left Khandesh and plundering as he went, had


entered Gu zar at and had informed Sarbuland Khan withgrim humour that he was invading the province under theNizam’s orders. The latter furious at being outwitted

,

march ed with hi s whole strength on Poona . Bajirao whoseplan was to exhaust the Niz am’s soldiers before he attackedthem

,left Guzerat and again invaded his enemy ’s dominions

a long the banks of the Godavari . The Niz am abandonedhis plan of marching on Poona and went eastwards sorapidly that he crossed the Godavari lower down andwaited for Bajir ao astride the river. The Niz am’s cavalrywas now tired out

,so Bajir ao no longer fled before him .

Retreating slowly Bajir ao tempted the Moghuls to followhim away from the river into the hilly country near thetown of Palkhed*. He then took the Offensive and soonforced the Niz am to take post . Thereupon Bajir ao

c ompletely surrounded him and but for the Niz am ’s heavyartillery

,he would soon have been compelled to surrender

together with Sam bh aji . The Nizam’s big guns saved him.

Forcing his way by th e fire of his massed batteries throughth e investing force

,he succeeded in reaching the Godavari

river near the town Of Mungi Shevgaon . He had n ow

water and a considerable store of provisions. Neverthelesshis was a besieged force and he sent his lieutenant EwazKhan to Open negotiations. Bajir ao demanded the im m ed i

ate surrender Of Sam bh aji , the payment of all arrears ofchau th and sar d eshm u khi , the reinstatement Of the Maratharevenue Officers, the recognition Of Shahu as sole king ofthe Marathas, and the grant of a substantial j aghir toBajir ao. The Niz am honourably refused to surrenderSam bh aji , but he agreed to the remaining conditions.Eventually it wa s settled that the Nizam Should sendSam bh aji with his force to Panhala and that thereafterShahu should be at liberty to take such action againsthim, as he might deem necessary . This treaty known asthe treaty of Mungi Shevgaon was S igned on the sixthMarch 1 728 . The document executed

,Bajir ao allowed the

Th e battl e is kn own as th e battl e of Pal kh ed .


Nizam to retire to his own dominions and turned h i sattention to Gu zar at , where Sarbuland Khan , d eserted bythe emperor and by the vaz ir

,Khan Dauran

,was anxious

to come to terms with the Marathas . Pilaj i Gaikvad andK an th aji Kadam Bande were already livin g on the country.

A third force under Ch im n aji Appa, the younger brotherof the Peshwa, now inva ded Gu zar at and plundered Dholka .

The two first Sarbuland Khan regarded as li ttle betterthan bandits

,but Ch im n aji Appa had behind him the

authority both Of the king and the Peshwa . To Ch im n aji

Appa,therefore, the distracted Sarbuland Khan addressed

himself and offered to give him the ehau th and sard esk

m u lch i of Gu zar at , if he would protect him from otherMaratha marauders . This Offerwas reported to the Peshwaan d in 1 729 A . D . a treaty was executed between Bajiraoand the viceroy Of Gu zar at . Surat was wholly exceptedfrom the treaty. Of the Ahmadabad revenues the Marathaswere to receive only five per cent. On the rest Of theGu zar at province Sarbuland Khan agreed to pay ch au th

(71) and sar d eshm u k/

hc’

On the other hand, Shahuwas to provide two thousand five hundred cavalry for theimperial service and keep in check Pilaj i Gaik vad andK an th aji Kadam Bande .In spite of the failure of his first scheme

,the Nizam

did not yet despair of sowing discord between the Marath aleaders . He found ready to his hand a fitting instrumentin Tr im bak r ao Dabhade . He, i t will be remembered, wasthe son of Kh an d er ao Dabhade and the commander-in -chiefOf the Maratha army . Pilaj i Gaik vad was his lieutenant .The recent treaty between Sarbuland Khan and Bajir aogravely affected his interests . Kh an d er ao

’s early victories

and Pilaj i Gaikvad ’s later successes were to be wholly

disregarded and the fruits were to be gathered for th eking’s treasury by Bajir ao alone . On the other hand , a smay be seen from a letter written to him by Shahu on th e2 1st May Tr im b ak r ao himself was debarred from

“What busin ess h ave you , ” wrote th e kin g,“ to col l ect mon ey and raise a



Appa,gave birth to a baby boy

,who on the 14th August

r eceived the name of Sad ash ivr ao. On the 31st AugustR ak hm ab ai died of puerperal fever . The sorrowingbrothers passed September in Poona . On the tenth Octoberf ell the Dasara festival and on that auspicious day thetents Of the two commanders rose at the Sangam or junction of the M uta and Mula rivers, now the residence Of

th e judge of Poona . On the 1 3th October the royal arm yb egan the march to Gu zar at . Whatever efforts to concilia t e Tr im b ak r ao Bajir ao may have wished to make, thepresence of two armies in the field must have renderedtheir success unlikely ; and wh ile he conducted negotiations,he had to take careful measures to prevent Tr im b ak r ao’

s

junction with the Nizam . Bajir ao’s troops numbered

twenty-five thousand , while Tr im bak r ao had no less thanforty-five thousand men . But th e latter’s force was comp osed largely Of Koli and Bhil levies

,who

,a s the Peshwa

knew,would be useles s against Maratha troops . The

s oldiers whom he feared were the Deccan veterans, whohad served under Kh an d er ao Dabhade . But , these did notoutnumber his own and he had besides the prestige of ther oyal authority . Dabhade, so Bajir ao proclaimed, was arebel and was leagued with a foreign army to enslaveMaratha freedom

,won by the great k ing and to divide

Sh ivaji’

s conquests between Sam bh aji and the Moghuls . Thefirst encounter between the rivals was on the Narbadariver

,when a body of troops under Damaj i Gaikvad in

f l i cted a severe reverse on Bajir ao’s vanguard, as i t was

c rossing the stream . But Bajir ao with the main armypressed on and on the first April 1 73 1 forced Tr im b ak r aoto a battle between Dabh ai and Baroda

,commonly known

as the battle Of Dabh ai . AS Bajir ao had foreseen, the newlevies fled at the first charge of the Maratha horse.K an th aji Kadam Bande, who had joined Tr im b ak r ao, butwhose interests were really opposed to his

,fled also . But

th e soldiers of Kh an d er ao Dabhade fought with desperatevalour in defence of his son . Nor was the general unworthy


Of his troops . That his elephant might not be swept awayin th e tide of fli gh t , h e had its legs ch ained to a guncarriage . From his howdah he shot SO many arrows thatthe skin peeled Off h is fingers ; and he directed the battlewith such resolution

,that at one time it seemed to Bajir ao

tha t the day was lost . To save it the Peshwa exchangedhis elephant for a horse

,collected a number of picked

swordsmen and with them cut his way near to whereTr im b ak r ao

’s elephant stood . He then sent a camel sowar

with a flag of truce and a letter to th e Opposing general .“Such gallantry as yours, he wrote, “ should be shewnagainst th e Maharaj a ’s enemies . Let us stay the fight andonce more try to effect a compromise .” Tr im bak r ao

scornfully rej ected the offer and unchaining his elephant ’slegs

,ordered the mahout to drive it against Bajir ao. The

Peshwa ’s swordsmen surrounded the beast and ki lling themah out attacked the general . Undaunted

,the Maratha

chief flung on the ground the mahout ’s body and tak inghi s place

,showered arrow after arrow at the swordsmen .

Bajir ao called to them not to kil l Dabhade but to take himalive . This

,however , was impossible, as Dabhade refused

to yield . At last perfidy succeeded, where generalship hadfailed . At the moment that Tr im b ak r ao was preparing tocounterattack and was ordering a general advance

,his

maternal uncle Bh au sin gr ao Toke * treacherously Shot himin the head from behind

,ki lling him instantly . On the

death Of their leader Tr im bak r ao’

s troops broke and fled .

The Peshwa ’s victory was complete . Jawaji Dabhade,Maloji Pawar and a son of Pilaj i Gaikvad fell on the battlefield . Pilaj i Gaikvad escaped wounded from the fight

,but

he was unable to make any further resistance to the king’sauthority .

After the battle Bajir ao sent an account of it to hi sroyal master . Shabu ’ s reply shewed how deeply he felt thequarrels of his high commanders .

“He intrigued no doubt with the Nizam,wrote the

*Dabh ade Bakhar .


king sadly, “ in his wickedness he fought against us and hehas eaten the fruit thereof . But the lives Of my Officershave been uselessly wasted . The past can never be effaced .

Both sides must now make peace with each other andcease from strife .Having thus wri tten to Baj i r ao, Shahu sent for him and

for Tr im b ak r ao’

s brothers Yashwan tr ao and Savai Babu r aoand for Kh an d er ao Dabh ad e

’

s widow Um ab ai and did allthat he could to effect a reconcil iation . He made bothBajirao and Ch im n aji Appa fall at Um ab ai

’s feet and ask

her Thereafter he conferred on Yashwan tr aothe title Of Senapati and on Savai Babu r ao that of SenaKhas Khel . He then bade Um ab ai and her sons return toTalegaon Dabhade . He himself went to the temple ofKh an d ob a at Jejuri . After prostrating himself in thepresence Of the gods

,he purified himself from the guilt of

Tr im b ak r ao’

s death . He next set himself to the practicalS ide of the question . He defined the bound aries Of Malwaand Gu zar at and passed orders that half the revenues Ofeach province Should be paid direct to the royal treasuryby the Peshwa . The other half of the Gu zar at revenuessh ould be allotted to the Dabh ad e s for the upkeep Of thearmy Of occupation . The other half Of the Malwa revenuesShould similarly be allotted to Bajir ao for his mili taryexpenses . But in spite of the royal generosity , the houseof Dabhade never recovered from the ruinous defeat OfDabh ai . Yashwan tr ao in Spite Of hi s title Of commanderin -chief was unwilling to serve with his fa ther ’s conqueror

,

His idleness led him into evil ways and he became a victimto drink and Opium . In course Of time al l the power Ofthe house of Dabhade passed to their lieutenants, thedescendants of Pilaj i Gaikvad .

While King Shabu ’ s arms were thus victorious inGu zar at

,h e won a no less deci sive success on his southern

frontier. Prin ce Sam bh aji on hi s return to Panhala stillrefused to acknowledge Sh ah u ’

s suzerainty. Nevertheles sR iyasat

,vol . I I .

,p . 2 58 .



the battle of Palkhed the Pr atin id h i had lost much of hismaster ’ s favour . Hearing that a f orce was to be raisedfor service against Sam bh aji , h e begged the king to entrustto him the command and allow him by his future conductto atone for his mistakes in the past . The k ing consented

,

but sent a s Sh r ipat r ao’s lieutenant an experien ced soldier

,

Sh am bh u sing Jad av . He was the second son Of Dh an aji

Jad av and the younger brother of Ch an d r asen Jadav . Hehad with his brother entered the Nizam ’ s service . Havingquarrelled with Ch an d r asen ,

he had made hi s peace withthe k ing.

Sam bh aj l although willing to wound, was ye t _

afr aid tostrike ; and he would gladly have disowned Ud aji Chavan .

This,too

,was the counsel of Vyan k atr ao Joshi, Bajir ao’

s

brother-in -law and of Bh agwan tr ao, the son Of RamchandraNi lk an th . But Ud aji Chavan had great influence with hismaster ; and by promising him certain victory he inducedSam bh aji to declare open war an d to j oin the camp on theWarna with large reinforcements . In spite Of Ud aji

’s

boasts,victory did not attend Sam bh aj i ’s banners. In

January 1 730 the P r atin i d h i,at Sh ambhu sin g’

s suggestion ,suddenly marched against the Warna camp and completelysurprised the enemy . Ud aji Chavan, who was responsiblefor the expedition

,was one Of the first to leave the field .

He induced Sam bh aji to flee with him . The Kolhapursoldiery

,deserted by their leaders

,lost heart and were

slaughtered like Sheep or driven into the Warna . AllSam bh aji

’s military chest and stores fel l into the Prati

n i d h i’s hands. SO, too, did Tarabai, Rajasbai , Sam bh aji ’s

wife Jijabai , Bh agwan tr ao Ramchandra and Vyank atr aoJoshi . The Pr at in id h i took his pri soners to King Shahu .

The latter with chivalrous courtesy sent to Panhala Raj asbai and Jijabai , Sam bh aji ’s mother and wife . He wouldalso have sent Tarabai . But the old queen wa s only tooglad to escape from her cO-wife ’s clutches . With sardonicwit she Observed that it was her lot everywhere to l ive inconfin ement. It was, therefore, useless to move her from

THE DEATH OF BALAJI V I SHVANATH 19 7

one pri son to another . Shahu readily consented to keepher with him . He had an Ol d palace in Satara fortprepared for her reception . There Sh e lived until Sh ah u ’

s

death once more brought her into prominence . Bh agwan tr aoRamchandra was ransomed by Sam bh aji and after thelapse of some time Baji r ao paid ten thousand rupees asransom for Vyan k atr ao Joshi . Ud aji Ch avan

’

s influencedid not survive this decisive defeat and his own cowardlyconduct . Th e Pr atin id h i

’s victorious army took Vishalgad

by storm in October 1 730. Sam bh aji’

s nobles hastened tomake their peace with the invader ; and the prince had noalternative but to throw himself on his cousin ’ s mercy .

Generous as ever, Shahu willingly forgave him and Tarabai

lent her services in the negotiations for peace. There hadbeen two previous attempts on Sh ah u ’

s part to Obtain atreaty

,first from Prince Sh ivaj i in 1 708 and again from

prince Sam bh aji in 1 7 2 6 . The drafts of these abortivenegotiations formed a basi s for the new draft . Pendingits preparation Shahu invited Sam bh aji to visit him . Suchan invitation was indistinguishable from a command andSam bh aji accepted it . In January 1 73 1 Shahu sent fromSatara Sh r ip atr ao the Pr at in i d h i , Am b aji Pu r an d ar e andother notable Offi cers and nobles to escort Sam bh aji intohis dominions . With a large body of horse the Pr at in id h iencamped below Panhala . Ascending the fort

,he presented

Sam bh aji with a number of horses and elephants andcostly saddlery . A day or two later Sam bh aji descendedfrom the fort and returned the visi t . These courtesiesover, Sam bh aji escorted by his own picked troops and theP r atin id h i

’s escort m arched with him to Wathar in the

Satara district . There the prince and the soldiers haltedwhile the P r at in id h i went to Umbraj to inform Shahu Of

the arrival of the royal vi sitor . From Umbraj th e kingmoved to K arh ad and pitched his camp on th e banks ofthe Krishna river . An Open Space known as the Jak h invad iplain had been chosen as the meeting place Of the twocousins . The ground between the royal camps was covered


with the tents and equipage Of th e noble s of Maharashtra ,who on this great occasion vied with each other in theSplendour Of th eir trappings and the profusion Of thei rj ewelry. There were present no less than two hundredthousand soldiers together with horses and baggage trainsin countless numbers . On the appointed day Sh ahu andSam bh aji on the backs of elephants set out f rom theirrespective camps

,their howdahs blazing with precious

stones. When they came in sight Of each other, theirelephants kneeled and their riders left them to mountrichly saddled Arab chargers . When th e horses met, thetwo princes alighted . Sam bh aji put his head on Sh ahu ’

s

feet in token of submission . Shahu bent down and liftingup his cousin’ clasped him to his breast . Then accordingto the gracious custom Of the E ast

,Shahu and Sam bh aji

decked each other with golden favours and garlands offlowers . Thi s formal meeting over, both princes returnedto their quarters. On the 17 th February 1 73 1

,Shahu

received a visit from Sam bh aji . It was arranged tha t thek ing and prince should again meet in publi c on an Openspace close to K ar h ad on th e bank s of the Krishna . Theceremonies Observed were S imilar to those a t the firstmeeting. But after the princes had embraced

, Shahuseated Sam bh aji beside hi m on his own elephant, whileSh am bh u s in g Jad av waved impartially over the h eads ofboth the royal horsetails . Shabu ’s elephant bore him andh i s guest back to the king’s camp . There Shah u lavishedOn hi s cousin presents Of elephants, horses, cloth of gold,j ewels and treasure . From K arh ad the princes went toUmbraj , where the king gave a series of magnificententertainments . Then he insi sted that Sam bh aji shouldpass with him the Holi fe stival at Satara . The Peshwa ’smansion was placed at th e prince ’s di sposal . There heremained for two months . While the terms of the treatywere being di scussed

,the Maratha nobles in turn invited

Sam bh aji to a series of splendid . banquets . When thetreaty of Warna

,as i t i s called, had been s ettled, Shahu



him by seven years . In spite Of the treaty of Warna,

Ud aji Chavan sti l l s trove to create d i sorders in Shabu’ skingdom . In 1 7 31 he made another raid into the king’sterritory . Shahu detached a force under Yashwan tr ao

Potn i s to Oppose him . He was defeated and taken, butreleased on payment Of a h eavy fine . In 1 73 7 when Shahumarched against Miraj

,Ud aji Chavan Openly helped the

Nizam. He was made prisoner by the P r at in id h i . Sh ahugraciously pardoned him

,but he fled into the Nizam’s

dominions,whence he from time to time made plundering

expeditions into Maharashtra . In 1 75 1 Balaj i Bajir ao

bribed him with an estate near Digraj in Sangli territory.

But Ud aji Chavan never ceased to be a robber chief . In1 7 53 he made a raid on a village near Miraj . A bul letfrom a villager ’s gun knocked him Off his horse . His footcaught in his stirrup and hanging head downwards, hewas dragged and kicked to death .

After the Dabh ad es h ad gone to Talegaon,Baji r ao

returned to Gu zar at . Obtaining from Sar Buland Khan aratification of their former treaty

,Bajir ao wen t back to

Satara . His intention was to teach the Niz am such alesson as would for ever res train him from attempts tosow di scord among the chiefs of Maharashtra .

THE DEATH OF BALAJI V I SHVANATH 201

APPENDIX

TH E TREATY OF WARNA GRANTED BY SHAHU

TO SAMBHAJI

Cl au s e 1 . The province known as th e Waruna Mahal is given to you with al l

i ts forts an d stron g pl aces .

Cl au s e 2 . Hal f of al l the states from th e Tungabhad ra southwards toRam eshwaram are given to you an d hal f is kept for oursel ves

In exchange for Kopal you have given us Ratnagiri .

The fort of Vadgaon mus t be destroyed .

Al l your en emies shal l be our en emies . Our en emies shal l be youren emies . We shal l both work in un ion for th e wel fare Of th e kingdom .

Cl au s e 6 . From the junction of th e Warn a and Krishna rivers as far as the

jun ction of the Tungabhad ra an d th e Krishn a th e south ern ban k withal l its forts and strong pl aces is yours .

The Konkan from Sal si as far as Ankol a is yours

You shal l empl oy an d pay no on e in our territories . We shal lempl oy an d pay no on e in your territories .

Cl au s e 9 . You must surrender th e fort an d district of Miraj an d the forts an d

districts of Bijapur , Athan i and Tasgaon

*History of I ch al karanj i State,p 39 .

CHAPTER XL

KANHOJI ANGRE AND THE ENGL ISH

S I NCE their naval encounter with Sh ivaji * the English inSurat and Bombay had lived in peace with their neighbours .They were brought to th e verge of ruin by a domesticupheaval . The Briti sh Parliament had certainly meant toconfer on the E ast India Company the monopoly of theeastern trade ; ~but th e charter was ambiguously wor dbd ,and some adventurous London merchants interpreting itslan guage according to their own wishes

,held that they

were allowed by law to set up as trade rivals to theCompany. In September, 1682 , one Say set up as a traderin Muscat . In October 1 682 another Engli sh ship came toGoa

,three more to Bengal and yet another to Surat .

These “ interlopers as they were called,made such hand

some profits that two of the Bombay Council, Petit andBou r ch ier

'

j‘ by name

,took sh ares in their ventures . Their

conduct came to light and they were dismissed . Two otherEnglishmen

,Vincent and Pitt

,were for similar offences

dismissed by the Bengal Council 'l' . These four men combineda n d by their correspondence corrupted their former fellowservants . At the same time they did their utmost to winover to the cause the military. Their task was madeeasier by the action of Sir John Child

,the President of

the E ast India Company . He had lately cut down theOfficers ’ allowances and reduced the rate of exchange atwh ich both they and the common soldiers were paid .

The of ficers at fir st remonstrated,but on receiving a

discourteous refusal,determined to mutiny . On the 24th

December 1683 Captain K eigwin ,the senior military Officer

See vol . p 289 .

J

rOrme ’s Fragmen ts , p 182 .



help against the Sidis of Jaw ra to become a sub'

ordinateally of King Shahu . With the aid of the royal troops hedrove the Sidi s from the Konkan seaboard

,taking a number

of their fortresses,of which the ch ief were V iz iad u r g, or

Gh er iah a s it wa s then called,and Kolaba . TO retain his

possessions against the Sidis, K an hoji Angre was obligedto maintain a large force and to pay his men he had to levychau th

,as he called it

,from the Ships tr ad in g in the Arabian

Sea . His method of levying chau tla was to take the shipswith their entire cargoes

,and the phrase was merely a

euphemism for piracy .

His first recorded atta ck on an English Ship was onthe yacht * conveying Mr . Chown, the newly appointedgovernor of the Engli sh factory at Karwar . With Mr . Chownwas his wife

,who lived to have the cruel experience Of

being widowed three times before she was twenty . Sh e

was the daughter of Captain Cooke,the Company ’s Chief

Engineer in Bengal and was married when only thirteento Mr . Harvey

,the then governor of Karwar

,a man far

Older than she was . He died a year after her marriageand not long afterwards she married Mr . Chown , who hadbeen nominated governor of Karwar I n her husband ’ splace . They embarked together on the yacht Of Mr . Hasl eby,

then governor of Bombay . To escort the yacht went asmall man Of war . While they were still in sight ofBombay island

,the two ships were attached by a fleet Of

grab s or armed sailing vessels belonging to Angre . Theyacht defended itself gallantly . But Ch own ’

s=arm was

Shot off and he bled to death in his wife ’s arms . Mrs . Chownand the crew were taken . The man-Of -war fled back toBombay with the news of Mrs . Ch own ’

s capture . TheBombay government applied for h er release, but to procureit had to pay Rs. by way Of ransom . A short timeafter her return to Bombay she married a Mr . Gifford,who in no long time was murdered at Anj ango by the Nagas

*The fol l owing accoun t is taken from Cl emen t Down ing’s “ H istory of the

India Wars

KANHOJI ANGRE AND THE ENGLI SH 205

of Malabar. Sh e then sailed to Engl and and remained forthe rest of h er l ife satisfied with this triple although briefexperience Of matrimony . For two years after the captureof th e governor’s yacht Angre left the English alone ; thenhe attacked the ‘Sommers ’ and th e ‘Grantham ’

,two ships

commanded by Captains Peacock and Collet . The twoships successfully beat off the pirates

,but afterwards

Angre took a number Of country craft which h e armedand added to his fleet . These caused immense damage tothe English coastwise trade . In 1 7 15 Mr . Charles Boonewas appointed governor of Bombay . He decided to destroy,if he could

,Angre ’s strongholds. He had built at Surat

two large frigates called the ‘Fame ’ and the ‘Revenge ’

and at Karwar a third frigate called the ‘Britannia .

’ Aboutthe same time he buil t a wall round Bombay and mountedon it a number of forty-eight pounders . He next fittedout the frigates and sending with them a fleet of smallervessels he ordered them to make an attack on V iz iad u rg .

In April 1 7 1 7 the English fleet cast anchor in V iziad u rgharbour

,which was only twelve hours’ sai l from Bombay .

In command was Captain Ber l ew . His plan was to batterdown the fortifications by the fire of hi s frigates

,next to

send in a lighted fireship which would drive the garri sonout of th e fortress

,and then runn ing his small vessels

ashore destroy th e garri son and take V izi ad u rg by escalade,a s they strove to retreat . But Captain Ber l ew had madehis plan with out a full knowledge of i ts difficulties . Thefortifications resisted the heavy guns of the frigates . Theshells that fell inside the fortress did littl e damage

,because

their fuses were too lon g. A boom across the innerharbour stopped the fireship and the garrison SO far fromretreating, j eered at their enemies from t h e secure shelterof the walls . Wh en the English tried to escalade, theirscaling ladders proved too short . Night fel l and thebesiegers h ad achieved noth ing beyond knocking downth ree houses inside V i z iad u rg . It was clear that to takethe place wa s impossible . It was, therefore, decided to


destroy the shipping and sail back to Bombay . But eventhis proved beyond the power Of the besiegers . Nextmorning they landed safely at some d i stance below V iziadu rg .

But when they came within a mile of the shipping theyfound it protected by a deep and m uddy swamp whichthey could not cross. The garrison watched with amusement their futile efforts and directly they began to retreat

,

opened on th em a heavy fire . As the garri son did notexceed a hundred

,th ey did not sally out of the castle ; so

Captain Ber l ew,once out of range

,withdrew unmolested

to h i s ships . He had achieved nothing and had lost anumber of kil led and wounded . The casualties had beenincreased by the bursting of a gun on board a galleycalled the Hunter

,which k illed three and wounded many

others .Mr . Boone attempted nothing more until November 1 7 18 ,

when the English fleet set out to storm Kh an d er i . Un

happily he ch ose for his admiral not one of h i s Englishcaptains, but a Portuguese named Manuel de Castro . Thi sman had become a Musulman and h ad j oined Angre .Afterwards to escape that chief ’s wrath

,he h ad fled to

Bombay . Insinuating and persuasive,h e won Mr . Boone ’s

confidence by assuring him that he knew perfectly everycove and inlet of Angre ’s i slands . His appointment a sadmiral not unnaturally annoyed the English captains

,

wh o had formed no high Opinion of de Castro, when presentat a recent action against some Kanarese pirates . nearKarwar . Th e fleet under de Castro ’s command was aformidable one . Three British ships

,the Addison

,the

S tanhope and the Dartmouth with 300 soldiers on boardhad reached Bombay in September an d with thi s reinforcement the English numbered no less than 2500 men . On

the 3r d November 1 7 18 the fleet anch ored south of Kh an d er i .On the 4th November de Castro sent a number of boats torow round th e i sland and reconnoitre it for a suitablelanding place . The sailors reported that they had founda sandy cove and i t was resolved to land there after



India and again j oined Angre . Mr. Boone althoughdisgusted, was not dismayed and had a floating castlem ade to which he gave the name Of th e Prahm. It had alow draught, was very stoutly built and carried twelve48 pounders. It was believed that , i t would , if towedcl ose to Khan d er i , be able, uninjured itself, to batter downth e fortifications. But before it could effect anything astrange mishap overtook it . In 1 7 19 the English fleetwith the Prahm in tow went down to Anj ango . On theirreturn j ourney they fell in with two English pirates

,

England and Taylor, on board th e '

Cassan d r a and Victory,

two Sh ip s‘

wh ich they had taken from the Portuguese .The English fleet could easily have overpowered the pirates ;but Captain Upton

,the Offi cer in command

,was a poltroon

and h e was so alarmed that he burnt the Prahm and sailedback as fast as he could to Bombay harbour .By this time the successes Of Angre and the harm done

their ships by England,Taylor and other pirates had led

th e court Of Directors to beg King George I . for navalhelp . In 1 722 the king graciously sent out a squadron Of

four men-of—war the Lyon under Captain Read i sh,the

Salisbury under Captain Cockburn, the Exeter underSir Robert Johnson and the Shoreham under CaptainMaine ; the squadron was under the command of CommodoreMathews. The Ships reached Bombay at different intervals,but were all gathered in the great harbour by the 3r dOctober . Some days

,however, passed before the Commodore

would land . As a highly placed Officer of the Royal Navy,he deemed himself superior in rank to Mr. Boone, th egovernor of Bombay and President Of th e Council, andwould not leave his Ship until he had received a salutefrom the Shore batteries . On the oth er h and Mr . Boonewho

,a s President 0 1 the Council was the king’s representa

tive,considered himself senior to the Commodore . * After

many messages and much controversy,Mr . Boone gave

way and saluted Commodore Mathews,as he desired . The

>“He was appoin ted Governor by th e Company an d Presiden t by th e king .

KHANOJI ANGRE AND THE ENGLI SH 209

Commodore and his Officers then landed,but bore

themselves in a manner that l eft in no doubt the poorOpinion th ey had Of the Company ’s servants . They wouldhardly deign speak to any one except the Governor

.At

the same time hardly a day passed,tha t they did not fight

at least one duel among th emselves . The Company ’sservants

,although humiliated by the arrogance of the

visitors,still hoped great things from " th eir quarrelsome

dispositions and fancied that the mere sight of one Of

Angre ’s castles would rouse them to such fury,that

resistance would be impossible . Commodore Mathewsdiscussed various plans with the President and his council .Finally it was resolved to attack Kolaba and to invite thehelp of the Portuguese . Messengers were sent both to thePortuguese Viceroy at Goa and to the General of theNorth

,a s the Governor of Bassein and the i sland of

Salsette was called . Both the high Portuguese,

Official scame to Bombay and accepted the English invitation

,

agreeing to lead in person contingents from Goa andBassein . Mr . Boone entertained them magnificently andth ey in turn consented courteously to serve under aBritish commander . Mr . Boone appointed a Mr. Cowing,one of his council

,general-ia -chief

,and distributed among

other civil servants of the company a number of militarycommissions. The Governor Of Bombay reviewed theEnglish forces on the i sland and expressed himself confidentof success . The troops embarked and were conveyed toChaul

,where the Portuguese contingents awaited them.

From Chaul they marched ten or twelve miles to Kolaba .

The alli ed forces numbered no less than five thousandmen with twenty-four field pieces

,and if properly led

,

should have conquered all Angre ’s possessions . But thegeneral -in -chief

,Mr . Cowin g, had no experience of war .

Commodore Mathews had only seen service at sea ; andbetween the Engl i sh and the Portuguese was the mutualdistrust born Of more than a century of rivalry andwarfare . From the first

,th ings went badly with the

1 4


expedition . Captain Maine, anxious to bring hi s guns tobear on the fort ran his ship , the Shoreham,

on the rock s .Commodore Mathews venturing out too far to reconnoitrethe enemy ’ s posi tion

,was attacked by one of Angre ’s

troopers and received a lance wound in the thigh . Gallopingafter the trooper in one of the furies of rage to which hewas unusually prone

,Math ews fired at him hi s two pi stols

,

only to find that he had forgotten to load them. TheViceroy Of Goa complained Of i llness and retired to hiscabin on board ship . Mr . Cowing, however, would notdelay the attack and next day the Engli sh arm y led byMr . Cowing and the Portuguese contingents led by theGeneral of the North

,marched boldly up to Angre ’s walls .

The English sailors put up scaling ladders and a numb erOf them under Mr . Bellamy, a naval Offi cer

,seal ed the

walls . But Angre,cognisant Of the alli ed plans

,had

assembled a considerable army inside the fortress . Thesailors were attacked and ch ecked by large bodies Of

Marathas while another Maratha force accompanied bynumerous war elephants att acked the Portuguese flank .

The Portuguese,ignorant h ow to m eet the m onsters

,were

seized with a panic and fled,leaving the Engli sh sailors

and soldiers to sustain th e Shock of Angre ’s entire army.

After a brave resi stance,the English were driven back to

their camp with the loss of several Of th eir guns andnearly all their ammunition . Commodore Mathews, furiousat the defeat did not h esitate to charge the Portuguesewith treach ery ; and to enforce his argument he thrust h i scane into the mouth of the General Of the North and washardly less discourteous to the Viceroy of Goa . No furtherco-Operation was possible after the Commodore ’s cond uct .The Portuguese marched back to Chaul . The Englishsailed back to Bombay . After thi s third disaster, Mr . Boonegave up attempting to reduce Angre ’s strongholds andconfined himself to the convoy by armed vessels Of th e

Engli sh trading ships . In 1 7 24 the Dutch attackedV iz iad u rg with no less than seven warships, two bomb


CHAPTER XLI

MARATHA CONQUEST OF MALWA AND GUZARAT

A . D . 173 1 To 1 736

AT the close of the penultimate chapter I left Bajir aoplanning a campaign to punish Nizam-u l -Mulk for hisconspiracy with Tr im b ak r ao Dabhade . That wary Ol d

soldier could expect no help from Delhi and feared to faceunaided the entire resources Of the Maratha kingdom

,led

by Bajir ao in person . He at once sent envoys to thePeshwa and in return for peace, Offered to g ive him a freepassage through his dominions into Malwa and pressedhim rather to carry hi s arms to Delhi than to waste hisenergies against a mere viceroy like himself . Th is advicewas eminently p leasing to the Peshwa and was similar tothat which he had himself offered to his king. In August1 73 1 Bajir ao and Niz am-u l -Mulk agreed tou gi ve each othera free hand . The Niz am Should be at l iberty to gratifyhis ambitions in the south

,the Peshwa in the north . After

the execution of the treaty,the latter m ade full preparation

for the conquest of Central India . As previously related,the emperor had

,on the rebellion of Niz am-u l -Mulk

,

conferred the government of Malwa on a certain Raj aGir id h ar . He was a man not only Of great parts andcourage

,but also a scion of a distinguish ed house . His

family were Nagar Brahmans Of Allahabad . His fatherDayar am and his uncl e Ch ab i l ar am had been the personalattendants of Bahadur Shah ’s second son Azim u sh an duringhis long vi ceroyalty Of Bengal . On Bahadur Shah ’s deathin 1 7 12 Dayar am fell fighting for Az im u sh an . After thelatter ’s defeat and death

, Ch ab i l ar am attached himself to

MARATHA CONQUEST OF MALWA AND GUZARAT 2 13

Jah an d ar Shah and was appointed military governor ofManikpur. He took on his staff Dayar am ’

s son R aj aGir i d h ar . On Faru k h s ir

’s rebellion Ch ab i l ar am and Raj a

Gi r id h ar , as old servants of hi s father Azim u sh an ,deserted

to the pretender and gave h im valuable help both insoldiers and money . Ch ab i l ar am distinguished him s elfgreatly at the battle of Agra and was made viceroy ofthat province and afterwards of Allahabad . On the fall ofFar uk h sir the Sayad s flung Raj a Gir i d h ar into pri son .

He escaped and joined Ch ab i l ar am at Allahabad . ThereCh ab i l ar am died . But Raj a Gir i d h ar managed to outwitthe Sayad s by corrupting the offi cers sent against him andon the rebellion Of Nizam-u l -Mulk was rai sed to thegovernment of Malwa . In the absence of the Nizam,

Raj aGir i d h ar was for a time complete master of the province .

He ea sily overcame local disaffection ; but in the end hewas unable to make head against th e Marathas . As farback as 1 698 Ud aji F owar had raided Malwa and campedat Mandu . But it was not until the Rajput chiefs di sgustedat Au r an gzib ’

s treatment,invited th e Marathas to free

them from the Moghuls,that the Marathas gained a

permanent footing in the province . The chief leader inthis movement was Savai Jaysing, the Maharaj a of Jaypu r .

An even more valuable ally they found in one NandalalMan d loi Chaudhari . His family were ch au d h ar i s

,village

servants similar to ch au gu l as, in the town of Indore . Itwas th eir special duty to guard the fords across theNarbada river . Nandalal Chaudhari entered into a correspon d en ce with the Peshwa and between 1 7 23 and 1 724

Mal h ar r ao Hol k ar was through his help first able to campat Indore, while Ud aji F owar conquered the town andprovince of Dhar . Pilaj i Gai kwad next began to makeincursions from the S ide of Gu zar at and Ch im n aji Appaalso plundered the stri cken province . In vain RajaGir i d h ar appealed for help to Delhi . By 1 7 29 h i s forcehad dwindled almost to nothing and Ch im n aji Appa andUd aji F owar combined to destroy it . Raj a Gi r id h ar was


encamped fifty miles to the north-eas t Of Dewas at thevillage of Sarangpur . By a forced march Ch im n aji Appaand Ud aji Powar contrived to surprise and kill him. On

the death of Raj a Gir i d h ar the emperor at once appointedhis cousin Daya Bahadur to the viceroyalty Of Malwa . On

12 th October 1 73 1 he met the fate which had overtakenhi s kinsman . On his arrival in Malwa he tried to restoreorder by insti tuting a reign of terror. At the same timeh e implored the vazir Kh an Dauran to send him a fewtroops

,promising h im that so long as he lived

,a wall

stood between the Marathas and the capital . On his fallthey would overwhelm the empire . In spite Of thi sprophetic truth

,Kh an Dauran sent him no more troops

than he had sent Raj a Gir i d h ar . On the other hand theOppressed nobles of Malwa implored the help of SavaiJays in g of Jaypur. The latter was unwilling to declarehimself openly against the emperor of Delhi . He invitedthe nobles of Central India to apply for help to Baji r ao.

Bajir ao referred them to Malh ar r ao Holk ar . At the sametime Nandalal Ch audh ari undertook to guide Holk ar a crossthe fords of the Narbada . Late in September 1 73 1 , Hol k ar

with twelve thousand men crossed the great rivern ear the village Of Akbarpur and invaded Malwa . Nothingdaunted

,Daya Bah adur hastened to block Hol k ar

’

s furtherprogress by holding a pass known as the Tanda Ghat .But Nan d al al ’s spies informed Holk ar Of Daya Bahadur ’smovements and h e led Mal h ar r ao Hol k ar through anoth ertrack

,known as th e Bh air av pass . Daya Bahadur hastened

after his mobile enemy . Thi s time Holk ar n o longer fledWheeling back

,h e met Daya Bahadu r at the village of

Thal,near Dhar

,and destroyed his army . Daya Bahadur

fell on the battlefield .

Daya Bahadur ’s successor was a Rohilla Afgh an namedMahomed Khan Bangash . He was a gallant soldier, whosebravery had earned him the title of Gh azen fer Jang orthe Lion in battle . But in every quali ty except couragehe seems to h ave been lack ing. When he received the



the title Of Gajendra or Indra among elephants. On e daywh en Gajendra was bathing in a pool

,the gan d harva

Hu u h u,n ow a crocodile

,seiz ed him by the leg and for all

hi s strength would h ave dragged him in and drowned h im,

had Vishnu not h eard his agoniz ing prayers . Leaving hi sh eaven V ai k u n th

,the god

,hastened to Gajen d r a

’s help

and with his divine discus Shore the crocodile in two.

Touched by th e discus,Hu u hu once more became a

gan d harva . Gajendra freed from Hu uh u’s grip became

once more a human being and, a s such , was taken by thekindly god to his heavenly kingdom .

Bajir ao’s help to Ch atr asal was not less effective than

that of Vi shnu . Mahomed Bangash was resting from h i s

l abours during the rainy season and so sati sfied was hewith hi s easy successes

,that he sent back to their own

country his Rohilla levies,retaining round his person only

a small bodyguard . While he thus lived in a fool ’s paradise,Bajir ao was approaching at the head Of an allied army Of

Marathas and Bun d e l as . The Bu n d e l as led Bajir ao safelythrough the forest s and mountains of that wild country

,

and came upon Mahomed Bangash before he could recallhi s Rohillas . With his tiny force he boldly met th e enemyin the field and suffered a complete defeat . With a fewsurvivors he escaped through the jungles to the fort ofJetpur

,or the town of conqu est . The allie s at first lost

touch with him but afterwards besieged him and reducedhim to the greatest distress . From this intolerable situation he was Saved by the energy Of his wife and Of hisson Kaim Khan . Th ey first th rew themselves in vain atthe foot Of the throne and asked for reinforcements fromthe first minister. The wife then sent round her veilamong the Rohilla nobles and Kaim Khan harangued themwith the eloquence of despair . The joint appeal to theirhonour and emotions was irresi stible . Every adult in th eclan vowed to rescue their chief or die in the attempt .By forced marches they followed Kaim Khan to Jetpur,and falling in a mass on the investing troops forced their

MARATHA CONQUEST OF MALWA AND GUZARAT 2 1 7

way in to the fort and carried back their clansman to thesafety Of Roh i l k h an d . The emperor

,although slow to help

,

was quick to censure and at once dismissed Mahomed KhanBangash not on ly from the viceroyalty Of Malwa

,but also

from th e governorship of Al l ah ab ad ’k

Although the allies failed to take Mahomed Kh anBangash

,his flight definitely rid the Bu n d e l as Of their

enemy . Raj a Ch atr asal was so grateful that he adoptedBajir ao as his son and by his will divided his kingdombetween Bajir ao and hi s real Of fSp r in g '

j'

. As the Raj a diedsoon after thi s campaign

,Bajir ao Obtained the ownership

of one-third of Bundelkhand,including the provinces Of

Sagar and Kalpi . From thi s vantage point he was ablesoon to dominate all Central India .

Although the emperor and Khan Dau ran had refused allsupport to Sarbuland Khan , the viceroy of Gu zar at , theywere both indignant at hi s cession to Bajir ao of the chau tlzand sar d es/zm u kh i an d at once relieved him of his office

.

To it was appointed Abh ai Sing,son of Aj it Sing and

Maharaj a of Jodhpur . Sarbuland wh o was conscious of nofault

,attacked and defeated his successor . His honour

satisfied,he made hi s way unattended to the Maharaj a ’s

camp,trusting to Rajput chivalry to leave it without harm .

Nor was h i s trust misplaced . Abbai Sing rose andembraced his vi sitor . Learning from Sarbuland Khan thathe had merely fought the action to vindicate hi s honour

,

and th at he wished to retire from Gu zar at,he took from

the Musulman ’ s head hi s plain cloth turban and put on ith is own headgear blaz ing with j ewels . Then with everyhonour and a fitting escort he sent him on his way toDelh i (A . D . There the emperor a t first refusedto receive h im , but at length appointed him,

in place ofMahomed Khan Bangash

,governor Of Allahabad .

* Siyar-ul -Muta K herin . Th ere is a dispute about the date of this in ciden t.Mr . Sard esai gives the date as 1 729 . Bu t I have preferred to foll ow the Musulmanh istorian . But see W . I rvin e’s H istory of N awabs of Farruk abad .

J

rSee Appendix A to th is chapter.


On the departure Of Sarbuland Khan, Abh ai S ing appliedh imself to the arduous task of driving the Marathas fromGu zar at . Nor was the opportunity unfavourable. ThePeshwa was away in command of the army of Malwa .

Ch im n aj i Appa, hi s brother, was watching the fam i lyint erests at court . There remained only Pilaj i Gaik vad .

His reputation had suffered since the defea t Of Dabh ai .

Nevertheless h e had establi shed h imself in Baroda andseveral other large towns . Abh ai S ing sent a large forceunder a Rajput subordinate to retake Baroda . The r e

capture oi Baroda, however, was Abh ai Sing’s only success.Pilaj i Gaik vad was personally popular with the hillmen ofGu zar at and with their aid won several fights againstAbb ai S ing’s Rajputs . In his anger

,the Maharaj a was

tempted to an act of treachery most uncommon amongRajput princes . He decided to assassinate Pil aj i during apretended negoti ation . The spot chosen for the crime wasDakore

,a place deemed holy by the worshippers of Krishna .

In beautiful verse the Maratha poet Mah ipat i* relates that

a Marath a saint named Ramdas,who lived at Dakore

,used

every year to perform a pilgrimage from" tha t ci ty toDwarka in Kathiawar

,the former capital of the divine Krishna

and the chief seat of his worship . At last Ramdas grewso feeble that he resolved to make but one m ore pilgrimageand then bid the beloved idol of Dwarka good-bye for e ver .When he reached Dwarka

,Ramdas told the god his decision

,

an d with many tears bade Kri shna farewell . The deity,

touched by his devotion,told him that if he would put the

idol in the temple chariot,i t would go with him to Dakore .

Although the idol was a great mass of stone and Ramdaswas weak with age

,he lifted it without effort into th e

chariot and drove with it back to h i s own village . Nextmorning the priests missed both the image and the chariot

,

and guessed that Ramdas had stolen them . They followedhim with all Speed to Dakore . Ramdas tried to hide theidol in th e village pond . But the priests dragged the pond

Mah ipati’s Bhakti Vijaya .



Th e Koli s, Bhils, Wagh r i s, and other wild tribes Of Gu zar at ,enraged at the murder of Pilaj i Gaikvad , rose everywhereagainst the viceroy . Pi l aji

’

s brother, Mah ad ji , marched

from Jam bu sar on Baroda and took'

i t by storm ( 1 732 A .D

.)and made i t what i t i s still

,namely

,the Maratha capi tal

of the province . Damaj i Gaik vad,Pi l aji

’

s eldest son ,

advanced from Songadh and after reducing eastern Gu zar atinvaded Jodhpur i tself and forced Abh ai Sing to hasten tothe defence of his hereditary dominions . Once back inJodhpur

,he gave himself up to intoxi cation and ceased to

pay any attention to the affairs of his viceroyalty . Theemperor relieved him of his post and appointed in hi splace Naj ib -u d -Daulat . But Abh ai Sing’s deputy refusedto surrender Ahmadabad and Naj ib -u d -Daulat called to hisaid Damaj i Gaik vad . The latter took the last strongholdof the Mogh ul s and occupied i t with hi s troops . Gu zar at

was thus wholly lost to th e empire ( 1 735 A .

Nor did Malwa fare better . On the fligh t Of MahomedKhan Bangash the emperor appointed as his successorRaj a Savai Jai S ing of Jaipur But the Rajputchiefs no longer deemed i t an honour to serve the Moghul .They now aspired to complete independence and fanciedthat they saw in the growth Of the Maratha power

,the

best means to Obtain it . After some desultory Operationsagainst Baji r ao, the Raj a of Jaipur pressed the emperorto appoint in hi s place the Peshwa as vi ceroy Of Malwa .The emperor was unwilling to resign

,without a further

effort,one of his richest provinces . Distrustful with good

reason,of th e capacity of most Of hi s officers, he thought

that he saw in Mu zaff ir Khan,the brother Of h i s Vaz ir

Khan Dauran,the quali ties of a sk ilful captain . With

Mu zaff ir Khan the emperor sent hi s household troops andno less than twenty-two general s. These with their staffsmade on the parade ground an appearance so Splendid ,tha t no Maratha troops

,so Mu zaffi r Khan imagined , would

dare to face them . Bajir ao allowed the imposing array toadvance unopposed through Central India a s far as Sironj ,

MARATHA CONQUEST OF MALWA AND GUZARAT 22 1

realisin g that the farther th ey advanced , the more d ifficultwould be their retirement . At Sironj he atta cked theimperial forces in the traditional Maratha manner

,cutting

off Mu zaffir Khan ’s supplies and rendering useless hi scavalry by fal se a tta cks and innumerable raids. At lastMu zaffir Khan was obliged to appeal to his brother forhelp . For a time he received nothing but long Persiandespatches * full Of brilliant couplets an d witty abuse ofthe Nizam and the Marathas . Realising at la st thatMu zaff ir Khan needed help more substantia l , Khan Dauransent what remained of the Delhi troops and with greatdifficulty succeeded in rescuing his brother and h i s

beleaguered army . Khan Dauran now decided to take thefield in person . After wasting several weeks in the neighbou rhood of Delhi, he reported that the Marath as werenowhere to be seen . At the same time

,however, the

emperor learnt from the plunder of some towns,only two

hundred miles from Delhi , that they had by no m eansreturned to the Deccan . At last both the emperor and hisminister thought that it would be better to give up Malwaan d Gu zar at

,if by SO doing they could save the northern

provinces . But Bajir ao in the full tide of success, wouldn ot sell peace

,save at a price that even the trembling

emperor hesitated to give . He no longer demanded themere governorship of Malwa . He demanded the alienationof the whole province togeth er with Al lahabad

,Benares

,

Gaya,and Mathura . In addi tion he asked for an immediate

payment of fifty lakhs or an assignment to that amounton Bengal

,as well a s an hereditary grant Of five per cen t

of the Deccan revenues . In other words he a sked fornearly all that remained to the emperor Of Hindustantogether with a ground for constant interference in thegovernments Of Bengal and the Deccan . The emperorwould only agree to the grant of five per cent on th e

revenues Of the Deccan . The Nizam had long ceased topay him anything and nothing would have plea sed him

Siyar-u l -Mu ta Kherin .


more than a quarrel between the rebel viceroy and theMaratha leader. Negotiations were broken Off and hostil i ti es again began . To reinforce his army, the emperorwithdrew his troops from the north -western passes . Mahom edKhan Bangash was also ordered to attend with his Rohillas .Khan Dauran took command but

,a s before , he moved h i s

army backwards and forwards in such parts of the countryas he knew to be free from Maratha horse . Bajir ao whoregarded th e imperia l commander with just contempt

,

moved in every direction , as if no arm y Opposed him. Helevied a large contribution from the Raja of Bh ad avar

,

while Mal h ar r ao B ol k ar with a great body of horse crossedthe Jamna and sacked the towns of Akbarabad andSayad ab ad . In the imperia l army there were neithercourage nor capacity

,but Sadat Kh an

,the governor Of

Oudh,had still some enterprise l eft . In March 1 73 7 he

surprised Mal h ar r ao Holk ar and inflicted on him a severereverse . * Holk ar . fled across the Jamna

,losing a number

Of men in the crossing. With the remains Of his army herejoined Bajir ao. Sadat Khan wrote to Delhi so exaggeratedan account of his success

,that the emperor and his advisers

th ought that all danger had passed and that the fewMarath as who h ad escaped from Sadat Khan ’s sword werefleeing in a ll haste to the Deccan . When this absurdstory reached Baji r ao, he observed grimly “ I Shall proveto the emperor that he has not heard the truth

,by Showing.

him Maratha horse and burning vil lages at the gates ofDelhi T.

Sadat Khan had by th i s time joined Khan Dauran andseems to have become infected by that commander ’sinsolence . The two general s camped on the Ajm ir road ,some sixty miles from Delhi . In stead of pu rsuing therecent success

,they spent several days in celebrating it by

banquets and supper parties . While they were stil lcommemorating Sadat Kh an ’s victory, Bajir ao marching at

Siyar-u l -Mu ta K herin .

j‘ See Appendix B . Baji rao

’s l etter to Ch imn aj i Appa.


MARATHA CONQUE ST OF MALWA AND GUZARAT 2 2 3

great speed got between the Moghul army and Delh i andbegan to plunder the capital . He pitch ed his camp atTu gl ak ab ad , the ci ty Of Gh az i -u d -din -Tu gh l ak , of whichthe giant walls still overawe th e casual spectator . On

account of some local festival in Bhavani ’ s h onour,

Tugh lakabad h appened to be full of pilgrims and pleasureseekers and pious persons

,both Hindus and Musulmans

from Delhi . These the Mar athas, regardless of their victimspiety

,robbed of all they h ad . Baji r ao then moved hi s

camp to th e Kutub Minar,where the column erected by

the emperor Kuth -u d -din looked down with dismay on th epresumption of the infidel s . After plundering the townwherein dwelt once the Afghan emperors

,he then moved

nearer Delhi and camped in the south-western suburbs,

where a viceregal palace, more splendid than any of itsimperial forerunners

,i s now rising into towers . The

fugitives of the sacked towns rushed into Delhi and filledthe capital with their clamours . Th e emperor orderedone Amir Khan to march against th e Marathas with everysoldier in the city . Bajir ao sent out a few horsemen tomeet Amir Kh an and concealed his main army. Thiscommon Maratha artifi ce tempted one Of Amir Khan ’sgenerals, a S ayad named Mir Hussein Khan , to charge outinto th e Open plain . Directly Mir Hussein Khan and h i smen were beyond the range of the cannon on th e Delhiwalls

,the Maratha horse under Mal h ar r ao Holk ar and

Raa i S india wheel ed round,kil led

,and wounded six

hundred imperiali sts,including Mir Hussein Khan

,and

drove th e rest back into the city " .

It was,however

,impossible that Baji rao should remain

where he was . Messengers had at once been sent to SadatKhan and Khan Dauran . Immediately after hi s defeat ofMir Hussein Khan

,the Peshwa learnt that the two general s

were hastening back to j oin Amir Khan with the mainMoghul army . Unwilling to ri sk a pi tched battle so farfrom his base and with Niz am -u l -Mulk on his line of

Siyar-u l -Muta K her in .


communications,Baj i r ao decided to accept the imperial

Offer of the viceroya lty of MalwaT. Sacking as he wentthe towns of Rivad i and Basoda ( 1 736 A . D .) he retreatedinto Central India and thence into the Deccan .

j Gran t Duff men tion s al so a promise to pay th irteen l akh s . I have not beenabl e to fin d any auth ority for th is

,al th ough it is very l ikel y correct .



APPENDIX B

Translation of a letter sent by Bajirao to h i s broth er Ch im aj i

Appa, sent from Jaypu r bearing th e d ate of 5th April 1737 . I t firstappeared in R . B . Parasn i s

’ L ife of Brahm en d raswam i .

CAMP SAWA I JAYANAGAR (JAYPUR) ,8 th of the dark hal f of

Va ishakh m oon , 1 5 th l hej .

To Appa . After compl imen ts . You must have al ready l earn t from our l etterssen t wi th K as is (special couriers) in whi ch I h ave given in detail the n ews of ourhaving l eft in Bundelkh and a ll our fol lowers in charge of Pri n ce Jagatraj an d ofth e action with Sadat K han . Sadat Khan crossed th e Jamn a an d ar rived at Agra.

I f we were to meet h im th ere we were n ot sure of defeating hi m owing to hisad van tageous position th ere . I f we were to wai t at the con fl uen ce of the Jamn aan d th e Gam bhi r

,th at p l ace was al so un safe owin g to l an dsli ps and erosion s .

Besides K han Dauran an d Mah omed Kh an Bangash were on th eir way to Agrafrom Del hi

,and in cas e th ey and Sadat Khan h appen ed to join ,

i t woul d h avebeen a serious affai r. SO it was not th ough t proper to en camp at th e con fl uen ce .

Furth er,Sadat Kh an wrote to th e Emperor and h is courtiers that h e had routed

the Maratha Army that had crossed th e Jamn a,kil l ing two th ousan d caval ry and

drown ing two thousand in the river ; th at Malharji Hol kar and Vit-hoba Bul e hadfal l en in th e action . Such had been the resul t of Bajirao

’s in vas ion " He further

vaun tin gl y wrote that h e would cross the Jamn a an d defeat the Marathas and driveth em away beyon d th e Ch ambal . Th e emperor exp ressed great satisfacti on at

this an d sen t to Sadat Kh an a dress of h on our,a pearl n eckl ace

,an el ephan t and

an ai grette . Cl othes of h on our were al so presen ted to Sadat Khan ’ s agen t at theDelhi court . Thus Sadat Khan strength ened h is and h is party’s in fluen ce withth e emperor. He al so wrote to several n obl es in con temptuous terms aboutMarath as . Dhond o Govind (Peshwa’s agen t at Del h i ) kept us in formed of al l th eseparticul ars from time to time . In sh ort

, Sadat Kh an tried to impress th e Moghulcour t th at th e Marath a army h ad n either spirit nor en ergy an d that h e had

compl etel y defeated it . You are al ready aware how th ings pas s in Moghul pol itics .NO action and h igh tal k is their motto . The emperor ful l y bel ieves al l thi s buthe must n ow be disil l usion ed . This coul d be don e in two ways— eith er to in fl icta crush ing defeat on Sadat Khan or to march on Del h i and to set fire to th e cap ital ,and thus disp rove Sadat Khan ’s boas tful statemen ts . We accordingly decided tomarch again st Delhi as Sadat Khan woul d not l eave Agra

,and setting fire to th e

capital bring to the n otice of th e emperor the existen ce of th e Marathas . With

MARATHA CONQUE ST OF MALWA AND GUZARAT 22 7

th i s determi nation we started for Del h i on th e 26 th Jil k ad ( 18th MarchLeaving as ide the imperial route we foll owed th e hill y tract al ong the Newatifron tier th rough the territory Of Daman Sing

,Ch ud am an Jat . Dhon d opant our

Vak il was with Khan Dauran . Sadat Khan sen t a word to Khan Dau ran z— “ I

h ave defeated Bajirao’s army . H is fol l owers h ave "ed away an d Baji rao him sel f

h as crossed the Chambal . Now why do you fl atter h im and with what Object ?Why sh oul d you en tertain h is Vakil at your court ? He must be now dismissed .

”

Dhondopan t was accordingly sen t away . H e th en came to u s . K am ru d din Khan,

Azm u l l a Khan an d oth ers en coun te red u s,but we did not meet th em . Leaving

th em 14 mi l es off to our righ t,we arrived at Del h i on the 7 th Jil hej ( 28th March )

afte r forced marches of 40 mil es each . We pitch ed our cam p n ear K ushband i (asuburb of Del h i ) l eaving Barapu l a an d Kal ika templ e to our righ t . We wan te d toburn the capital to ash es bu t on secon d th ough t we saw no good in destroying themigh ty city an d rui n ing th e imperial th ron e at Del h i Moreover th e emperoran d Khan Dauran desired to make peace with us

,but th e Moghul s woul d n ot

agree to it . An act of outrage h owever breaks the th read of pol i tics . We,th ere

fore , gave up th e idea of burn ing the capital an d sen t l ette rs to th e em peror an d

Raja Bakh atm al . Two el ephan ts,some h orses and camel s comi ng out from th e

city were h owever captured by our advan ced guard . Some of our sol diers h ad a

scuffl e with th e peopl e from Del h i who h ad gon e out to atten d th e Bhawani fai r .N ext d ay , Wedn esday , 30th March

,Raja Bak hatm al sen t a repl y under comman ds

of the emperor, ask ing us to sen d Dhon dopan t to th e imperial court . We did not ,

h owever,despatch him as there was a great commotion in Delhi owin g to our

presen ce n ear th e capital ; but we sen t a word in rep l y .

“We are sendingDhondOpan t,pl ease send a strong guard u nder a rel iabl e officer to escort him . We are marchin gon to the Zi l Tan k as our presen ce n ear the city is l ik el y to disturb its peace .

”

An d we moved on . As we were pas sing th e cap ital a force consisting of 7 to 8

th ousan d m en was sen t by th e emperor un der N awab Mir Hasan Kh an Koka,comm ander of th e Kh as Chowki

,N awab Amir Khan , Kh oja Roz Afzu l Kh an ,

Raja Shivsingh Jam adar,Commander of the Caval ry, Mu zfur Khan , Deputy

Gen eral, N awab Muzfur Kh an

,broth er of Kh an Dauran ,

who met us n ear R ik abgunjoutside the city . Satwaji Jadhav who commanded th e advan ce guard met th e

Mogh ul forces an d a figh t took pl ace between th em . On h earing thi s we sen tforces to h el p h im under Mal har ji B ol kar , R an oji Sh inde , TukOJI Pawar, Jiwaji

Pawar,Yeshwan trao Pawar

,Man aji Payagu d e an d Govin d Hari . Th ey gall an tl y

fough t with the Mogh ul s and comp l etel y defeated th em . Raja Shivsingh an d ten

oth er n obl emen were kil l ed ; Nawab Mir Hasan Koka was woun ded an d about th ree

hundred soldi ers from the emperor’s army were kil l ed an d four h un dred woun ded .

Roz Afzu l Kh an ,Amir Khan ,

Mu zfu r Khan fl ed to th e capital . We cap tu redtwo thousan d h orses though five or six thousan d fl ed away . In d rOjI Kadam fromRanoji Shin d e

’s caval ry received a bu l l et woun d by wh ich two of h is fi ngers were

cut off . NO oth er person of note on ou r side was kil l ed but some m en and horseswere wounded . We th en en camped at th e Zil Tank . About two h ours beforesun set n ews came that K am rud d in Khan had arrived from Pad ashahpu r . We at


on ce started to meet h im . A figh t took pl ace . Yeshwan trao Pawar captur ed an

el eph an t that was with in a gun-sh ot from th e Mogh ul artill ery . A n umber of

horses an d camel s came to our camp wh en it was sun set. We wan ted to besiege

th e Mogh ul army from al l sides an d give th em a crush in g defeat n ext d ay. Butwe coul d not do so as there were several di fficul ties in our way, the Zi l Tan k wasabout 3 2 mil es off from us , K am ru d d in Khan was to our righ t and in our fron twas th e capital . Besides th is

,th e n ews of our march on Del h i reach ed N awab

Khan Dauran , Sadat Khan ,and Mah omed Khan Bangash on Tuesday the 7 th of

Jil h ej (28th March ) at Radhak u n d . Th ey l eft behin d th eir h eavy baggage and

imm ediatel y proceeded to Badel about 6 4 mil es distan t with an army of abouttwen ty-five to th irty th ousan d strong . N ext d ay th ey hal ted on th e rivul et ofAl award i about 50 mil es off . On Thursday morn in g Khan Dauran

, Sadat Khanan d Ban gash were to join K am ru d din Khan . Th e situation th en woul d have beenperil ous

,as th e cap ital was n ear. We

,th erefore

,l el t th e Moghul s and h al ted at a

distan ce of 8 mil es . On our Side F irangoji Patank ar was kil l ed by a bul l et . Afew m en au d some horses were al so woun ded . The Moghu l casual ties amoun tedto from 5 to 10 . On Thursday Sadat Kh an ,

Khan Dauran,an d Bangash join ed

K am rud d in Khan . Th eir camps were spread from Alaward i to th e Zil Tan k .

We design ed to draw the Moghul s on us an d th en to fal l back an d defeat th em .

With thi s Object we broke th e camp an d moved on via R evad , K otpu tal i , an d

Man oh arpur . Th e n ews h as come th at th e Mogh ul s h ave n ot as yet l eft th eir campsbetween Al awardi and Zi l Tank an d that Mir Hasan Khan Koka who was woun dedin th e first action h as died . Kh an Dauran wrote l etters after l etters to SawaiJai sing to sen d rein forcemen t . H e h as according ly started wi th a force of. fifteento sixteen th ousan d m en an d artil l ery an d h as arrived at Bas ava . H e in tendsvisiting Khan Dauran . Sawaiji has al so sen t us friendl y l etters

,requesting us to

l eave his territory un disturbed . Our agen t, V enk aji Ram,is in h i s camp . He

writes these l etters to us . We do n ot disturb h is territory, as we expect to get

suppl ies of grain an d fodder from Sawaiji on our way. Abh ayas ing is at Jodhpu r .

Now we are going to col l ect our dues from th e Gwal ior an d Bhad avar Provin ces .I f th e Mogh ul s stil l pursue us

,we shal l h aras s th em an d reduce th em by driving

th em by force from pl ace to pl ace an d utterl y crush them by th e grace of ourking (Raja Sh ah u) an d th e bl essings of our an cestors . Be not anxious on ouraccoun t . Th e ch ief thing to be n oted is that th e emp eror an d Khan Dauran wishto make peace with us wh i le the Moghu l s ar e striving to defeat us

,an d Sadat

Khan is at th eir h ead . I f by th e favour of God his van ity is subdued,everyth ing

wil l be to our satisfaction . I f the terms of peace are favourabl e we sh al l acceptth em . Oth erwise we shal l n ot con cl ude any peace . We h ave ann exed th e

terri tory about Del h i . Th e territory about Sonpat an d Panpat beyon d th e Jamn astill remain s with the Mogh ul s . We sh al l pl under an d capture i t soon and seethat th e Mogh ul s wil l be starved . We sh al l write to you l ater on wh at h appen shere . I f perchan ce th e Moghul s remai n in possession of Delh i we sh al l go to Agraan d en ter in to Antarved (districts between the Gan ges an d Jamn a) an d ravage th ewh ol e territory . I f N izam-u l -Mul k rises an d crosses the N arbada, fal l upon h is


CHAPTER XLI I

THE WAR AGAINST NIZAM -UL -MULK AND

NAD IR SHAH ’

S INVASION

A . D . 173 7 AND 1738

N IZAM-UL-MULK had been watching with concern the extraordinary progress Of the Maratha arms . The stern oldsoldier feared that the emperor

,who h ad never forgiven

his desertion,might well confer on Baji r ao the government

Of the Deccan . The Nizam would then have to defend hi sprovince against the un i ted onslaught Of the Marathasand the imperial army . He had, d uring Bajir ao’

s recentcampaign

,adopted so threatening an attitude that Bajir ao

had wri tten to his brother Ch im n aji Appa, ordering h im towatch wi th a large force th s Niz am ’s movements . “If heattempts

,

” wrote the anxious Peshwa,

“ to cross the Narbada ,fall instantly on his rear and put h ee l rop es on Thethreat Of an atta ck from Ch im n aji

’

s army kept the Niz amw i thin hi s own borders . But after Bajir ao’

s retreat he letthe emperor know that he was again willing to serve andto defend

,SO far as l ay in hi s power, the Moghul throne .

Danger had softened Mahomed Sh ah ’s hatred of Nizam-u l

Mu lk and he sent to the viceroy several flattering messagesand an imperial

,d ecree by which he raised the Niz am to

the command of eight thousand horse and graciouslyinvited him to return to court . On the 22n d June 1 73 7the veteran statesman appeared at Delhi .The emperor and his cour tiers vied with each other in

their deference to the pardoned rebel ; and in spite Of his*Gran t Duff . The great hi storian mus t have seen th e l etter given in th e

appendix to the l as t ch apte r. Th e ph rase occurs th ere .

WAR AGAINST NI ZAM -UL -MULK— NADI R SHAH 2 3 1

recent gift to Baji r ao Of the government of Malwa,h e gave

both it and the viceroyal ty Of Gu zarat to the Niz am’seldest son Gh az i -u d—din and placed at the Niz am’ s di sposalall th e rem aining resources of the empire . But so low hadthese resources fallen that only thirty-four thousand mencould be gathered to h i s banner . To remedy his lack Of

troops the Niz am sent for h i s enti r e train of artillery. Atthe head of his new army he crossed the Jamna at Allahabadand against Kalpi . He entered Ban d e l k h an d and afterseiz ing the persons Of Raj a Ch atr asal ’s sons he marchedsouthwards . With him were the Raja Of Kotha , one Of thefew Rajput chiefs who still adhered to the Moghul cause

,

and Safdar Jang,the nephew of Sadat Khan and ancestor

of th e k ings of Oudh . He is still recalled to Englishtouri st s by the beautiful mausoleum built by himself onthe road between modern Delhi and the K u tb Minar .Bajir ao hastened to meet him and with no less than eigh tythousand men came up with him at Bhopal . Thi s ci ty,now the capital Of one of the most famous princesse s inthe world

,the Begam of Bhopal

,was once surrounded by

a sheet Of water SO large,tha t those who saw it exclaimed

that in the world it only was enti tled to the name of lakeAll other SO-called lakes were but ponds. S catteredthrough this inland sea were i slands extensive enough tobear whole villages

,wh ile on i ts shores rose innumerable

temples that daily resounded with the chants of Buddhistsaints Of both sexes . The Musulman invaders in theirfanatici sm destroyed the l ake and converted its bed intoan endless succession of wh eat fields

,ri ce - fields and pastures .

A pool,h ardly two miles' long, survived the ruin and with

it to guard his rear and a river to guard h i s front th eNizam awaited Bajir ao

’s onset . He Should have moved

out to meet the Marathas,but he doubtless l acked confidence

in the imperial troops,wh o h ad so Often fled before th eir

present enemy . He stayed in his camp and soon foundhimself besieged

,as h e had been on the Godavari . His

* Tal to Bhopal Tal au r sub Tal iya .


guns again saved h im . Whenever the Marathas chargedhome

,his massed batteries swept them away . Nevertheless,

Bajir ao foiled every attempt Of the Nizam to extend hislines . At last Mal h ar r ao Hol k ar and Yashwan tr ao Pawarsucceeded in getting between Safdar Jan g ’

s contingent andthe Niz am’s camp and forced Safdar Jang to retreat northwards . The Niz am wrote for help to Delhi, but in vain ;for Khan Dauran was now Openly rejoicing in his rival ’sfailure. He wrote to his son Nasir Jang, whom he hadlef t as his deputy at Haidarabad and the latter made everyeffort to send reinforcements to his father ’s help . Butthe Niz am’ s supplies had become so straitened

,that the

Ol d soldier resolved to wait no longer, but to extricatehimself at any cost . He piled his baggage within the wallsOf Bh opal and tried to retire towards Delhi u nder coverof his cannon . The Marathas strained every nerve tostop him

,but his gunners stood by th eir guns and With

storms Of cannon shot broke u p and d i spersed everyhostile formation . Nevertheless the Niz am ’s retreat didnot exceed three miles a day. On reaching Ser on j, helearnt that the Persi an king Nadir Shah h ad invaded India .

The news seemed to the Nizam so serious that he resolvedto buy off Bajir ao at almost any price . Th e latter had atone tim e been so sure Of capturing th e Nizam and hiswhole army

,that he had refused all offers ; but h is troops

had suffered so from the Niz am ’s cannon,that h e also had

become willing to negotiate . On the 1 1th February 1 738the generals s igned a treaty . By it th e Nizam gave toBajir ao not only Malwa, but all the territory between theChambal and the Narbada .

* He further promised to Obtain,

if he could , from th e emperor fifty lakhs by way Of indemnity.

He obstinately refused,however

,to pay any indemnity

h imself.Having bought Off th e Marathas by th i s h umiliating

convention , the Niz am marched to Delhi to help the emperor4“The N izam real l y as sign ed to Baji rao the provin ce of Mal wa with its borders

l argel y extended .


WAR AGAI N ST N I ZAM -UL -MULK —NAD IR SHAH 233

aga i nst his new and even more terrible enemy . Theorigin Of Nadir Shah , king Of Persia

,was Of the h umblest .

In th e reign of Sh ah Hussein,the la st Sh ah Of the Safavi

dynasty,th e Ghilz ai Afgh ans had invaded Persia

,taken

Herat and captured th e Shah himself inside the town ofIsfahan . His son Tam asp escaped and fl ed to the shoresof the Caspian . There he called in the aid Of one NadirKuli

,a freebooter

,who had carried on unremitting warfare

against the Afghan conquerors . The alliance Of the freebooter and the heir to th e crown proved irresi stible . TheGhilzai s were driven from their conquests and theirking killed . Not only was Persia liberated

,but Kandahar

was in it s turn taken by the Persians . A quarrel,however

,

occurred between Tam asp and Nadir Kuli , with the resultthat Tam asp was deposed by his troops and th e freebootercrowned Sh ah in his place. Nadir Shah ’ s victories broughtthe Persian monarch y to the borders of the Moghul empire

,

which at the time included Kabul . Th e necessi ties Of theMaratha war had forced Mahomed Sh ah to withdraw mostof h i s troop s from his northern frontier and his ministerKhan Dauran had misappropriated th e pay of those whoremained . Nadir Shah

,on the pretext tha t the Indian

government had refused to surrender some Ghilzaifugitives

,advanced on Kabul

,which he took with little

difficulty from the starving and mutinous garri son . Hecrossed the Indus at Attock and entered Lahore . On the1 5th January 1 7 39 the di stracted emperor ordered Niz amu l -Mulk to j oin him and advanced on Karnal in th e

southern Panj ab . Nadir Shah sk ilfully eluded the Moghuloutposts and surprised the Oudh troops under Sadat Khan .

Khan Dauran h a stened to the latter ’s assi stance but fell inaction . The rest of the imperia l soldiery were driven intotheir fortified camp and starved into submission . Mah omedSh ah sent Niz am-u l -Mulk to open negotiations . Th e Nizaminduced Nadir Shah to promise to retire on payment of anindemnity Of two crores Of rupees (56 ButSadat Khan ’s j ealousy frustrated th e Nizam’s efforts as an


envoy . Sadat Khan told the Persian king that if hemarched to the capital

,he could easily extort a ransom a

h undred times greater ; and Nadir Shah insisted uponescorting the unfortunate Mahomed Sh ah back to Delhi(February On the day after their entry into theimperia l city

,a rumour spread that Nadir Shah was dead .

Instantly the mob rose upon his troop s . All night theShah strove to restore order, but in the morning he losthi s self-control and called in h i s entire army to massacrethe citiz ens . According to the popular legend oftenillustrated by Indian artists

,Nadir Shah seated himself in

the mosque Of Rukn -u d -Daulat in the great baz aar anddrawing his sword bade his men not to cea se from slaughteruntil he had replaced it in it s scabbard . For several hourshe thus sat gloomy and silent

,while the helpless In dians

were exposed to the savage fury Of the northern barbarians .About midd ay the emperor and his nobles by continuedtears and intercessions

,induced the Shah to Sheathe his

sword and the carnage,such was the d i scipline of the

Persian troops,in stantly ceased . Having glutted hi s

vengeance,Nadir Shah turned again to the question Of the

indemnity. He seiz ed all the imperial treasures andj ewel s

,including the cel ebrated peacock throne . He then

seized the property of the nobles and bade his Offi cersextort what they could from the common citiz ens. Theorder was eagerly obeyed . Every h ouse

,wherein imagi na

tion could picture wealth,was invaded and its owners

brutally tortured . To use the graphic words of theMusulman historian * “Before

,i t was a general massacre ;

but now the murder of individuals . In every chamberand house was heard the cry of affliction . S leep andrest forsook the city . After fifty -eight days even Persiangreed realised that th e ci ty contained nothing more ofvalue and the Shah decided to return to Persia . Beforehe left, he married his son to a Moghul princess descendedfrom Shah Jehan

,placed a worthless crown on Mahomed

*Scott’ s Deccan, vol . I I .

,p . 2 10 .



APPENDIX

Letter of Nad ir sh ah to Bajirao PeshwaI begin with th e n am e of God who is grac ious an d merciful .

I begin withth e name of God .

A precious ston eof two reli gion s h ad gon e .

By th e h el p of God h e mad e himsel f kn own by the n ame ofN adi r

,I ran .

Baj i Rao possessing a ch armi ng face an d being a m an of good l uck,a devotee

towards Mosl em faith , being a can d idate for the royal favour, is informed that th istime with th e h elp of the Almigh ty Delhi is th e capital an d mi l itary pl ace

, and isthe rising star Of th e great kingdom : as th e great Nawab is

,of the Turks . To

Emperor Muh ammad Shah wh ose greatn ess is l ike that of th e h eaven s, who is the

ful fi ll er of al l h opes who is h ighl y respected and n obl e,wh ose n obl e birth is from

a Tu rkish moth er,an d wh ose forefath ers were of th e Gu rjan is tribe , th e kingdom an d

crown of India is en trusted,treating h im as broth er of th e same rel igious profession

and as a son ; an d as you having a sweet face,and being a l eader of the brave

tribe , who main tain s h imsel f , al ways by th e weal th of th e state . I t is n ecessaryfor you to serve the emperor h on estl y an d wel l

,keepin g in mind h is righ ts . But

up to now it is not reported that you are servin g just as iyou ough t, but don e isdon e . As at th e presen t jun cture on accoun t of th e affection

,perfect

,n obl e and

h earty friendsh ip between our states h aving taken pl ace, we understan d as ifMuh am mad Sh ah ’s state given by God is conn ected with ours for puttin g down the

rebel s and th e invad crs of th e said state of th e Gu ijan is , a brave and courageousperson is n ecessary to be appoin ted . Wh en , th erefore , you will be inf ormed ofthe con ten ts of our n obl e comman d

,Raja Sh ahu of great n obil ity

,of good visage

,

wel l -experien ced an d Obedien t to the Musal man reli gion,h as been appoin ted to

that post, af ter th is you woul d send n ews of you r good h eal th an d safety remem bering al ways that you are to be Obedien t to th e royal order, wh ich order shoul d bereceived by Shah u for th e p erforman ce of the services , h earti ly an d withoutn egl ect an d fail , he (Shahu) Shoul d try h is best to act accordingly . By the h elpof God, every on e far or n ear

,if h e be obedien t to th e state woul d be regarded as

worthy of service an d deservin g of r ewards an d gifts,but wh oever shoul d try to

rebel again st th e state,a victorious frien d of rel igion is ready for war to defeat

such an en emy an d to suppress h im an d such a l arge army wil l be sen t, that bygoin g to th e boundaries of th e pl ace of rebel l ion

,n ecessary pun ishmen t will be

in fl icted upon th em (rebel s) . In th ese matte rs you must be aware of good warn ingan d ac t ac cording to your position .

Dated 2 7 th mon th of Mohu rrum 1 152 .

* From the Paras n is Col l ection .

CHAPTER XLI I I

THE CONQUEST OF THE KONK AN .

WAR S AGAI NST THE SIDIS AND THE PORTUGUE SE

A . D . 1733 TO 173 9

AT thi s point I must return to the narrative of Marathaaffairs within those provinces

,which al though inhabited

by a Marathi speaking population,were yet under the

dominion of foreigners. During Au r an gzib ’s conquest of

Maharashtra,the Sidis had given him valuable help both

by land and sea . In return he had bestowed on themMahad

,Dabhol

,Raygad and a number of other strong

places along the Konkan coast . The Sidi s’ possession ofRaygad was peculiarly Offensive to the Maratha monarchs ;for i t was full of memories of th e grea t king. It was atonce the symbol Of h i s sovereignty and the seat of hisworship . These politi ca l considerations were aggravatedby a personal quarrel b etween one of the Sidis

,Sat Sidi

by name,and one Br ahm en d r aswam i . The latter h as by

some of his admirers been compared with Ramdas and h ecertainly enj oyed during his life-time great considerationfrom th e k ing and th e eminent men who surrounded him .

Br ahm en d r aswam i’s father was Mahadev Bhat a De sh asth

Brahman from Berar . His mother ’s nam e was Um ab ai .

They had an Only son whom they called Vi shnu . Wh enthe boy was twelve years Ol d

,both h is parents died . From

his earliest years he had been devoted to th e worship ofthe god Ganpati and h e h ad the strange gift of passingevery year into a religious trance from the first of Sh ravan(July ) to the fourth of Bh ad r ap ad (August) a period ofthirty-four days . In 1663 Vishnu went to Benares. Th ere

238 A H I STORY OF THE MARATHA P EOPL E

he becam e an ardent follower of the god Vishnu,his

namesake ; and h e assumed th e titl e of Br ahm en d r aswam i .

After some years he left Benares and wandering from theHimalayas to Ram eshwar am ,

visited every Indian shrinein turn . At last he came to Maharashtra and settled nearCh iplun a t Parashuram vill age

,where at one time had

stood a noble temple to Parasu Rama,the sixth incarnation

of Vishnu . It had now fallen into ruins . Close by was abeautiful wood called the Dhamni wood . TO i t everyShravan

,Br ahm en d r aswam i retired in order to pass into

his trance or perform his religious meditations . His pietyand h i s penances first attracted the notice Of the n eigh~bou r in g villagers and then spread far and wide . Thesaint h ad early been a cquainted w l th Balaj i V i sh van athand with remarkable foresight had prophesied his rise tothe highes t Office . As Br ahm en d r aswam i

’

s fame grew,he

devoted h imself to the collection of funds for the restorationof Par n su Rama ’s temple . Nor were hi s persuasive powersexerc ised only on his coreligionists . Th e chief Of the Sidis,Rasul Yakut Kh an

,so reverenced th e saint

,that he gave

him the revenues of the villages of Am b d as and P ed h e

and lent him the services of two clerks Bapu jip an t andDh on d op an t Tambe . In the struggle between Shahu andTarabi

,Br ahm en d r aswam i had the wisdom to j oin the

king and later to support the claims of Bal aj i V i shvan athto the post of first mini ster . The grateful Peshwa inducedthe king to bestow on him Dh awad sh i

,a vil lage near Satara

With its revenues and th ose of the villages given him by S idiRasul and of Davale and Mah l in g given h im by ParashuramTrimbak

,Br ahm en d r aswam i soon restored to i ts former

splendour Parasu Rama ’s temple and laid down a gorgeousand elaborate ceremonial for the worship of the god . Thesaint ’s cord ia l relations w ith S idi Rasul Yakut Khan wereinterrup ted by an unfortunate misunderstanding. A certainS idi , S at Sidi by name, had by Rasu l

'

Yak u t Khan beenappointed governor Of Anj anvel on the south ern bank ofthe Dabhol creek . It so happened that Sat Sidi had


CONQUEST OF K ONK AN . S I DI S , PORTUGUESE WAR S 239

received from the Nawah of Savanur a gift of a remarkablyfine elephant ; but between S avanur and Anj anvel stretchedthe Maratha country . It was certain th at in ordinarycircumstances th e elephant

,if sent by the Nawab Of Savanur

,

would never reach its destina tion . Sat S id i implored th ehelp Of Br ahm en d r aswam i . It happened that th e anchoritewas about to st art for the Carnatic to beg money for histemple . With great courtesy, he Offered to bring back theNawab ’s gift . On hi s return j ourney he took th e beastwith h im and got i t safely th rough the Vishalgad passinto the Konkan . Thinking that i ts dangers were over,he s ent it on ahead . Beyond Sangameshwar

,however

,

some of K anh oji Angre ’s forest guards, learning that i tbelonged to one of the S idi s

,captured it and sent i t to

Jaygad one Of Angre’ s forts . Br ahm en d r aswam i was muchdistressed at the incident and wrote to K anh oji Angre astrong lett er of remonstrance . The latter was a discipleOf the saint . He at once ordered the eleph ant ’s releaseand expressed deep regret for his subordinate ’s action .

In the meantime Sat Sidi had heard of th e animal ’s capture .He sent a force agains t Jaygad which Angre, wh o had n ot

then received the letter of his Spiritual guide, attackedand d efeated with heavy loss. Sat S idi became sti ll moreincensed and formed the belief that the capture of th eelephant was part of a deep plot of Br ahm en d r aswam i .

In February 1 72 7 on Mah ash ivr atr a day, the god Shiva ’sfestival

,he made a sudden raid on the temple of Parasu

Rama . He pulled it down stone by stone, plundered it Ofall i ts treasure and tortured such Brahman priests a s h ecould catch

,to make them point out any wealth th at th ey

had been able to hide . Conduct so ungrateful would haveannoyed any one ; and in the celestial mind Of Br ahm en d r a

swami it aroused inextinguishable anger . He sent th eelephant to Sat S idi and w ith it a fearfu l curse : “Youhave wrought evil on the gods and the Brahmans, hewrote

,

“ and similar evil may th ey wreak On you "” Invain Rasul Yakut Khan expressed his deep sorrow at th e

240 A H I STORY OF THE MARATH A P EOPL E

Outrage, made Sat S idi restore his plunder, promised torebuild the temple an d Offered as com pensation ther evenues Of two more villages . In vain K anh oji Angrebegged the Swami to forgive and forget the past . In 1 7 28the infuriated anchorite sh ock from off hi s feet the dustOf the Konkan and ascending the Gh ats went to l ive inDh avad sh i . There he was cordially welcomed by Shahu ,his queens

,and the Maratha nobles. Until the end of hi s

life he never ceased to preach a crusade against th eAbyssinians and to urge on the kin g the disgrace of theirpresence on th e shores Of hi s kingdom .

The known friendship of Br ahm en d r aswam i for Balaj iand Baji r ao was sufficient to set in motion against anysuggestion of his the intrigues of Sh r ipatr ao Pr atin id h i

and Of the Deccan party . K an h oji Angre, moreover, threwinto the scale his powerful influence. For the previousten years he had been friendly to the S idi s and had nowi sh to exchange their friendship for war . In 1 7 29 , however

,K an h oji Angre died and was succeeded in the Office

of High Admiral by hi s eldest son Sek h oji . From contemporary accounts the latter seem s to have been a manof exceptional charac ter and talents . He regarded withd i sfavour h i s father ’s kindly feelings for the sea -kings ofJanj ira . The S idi s

,aware of hi s dislike for them

,announced

th at their treaty with the Angres had been ended byK an h oji

’s death and ravaged Sek h oji ’s territories. Another

incident made Br ahm en d r aswam i’

s t ask the easier. In1 7 33 S idi Rasul Yakut Khan died . He left a number ofsons o f whom the foll owing Abdulla

, S ambul, Ambar,Rahyan , Yakut and Hasan were the eldest . AlthoughAbdulla was th e firs t born

,desire for their father ’s throne

inspired against him the hatred of hi s brothers . Abdullasecretly sough t help from the Maratha k ing. Shah u sentinto the Konkan a Prabh u Sardar Yashwan tr ao MahadevPotn i s to foment the family quarrel . Potn i s not only didthis with success, but also corrupted a certain SheikhYakub Khan, a daring sailor who possessed the full


242 A H I STORY OF THE MARATH A P EOPL E

and refused to help Bajir ao. At first the Marathas wonsome important successes . In May 1 733 Bajir ao repulsedan attack led by S idi B ahyan , in which the leader and ahundred Of his men fel l . ‘He also took the forts of Talaand Gossal a and plundered Rajpuri, Nagothna and othertowns of th e S id is. About the same time Manaj i Angre,Sek h oji

’s youn ger brother, infli cted a severe defeat on the

S idi s’ fleet near Janj ira . On the 8th Jun e 1 7 33 Baji r aoretook Raygad amid the un iversal rej oicings of the Marathapeople . Th e hi storic fortress, the capital of th e greatk ing

,had been taken by Au r angz ib in October 1 789 and

had for over forty- three years been in the possession ofthe Abyssinians . At the end of June, Sek h oji Angre tookthe fort Of Raval on the Pen river and the fort of Thalc lose to Bombay . But these advantages were more or lessnullified by the m urder of Sidi Abdulla , on whose help theMaratha s had counted in their final a t tack upon the i sland .

Rid Of their brother, the remaining S idi s defended themselves with stubborn courage and held in a firmer gripAnj anvel

,Goval k ot , V iz iad u r g and Janj ira . Th e English ,

too,became alarmed at the near approach of the Marathas

and were incensed by Sek h oji Angre ’s capture of anEngli sh Ship called the Rose, which he hel d to ransom for7 603 rupees. The ch ief hope, however, of the S idi s lay inthe j ealousies of th e Marath a captains . It wa s in vainthat Shahu reprimanded hi s genera l s ; i t was in vain thatBr ahm en d r aswam i refu sed to plunge into hi s annualreligious trance . S ti ll their bickerings continued . InAugust 1 733 the S idi s amused the P r at in i d h i with preten dedOffers of peace . At the same time they attacked anddefeated a Maratha d ivi sion under Bank aji Naik at Ch iplun .

They th en broke off their negotiations with th e Pr at in i d h ian d inflicted on him two severe reverses . The unluckycommander appealed to Shahu

,who ordered Ch im n aji

Appa to take him reinforcements . On various pleasCh im n aji Appa put off hi s obedience to the order, unti lth e exasperated k ing wrote to him that, unless he started

CONQUE ST OF K ONK AN . S I DI S , PORTUGUESE WAR S 2 43‘

at once,he

,the king, would take over the command of hi s

division . The English now resolved to give substantialhelp to the S idi s . They supplied Janj ira with food

,guns

and munitions and sent under Captain Haldane on thewarship Mary a force to help the S idis defend their i slandfort of Un d er i

,which Sekh oji Angre was besieging. In

September 1 7 33 Sek h oji Angre, the most Single-minded andloyal of the Maratha captains died and Sam bh aji Angrewa s raised to his dead broth er ’s offi ce of High Admiral .From this moment all hopes of taking Janj ira vanished .

Sam bh aji Angre and his brother Manaj i Angre were onbad terms and would not work together . Shahu fearingto give offence

,would not appoint a single commander-in

chief, but sent separate orders to each divisional generaland tried to conduct th e cam paign from his palace a tSatara . Although Shahu had written to Ch im n aji Appathat he was not to return to Satara with out having takenJanj ira , the king had reluctantly to bow to the inevitable.The alliance of the Engli sh with th e S idi s had robbed th eMarathas Of th e command of the sea . It was thereforebetter for the Marathas

,so Baj i r ao advised, to secure their

present advan tages by a t reaty with the sea -kings th andrag on a useless war . In December 1 733 the S idi s andBaji rao signed a treaty . The S idi s resign ed to Abdul Rahman,as his share in his grandfather ’s kingdom,

the revenuesOf eleven and a half m ah al s . The Marathas retainedRaygad

,Tala

, Gossal a and the other forts that they hadstormed .

Br ahm en d r aswam i , as i t may be imagined, was deeplydisappointed a t the treaty . He was not , however, to losehis revenge . His Ol d enemy Sat S idi wa s no less di ssatisfied at th e close of the war . Had it but continued, soh e thought

,i t would have ended in an Abyssinian victory.

In Spite of th e execution of th e treaty, he continued toraid th e territori es ceded to the Marathas . E arly in 1 736he brought hi s fleet to th e por t of Rewa s and tried to takethe fort Of Sagar gad . On the l oth March 1 736 Sh ahu

1m


despatched Ch im n aj i Appa to punish the aggression . On

the 19 th Apri l a battle was fought at the village Of Charain ear Revas. In i t the S idi was defeated and slain . Withhim fell th e comm andant of Un d er i and eleven thousandmen. Shahu was overj oyed and he wrote to Ch im n aji

Appa,

“Sat Sidi was a demon no less terrible than Ravan ;by kil ling him you have uprooted the S idi s. Everywhereyour fame i s spread abroad .

”Summoning to h i s court

th e young general, he showered on him presents and robesof honour . Br ahm en d r aswam i was equally lavish in h i sencom iums and unti l his death in 1 745

,he derived from

his enemy ’ s downfall a great and pious satisfa ction"The Portugu ese were an even m ore formidable enemy .

In the ninth chapter of thi s work I have related theircoming to India an d their capture Of the town of Goa.

They soon establi shed friendly rela tions with the k ingdomof Vij ayanagar and were at constant war with theirMusulman neighbours . Their chief foes were the kings ofGu zar at , who had made themselves independent on thebreak up of Mahomed Tu gh l ak

’s empire . They did not

aim ,as the French and Engli sh afterwards did

,at l arge

inland conquests . They desired mainly the trade of theArabian Sea and the Persian Gulf

,and for that purpose

wanted a chain of commercial posts or factories along th ewestern coast . They principally coveted Diva or Diu

,a

a small i sland off the coa st of Kathiawar. It commandedth e Gulf Of Cambay and, almost due west of Surat, formeda convenient stage on the homeward and outward journ eysan d a safe anchorage during the May storms . For thes ame reasons Bahadur Shah, th e king of Ga z arat, wasunwilling to part with it . War ensued

,during which the

Portuguese attacked the cities held by the king of Gu zar atalong the western seaboard of the Maratha country . In

*R iyas at vol . I L, p . 289 , Brahm end raswam i had a frien dl y feel ing for the

Engl ish . Paras ni s’Brahm endraswam i Charitra

,p . 1 1 1 . With Chi mnaji Appa in th is

battl e was Pil aj i Jad av th e an cestor of the Jadav Sardars of Wagh ol i . I tihas

Sangraba, Sept . 19 10 , p . 64 .



Shiva , tha t the deity gave him immortality on conditionthat he left the Brahmans alone . The demon c hief agreedand built in the great god ’ s honour a temple on Tungarhill , wherein he worshipped Shiva under the appellationOf Tu n gar eshwar of “God Of the Mountains ”. All wentwel l , until one day Vimala heard a band Of anchoritespraise Parasu Rama . Vimala became so wroth at hearingthe prai ses of his dead ly enemy

,that he forgot his promise

to Shiva . Running at the anchorites, he drove them awayand putting out their holy fire

,spoil t their sacrifice . The

anchorite s again invoked Parasu Rama,who once more

made war on Vimala . But alth ough he repeated ly struckOff V im al a

’

s arms and legs,th ey instantly grew again

,

because of the immortality bestowed on h im by the godShiva . Parasu Rama then went in person to Shiva andpointed out that Vimala had broken hi s promise and hadforfeited th e divine boon . Shiva was convinced and ,abandoning his follower

,he gave Parasu Rama the Parasu

or axe,from which he derives his name . With this formi

d ab l e weapon Parasu Rama soon hewed Vimala in pieces .Ignorant of th i s h oly legend, the Por tuguese corrupted

the name Vasai to Bacaim ,a word wh ich the English

again corrupted to Bassein . They made it the capital Oftheir new acquisitions

,called by them “The Province of

the North ” and governed by an Offi cer styled “The Generalof the North ”. Nor was Bassein , apart from its sanctity,unworthy of i ts new m asters ’ favour . The wide mouth Of

the Ulhas river i ssuing from hills that recall in theirbeauty the Highlands of Scotland

,enabled Ships to take

their merchandise far inland . Another branch of the samestream flowed southwards into the magnificent harbour ofBombay . The del ta of the Ulha s river which the Portugueseoccupied as an appanage Of Bassein was known as Sasash t i .or the island Of sixty -six vil lages . Thi s word the Portugu ese corrupted into Sal cete and the English into Sal sette .Its fertile soil watered alike by the r iver ‘

an d by abundantrains

,yield ed rich harvests of wheat, maiz e and rice ; and

CONQUE ST OF K ONK AN . S I D I S , PORTUGUE SE WAR S 247

dotted among th e yellow cornfields could be seen an endlesssu ccession of mango groves , orchards and banian trees .There the Portuguese settled in great numbers and enrichedby trade and agriculture

,buil t th emselves stately palaces

and ch arming villa s . SO great indeed was the prosperity ofBassein

,so abundant the wealth of its inhabitants and so

lavi sh the display of costly dresses and splendid equipages,

that in common parlance th e city was known as DomBacaim or Lord Bassein . In 1 6 6 1 the King Of Portugalgave to the En g lish the i slands of Bombay on the southernpoint of S alsette

,as the dowry of Catharine of Braganza

,

the queen of Charle s II . From th at time began the decayof Bassein . The English E a st Indi a Company

,to whom

Charles transferred Bombay,proved themselves formidable

trading rivals . But a more pressing danger was the riseOf the Maratha power . I have already related Sam bh aji ’ssiege of Goa

,and from that time forwards the Marathas

and th e Portuguese carried on a desultory warfare . In1 7 30 a Maratha army had threatened the i sland Of Salsetteand had been repulsed with diffi cul ty . Eventually throughthe mediation of Robert Cowan

,the English Governor “of

Bombay,a treaty of perpetual peace was signed by the

Viceroy Of Goa and the Maratha king. The danger towh ich the Por tugu ese had recently been exposed causedthe viceroy

,John Saldanha da Gama

,to hold an enquiry

into the defences of Sal sette . The report of the commissioner Coutinh o revealed the most lam entable neglect,due

,i t would seem

,to the system of administration

,under

which all muniti ons and supplies were left to thecontrol of the Jesuit s . Da Gama sanctioned a large sumof money to put Salsette in a proper state of defence, buthe returned to Europe before he had completed his task .

His successor was th e Count of Sandomil . He came withstri ct instructions to carry out the plans of th e l a te viceroyan d n o doubt wish ed to do so . But his endeavours werethwarted by a fate so unhappy

,that the Portuguese sought

for an explanation in some supernatural event . At last i t


w as remembered that when landing from his ship,h e had

put his left and not his right foot first on the soi l of Ind ia .It must be adm i tted that . his policy was calcul ated to

a id the in fluences of destiny . The key Of the i sland ofSalsette was the fortress of Thana . It was an Ol d Moghuloutpost and just a s Chester derives it s name from Castrum ”

so Thana took i t s name from th e Marathi word “Th an en

a fortified post . It was essenti al that a Portuguese viceroy,who wished to embark on a vigorous foreign policy shouldsee to it that Th ana wa s impregnable . If Thana couldnot be made impregnable

,i t was wisest n ot to give Offence

to one’s neighbours . Th e Count of Sand omil did indeedorder that Bassein and Sal sette i sland Should be fortifiedand gave the work to a distinguished en gi neer Jose Lopesde Sa . But by the time that the fortifi cations of Basseinwere fini shed, the money allotted was exhausted and th ewall round Thana was never completed . Unhappily aboutthis time the quarrels of K anh oji Angre ’ s sons seemed tooffer to the Count of Sandomil a chance of extending theterritories of Portugal and of regain ing some of herancient renown .

K anh oji Angre had left two legitimate sons Sek h Oj lan d Sam bh aji . AS i t wil l be rem embered

,Sekh oji succeeded

w i thout opposi tion to hi s father’ s honours. When Sek h ojidied in S eptember 1 733 his rank and possessions passedto his legit im ate brother Sam bh aji . But K anh oji had alsol eft four il legitimate sons Yesaji , Manaji , Tu l aji and Dh on d ji .E arly in 1 73 4 Sam bh aji planned the capture Of An janwe l

from th e S idi s. He took with him his third brother Tu l ajl .

Ye saji he left behind at Su var n ad u r g . He put Dh on d ji incharge of Kolaba fort

,and to Manaj i h e en trusted hi s fleet.

Manaj i wa s ambitious and unscrupulous . He d i sliked thesubordinate charge assigned to him and offered to cede tothe Count of Sandom i l the fortress and lands of Revadandanot far from Chaul

,in return for Portugu ese support .

Unhappily the viceroy had not th e s trength of‘

m in d torefuse the bribe and promised Manaj i a Portuguese con



North was at this time Luis Botelho, the .viceroy ’ s nephew.

He was a young man of parts and courage,but of a violent

temper. He had already quarrelled with the Jesuits andwith many of th e leading citiz ens of Bassein . When helearnt that he had to select inside S alsett e a site for aMaratha factory, he resolved not to do it . For a longtime he put Off the Marathas with fair promises . At lastB ajir ao, suspecting h i s good faith , sent to Botelho as hiss pecial envoy his brother-in -law

, Vyan k atr ao Joshi, betterk nown as Vyank atr ao Gh orp ad e . Th i s di stinguish ed man,the ancestor of the present ch ief of Ichalkaranj i

,was the

s on of one NarOp an t Josh i, a Ch itp avan Brahman, whosefather Mah ad ji had died while Nar Op an t was only five yearsO l d . Mah ad ji

’

s widow Obtained support from the kindnessO f Mh aloji Ghor p ad e and brought up her son to be a priest ofRamchandra

,the family god of the Ghorp ad es . But Mh aloji ’s

son,the famous San taji Gh orpad e, saw with a captain’ s eye

the delight Nar Opan t took in horses, arms and equipment, an dm ade the boy a trooper in his squadron . From that timeon the boy was San taji ’ s devoted admirer and so faithfulwas he in h i s service

,that San taji bade him call himself

his son and take the -name of Ghorp ad e . On e day, SO th e

s tory runs, San taji ’s wife to tease the boy bade him,as

San taji’

s son , eat off the same dish as his father. HadNar Op an t done so, he would have lost his Brahman caste .Neverth eless he readily offered to forfei t

_

i t,if hi s father

w i shed it . San taji Gh orp ad e was too h igh-minded to exacts uch a sacrifi ce ; but from that time on ,

he regardedNar Op an t always a s the son of hi s loins. Nar opan t

’

s sonw as Vyan k atr ao. Wh en Balaj i V i sh van a th was stil l as ubordinate, he was glad to marry his daughter toVyank atr ao. In this way Vyan k atr ao came to be thebrother-in -l aw of Bajir ao. As they grew up, the brothersi n -law took opposite S ides in politi cs. Vyank atr ao tookth e side first of Sh ivaji and then of Sam bh aji of Kolhapur .He was taken p r isoner by Sh r ipatr ao, the P r at in i d h i , at the.battle on the Warna in 1 7 30 A . D . and was thrown into

CONQUE ST OF K ONK AN . S I DI S , PORTUGUESE WAR S 25 1

pri son as a rebel . In the end , a s I have already related ,Bajir ao ransomed h im . V yan k atr ao was now ordered todemand from Luis Botelho the instant cession of thepromis ed si te . Luis Botelho, unable any longer to put Offthe fulfilment of the viceroy ’s undertaking

,lost hi s temper

and so far forgot not only th e courtesies Of diplomacy butthose of ordinary social life

,a s to call

,to Vyan k atr ao’

s

face,th e handsome and fair sk in n ed Bajir ao a negro .

Vyank atr ao at once broke Off the interview and returnedto Bajir ao, who, deeply incensed , determined to avenge theinsult without delay .

As a number Of towns and strong places will be namedin the en suing account of the fighting and as the geographyof th e place h as greatly changed

,i t wil l be as well to

sketch as briefly a s possible their posi tions . Due east ofBom bay was the fortified i sland of Karanj a . TO th e northOf Karanj a lay the i sland s of Gh arapuri and Tu r am b e n ow

known as Trombay . To the north of Bombay was the i slandof Vand ra or Bandra . At the mouth of the Panvel creek ‘stoodthe town of Belapur . Nearer Thana were Anjur and Kelve .These last were inhabited chiefly by Path are P r ab h u s, whohadhad religious quarrel s with the Portuguese and h ad appeale d to Bajir ao. To th e east of Bandra was th e stron g place ofMarol . Off the coast between Andh eri and Bassein was arow of islands . To the west of Goregaon was th e fort ofVesava

,called by th e Portuguese Varsova . Beyond Varsova

again was Malad,of which th e in am d ar s An taji Raghunath

and Ramchandra Raghunath were in secret correspondencewith Baji r ao. Near Bassein was the for tified i sland ofDharavi . On the opposite bank to Bassein but a littlefurther up stream was the fort of Gh orb an d ar , whichguarded the southern mouth of the Uh l as river . BeyondTh is curiou s in ciden t i s to be found in a l etter written to the king of Portugal

by An ton io de Al cacova . I t is repri n ted in a serial study of th e siege of Bas seinen titl ed Os ul timos cin co gen eraes do n orte

” by Mr. J . A . Ismael Gracias-O Orien tePortugues V ol . I I I . p . An ton io's words are as fol l ows . “ A seus comm issarios em Bacaim foras pel o gen eral des com postos de pal avras inju ri osas cxced

endo o escan dalo de fal tar com vituperio do Bagi Rao, tratando o de Negro”

.


Bassein was the fort of Tarapur and th e towns and talukasof Mahim

,Dahanu an d Ambargaon and the posts of Shirgaon

and Chinchni . On the shore near Bassei n was the fort ofArn ala . To th e north-east were Manora and Ash er i .

Prior to Coutinho ’s report, the fortifi cations of al l thesetowns were in ruins and weak ly garri soned . Bassein hadn inety guns but only twelve gunners. The cavalrynumbered eigh t and the infantry eighty only . The wallhad in places fallen d own . The fort of Varsova was sm all ,Ol d an d ruined . It had a garrison of fifty men and tenguns

,but only two of the pieces were serviceable . Th e

wall s at Manora were not more than six feet high . Of i ts

eight guns five were useless . Ash er i had a garri son ofa hundred and fifty broken down old men . The fort atBelapur had four companies of a hundred and eigh ty meneach and fourteen guns

,none of them very formidable .

Mahim fort had a garri son of sixty,of whom only seven

were Portuguese . At Tarapur were sixty men and twentythree guns but no artillery men . Coutinho ’s report led toth e repair of the .walls of Bassein and the strengthenin gof i ts garri son . For lack of means l i ttl e was done to th eother strong places except Thana . But its wall s, as I havementioned, were never completed .

With great speed,secrecy and d i ligence Baj1r ao collected

a large force at Poona under the pretence of a more thanu sually elaborate festival in honour of th e godd ess Parvati .He induced the king to appoint Ch im n aji Appa generali ssim o. The latter on his appointment sent first a thousandmen und er Ramchandra Joshi and Kh an d oji Mankar toKalyan, where they were j oined by deta chments underNarayan Joshi , An t aji and Ramchandra Raghunath .

Ch im n aji Appa drew up the bulk of h i s force a t somedistance from Belapur . Skilfully as these preparationswere hidden , i t was impossib l e wholly to conceal them ;and John Horne

,the British governor of Bombay

,warned

Luis Botelho that l arge Maratha forces were collecting inthe neighbourhood of the Province of the North . He



but were repulsed with great slau ghter by the gar ri sonwho only numbered a hundred and fifty . At the end ofSeptember Baji r ao though t that the time had come for ageneral a ssault on Bassein . He first took the coveringfort of Sab ai s . The commandant defended i t bravelyuntil hi s water-supply failed and he was forced to capitulate .On the same day storming parties Simultaneously attackedBassein and Varsova . Nine thousand Marathas succeededin reaching the wal ls of Bassein and put against themforty scaling ladders . But th e Portuguese stood at bayw i th a resolution, that would not have shamed the companionsof. Lorenzo d ’

Alm eid a . Th e Maratha ladders were throwndown an d th e Maratha soldiers who reached the top ofth e wall s were either killed or taken . At Varsova , too,victory rested with the besieged and the Portuguese cannontook a fearful toll of th e stormin g parties . The generalof th e North , however , com plained bitterly of the English ,who

,pleading neutrality

,refused him their help . At th e

same time they sold gunpowder and cannon ball s s tampedwith th e Engli sh mark to the Maratha general s .After the failure of the assaults

,the siege languished

and the Li sbon Government sent out two transports,the

“Nossa Senhora da Victoria an d the “ Born Successo ”,full

of Portuguese soldiers . Thus reinforced the general of theNorth was able to rel ieve Mahim, several miles to th e

north Of Bassein,with a strong force under Pedre de Mello .

Arriving by sea they Surpri sed the Marathas in theirtrenches and put th em to the sword . Pedro de MelloSh ortly afterwards relieved Ash er in called by th e Portu gueseAsser im

,which had been reduced to the greate st straits .

Antonio Gardim Froes now thought himself strong enough tobegin a vigorous offen sw e and planned nothing less than therecapture of Th ana . The recapture of thi s p lace, so he justlythought

, Would c ompletely disconcert th e Marath a staff andwould probably result in the retreat

,if not surrender of the

Maratha troops within Sal sette i sland . On the 1 2 th September1 7 38

,four thousand five hundred soldiers, of whom five

CONQUE ST OF K ONK AN . S IDI S , PORTUGUE SE WAR S 2 55

hundred were pure blooded Portuguese, sailed in transportsfrom Bassein and through the harbour of Bombay up theThana creek . Led by the gallant Pedro de Mello

,they

attacked the important strategic point known a s the Fortedos Reis

,or the fort of the kings . On the oth er hand th e

Marathas had a l so received large reinforcements . AfterBajir ao

’

s return from North ern India the Marath a leadershastened to the Portuguese war

,SO tha t Ch im n aji Appa

had now a fine army at his disposal ; and in command of

Th ana fort was no less a so ldier than the redoubtableMalh ar r ao Holk ar . S till had th e Portuguese secret beenkept

,the attack might well have succeeded . But Mr. John

Horne, the governor of Bombay, on seeing the Portuguesetran sports

,sent an express messenger to warn th e Marathas .

At the same time he allowed a few of hi s English gunnersto pretend to desert to them

,so that they might help th e

Marathas to point their guns. Thus the Portuguese foundthe Marath a s fully prepared . Their artil lery, directed bythe Engli sh gunners

,mowed down the Portuguese and a

cannon ball fired,so the Portuguese believe by an

Engli shman killed Pedro de Mello,a s he tried bravely to

rally hi s men . The Portuguese broke and fled back toth eir ship s .In th e beginning of th e year 1 7 39 the viceroy relieved

Antonio Froes and appointed Martinho da S i lveira to begeneral of the North . His task was a formidable one .The Marathas h ad renewed the siege of Mah im and early

" Gran t Duff writes that it was An ton io Froes who was ki l l ed , but Mr . I smaelGracias has decl ared th is to be a mistake an d that the gen eral who fel l was Pedrode Mell o . Gran t Duf f main tain s that the Portuguese bel ief that de Mel l o wask il l ed by an Engl ishman

,is in correct. H e does not quote th e auth ority on wh ich

he rel ies . On th e o th er h and th e charge was made in an official l etter wri tten

by the viceroy on the 4th January 173 9 to th e Govern or of Bombay , from wh ichI quote the foll owi ng pas sage . Quan do a n ossa armada foi a atac ar o forte dosRcys , soccorreo ao Maratha com tres cond estaveis ingl ezes c essa certeza tenh o deBombaim e tambem de pessoas (l e l l ha de Sal cete -

qu e me cert ificao o mesmo e

qu e hum dos cond estaveis forao que fi zero tiro com qu e m atarao ao gen eral

O Orien te Portug uese I I I . , p . 234 .


in January 1 7 39 , took i t by s torm after a most gallantdefence . * At the same time Bajir ao resolved to dam thes tream of reinforcements, that flowed from Goa to Bassein .

On th e 2 3r d January 1 739 , Vyank atr ao Ghor pad e , theenvoy insulted by Luis Botelho, invaded Goa territorywith twelve thousand horse and four thou sand foot soldiers .In his efforts to save Bassein the Count of Sandomil hadleft himself few Europeans, but without their support thenative levies would not face the Marathas . On the 25thJanu ary Vyan k atr ao took Margao by esca l ade and laids iege to the for tress of Rachol , the key of Goa . Theviceroy reinforced the comm andant of Rachol a s best h ec ould . But a sortie under an inexperienced officer endedin a serious disaster and Sandom i l was compelled to fil lth e ranks of the garri son by calling to arms the monksand priests of Goa . By the aid of these n ew conscripts,Luis de Ceatano, the commandant of Rachol , repulsed inFebruary, 1 739 , a vigorous assault of seven thou sandMarathas. In spite

,however

,of occasiona l Portuguese

su ccesses,the end was now certain . E ach month brought

the viceroy news of fresh disasters . For a Short timeNadir Shah’s invasion gave the Portuguese hope. ForBajir ao, on the news of the sack of Delhi, thoughtOf nothingless than an alliance of every state in India against thePersian barbarians . “The war with the Portuguese i s asnaught, wrote the Peshwa . “ There i s now but one enemyin Hindustan . The whole power of the Deccan

,Hindus

Mr. Parasni ’s indus try has discovered a l etter, dated 13 th December 1 738 , inwhich V asu d ev Josh i reported to Ch im n aji Appa an un successfu l attack on Mah im .

“Ramch andra H ari and Manad ji K esh av train ed batteries on Mah im . Twoor three days l ate r Portuguese and Abyssin ian s cam e i n h undreds of boats to as sistin the Th e en emy was very stron g ; we train ed our batteries on the

n orth ern wal l of Mah im On th e South,the Kel ve side

,we did not attack . The

en emy fel l back beh ind hi s fort wal l s . On th e l oth November Ram ch an dra Hariwith 700 or 800 m en attacked Kel ve . Th ey k il l ed 25 to 30 of the en emy . On e

of our h orsemen fel l an d two h orses were wounded. Th ereaf ter the enemy, seizingthe opp ortun ity attacked our batteries with 1500 to 2000 m en . At th e same timeh e open ed a tremen dous cann onade from th e fort an d set fire to our gun s . We



after S i lveira ’ s death , the Marathas made greater progress.Th eir army, according to Portuguese accounts, now numberedtwo hundred th ousand men ; and by the i 3th May, 1 739 ,they had after repeated failures succeeded in m i ni ng thetower of Nossa Senh ora dos Remedios . At 7 a . m . on the13th May the explosion of two mines partia lly destroyedth e bastion . The Marathas rushed to the attack, but weredriven back by the valour of th e garri son and th e explosionof a third mine caused them heavy losses . Through outthe day th e Maratha leaders , Ch im n aji Appa , Manaj i Angre,Ma l h ar r ao Hol k ar

,Ran oji S india vied with each oth er in

try ing to scale th e walls of the doomed city . They deliveredno less than eleven assaults on th e ' tow er of San Sebastianand six others on that of Nossa S enhora dos Remedios.Th e Portuguese repulsed th em with hand grenades andmusketry fire . During th e night th e besieged made acurtain of lighted firewood inside th e l at ter tower andbarricaded the breaches in the tower Of San Sebastian

,

with broken doors and disused h encoops . On the i 4thMay the explosion of a fourth mine laid th e tower of SanSebastian level with the ground . The Marath as establi sh edthemselves in th e ruins of th e masonry and enfiladed thegarrison . All day the Portuguese defended th emselveswith th e courage of despair . In the evening a Marathaenvoy bearing a white flag told Pereira that in the morningth ree fresh mines would be fired

,the town carried and the

Ch ri stian population put to the sword . Pereira called acouncil of war . The Officers reported th at the troops wereexh austed and unfit any longer to man th e walls . NO

succours could be expected from Goa ; and Pereira decidedto make terms wh ile th i s was still possible . In th e hourof victory th e Marath as Showed commendable generosity .

They allowed th e garrison eigh t days in which to leaveBassein with the honours of war . Briti sh ships took themto Bombay where th e Governor

, S tephen Law, entertainedthem hospitably and furnished th em with money . InSeptember 1 739 he sent them in native boats to Chaul

,

CONQUE ST OF K ONK AN . S IDI S, PORTUGUE SE WAR S 259

where they arrived in time to repulse th e a ssault of aMaratha army that had been besieging i t for som e month spreviously . But th e troubles of t h e war-worn garri sonwere not ye t over. Having saved Ch aul , th ey set out forGoa . When only two h ours’ march from th eir j ourney ’ send

,th ey were atta cked and routed by the Savant of

S avantvad i with th e loss Of two hundred of their best men .

Directly Bassein h ad fallen, Holke r and S india hastenednor thwards to j oin Baji r ao in his march against NadirShah . But th e Persian king h ad already retreated andthe Marathas were at liberty to concentrate their armiesround Goa . Neverth eless th ey did not besiege that citywith the same vigour as they had besieged Bassein . Theyentered into negotiations with th e Portuguese

,demanding

in return for peace the cession of Chaul,Daman and a

quar ter of th e revenues of th e province of Goa . Th e

media tion of the Eng li sh softened th eir demands . Theyagreed to grant peace upon th e cession of Ch aul in additionto the conquests th at th ey had already made . Th e Portugu ese lessened the sh am e of the surrender of Ch aul byceding i t to the English

,who in turn ceded it to Bajir ao,

who bestowed it on Manaj i Angre . Th e Marathas admittedthat in the siege of Bassein th ey had lost five th ousandmen . The Por tuguese cla im ed th at their enemies’ lossesamounted to twelve thousand . Th eir own losses d i d notexceed eight hundred . Neverth eless by th e cession ofBassein

,Ch aul and the i sland of Sal sette they paid a heavy

pri ce for Botelho ’s unworthy insult.On e part of th e story still remains to be told . Sam b h aji ,

whose quarre l with Manaj i had been th e first cause of th eh ostili ty between the Portuguese and the Marath as , hadseen his allies overth rown without lifting a finger to h elpthem . When th e Marath a army left th e neigh bourh ood ,he again attacked h i s broth er Manaji

,took Ch aul, Alib ag

and laid siege to Kolaba . Man aj i once more invokedBaji r ao

’s help . To Man aji

’

s relief Bajir ao sent h i s sonBalaji

,the future Peshwa and Ch im n aji Appa and induced

1 7 "


th e Governor of Bombay to aid in th e enterprise . Thesiege of Kolaba was raised . Chaul and the oth er placestaken were recovered and Sam b h aji escaped with difficul tyto his fortress of Su var n ad u rg .

Th e defeat of the Portuguese left the English and theMarathas face to fa ce . It must be admitted that theconduct of the English was based on no consistent poli cy .

They tried to please both sides and pleased nei th er . Th e

Portu guese were angry with them for warnin g th e Th anagarri son ; and Ch im n aji Appa resented th e help given byS tephen Law to the Portuguese . The Company decided tosen d two missions, one to Ch im n aji Appa and one to theMaratha k ing. On 1 2 th May 1 7 39 Captain Gordon leftBombay for Sh abu ’s court . On the same day CaptainIn chb ir d went to Bassein , to remove from Ch im n aji Appa ’sm ind his unfavourable impressions and to induce him toabandon a proj ected expedition against Bombay . Ch im n aji

Appa received Captain I n ch b i r d coldly and h inted that th eCompany ’s obj ect in sending two missions was simply tocreate i ll -feeling between h im and th e king. CaptainGordon met with better fortune . On th e 1 3 th May h e

reached Danda Rajpuri . There he was received in stateby th e S idis . On the 14th he again started

,th i s time

by sea ; but on the 1 5th he was arrested by th e

Marath as . After seeing hi s papers,they relea sed him .

A similar experience befell h im on the 1 9 th May . On the20th Captain Gordon began to ascend th e Gh ats . On th e

2 3r d May h e reach ed S atara,but the king had gone

towards Miraj . On the 2 5th An tajip an t , the agent of thePr a tin id h i

, called on Gordon, presented h im with a dressof h onour and received in return a ring.

" On th e 1 s t June1 739 th e English envoy reach ed Sh ah u

’s tents . On the

3r d June Captain Gordon called on the Pr at in id h i . Th e

l atter asked him a few questions about Bombay andenquired mockingly whether i t was fear of Bajirao thathad sent him . On the 8 th June the envoy succeeded inreaching the king. But he transacted no business . While


CHAPTER XLIV

SHAHU TAK E S MIRAJ ; THE DEATH OF BAJI RAO

AND THE SUCCESSION OF H I S SON BALAJI

A . D 1 7 39 TO 1740

TH E rea son wh y Captain Gordon did not find Shahu at

S atara was a curious one . Th e successes Of the king’sgenerals were the pride of the Maratha nation . Neverth e l e s s much as th ey applauded the royal victories, thepeasantry and burgesses could not help whispering to eachoth er

,th at in Sh ivaji ’s time his battles had been won by

hi s own valour and skill and not by the generalship Of hi ssubordinates . Sh ah u h ad abundance of courage

,but he

disliked the fatigues of a campaign . In thi s view he wasencouraged by hi s flatterers

,wh o repeated tohim that a

king, SO great as he was,could only take the field

,if

Opposed in person by the emperor of Delh i . At last,

however,th e m urmurs of the commonalty reached th e

royal ears and the king decided that he would cast a sideh i s faded laurels and deck himself wi th fresh ones . Thetown of Miraj h ad from Au r an gz i b

’

s time held a Moghulgarri son . It l ay in the heart of th e Maratha country andi s now th e capital of the Ch i tp avan chief Of Miraj . Itwas easy for th e Marath a s to attack it and d ifficult forth e Nizam to defend it . Th e king

,therefore

,resolved to

take it and by th i s a ch i evement convince his people th atthe burden of administration alone prevented h im fromemulating hi s grandfather

's renown on th e battlefield .

Th e Miraj campaign,h owever

,resembled a royal procession

rath er th an a mili tary expedition . Th e daily march rarelyexceeded four miles* . The royal tents were almost a s

* R iyasat vol . et . seq .

SHAHU TAK E S M IRAJ ; THE DEATH OF BAJIRAO 2 63

Splendid as th ose of Au r an gz ib ; and indeed th e state heldand th e etiquette observed were based on imperial precedent

.

The king and his h igh officers rode on elephant -backinside splendidly decorated howdah s . In fron t of theelephants went innumerable batteries of artill ery. Infront of th e batteries march ed picked infantry and in frontof th em chosen squadrons of Maratha h orse . Beh ind th eking were massed th e royal musicians

,who beguiled the

tedium of the march by tunes on immense brass war-horns .Then came drummers on horseback

,war elephants

,in

numerable cavalry and countless regiments of infantry .

With due pomp and circumstance th e king at last reachedUm b r ej, which he made h i s permanent headquarters .Th ence Shahu sent a small force into the Carnati c andgave h imself up to the pleasures of th e chase . A monthor two later he sent th e Pr at in id h i to a ttack Ud aji Ch avan ,who was plundering th e neighbourhood . Th i s task theP r at in id h i successfully ach ieved and brought Ud aji Chavana pri soner into th e royal presence . Not until the end of 1 739did Sh ah u decide to move against Miraj . He sent against itan army of thirty th ousand men

,commanded by App ajir ao

Pingle,th e son of that Bah ir u Pingle , whom he h ad d i smissed

from the Office of Peshwa . Miraj fort was st rong and th egarri son resisted stoutly . At last S h ah u losing patiencewent to Miraj in person . Having reconno itred the position ,he ordered the Pr atin i d h i to make a general assault onth e following day . Th e assault was preceded by a v iolentcannonade

,which made a brea ch in the north -eastern tower .

Th e Maratha infantry,fired by the king’s presence , cu t

their way through the breach and made themselves mastersOf Miraj . Th ey lost a h undred and fif ty kill ed and fiftywounded . Th e kin g followed up his success at Miraj bysome Operations against free -b ooter s in th e neigh bourh ood .

Triumph ant in all of th em,Sh ah u returned to h i s h ead

quarters at Um b r ej. Th ere he dismissed h i s officers andwent w i th a small retinue to Ch aph a l *, wh ere at Ramdas’

Th ere is a sh rin e of Ram das at Chaph al as we l l as at Parl i


shrine he gave th anks for his victories . Last of all hereturned in splendid state to his palace at Satara anderected gu d is or maypoles th roughout the city to celebratehis victorious campaign . His j oy, however, was soon to bedarkened by the death of his first minister.

Baji r ao had been successful in all hi s wars and haddefeated in turn th e armies of Delhi

,of Niz am-u l -Mulk and

of the Portuguese . He was so fortunate a s to meet deathin the very height Of h is glory . On the 2 9 th July 1 7 39he returned to Poona . On the 3r d S eptember Ch im n aji Appacame there also after his successful campaign against thePortuguese . Bajir ao

’

s son Balaj i h ad been with Shahu atthe siege of Miraj . On the 4th November he j oined hisfather and uncle . On the return of Balaj i

,he

,Bajir ao

’

s

mother Rad h ab ai,and Ch im n aji Appa united in urging

Bajir ao to get rid of Mastan i,a Musulman mistress to

whom he was devotedly attach ed . Several stories are toldhow th i s lovely girl came into Bajir ao’

s possession . On e

i s that Ch atr asal of Ban d e l k h an d gave her as a gift toBajir ao. The second tale i s that the Niz am gave her a s apresent to the great minister . The third story i s told bythe author of the Peshwa ’ s bakh ar . According to himMastan i had been the mist r ess of a certain Sh ah ajat Khan,a Mogh ul officer at one time in command of an imperialforce in Central India . Ch im n aji Appa surprised Sh ah ajatKh an and among other spoil took captive Mastan i . Thelovely girl would have taken poison

,but Ch im n aji Appa

promised her Bajir ao’s protection and sent her to his

brother. Bajir ao fell deeply in love with her, but Mas tan i

was as prudent a s she was pre tty and would not acceptBajir ao

’s advances

,until he had promised that any son

born of th eir union would receive a fi tting share in hi sfather ’s possessions .A fourth and more probable account has been given

in the Marathi Month ly I t ih as San gr ah a . According to thelearned author Mastan i was the daughter of Raj a Ch atr asal=' Rao Bah adu r Parasn is .



Jan g, hearing at Aurangabad of the invasion marche dwith forty thousand men to Oppose i t . Th e armies met onthe banks of th e Godavari and for two months an indecisivestruggle raged up and down the river . At la st Bajiraoforced Nasir Jang to retreat to Aurangabad and takeShelter in th e fort . Nasir Jan g was soon closely besieged .

At last,he sued for peace and gave Bajir ao in j aghir the

districts of Handia and Khargon south of Indore . Bajir ao

had th us attained the obj ect of th e war . He sent Ch im n aji

Appa back to Poona . His son Ba laj i h e sent to Kolaba,

that he m igh t try and settle th e endless disputes of theAngre broth ers. He himself

,with th e interest of a new

proprietor,went northwards to Khargon and spent the

winter th ere,inspecting his j aghir and mastering the details

of i ts admin i stration . Suddenly at Raver,a s he was touring

al ong the banks of the Narbada,he fel l i ll Of fever. His

frame exh austed by w ar and labour,h ara ssed by family

quarrel s and disappointed passion,was unable to resist the

attacks of di sease . On th e 2 5 th Apri l he passed away atthe age Of forty- two in th e presence of his younger sonJan ar d h anp an t and his fai th ful and forgiving wife K ash i bai .Th e news reach ed Balaj i a t Kolaba and he and Ch im n aji

Appa were present a t th e funeral ceremonies . With themwent Mas tan i . S eparated from h er lover in this world ,she passed fearlessly through th e fl ames to greet him inthe next . K ash ib ai survived her husband for many years .In 1 746 Sh e went on a pi lgrimage to Benares . On the2 7 th November 1 7 58 she died greatly mourned andrespected

,h aving lived to see her son reach an eminence,

far loftier even th an that attained by Bajir ao "

.

By his w ife Baji r ao h ad four legi timate sons Balaj i,born on 8 th December 1 7 2 1

,Ramch andra

,Ragh unath

,born

on the 1 st August 1 7 34 and Jan ar d an . By Mastan i hehad one illegi t imate son . Baji r ao wished ardently th athis mistress’ ch ild should be declared a Brahman . But

Bajirao was born in 16 9 8 . Sard esai, vol . I I . Rajvad e gi ves th e date as 1686 ,

wrongl y as I th ink .

SHAHU TAK ES M IRAJ ; TH E DEATH OF BAJI RAO 267

powerful although he was, h e could not break down theOpposition of th e priesth ood . Hinduism accepts no converts ;and the son of a Musalman concubine could never be invested with th e sa cred thread . Bajir ao was reluctantlyforced to bring him up in his mother’s faith . He becamea Musalman and was named Shamsher Bahadur. AS asoldier he was renowned for hi s ardour and courage . In

1 7 6 1 when only twenty-one years of age,he fell figh ting

bravely on the field of Panipat . He left a son Ali Bah adur,

whom Nana P h ad n av i s sent to Malwa in th e h ope ofchecking th e formidable ri se of Mah ad ji S ind i a . Th i s AliBahadur failed to do . But he made h imself master of aconsiderable tract Of country and became th e ancestor ofthe Nawabs Of Banda .

Judged by any standard,i t can hardly be d enied th at

Baji r ao was a great man . His person was commanding,his skin fair

,his features strikingly handsome . So wide

Spread was his reputation for beauty that, according to aMaratha legend

,th e l adies of Niz am-u l -mulk asked of

their lord as a Special favour that th ey migh t a t h i s nextmeeting with th e Brahman m ini ster

,unseen th emselves

,

catch a gl impse of h i s fine presence and classi c features .At th e same time hi s dress was S imple and hi s fare was a smeagre a s that of any trooper in the field . An amusingstory runs that once th e emperor Mah omed Sh ah

,curious

to learn someth ing of the appearance of th e great soldierwho was overrunning his dominions

,sent hi s court arti st

to paint h im . The artist brough t back a picture of Baji r aoon horseback in th e dress of a trooper . H l s reins lay looseon his horse ’s neck and h i s l ance rested on h i s sh oulder .As he rode

,h e rubbed wi th both hands ears of corn wh ich

he ate,after removing th e husks . Th e emperor in great

a larm cried,

“Why, th e man is a fiend ” an d at once beggedthe Nizam to m ake peace with h im . Bajir ao l acked th e

attract ive courtesy, for wh i ch th e oth er members of h i s h ou sewere no ted . His manners were overbearing. His lettersoften contained censure but never prai se . Indeed h e seems


rarely to have written save to reprimand a subord inate .In spite of his eminent talents h e was not liked by theking and he was detested by the Deccan nobles . He wasfeared

,not loved even by h i s own children .

The monument of Bajir ao most famili ar to Engli shmenin Poona i s the ruin of his house the Sh anwar Wada orthe Saturday Palace . E igh t years after hi s elevation tothe office of Peshwa he formed the d esign of building it .Two years later he put his design into execution . Tworeasons have been handed down by legend for hi s choiceof the si te . One i s th at h e saw on it a dog pursued by ahare and therefore a ssumed that t h e dwellers on th at spotwere invincible . The other i s that hi s horse stumbledthere an d th at from this incident he concluded that i t wasthe wi sh of Providence that he should remain in theneighbourhood . A m ore probable reason was the favourable si tuation Of Poona watered by two rivers and shelteredalike by S in h gad and Pu r an d ar . It was alive, too, withmemories both of the great king and of Balaj i V i sh van ath .

It was at Poona that Sh ivaji had passed hi s boyhood ;and Balaj i had at one time been Sar su bh a of the town anddistrictClose to th e Muta river stood an old Musalman fort

which had long fallen into di suse and decay. Thi s Bajir aopulled down a s wel l a s two vi llages which stood close byand which the king

,at hi s request

,gave h im . The first

stone was laid on the 10th January 1 730 A . D . and thepalace was completed on th e 2 2n d January 1 7 32 . I t wascalled th e Saturday Palace

,because i t was on a Saturday

that the earth Spiri t was appeased by th e burial of a livingvictim beneath the proj ected si t e ; and it wa s on a Saturdayal so that the foundation stone was laid . Th e palace i tselfno longer exi sts as i t wa s destroyed by fire on the 2 1 stFebruary 1828

,but descrip tions of it have survived . It

cost Rs . to build . It was six stories high and hadfour large and several smaller courtyards . The main

" Sard esai Riyasat, vol . IL ,

p . 25 .



Portugal w aved Over the Ba ssein ram parts, Ch im n aji Appa ’sardent spiri t overcame th e i ll s of hi s body . When Basseinfell th e reaction came . On th e l oth S eptember h e wroteto Br ahm en d r a Swami , “Lately I have been greatly worriedby an incessant cough . I suffer from pain al l over mybody . It i s th i s th at has kept me from writing to you forthe last four days . With the Swami ’s blessing I hope to getwell . ” Th i s h Op e was never realised . In October 1 740 hefelt so i ll that he returned to Poona . Day by day hiscough grew worse

,unti l on the 1 7 th December he died in

the thirty -fourth year of his age . He was born in 1 708,

being ten years younger than Bajir ao. His first w ife,Rak m ab ai

,the sister of Tr im b ak r ao P eth e died on the

3 1 s t August 1 730,shortly after giving birth to their son,

Sad ash ivr ao. On the 9 th December 1 7 3 1 he married h i ssecond wife An apu r n ab ai . By her

,he had a daughter

Bagab ai , who married Gan gad h ar n aik On k ar . An apu r n ab ai

was devoted to her h usband and proved her devotion byburning h erself al ive upon his bod y .

The fame of Ch im n aji Appa h as been overshadowed bythat of his elder brother ; yet h i s talent s were, i t i s probable,in no way inferior to those of Bajir ao. On the other handCh im n aji Appa ’s was th e far more attractive personali ty.

His mind was bent towards study . His manners werepleasing. His temper was sweet and rea sonable . It oftenhappened that the Deccan nobles

,unwilling to approach

the haugh ty first minister and to risk a sharp,discourteous

refusal, reach ed their obj ect by winning to their causeCh im n aji Appa , against whose persuasive pleading evenBajir ao was rarely proof . Nay, at times the kin g himselfstooped to ad opt th e device of hi s nobles . It was toCh im n aji Appa that Bajir ao’

s children turned for thataffection , whi ch their father, led away first by his ambitionsand afterwards by h i s passion for Mastan i

,denied th em .

While Baji r ao incurred gigantic debts for th e upkeep ofhis armies

, Ch im n aji Appa checked with stri ct economythe household expenses . It was Ch im n aji Appa who saw

SHAHU TAK E S M IRAJ ; TH E DEATH OF BAJI RAO 2 7 1

that Bajir ao’

s sons were educated,were invested with the

sacred th read, were united to suitable wives an d taughtthe high m orali ty and noble truth s of the Hindu faith

.

While Ch im n aji Appa had in abundance th e humble virtues,he in no way lacked either ph ysical or moral courage

.It

was he who defeated and kill ed S idi Sat,and but for h i s

perseverance and energy Bassein would most likely neverh ave fall en . His moral courage stood a searching testwhen he dared to interfere with Baji r ao

’s intrigue with

Mastan i . He not only rebuked his elder brother,but twice

forced him to dismiss his beautiful m i stress and return tothe embraces of h i s wife and children . His early deathwas a profound calamity for the Maratha people . Had h el ived longer, h e would doubtless h ave controlled th e

quarrel s of Ragh u n ath r ao and Sad ash ivr ao, both of wh omrevered him as their father

,and th us saved h i s country

from the disaster of Panipat . His wisdom would h aveguided the counsels of Balaji , checked the ambitions of

Holk ar and S india and preserved h i s nation from thoseunhappy rivalries

,wh ich more th an aught else brought

about the downfall of Marath a independence .On the death of Bajir ao, t h e Deccan party made a fresh

effort to stop the h ereditary prime ministersh ip of th e

Bhat family . Th e l eader Of the Deccan party was n ow

Ragh u ji Bhos l e . He was not a man of great capacity, buth e was a personal fa vourite of king Sh ah u . He was abold horseman and a keen hunter . Wh en K an h oji Bh os l e ,the heir of P ar soji Bh os l e , fel l under Shabu ’s displeasure,the king conferred on Ragh u ji Bh os l e h i s cousin, th e postof Sena Sahib Subh a

,t i l l th en h eld by K an h Oj1 . A long

enmity had divided th e royal favourite and the first mini ster .Wh en Bajir ao had surrounded th e N i zam at Bh opal ,Ragh u ji Bh os l e sacked Allah abad, a part of India wh ichBajir ao deemed th at h e alon e h ad th e righ t to plu nd er.In return Baji r ao had sent one Avaji Kavade to plunderBerar

,the province of R agh u ji Bhos l e . Ragh u ji Bh os l e

now used all hi s influence with th e king to prevent th e


nomination of Baj i r ao’s son Balaj i as first minister. The

k ing, however, was wise enough to see th at for all h isskill a s a hunter and hi s courage as a soldier, Ragh u jiBh os l e was unfi t to be Peshwa .

There was yet another candidate in the field , namelyBabuj i Josh i

,the brother-in -l aw of Bajir ao and the husband

o f Bal aji’

s aunt Bh iu b ai . He was nothing more than asuccessful business man and money-lender . But, l ikeC rassus, he fondly fancied his talents equal to any task .

R agh u ji Bhos l e gave h im hi s support, intending to use h ima s a mask for his own ambitions.The chief Obj ections to Ba l aji ’s elevation were the vast

d ebt lef t by his fa ther and his Own youth . Bajir ao’

s

liabili ties amounted to fourteen and a half lakhs . Thesehe had borrowed from some thirty creditors a t ratesv arying from 12 to 30 per cent . The largest creditorswere Raghunath Patwardh an , whose debt was three lakh sa n d Br ahm en d r aswam i whose debt amounted to one lakhan d five thousand . Both of these were content to waitf or their money . But Babuj i Joshi to whom Bajir ao hadowed but thirty-six thousand rupees

,dunned Balaj i merci

lessly . TO Bal aji’

s rescue went Mah ad ji Pu r an d ar e, whopaid Josh i in full . Bal aji

’

s youth was a no less seriousd iffi culty . Th e king and th e men round h im were a ll inthe evening of life . Ba l aj i who was born on th e 12 thD ecember 1 72 1

,was only in his nineteenth year. But in

the E ast men mature early . He h ad been married to hiswife Gop i k ab ai when only eight years old and had beenliving with h er for over a year . He had already dist in gu i sh e d himself in th e war against the S idi s and hadbeen brought up under th e care of the wise and valiantC h im n aji Appa . If h e l acked the constructive genius ofBalaj i Vishwanath and the more splendid talents of h i sfath er Baji r ao, he was yet an able, resourceful and industriousm an . Above all

, Shah u loved him like his own son . Att h e instance of the P r a t in i d h i

,who disliked Ragh u ji Bhosl e

e ven more th an his Ch i tpavan rival , king Shahu on the


274 A HI STORY OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE

army to his relief . Shahu,who had always regarded the

h ouse of Tanjore with the k indliest feelings,consented to

do so ; an d i t was in command of the army of relief thatShahu placed Raghu ji Bh osl e .

Sadat Ullah Khan was one of the best rul ers of his time .He died in 1 732 . On his death hi s nephew Dost Alisucceeded him . On hearing of Ragh u ji Bh os l e ’s intendedinvasion

,Dost Ali at once took step s to save the Carnati c .

He chose a strong position on the Dam al ch er ry pass to thenorth of the river Pone . He had with him only tenthousand troops

,but he trusted to the difficulty of the

country and sent pressing orders to his son Safdar Ali andChanda Sahib, who was his son -in -law

,to hasten to his help .

Safdar Ali, however, was engaged in a distan t expedition ;while Chanda Sahib was loth to leave Tri chinopoli , whichhe had recently acquired from the widow of its hereditarygovernor by an act of gross treachery . Winning heraffection

,he swore on the Koran to marry her

,if Sh e

admitted him and his troops into her fortress . Sh e didso and was at once flung into a dungeon . Her appeal toChanda Sahib ’s oath was met by the explanation that hehad not really sworn on the Koran

,but only on a bri ck

wrapped up in cloth of gold . Such an oath was in ChandaSahib ’s Op im on not binding on him . Dost Ali was thusforced to meet the Maratha army with only the troopsby him. Ragh u ji Bh osl e had fifty thousand men, buteven so Dost Ali might have repulsed him

,had not the

Hindu chief,who was guarding the key to the position

,

deserted to the enemy . E arly on th e 19 th May 1 740,the

Marathas pressed through a gorge to the south of DostAli ’s camp and attacked him in front

,flank and rear . In a

few hours the Musulman army was totally destroyed andDost Ali lay dead in the field . Hearing of the disaster,Chanda Sahib fortified himself in Trichinopoli . Safdar Aliretired to Arcot . Both entrusted their families and their

* Col on el Mal l eson’s Hi s tory of the Fwen ch i n In d i a . Th is chap ter is l argely

based on that admirabl e work .

SHAHU TAK ES M I RAJ ; THE DEATH OF BAJIRAO 2 75

valuables to M . Dumas, the French governor of Pondich erry.

Ragh u ji Bhos l e , after his vi ctory, plundered a vast stretchof country and moved agains t Arcot . Safdar Ali fled toVellore

,where in August 1 740 he made a treaty with the

Marathas . They were on the one hand to recognise himas Nawab of the Carnatic and help him to drive ChandaSahib from Trich inopoli . On the other hand he was topay Ragh u ji Bh os l e ten mill ion rupees and to reinstate allthe Hindu princes and landowners whom he and his fatherhad dispossessed since 1 736 A . D .

Raghu ji Bh osl e then marched on Trichinopoli . ChandaSahib

,who was a man of parts and energy

,had spent the

interval by strengthening its fortifications and in storing uplarge quanti ties of grain . SO ready was he for the Marathaonset that Ragh u ji Bhosl e gave up the idea of stormingTrichinopoli

,and adopted with success a trick that should

not have deceived a man of Chanda Sahib ’s capacity . Hegave out that the campaign had been a grea t pecuniaryloss

,and that weary of the Carnatic he would return to

the western Deccan . He gave colour to thi s statement byretreating to Sh ivajaya, som e eighty miles south ofTrich inopoli , Chanda Sahib, think ing that the Marathashad lef t for good

,sold his stores of grain and sent his

brother Barra Sahib with ten thousand of his men to invadeMadura . Directly Ragh u ji Bhos l e heard that Chanda Sahibhad fallen into hi s trap

,he hastened by forced marches to

Trichinopoli and had begun to besiege it before ChandaSahib had had time to replenish his empty granaries .Chanda Sahib defended himself a s best h e could andordered Barra Sahib to return . Ragh u ji Bhosl e detachedtwenty thousand cavalry to intercept him. Barra Sahib,surrounded by the Maratha horse

,m ade a fine defence

until a cannon ball knocked him off his elephant . Thereupon his army dispersed . His body was found on thebatt lefield and brought to Ragh u ji ’s tent . The Marath aleader had i t clad in rich clothes and sen t i t to Trichinopoli

,

tha t Chanda Sahib might learn from it, as Hannibal had18 *


l earnt from the head of Hasdrubal,the dea th of his brother

and the downfall of his hopes . In spite of thi s di saster,Chanda Sahib defended him self bravely from the i 5 thDecember

, 1 740, to the 2 l st March, 1 7 41 , when, his ammuni tion and stores exhausted, he had no alternative but tosurrender . Ragh u ji Bhos l e sent him a prisoner to Satarafort and appointed Mu r ar ir ao Gh orp ad e , a great . nephewof the famous San taji Gh orpad e , to hold Trichinopoli witha garrison of fourteen thousand men .

Ragh u ji Bh osl e next ad vanced against Pon dicherry anddemanded the ins tant surrender of Chanda Sahib ’s familyand j ewels

,an indemnity of six million rupees and a regular

annual tribute . It will be remembered that in 1 6 7 2 theFrench admiral

,M . de la Haye, had established himself in

Saint Thome, at one time a Portuguese settl ement on theCoromandel coast . The k ing of Golconda, urged theretoby the Dutch and aided by a Dutch contin gent

,set out to

retake it . The departure of the Golconda army had enabledSh ivaji to extort two million pagodas from ,

the king ofGolconda *. But the latter revenged himself on the French .

In 1674 he and the Dutch took Saint Thome; but so gallanthad been the defence of M . Francois Martin ,

the Frenchgovernor

,that he and his garrison were allowed to m arch

out with the honours of war. Some of the French soldierswere shipped back to France . Francois Martin with theremainder marched to a spot at the mouth of the Jinj iriver

,which some years before he had

,as a refuge in evil

times,bought from Sher Khan Lodi , the Bij apur governor.

The spot was quite Open and destitute alike of comfortsand necessaries . But Martin was a man not easily discou r aged . He soon built houses and laid out gardens forhimself and his followers . Round them grew a native townwhich the Indians called Ph u l ch er ry, or the town of flowers .This name the French corrupted into Pondichery and theEnglish into Pond icherry . In May, 1 6 7 7 , Sher Khan Lodiwas routed and cap tu r ed j

' by Sh ivaji , who thereafter* See vol . 1 p . 238 . j

'

vol . 1 . p . 255 .



tribute . We treated you with favour,yet you took sides

against us. Chanda Sahib has left in your care thetreasure chests of Trichinopoli

,his j ewels

,his horses

,his

elephants,his wife and his son You know how we have

tr eated the town of Bassein . My army is very numerousand i t wants money for its expenses . If you do not act asI demand, I shall know how to draw from you money topay my whole army . I rely upon your at once sendingme upon receipt of thi s letter the wife and son of ChandaSahib, together with his elephants , horses, j ewels andtreasure ”.

M . Dumas summoned his council and read them Raghu jiBhos l e

’

s letter . It was better in his eyes, he said, to endurea siege than to dishonour themselves by handing over therefugees to the Marathas . The chivalrous Frenchmenunanimously approved their chief’ s Opinion . Confident oftheir support

,M . Dumas replied to the Marathas courteously

but firmly*. You tell me,

” he wrote,

“that for fifty yearswe have owed tribute to your king. Never has the Frenchnation paid tribute to any one . Indeed were I to do so, IShould forfeit my head to my master

,the k ing of France .

When we were given,not by your king

,but by the princes

of this country,a piece Of l and on which to build a fortress

and a town,they required but one condition

,namely

,that

we should not molest the temples and the religion ofthe country people . This condition we have faithfullyobserved

“You have asked me to make over to your horsementhe wife and son of Chanda Sahib and the riches Sh e

brought here . You are a nobleman, at once generous andbrave

,what would you think Of me if I were guilty of so

base an act The wife of Chanda Sahib i s in Pondicherryunder the protection of the king of France

,my master ;

and every Frenchman in India wou ld sooner die than handher over .

Me'

mon ‘

e d an s l es ar chwes d e la comp agm e d es Ind es quoted in original byCol on el Mal l eson .

SHAHU TAKES MI RAJ ; THE DEATH OF BAJIRAO 279

Finally you threaten,if I r efuse compliance

,to lead

against me your armies in person . I am making ready toreceive you well and win your esteem

,by showing you with

what valour the bravest nation in the world can defendthemselves against those who attack them unjustly . Aboveall I put m y trust in Almighty God, before whom th e

strongest armies are as the straw which the wind blowsaway

.My h Op e i s that He will favour the justi ce of our

cause . I have indeed heard what happened at Bassein,

but Bassein was not defended by Frenchmen .

The tone Of thi s letter so surprised Ragh u ji Bhosl e thathe sent to Pondicherry an envoy

,nominally to repeat the

warnings that hi s letter had conveyed,but really to

ascertain what it was upon which M . Dumas relied for asuccessful defence against such overwhelming odds .M . Dumas received the envoy with that exquisite poli tenesswhich is the national inheritance of the French people

,

sh ewed him his piles of stores,his ramparts bristling with

guns,his French soldiers and his drilled sepoys . He then

told the envoy that so long as one Frenchman still lived,the French flag would fly over Pondicherry .

“ If yourmaster

,

” added M . Dumas, “hopes to find in our townmines of gold or silver

,tell him we have none . But it i s

rich in iron and that iron we are ready to use against al lcomers . ” To soften the asperity of the reply, h e gave theenvoy ten bottles Of French liqueurs by way of a presentto Ragh u ji Bhos l e . Ragh u ji Bh os l e passed th em on to hiswife . Although Hindus of all cla sses are forbidden totouch spirits

,Marathas do not Obey the prohibition with

the same strictness as Brahmans ; and the insinuatingFrenchman had disguised the alcoholic nature of theliqueurs under the insidious name of “Nantes cordials. ”

Ragh u ji’s wife tried the liqueurs

,then tried and tried again .

Nor will it surprise any one acquainted with their taste ,that the more she drank

,th e more Sh e liked th em and

saw with increasing dismay th eir rapidly approaching end .

Sh e implored,nay

,insisted that her husband should Obtain


a further supply by making friends with the French ofPondicherry . Raghu ji Bh os l e had been greatly struck bythe envoy ’s report of the dauntless bearing of Dumas andhis soldiers . He began to open negotiations and hintedafter much circumlocution that a further present of “Nantescordial s ” would make for peace. Dumas sent him thirtymore bottles. Th i s time Ragh u ji Bh osl e tried the liqueurshimself and saw how ju st had been his wife’s appreciation .

He at once withdrew his demands and with his armyreturned to Satara , deeply impressed by the valour ofFrance’s sons and won to her cause by the golden produceof her vineyard s .



u d -d au l at’s death his son Sarafraz Khan succeeded ; but in

1 740 A . D . Alla Vardi Khan, with the aid of his brotherHaj i Ahmad

,contrived to defeat and k ill h im and to usurp

the vi ceroyalties of Ben gal, Behar and Orissa Alla VardiKhan ’s worth as a commander was now to be put to astricter test . Shu jah -u d -d au l at

’s son-in -law Murshid Kuli

Khan had at first acquiesced and afterwards rebelledagainst Alla Vardi Khan ’s usurpation . He was forced toflee the country ; but h is diwan Mir Habib invited intoBengal Bh ask arpan t Kolh atk ar , the minister of Raghu jiBhosl e . Bh ask arpan t accepted the invitation and invadedBehar . He surprised Alla Vardi Khan at Burdwan j‘ . Butthe usurper abandoned hi s baggage and refusing tosurrender

,stubbornly fought his way to a strong posi tion

on the bank s of the Ganges . Bh ask arpan t would then haveretired

,but Mir Habib implored him to remain and live

on the country . He convinced Bh ask arpan t of the feasib i l i ty of hi s scheme, by borrowing from him four thousandMaratha horse and with them plundering the factory ofone Jagat Shet Al am ch an d

, a wealthy banker, of no lessthan Rs . Acting on Mir Habib ’s advice

,Bhaskar

pant took Hooghly,Midnapur, Rajmahal and all the Bengal

districts we st of the Ganges exc ept Murshidabad . AllaVardi Khan

,however, rose to the height of the danger .

He sent messengers both to the emperor and to the Peshwaask ing for help . At the same time he made a daringattack on Bh ask arpan t

’

s camp at Cu twa, not far fromPlassey . Before the rains had ceased, Alla Vardi Khancrossed the Hooghly and the Aj i . In crossing the Aji hisbridge of boats broke and he lost six hundred men ; butundaunted by this loss he attacked the Marathas and drovethem from their camp . Bh ask arpan t fled but doublingback

,tried to make a stand at Midnapur . Here Alla

Vardi Khan came up with him,defeated him and chased

Siyar-u l -Muta K herin . TScott’s Deccan

, vol IL ,p . 3 13 c l .

§ Scott’s Deccan . Gran t Duff says that the plunder was 2 } mil l ion s sterl ingHe does not quote his authority .

MARATHAS INVADE BENGAL , AHMAD SHAH , I NDIA 283

him across the frontier of Bengal . Alla Vardi Khan nowinformed the emperor that he no longer needed help andinvited Safdar Jang of Oudh, who had come to hi s aidwith a body of imperial troops

,to return to his own

province . Alla Vardi Khan, however, was not SO safe ashe fancied

,for Raghu ji Bhos l e hastened from Berar to join

Bh ask arpan t . Hearing this, Balaj i who had received AllaVardi Khan’s message and wished both to appear a s animperial general and to gratify hi s enmity against Ragh u jiBhos le

,marched with all haste to the help of Alla Vardi

Khan . The latter taught by experience welcomed himgladly . But Balaj i leaving his ally far behind

,attacked

and routed unaided Raghu ji Bhos l e’s army . The latter

fled to Nagpur ; but Balaj i remained in Bengal, plunderingthe country with as much zeal as if it had been an enemy ’sprovince . AS a reward for his victory over Raghu ji

Bhosl e, the emperor formally appointed him governor ofMalwa . To save the imperial feelings, the deed was madeout in the name of Shah Mahom ed

’s son

,prince Ahmed .

Balaj i was appointed as his deputy governor .It was

,however

,idle to expect that the Maratha chiefs,

whatever their private quarrel s might be,would lon g

fight each other to the profit of their Musulman en emies.In 1 744 Raghu ji Bh osl e and Balaj i made a secret compactthat they should not interfere with each other in theirfuture expeditions. Bengal was to be the preserve ofRagh u ji Bhosl e . The country north Of the Narbada wasto be plundered by Balaj i alone . Thereafter Balaj i gaveno further help to Alla Vardi Khan . For a time

,the

usurper resi sted Raghu ji Bhos l e single-handed . In 1 745

Bh ask arpan t , at the h ead Of twenty thousand Marathahorse demanded a sum equal to that paid by Alla VardiKhan to Balaj i for his assistance . Alla Vardi Khan, unableto meet Bh ask arpan t in the field , begged him to come tohis tents and there di scuss th e amount of th e indemnityand the manner of payment . Bh ask arpan t , not suspectingtreachery

,accept ed the invitation and moved his army

18 * a


c lose to Alla Vardi Khan ’s camp and waited on AllaVardi Khan . The latter received the trusting Brahmanin a tent

,of which the inside was surrounded by screens .

Behind the screens were hidden a band of assassins. At thecry of “Cut down the infidel ”, the concerted signal, theyrushed from behind the screens and murdered Bh ask arpan tand no less than nineteen out of twenty Officers withhim . On e only, Ragh u ji Gaikvad , escaped . At once AllaVardi Khan ordered a general attack on the Maratha army .

Taken by surprise,i t had great diff i culty in effecting its

r etreat under the leadership of Ragh uji Gaik vad .

The treachery of Alla Vardi Khan m ight have hadgreater results

,but for the insurrection of one Mustapha

Khan,to whom Alla Vardi Khan had first promised and then

refused the government of Behar. Mustapha Khan imploredRaghu ji Bhos l e again to invade Bengal . Alla Vardi Khanattacked Mustapha Khan vigorously and deceived Ragh u jiBhosl e by pretended negotiations . When Mustapha Khanhad fallen in the field

,Alla Vardi Khan sent Raghu ji

Bh osl e the following ridiculous letter“Those who seek peace from an enemy are guided

either by a sense of their own loss or inferiority or hopesof advantage ; but praised be God, the heroes of the faithfeel no dread of encountering infidel s. Peace, therefore,depends upon this— when the lions of Islam Shall so engagethe monsters of idolatry

,that they shall swim in each

others’ blood and struggle until one party Shall be overpowered and beg for quarter . ”

Raghu ji Bhos l e s aw that he had been fooled . Neverth el ess he did not let the letter remain unanswered . Hewrote that while he had advanced a thousand miles tomeet Alla Vardi Khan

,that lion of Islam had not moved a

hund red to meet him . Alla Vardi Khan was determinedto have the last word and wrote

,begging Ragh u ji Bhos l e

to refresh his troops during the monsoon,as during the

cold weather he,Alla Vardi Kh an

,meant to wait on him

until he had escorted him back ‘to his own frontier.



Prince Ahmad, Kamar-u d -din Khan,Safdar Jang

,now

viceroy of Oudh, the Raj a of Jaipur and others Of hisgenerals to stem the fresh tide of invasion . They reachedthe Sutlej only to learn that Ahmad Shah

,as i t i s now

right to call him, had outmarched them and had seiz edS irhind with the whole of the prince ’s baggage . Botharmies entrenched themselves and for some daystheir light horse engaged in constant skirmishes . Atlength a rocket magazine exploded in Ahmad Shah ’s campand caused such a panic that the Afghan chief gave uphis proj ected conquest of Delhi and declaring himselfsatisfied with the plunder of S irhind, began to retreat theway he had come (March 1 748) Prince Ahmad

,while

about to pursue Ahmad Shah, was recalled to Delhi by theill ness of his father . Thereupon Ahmad Shah halted onthe Indus and forced the viceroy of the Panj ab to promisehim a permanent share Of the Panj ab revenues. In April1748 Mahomed Shah died and was succeeded by his son,who like his Afghan neighbour assumed the title of AhmadShah . The new emperor, alarmed at the vicinity of theAfghan king

,invited Niz am-u l -Mulk to be vazir of Delhi .

The Nizam,however

,was too old and too ill to accept the

post,and on the 19 th June 1 748 he died . His death was

followed by a series of complicated events,which greatly

favoured the schemes and ambitions of the French .

* Scott’s Deccan,vol . IL

,p . 122 . Elphi n ston e states that Ahmad Shah was

defeated in a general attack on th e Mogh ul cam p ,

CHAPTER XLVI

THE RISE OF THE FRENCH NATION

A . D . 1741 To 1750

IN the last seven years the power of the French had grownbeyond all expectation . M . Dumas’ defiance of a greatand victorious Maratha army had earned him throughoutsouthern India the reputation of a hero . Nizam-u l -mulksent him a letter of thank s and a dress of honour . SafdarAli sent him the jewelled armour of his father Dost Ali

,

three elephants and numerous other presents. The emperorconferred on him the title of Nawab

,together with th e

command of four thousand five hundred cavalry. In 1 741M . Dumas returned to France . He was succeeded by oneof the greatest men whom even France

,that fruitful

moth er of h eroes,has ever produced . His name was

Joseph Francois Dupleix, who had already, a s governor ofChandernagore near Calcutta

,given proofs of the most

signal capacity. That capacity was soon to be tested tothe uttermost . Safdar Ali, whose taxation had made himunpopular

,was

,on September 2n d 1 742

,murdered by his

brother-in -law Mortiz Ali . Mortiz Ali , however, was unableto profi t by the murder

,and Niz am-u l -Mulk appointed

Anvar-u d -din Khan,a stranger to the family of Sadat-ulla

Khan to be the new Nawab of the Carnatic . With thisruler Dupleix establi shed such friendly relations that whenin March 1 744 war was formally declared between Franceand England

,he successfully applied to Anvar-u d -din Khan

for protection against the Engli sh . Not daring to fightboth the Nawab and the French on land

,the Engli sh naval

commander,Barnet

,tried to in tercept a French fleet under


La Bourdonnais,who had sailed to Dup l eix ’

s assistance.

After an indecisive action Barnet withdrew and LaBourdonnais sailed into Pondicherry . Dupleix n ow begana counteroffensive. In Augu st 1 746 La Bourdonnaissailed against Madra s . The site of thi s town had beenbought by the English Company from the last Hinduprince wh o had styled him self king Of Vij ayanagar. Madrashad never been prop erly fortified and its garrison consistedof three hundred men , of whom only two hundred werefit for duty . On the 2 l st September it surrendered toLa Bourdonnais . The Engli sh appealed to Anvar-u d -dinKhan for the protection which he had previously accordedto the French against them . Dupleix, however, overcameAnvar-u d -din ’s scruples by promising to hand over Madrasto him . But when the time came for keeping his promise

,

Dupleix delayed so long that Anvar-u d -din sent his eldestson

,Maphu z Khan, with ten thousand men to enforce it .

Dup leix ordered the governor,Dep r ém esn i l

,to hold the

town at all costs . The garrison amounted to ”five hundredFrench troops and five hundred of Dumas

’ sepoys . Toreinforce the garrison Dupleix sent a Swiss officer namedParadis with two hundred and thirty Frenchmen and sevenhundred sepoys . Maphu z Khan tried to destroy the reinforcement before it reached Madras and with ten thousandmen supported by massed batteries

,waited for it on the

banks of the Adyar . On the m orm n g of the 4th November,1 746

,Paradis to his dismay saw thi s great force in front

of him. His orders were to join the Madras garrison andh e resolved to cut his way through . Cal ling on his mento follow him

,he plunged into the river and clambered up

the other Side . The French troops fough t a s became theirnation . But Dumas’ sepoys to the astonishment alike oftheir commander and the enemy fought with no lesscourage . In a moment the Nawab ’s guns had changedhands and were pouring volley after volley into Maphu z

Khan ’s troops,who were crowded into S t . Thome, trying

to escape . They were all but annih ilated . Those wh o


TH E R I SE OF THE FRENCH NATION 289

survived did not halt until they had reached the Shelterof Arcot . Th e historian * of the French in India has justlycla imed that this battle was one Of the most dec i si ve I n thehistory of that country . Thenceforward it became manifestthat th ere had arisen a new power, whose valour and tacticssupplied abundantly their lack of

'

n um b er s,and whose on

set the largest armies might contemplate with dismay.

Dupleix h aving dispersed the host of the Nawab,de

term in ed to drive th e Engli sh from Fort Saint David, theirlast refuge on th e Coromandel Coast . But before he couldachieve his purpose a large Engli sh squadron arrived torelieve i t . It was n ow the turn of Dupleix to stand aSiege . On the 6 th September, 1 747 , Admiral Boscawenwith no less th an six th ousand men

,of whom three

thousand seven h undred and twenty were Europeans,sat

down before Pondich erry . But the genius of Dupleixsoared even h igh er in adversity than in success . Undauntedby the fall of h i s best officer

,Paradis

,he himself took

command of th e garri son,and although without experience

of war,he soon displayed beh ind the walls of Pondicherry

the qualities of a great captain . In vain Boscawen usedhis energy and skill ; in vain th e English troops attackedwith th e proud and stubborn valour of their nation . Invain Boscawen appealed to the neigh bouring princes tohelp him destroy the stronghold of th eir common enemy .

Fruitless alike were skill and experience,eloquence and

courage . Fired by Dup l eix’s example

,the French fought

in a way,that even they in their long and splendid history

have rarely equalled. Overawed by h i s genius,the neigh

bou r in g princes refused to the victorious English eith ersupport or supplies . By the 1 7 th October Boscawen hadlost a th ousand and sixty-five of his best troops and hadlost rather than gained ground . Th e winter rains hadbegun . S ickness was spreading among his men ; and th eEnglish admiral h ad no alternative but to raise the siegeand retreatT.

Col on el Mal l eson . j‘ Mal l eson an d Orm e .


It was at th i s moment when the reputation of theFrench h ad reached the highest point, th at the death ofNizam-u l -Mulk gave the fu llest scop e to the aspiring mindof Dupleix . Nizam-u l -Mulk left six sons

, Gh az iu d d in,

Nasir Jang,Salabat Jang, Niz am Ali , Mahomed Sharif, and

Mir Moghul . Nasir Jang was at Aurangabad . In 1 741 hehad rebelled and h i s angered father did not wi sh him tosucceed to the crown of the Deccan . The Niz am’s favouritewas Mu zaffir Jang, a daughter ’s son, and before hi s deaththe old statesman had Obtained from the emperor a decree

,

appointing Mu zaff ir Jang as his successor . But whenNiz am-u l -Mulk was dead , Nasir Jang defied the imperialmandate . Seizing hi s father ’s treasures

,he won over the

army and the leading nobles and proclaimed himselfsubh ed ar or viceroy of the Deccan . Mu zaffir Jang wentto Satara to invite King Sh abu ’s assi stance . There h e metChanda Sahib, who , ever Since the fall of Trichinopoli hadbeen held by the Marathas to a ransom far beyond hismeans. The prisoner and the exile made common causeand agreed to offer King Shahu great concessions in th e

south,if he would make Chanda S ahib Nawab of the

Carnatic and Mu zaffir Jang,viceroy of the Deccan . Before,

however,they made definite pr Oposal s to the Satara

government,Chanda Sahib asked for time to consult

Dupleix . The latter on receiving the captive ’s letter, wroteback that if the two princes would but trust to him ratherthan Shahu

,he would support them and pay Chanda

Sahib ’s ransom . The two princes readily consented , forneither desired save in the last extremity the help ofRagh u ji Bh os l e . Dupleix at once paid to King ShahuChanda Sahib ’s ransom of seven lakhs of rupees ; and whileChanda Sahib was returning to his home

,Dupleix made

every preparation to keep hi s part of the three-S idedcompac t . I n .Ju ly, 1 749 , Chanda Sahib and Mu zaffir Jangwith some thirty-six thousand men and a small Frenchcontingent under M . d

’Au teu i l met the army Of Anvar-u d

din at the Dam al ch er ry pass where Raghu ji Bhos l e had



Dupleix dreamed Of conquering not only the Carnatic,but

the whole Deccan . His first obj ective was the conquest ofJinj i . This fortress had w i thstood several a ssaults led bythe great king in person . For eight years i t had d efiedAu r an gz ib . S ince its capture by Zulfikar Khan

,i ts forti

f ication s had been greatly stren gthened by Sad at . Ul l a

Khan,Nawab Of the Carnatic . With two hundred and

fifty Frenchmen,two hundred sepoys and four cannon

de Bussy set out to take the strongest fortress in southernIndia . Mahomed Ali covered its approaches with twelvethousand men . De Bussy at once attacked the coveringarmy and drove it headlong into Jinj i

,where i t deemed

itself safe . But against such a commander not even thewalls and cannon of an impregnable fortress could Offersure protection . The defences consisted of three greatcitadels . Th at night three French detachments

,one of

which was led by de Bussy,moved out to take the three

ci tadel s Simultaneously . On e by one the redoubts fell intotheir hands . E ach success animated them to fresh effortsand as day broke on the eastern sky

,de Bussy was master

of th e la st defences of the fortress . In twenty-four hourshe had beaten an army that outnumbered his own by twentyto one

,driven it into a stronghold deemed impregnable

and at a single assaul t taken by storm both strongholdand army . As the sun rose, the great captain lock ed withawe at the stupendous towers

,that frowned below him and

a sked himself by what miracle he h ad achieved the impossible . As he wondered, there rose above his head toflutter triumphant in the breez e the lily-decked banner ofthe most brilliant of nations .Nasir Jang now advanced in person against Jinj i . H i s

army numbered twenty-five thousand men, the pickedtroops Of the Deccan . Dupleix sent against him th reeth ousand eight hundred only . But the French were invincible .Nasir Jang was defeated an d killed and at Pondich erryMu zaffir Jang proclaimed himself ruler of the Deccan andDupleix Nawab Of the Carnatic. Dupleix in turn resigned

THE RI SE OF THE FRENCH NATI ON 29 3

to h i s ally,Chanda Sahib , the Nawabship . Not long after

his elevation to hi s grandfather ’ s throne,Mu zaff ir Jan g

was killed in suppressing a mutiny . Th e French,now th e

m asters of th e kingdom,set up in the dead man’ s place

his uncle Salabat Jang. On June 2oth , 1 75 1 , Salabat Jang,escorted by de Bussy and a French contingent

,entered

Aurangabad in triumph and proclaimed h imself Nizam-u l

Mulk and autocrat of the Deccan .

CHAPTER XLVI I

THE DEATH OF SHAHU AND THE FALL

OF THE BHOSLE S

A . D . 1 749 To 1 7 50

WH ILE the French were thus laying the foundations uponwhich the English were afterwards to build up theireastern empire

,various causes had prevented any action

by Sh ahu’s government . The k ing ’s last years were

embittered by the ceaseless quarrel s of his surviving wivesS akwarb ai and Sagu n ab ai . In the early years Of hisreign the king had kept a considerable establishment . AsI have already mentioned

,he married in the emperor’s

camp two wives Am b ik ab ai and Sav i tr ab ai and took amistress called V i r u b ai . On his arrival in the Deccan hemarried two more w ives Sakwarb ai and Sagu n ab ai . Healso took into his z anana two dancing girls L ak shm ib aiand Sakhu . He had by Sagu n ab ai a legitimate sonSam bh aji who died in infancy and a daughter Gajr ab ai ,who married into th e Bande family . By hi s mistressLak shm ib ai he had two sons Yesaji and Ku saji , to whom hegave the subh a of Shirala in the Satara district . By V ir ub aihe had a daughter Rajasb ai , whom the king gave inmarriage to one Sh ank ar ji Mah ad ik . The Shah u hadalways treated V ir ub ai rather as a queen than a concubineand she ruled with a rod of iron over the inmat es of theroyal z anana . But V i ru b ai died in 1 740 . By this timeboth Shab u ’s earlier wives were dead an d mutual hatreddivided the two surviving queens Sakwarb ai and Sagu n abai .The fault was undoubtedly the former ’s . By natureSagu n ab ai was mild and forgiving. But she revolted



question of Sh ah u ’s succession came to distract the poor

king’ s few remaining days . Balaj i had on his appointmentas Peshwa pledged himself to suppor t the claim of Sam bh ajiOf Kolhapur . This policy, which would h ave united underone crown the two Bhos l e kingdoms

,would certainly h ave

been best for th e Marath a people . But in spite of theirapparent reconciliation Sh ahu hated Sam bh aji and neverforgave him his alliance with the Niz am or Ud aji Ch awan ’

s

attempt to assassinate him . Sam bh aji , too, had no children .

It was , th erefore, better to settle in Sh ah u ’s lifetime the

question once for all,th an to pass i t on sti ll open to hi s

successor . Sagu n ab ai’

s first cousin was married to Raghu jiBhos l e and she had pressed on Shahu the adoption byh erself of Mu d hoji Bh os l e , Ragh u ji Bhos l e

’

s son . So longas Sagu n ab ai was alive, Sakwarb ai stoutly opposed thesuggestion ; for if acted on , i t would have made Sagu n ab aia more important person than herself . At the same timeshe actively fomented an intrigue to remove Balaj i fromthe post of first minister . With a creature of her own inoffice

,she could adopt any one Sh e pleased an d in his name

govern,so long as life la sted , th e Maratha empire . Ragh u ji

Bh os l e gave her hi s support ; so , too, did the Dabh ad es andthe Gaikwad s . Into Sh ah u ’

s car she poured a ceaselesstorrent of calumny against th e Peshwa . Sh e magnifiedthe looseness of his private life

,which was n ot blameless .

Sh e talked of h i s arrogance and ever -growing ambition .

With such a minister, ” she cried, “wh at power i s left tothe king ? Th e royal troops win victories in every quarterof Hindustan and the Carnatic . The plunder fills th e

coffers of the Peshwa ; the barren glory is the sole profi tof hi s master . The king’ s pover ty and indebtedness wereh er favourite theme . They had been caused by her ownfolly and extravagance . At the same time it was truetha t Balaj i had by his careful control Of the state financesand his own domains not only paid off h i s fath er s ’s debts,but amassed a large fortune . “Let the king turn Balaj i outof his offi ce ” whispered the insidious queen “ and confiscate

DEATH OF SHAHU AND THE FALL OF TH E BHOSLE S 2 9 7

his property,and th e royal treasuries will be filled to

overflowing.

” The prospect of getting rid Of his d ebtsovercame Sh ahu ’

s scruples and he sent Gov in d r ao Ch i tni sto inform Balaj i th at he was no longer Peshwa . TheDeccan party hoped that Balaj i would rebel and th at th enthey w ould be able to unite and overwhelm h im . ButBalaj i was far too astute to play into their h ands . Heresigned h i s office w i th out a murmur, confident th at hewas indispensable . Directly h i s resignation became knownto th e confederates, their mutual friendship vanish ed . NO

one was either willing to take on h is own shoulders thevast burden of the kingdom or to let any one else do so .

After some months of futile discord,during wh ich all state

business stagnated,Balaj i managed to secure an interview

w ith the king. In th e course of it he dila ted on thedangers of the si tuation and at th e same time Offered topay out of h i s own pocket th e royal debts . Th i s la st offerremoved all doubts from Sh ah u

’

s mind . On the 1 1 th April1747 h e went to Bal aji ’s camp and restored to h im therobes and dignities of first minister .

Upon Sagu n ab ai ’s death , Sakw arb ai declared h erselfready to adopt Mu d h oji Bh os l e and his adoption in the endwas approved by all th e conflicting parties . Even thePeshwa saw that i t was impossible to win Sh ahu to thesuccession of Sam bh aji . At Govin d r ao Chitni s’ urgentrequ est, the king formally agreed to adopt Raghu ji Bhos l e ’

s

son . At th i s point a wholly unexpected event brought th etransient armistice to an end . Directly Govin d r ao Ch itn i shad left the royal presence

,a messenger from Queen Tarabai

a sked for and obtained an interview . After th e ordinaryceremonial courtesies h ad been exchanged

,King Shahu

asked the messenger why he came . To th e king’ s surprisethe messenger replied th at h e had been sent to ask th e

following question . Why sh ould you ad ep t an outsiderwhen you h ave a descendant of Sh ivaji , ready to succeedyou ? ” The astonished king asked th e man ’s meaning,I have no son ” he said

, Sam bh aji h as no son . Tar abai’

s


son Sh ivaji had a baby boy and he died . The messengerthen delivered to the king’s wondering ears th e followingverbatim message

,entrusted to him by the old queen .

“Wh en my son Sh ivaji died, had said Tarabai “hiswi dow Bh avan ib ai was pregnant . Three months afterher hu sband ’s death she gave bir th to a son in Panhala .

To save the boy from the j ealous hatred of Rajasb ai , Iinduced Bh avan ib ai to entrust her boy to a trustworthyRajput couple . The wife had just lost her baby

,but sh e

still had milk in her breas t and she declared herselfwilling to nurse the royal child in place of her own . Thesame nigh t I gave the little prince so large a dose ofOpium

,that h e passed into a death- like sleep . At midnight

I and Bh avan ibai began to scream at the top of our voices .When the guard came to ask what the matter was

,we told

them that the lit tle boy was dead . Afterwards I gotleave from Sam bh aji to bury the prince ’s body . As I went,I handed it o ver to th e Rajput’ s wife . I took a piece ofclo th and wrapped it round a loaf and two

.dead fowls,

so as to make the bundle look like my grandson ’s corpse.I then buried the bundle in a hole in the ground onth e Slopes of Panhala hill . In this way I deceived theguards and made them think that I had buried Sh ivaji ’ssonIn the meantime the Rajput and his wife took the baby

to Bavad e vil lage, where with my perm i ssion they told thestory to Bh agw an tr ao Ram ch an d r a j

'

. For five years heprovided them with money . A rumour that the princewas sti ll alive rea ched th e ears of Rajasb ai , who began avigorous search for her husband ’s nephew . To escapedetection the Rajput and h i s wife took the child into theKonkan

,wh ere they stayed for two years unmolested .

Then the prince ’s fosterm oth er died . The Rajput thereupon took the boy to Pangaon and obtained the protectionof Daryab ai Nimbalkar . Sh e hid him in the h ouse of a

* Sard esai I II (unpubl ish ed ) Shivaji died in 1 7 23 .

j‘

The son of Ramch andra N il kan th n ear Barsi in Shol apur Distr ict .



failed through Yam aj i Sh ivd ev ’s j ealousy of Govin d rao

Chitni s,whose aid Sakwarb ai was also courting. He hired

an assassin called Tu l aji and at the last moment told himto kill Govin d r ao Chitnis and not Balaj i . But Govin d r ao,who had been warned of Yamaj i Sh ivd ev ’

s design,was

armed and ran Tu l aji through th e body with his sword,

before he could strike with his dagger .

On the night of the 1 5 th December King Sh ahu died .

Ever Since August of that year he h ad been confined tohis room and at times his wits wandered . Nevertheless onthe wh ole he retained his faculties and often expressedhimself concerned about Ram r aja

’

s succession . He knewth at many of the Deccan nobles

,especially Jagjivan th e

P r atin i d h i,were raising troops for the com ing struggl e

and were willing to support either Sambh aji or Sakwar b aias occasion offered . Unknown to Sakwar b ai , h e u rgedth e Peshwa secretly to assemble a large force near andround Satara

,SO as to secure the crown for the young

prince . On th e morning of the 1 5th December he complained of severe pains and with the sure instinct

,

of adying man knew th at his end h ad come . He sent forGovin d r ao Ch i tnis

,told him that after much thought and

care he had arrived at the best decision in regard to hi ssuccessor and bade him help the Peshwa . He next cal ledto his side Balaj i and bade him look after th e welfare ofthe k ingdom

,preserve the Bhos l e dynasty and continu e

the gifts of land that he had made even to the humblestof his followers . He then handed the Peshwa two letters,written as it would seem at different times. In these heconferred on him and his family the po st of hereditaryfirst minister . Having done so, he gave Balaj i hi s blessing.

*

His earthly affairs settled,Shahu dismissed his ministers

and with a mind composed,waited calmly for death . He

sprinkled holy ashes over h i s body and took hi s rosarybetween his fingers . He murmured softly the names ofRama , Shiva , Har Har, several times and met his end a s

See Append ix B

DEATH OF SHAHU AND TH E FALL OF TH E BHOSLE S 301

became the neph ew of Raj aram and the grandson Of

Sh ivaji .“

Th e Peshwa , who h ad assembled round or near Sataraan army of thirty-five thousand men , had for some weekspast halted between several plans . He now acted with thepromptitude of Frederick . At dawn a body of cavalrygalloped into Satara town , seiz ed Jagjivan P r at in id h i andYamaji Sh ivd ev and sent them in irons to distant forts .Every street swarmed with th e Peshwa ’s troops and as trong detachment made themselve s masters of Satara fort .That evening Balaj i called a meeting of the Council withthe exception of th e P r at in i d h i and produced before themth e papers given h im by the late kin g . These documentsempowered him

,a s h e justly said , to administer the

Marath a kingdom on behalf of Ram r aja and hi s descendants.In view of th ese papers

,Balaj i declared and the Council

agreed that Ram r aja was the only possible successor tothe late king. Indeed Balaj i had already sent a body oftroops to escort the n ew monarch to his capital. Havingsettled the succession

,the next question discussed was the

treatmen t of Sakwar b ai . All agreed that she was a turbulent,

unmanageable woman . If Sh e were allowed her liberty,

sh e would certainly denounce Ram r aja as an impostor,and adopting a son to her dead husband

,would w i th the

aid of Sam bh aji of Kolhapur embroil the Maratha nationin civi l war . On th e other hand

,the imprisonment Of

Sh ah u’

s queen would deeply Offend Maratha sentiment andwould give Damaj i Gaik vad and other Maratha leaders anexcellent excuse for rebellion . On e way out of the d i fficulty presented itself . It h ad long been the custom inhigh -born Hindu families for widows to burn themselveson their husband ’ s bodies . Sh ivaji h ad with difficultyrestrained his moth er

,Jijab ai , from committin g s a ti with

Sh ah aji’

s body . With Sh ivaji’s body P u ta l ab ai h ad com

m i tted h erself to th e flames . Th e act, too, was one of* Th e king d ied in th e Rangm ah al . Th e ruin s of this pal ace are stil l to be

seen bel ow Satara fort .


great religious sanctity. It was believed to confer on th ehusband immedia te release from future rebirths . The

Council unanimously resolved that Sakwarb ai,as a child

less widow, should be pressed to become a sa ti and to burnh erself with the dead king. To hide her intrigues

,sh e

had publicly given out that she meant to immolate herself ;and the Counci l waiting on her brother

,won him over to

th e view tha t if Sh e now shrank from the ordeal,she woul d

stain the honour of her house . Th i s course Tarabai also,

who detested Sakwar b ai as an obstacle to her own ambitions,

eagerly supportedSakwarbai had been deeply depressed at the failure

of her schemes ; and when her brother urged her to commitsa ti and told her that her refusal would brand withcowardice the whole clan of the Sh ir k es

,Sh e had not

the firmness to refuse . On the day that her husband ’ sbody was to be committed to the flames

,she decked herself

as became a sa l t in her choicest robes and j ewels andattended by music was conveyed on an elephant down thesteep path

,that leads from Satara fort to Satara city . At

the spot where the path meets the road to Mahuli, themeeting place of the Yenna and Krishna rivers, a vastmultitude in mourning dress awaited her. When theyrecognised the widowed queen

,there went up to heaven a

great cry of “Har Har Mahadev by way of greeting to herand Of invocation to the god Shiva . To prevent any chanceOf rescue there stood

,posted at various point s along the

road,grim ranks of veterans

,whose valour had won battles

in Guzerat and on th e Narbada and whose torches hadfired the suburbs and outskirts of the imperial city . Butneither the memory of recent defeat nor the certainprospect of a cruel and lingering death could tame th euntameable pride of thi s daughter of the Sh i rk es . H er

eyes wandered,as if indifferent alike to the past and th e

* Ch itn is Bakhar . Gran t Du ff is wrong i n pl acing th e en tire respon sibil i tyof Sakwarbai ’s ‘ sati ’ on th e Peshwa. Whatever bl ame attach ed to him must be

equal l y sh ared by the Coun cil .



to leave the town and journey to the river may see therites performed in memory of king Shahu and of hi s highspiri ted queen . Surely for Sakwarb ai death had no sting

,

nor in the blazing pyre was there any victory *

Greatness cannot be claimed for Sh ahu . Neverthelesswe cannot withhold our admiration

,when we consider

the difference between the Maratha power as h e found i tan d as he left it . When h e ascended the th rone

,his

kingdom was a mere strip of land round Satara fort .Wh en he left it, i t completely overshadowed the Moghulempire . If he had no great talents

,h e possessed sound

common sense . He h ad a kindly nature and a placabletemper . He had the wisdom to employ great men and thegreater wisdom to give th em his entire support . He wasa keen huntsman and preferred th e pleasures of the ch aseto the toil s Of Office . But the indolence

,which marred hi s

reputation as a ruler, increased the love of his subj ectsfor their kindly prince . Many stories are still told of hislavi sh generosi ty ; and by h i s court he used '

Often to becompared with Karna

,th e Open-handed hero of the

Mah abh ar ata j'

.

Those stories which deal with hi s favourite dog Kh an d yawill probably prove the most interesting to English readers .This animal once saved the king’s life by flying at acharging tiger . As a reward Shahu gave i t a sanad

,

conferring on i t a seat in his d ar bar,the rank of a

j agh irdar and maintained for it from his own priva tepurse a palanquin and a complete set of p alanquin bearers .On e day he made a humorous and judi cious use of Kh an dya ’

s

palanquin . A Maratha noble named'

I n d roji Kadam helda high post in the Moghul army § . He got leave toreturn to his native village of Supa in the Poona district .

* I h ave described th e even ing

’

ceremon ies performed over th e Shivl inga in mybook ‘

Th e tal e of th e Tu l si p l an t’

.

j‘

Th e courtiers used al so beh in d th e king’s back to cal l h im Bhol a Shankaror simpl e Shi va Sh an kar is an oth er n ame for th e god Sh iva .

§ Th is an d the succeeding stories wil l be foun d in th e Shedgaonk ar Bavd ekar .

DEATH OF SHAHU AND TH E FALL OF THE BHOSLES 305

Shahu sent h im word th at although he was in foreignservi ce

,h e Should as a Maratha pay a form al visit at

court. I n d r oji Kadam on r ece ivm g the message, determined

to impress with his rank and importance the king and hiscourtiers

.He had his h orse shod with silver shoes . He

covered hi s person with j ewels, and with a splendidretinue went to visit Sh ahu . As he rode, hi s drummersbeat their drums and his bandsmen played their flutesand fife s

,alth ough it was against oriental etiquette for a

noble ’s band to play within th e hearing Of the king. Shahumet th e situation by putting on plain white cotton clothes,unrelieved by a single ornament . But he loaded his dogKh an d ya w i th j ewels and sent i t in his palanquin to escorth i s visitor into th e royal presence . The Maratha chiefsentered whole-heartedly into the j est and took Off theirornam ents also . Th us when In d r oji Kadam appeared, heand Kh an dya were the only beings present who worej ewelry . I n d r oji Kadam was wise enough to accept therebuke and to admit to the king that a man must be judgednot merely by his rich es but by his merits .When Kh an d ya died , th e king gave it the funeral to

which a j agh ir d ar was entitled . He had its body crematedand its as th i or charred bones committed to earth on thebanks of th e sacred Krishna . Over the as th i he erected amonument and on th e top put a red stone image of hisdog. In the opinion of the vulgar

,thi s tomb became a

holy Spot and for many years th ose who wished to comeby the desire of their hear ts

,used to make vows at Kh an d ya’

s

cenotaph . Nor was i t unable to protect itself from theusage, which the nobles of Rome dealt out to the ancientmonuments of th e eternal ci ty . Once a Brahman, so thetale runs, wished to build a house at Mahuli Vasti . Forthis purpose he stole a number '

of stones from Kh an dya’

s

monument . But every time that th e building nearedcompletion the wall s tumbled down

,until the Brahman,

reduced to despair,prayed to heaven for divine guidance .

As if in answer to his prayer,Kh anaya appeared to him

306 A H ISTORY OF THE MARATHA PEOPLE

in a dream and told him that if he wished to fini sh thehouse

,he must put back the stolen stones . The Brahman

did as he was told and h ad no further mishap . Themonument to Kh an dya still stands, but the sculptured image

‘on th e top i s so weath er-worn as to be unrecognisable . Asmall sculpture at the side still preserves the likeness ofthe hound . Th ere a marvellous beast prances through theages— awe- inspiring, fear- compelling, tiger- tearing. Surelyno dog save that of Odysseus of Ithaca ever had a moreenduring memorial .

On e day, excited by the chase, king Shahu rode aheadof his companions and found himself close to a sm all farmwhere the owner was ploughing his land . The k ing tookthe plough from the farmer and plough ed the field himself.Afterwards as a memorial of hi s visi t

,he gave the farm

as a freehol d to his host . Another day he passed throughSangam Mahuli and saw a naked anchorite performingpenances by the banks of the Krishna . He told theanchorite to ask for alms ; but all the saint , would ask forwas a piece of K am bl i or Ol d blanket . The king was sodeligh ted at the anchorite’s moderation

,that he bestowed

on him a neighbouring village,which happened also to bear

the name Of K am bl i .

The morning of Sh ahu ’s death

,Balaj i had

,a s he informed

his council, sent messengers to escort Ram r aja to SataraDuring Shabu ’s lifetime a quantity Of gold -mounted saddlesand elephant trappings had been stored at Pangaon for theoccasion . The Peshwa now sent there Lim b aji Anant andI n d roji Kadam with a large body of cavalry . On the wayDaryab ai Nimbalkar met them with five thousand horse .Sh e asked them for a token and on seeing Tar ab ai ’s ring,led them to the house where the prince lived . This imposingarray did homage to Sh ah u ’

s heir and after the two leadershad distributed five thous and rupees among the Gon d h al i sof Tulj apur who had concealed the prince

,they started

back with Ram r aja to Satara . On the 26th December thecavalcade reached Wad u th on the banks of the Krishna


308 A H I STORY OF THE MARATH A PEOPL E

maintenance and establi shment . But if th e young kingwas given little Sh are in the administration of his kingdom

,

h e was n ot stinted in the matter of wives . No less thanthree brides were bestowed on him . The eldest was Tuk ab aiof the Moh i tes Of Nevas, the second Jank ib ai of the Moh i tes

of Ving,the third Sagu n ab ai daughter of Barh an ji

Moh i te .The Peshwa had taken every precaution that human

foresight could conceive . But his situation was so full ofdangers that only consummate skil l coul d surmount them .

Tar ab ai’

s intrigues were a constant menace to Bal aji’

s

safety . Ol d age had not chilled her ambition ; and she soonreali sed that the Peshwa meant merely to use h er nameand to retain in his own hands the full powers Of the state .Again wh at attitude would Raghu ji Bhos l e take ? Wouldhe denounce Ram r aja as an impostor ? Would he declarehimself independent ? Would he j oin the Niz am in anat tack on the Maratha kingdom ? The third question whichconfronted the harassed minister was how to deal withthe Pr at in id h i . S trictly speaking

, Jagjivan’

s rank was ashigh as his own . Jagjivan

’

s brother Sh r ip atr ao had beenthe nearest friend of the late king. His father ParashuramTrimbak had been a hero of the War of Independence .To condemn Jagjivan to perpetual imprisonment wouldcause deep Offence to the Maratha nobles and would unitethem all against him . Faced by a Deccan party of suchformidable strength

,the Peshwa would be helpless. L astly

how long would Ram r aja suffer his minister to manage hiskingdom, with wives and flatterers a t his ear, urging himcontinually to free h imself ?While Balaj i pondered over these riddles, Ragh u j i

Bhosl e arrived in Satara . But years had softened h i sturbulent Spirit and he soon let Balaj i know that he wouldnot, if confirmed in his eastern possessions, d i sturb thepeace of the realm . Balaj i willingly granted his demandsand issued a sanad giving him full p owers in Bengal

,

Berar and Gondwana . He added to these pr ovinces an

DEATH OF SHAHU AND THE FA LL OF THE BHOSLES 309

unexpected gift . He took from th e imprisoned Pr at in id h ithe j aghir in Berar, wh ich th e Nizam h ad bestowed onSh r ip atr ao and conferred it on Ragh u ji Bh os l e . For form’ ssake th e great noble still questioned Ram r aja

’s origin and

demanded that Tarabai in h i s presence sh ould eat withher grandson . Sh e did so ; and sati sfied with th i s evidence,Ragh u ji declared his en t ire adherence to the new government .

Th e Peshwa had h ard ly weathered th i s storm ,wh en to

his dismay a sti ll fi ercer one burst . In th e fort of Sinh gadlay th e ash es of Raj aram . Over th em stood the nobletemple reared by th e devotion of Ramchandra Bavd ek ar .

TO th at temple, so Tarabai suddenly announced , h i s sorrowing widow would repair to spend her remaining days inworsh ipping at th e sh rine Of h er beloved lord . Thecoronation and marriage ceremonies Occupied January andFebruary . In March Tarabai set forth on her pilgrimageto S in h gad . That great strongh old was in th e hands ofthe Pant Sach iv , Ch im n aji the son of Naro Shankar andgrandson of Shankar Narayan Gan d ek ar . With courtesy andreverence he received the queen at S in h gad ; but she soonth rew o ff h er mask of widowed devotion and successfullyincited the Pant Sach iv to denounce th e Peshwa and tolead h i s troops to free from h i s tu telage the young kingof th e Marath as . The Peshwa ’s acut e mind h ad from th e

first seen th rough Tar abai ’s designs and h e politely invitedher to a t tend in Poona th e weddings of h i s son V i shvasr aoand of his cousin Sad ash ivr ao . Tarabai h ad no intentionof leaving Sinh gad ; but sh e accepted nevertheless th e

invitation and at the last moment pleaded ill -health . InSpite of h er absence the Peshwa celebrated the marriageswith gr eat splendour . Sad ash ivr ao h ad already beenmarried to an earlier wife Um ab ai . Sh e h ad died on th e2 2n d March . According to Indian cus tom,

h e took veryshortly after her death a second wife . On th e 2 6 th Apri lhe married Par vat ib ai th e daugh ter Of Bh ik aji NaikKolh atk ar of Pen . On th e 2n d May V i sh vasr ao married


Lak shm ib ai , the daughter Of Sad ash iv Hari D ik sh i t

Patwardh an , Both these young women lived to witnesstheir husb and s’ deaths in th e awful disaster of Panipat .Th e wedding festivities over, Balaj i resolved to stampout

,before it h ad time to Spread

,the sedition of th e Pant

Sach iv . He demanded th e instant presence at Poona ofthe queen and h er accomplice and warned them in menacingtones of the consequences of refusal . Terrified at theu nexpected discovery of their plans, the two confederatesreluctantly complied . In order to detach Tarabai from herfellow- conspira tor

,the Peshwa bestowed on h er regal

honours . When she reached Shivapur,she was met by

the Peshwa ’s brother Raghu n ath r ao and a little later byBalaj i himself. On meeting her, the Peshwa presented herwith a nazar or tribute of five thousand rupees. He thenescorted her with royal state to th e mansion of Bapu jiNaik in Poona

,which he had special ly prepared for h er

reception . The Pant Sach iv was treated with al l theformalities due to his rank

,until hi s arrival in Poona .

There on the 2 5th June 1 7 50 he and his Son Ch i tk opan t

were arrested and imprisoned . On leaving Satara tocelebrate his son ’s marriage

,Balaj i had entrusted Ram r aja

to the care of Ragh u ji Bhos l e . With the utmost deferencethe Peshwa now wrote to the king

,begging him to come to

Poona to dispose of the case against the Pant Sach iv . Asearly as March 1 7 50 th e young king had begun to shewhis j ealousy of the minister ’s power. Writing to a friendon the 2 6 th of th at month Balaj i had complained that thek ing squabbled with h im over trifles and that he did notknow how long the situation would last . NeverthelessRam r aja was not insensible to the flattery contained in th eappeal to the royal tribunal .

* “ I t is now seven mon th s,

” wrote Balaj1,

“ that I h ave been h ere . In bothpl ac es disputes arise between in c an d th e Swami ( the king) about sim p l e matters .

Th e Swami is weak , I do not k n ow how l on g we shal l be abl e to work togeth er .So far by great good fortun e I have kept the royal favour.

Sard esai (un publ ish ed) .



between the king an d th e minister . The plan was well conc eived .

Fearing some fresh plot of Tarabai, Balaj i did notdare leave Poona . He was, therefore, forced to send theking to reduce th e rebel . But with h im he sent hi s owncousin Sad ash ivr ao. The latter was in the flower of h isage

.His person was strikingly h andsome and he had

won a high reputat ion for courage in the Carnatic . At alater date his military mistakes caused the greatestcalamity th a t ever befel l the Maratha people . He nowserved the Peshwa with sk i l l and fidelity . He droveYamaj i Sh ivd ev into Sangola fort and atta cked i t withsuch ardour th at on Dasara day, the 2 9 th September 1 7 50,Yamaj i Sh ivd ev was forced to ask for terms . Sad ash ivr ao

would grant none . All he would promise was th at onYamaji Sh ivd ev ’

s unconditional surrender, he would Obtainthe release of Jagjivan P r at in id h i

, who had again beenarrested on Yam aj i Sh ivd ev ’

s revolt . The reb el had noalternative but to submit . Sad ash ivr ao sent for Bh avan r aoand got th e kin g to confirm publicly Bh avan r ao’

s previousappointment as P r at in id h i . He then advised the king tostrip the family of Sangola and Man galved h e and conferth em on Banoj i Mohite, a Maratha Officer in whom Balaj ih ad confidence . (October

Th e new king was thus firmly establi shed on h i s throne .He h ad taugh t th e Pant Sach iv and the P r at in id h i l essons,not likely to be lost on other Maratha Offi cers ; and hen ow formally appointed after the manner of hi s predecessor s his council of state .

( 1 ) Th e first minister was Balaj i to whom wasaccorded the title of Pant Pradhan .

(2 ) Th e P r at in id h i was Bh avan r ao.

(3 ) Th e commander-in - chiefship was taken fromYashwan tr ao Dabhade

,whom drunkenness and

vice h ad made incapable of performing hisduties and given to his son Tr im b ak r ao.

(4) The Nyayad h i sh was Kh an d er ao Kash i .( 5 ) Th e Pan d i tr ao was Dhon d bh at Upad hye .

DEATH OF SHAHU AND THE FALL OF THE BHOSLE S 3 13

(6 ) The Mantri was Gh an ashyam Narayan .

( 7 ) Th e Pant Sach iv was Ch im n aji Narayan .

(8 ) TheAm atya was Bh agwan tr ao son of Ramch andraN i lk an th .

(9 ) The Sum an t was V i th al r ao An an d r ao.

Besides these.

Tu l aji Angre was appointed Sar k h e l oradmiral of the fleet and Gov in d r ao Chitnis and Ram r ao

Jivaji were the king’ s private secretaries . Everything

indeed pointed to a long and prosperous reign and Balaj isaw with apprehension th e probable revival of th e kinglypower . Suddenly and without warn ing th ese fair hopesvanished utterly .

Tar abai’

s design had from th e first been to restore th econditions which prevailed

,when she ruled in the name of

her idiot son Sh ivaji . It was with thi s object that sh e haddemanded the sa ti of Sakwar bai , so that no son adoptedby the younger queen , migh t stand between h er and herunslaked ambitions . Sh e had hoped that gratitude andin experience would always keep Ram r aja under herauthority and that through him she would crush the firstminister and become in fact, if not in name, the autocratof the kingdom . Sh e saw wi th bitter anger the failure of herplot against the Peshwa and with utter disgu st the ri singprestige of the young king. There was only one way inwh ich sh e could attain to the power for wh ich she thirsted .

If sh e could seiz e Ram r aja’

s person,rally in hi s name th e

Maratha nobles,the P r at in id h i and Pant Sach iv against

th e Peshwa,she migh t still become once again th e mistress

of Maharashtra . Sh e laid her plans with unscrupulousskill . Under the pretence of an intended visi t to th e

sh rine of Shambhu Mahadev,not far from Satara

,sh e

obtained admittance to the fort . As early as th e 1 5 th and20th September she had sent letters to Sh eikh Mira , whowas stil l commandant

,ordering him to collect an abundance

of supplies and munitions . On h er arrival,Sh e won to her

cause,by means of h er own commanding presence and

large gifts of money, the k ark h an i s and th e other chief


Officers of th e fort. On the 1 7 th November the unsuspecting Ram r aja came to Satara town, flushed with his successesat Man galved h e and Sangola . With him were Govin d r aoBapu ji Ch i tnis and Trimbak Sad ash iv Pu r an d ar e with alarge force of cavalry. On the 2 3r d Novem ber Tarabaiasked her grandson to visi t her in the fort . When he hadentered the palace and exchanged the usual formal courtesies

,she took h im on one side and pressed him with

vehemence to summon the Pr at in i d h i and with his helpand that of the Deccan party, to dismiss from his OfficeBalaj i and with him

,all hi s friends and satellites. Ram r aja,

who realised how insecure his th rone really was and howdangerous such an adventure would be

,demurred . The

old queen grew very angry and let her grandson go withoutfurther conversation . Fortunately for the king

,he had

with him a strong guard . Their leader Bapu ji K h an d er aoso grouped them round the royal palanquin

,that Tarabai

shewed her displeasure only by her angry looks . Th e nextday was the fea st day of Ch am pasash th i .It is the custom for Desh asth Brahmans and Marath as

to observe the Ch am pasash th i festival every year in honourof the god K han d ob a’

s victory over the demon Malla,already

described by me in an earlier chapter The festivalbegins on the bright half of th e Hindu month of Mar gsh ir sh a .

The images of K h an d ob a and Malla are cleaned andworshipped

,while priests repeat m an tras or holy sayings .

For six days a fas t i s Observed . On the seventh day theworsh ippers break their fast by a feas t known as theCh am pasash th i ch e parne . An invitati on to this fea st i sregarded as an invitation from the god Kh an d ob a himself andis even hard er to refuse than an invitation to a Christmasdinner in an English family . E arly in the morning Tarabaisent her servants wi th a message to th e k ing, begging h imto spend the holiday with his gr andmother. The messagewas couch ed in most affectionate terms . NeverthelessBapu ji K h an d er ao, remembering the furious looks of the

Chap te r 35 .



Henri IV would h ave done, drawn his sword and defiedthe frontier guards to touch the son of Saint Louis

,h e

would h ave passed safely through to his friends across theborder

.Had Ram r aja drawn his sword and commanded

at their peril th e soldiers of Tarabai to open the gatesand let h im through , probably not On e among them wouldhave dared lay a finger on the grandson of Raj aram andth e lineal descendant of the great king. But just as theheart Of th e Béarnais did not beat within the breas t ofLouis

,so the Spirit of hi s great -grandfather had no place

,

in the bosom of Ram r aja . A childhood spent in squalidsurroundings

,a youth passed in the idleness of a vagrant ’s

hut,h ad not trained the king for the present danger.

Instead of forci ng his way through Tar ab ai’s guards, he

turned his horse and rode back to the palace to ask anexplanation of Tarabai . Bu t instead of that malignantbeldame

,he found the house full Of soldiers . He was

disarmed,arrested and thrown into a dungeon . From h i s

prison he never again emerged alive . So long as sh e

lived,Tarabai kept h er grandson a captive . After her

death the Peshwa ’s power was so firmly seated , that nonethought of changing what had become a practice cousecrated by time . For sixty-eight years Ram r aja and h i s

descendants remained prisoner s in S atara fort . As tim e

wen t on, the rigours of their captivity were softened . Athrone was built on the northern bastion and on it th eheirs of Sh ivaji used to sit . In their ears th eir servantswould whisper that their empire extended far beyond thedistant line of h ill s to th e waters of the Jumna and th ewalls of Attock . But in reality their dominion ceased at

the parapet, on which rested their indolent feet . Theirdeliverance was in the end effected by the coming of aforeign power. It Opened the prison gates th at Tarabaihad closed and crea ted a little principality for the fainéantkings of Maharashtra .

Th e Peshwa has been greatly blamed for having deposedthe heir of Sh ivaji . With wh at far-sigh ted prudence h e

D EATH OF SH AHU AND TH E FALL OF TH E BHOSLE S 3 1 7

profited by the turn of events, will be told in a succeedingvolume . But th e blame surely rests on the Bh osl es th emselves . I t was th e quarrels of Tarabai and Sh ahu that ledto the rise of Balaj i V i sh van ath . It was th e sedition ofSam bh aji th at created the ascendancy of Bajir ao. It wasth e bickerings Of Sagun ab ai and Sakwar b ai , the monstrousambition and inveterate malice of Tarabai that led to thesovereignty of Balaj i and the fal l of the house of Sh ivaji .To use the well -known ph rase of Napoleon

,th e first mini ster

did not take th e crown from another ’s brow. He pickedi t out of th e gutter

,wh ere it had fallen . But whosesoever

th e fault,the consequences were certain . With th e im

prisonment Of Ram r aja the epic of the Bh os l es ended .

The Ch i tpavan epic had begun .


APPENDIX A

RULES DRAWN UP FOR TH E GUI DANCE OF THE RANI S

BY THE PESHWA AT SHAHU’

S REQUEST

1 . Neither Ran i shoul d quarrel with th e oth er .

2 . The Raja ahoul d gran t to each Ran i simil ar cash al l owan ces an d l ands .8 . Al l jaghi rs in the occupation of th e Ran i s without san ad s shoul d be

surrendered .

4 . The Ran is shoul d not requis ition suppl ies of m on ey from town s of districtsal ienated to zill edars (caval ry sol diers) or m okasdars .

5 . The Ran is sh oul d not seize l an ds in oth er person s’ sar an jam s or jagh irs.6 . The Rani s sh oul d not con fiscate d eshm ukhships (vi l l age offices) or watan s

(h ered itary vill age gran ts of lan d) .

7 . Whoever gives on e Ran i a presen t of l an d shoul d make a simil ar presen tto th e oth er .

8 . The Ran is shoul d not take sides in d l spu tes ar ising in th e capital .

9 . Th e Ran is shoul d not h ear suits brough t by creditors agai n st their debtors .10 . The Ran is shoul d not l evy taxes or tol l s .

Both th e Ran is h ave accepted these terms . Thi s shoul d con tin ue for ever .

Par asn is Pap er s .



APPENDIX C

Letters from Mah ad ji P u ran d are to Balaji an d Sad ash ivrao. I t

th row s m u ch l igh t on th e state Of th e court at th e close Of Sh ah u’s

reign . (Pa r asn i s p ap er s .)

To Nana (Bal ap ) and Bhao (Sad ashivrao) Peshwa . After compl imen ts,

about H is Highn ess’ h eal th ,

In the aftern oon H is Highn ess feel s feverish an d exhausted . H is stomachis al l covered with th e jui ce of th e marking n u t (an appl ication to rel ieve pain ) .

Though H is High n ess’ h eal th is so poor,the two Ran is are daily quarrel l ing. Thi s

so pain s H is H ighn ess th at h e excl aims “ I t woul d be far better , if God woul d end

my l ife"” H is H ighn ess n egl ects h is h eal th . He l isten s to no one . Govind rao

and Yeshwan trao spoke about it to H is H ighn ess , but he did not an swer . Fromtime to time he says “What purpose , does my l i fe serve "”

Last Wedn esday Nagojirao K eshavrao w as at the cour t . Raghoram’s m en put

to death a certain debtor . H is H ighn ess h eard th e cas e an d th en h e observed , “ I f

my servan ts and guards h ad been in vol ved an d h ad pu t Appaji Ragh un ath to death ,wh at coul d I h ave don e ? I t is usel ess to coun t on my support or my power .The two Ran is are now supreme . I have no power to stop th em from doinganyth ing th ey wan t to . Th ey h ave caused a quarrel between the Kasais (ban gl esel l ers) an d the Paral s (a caste) The grocers have al l gon e on strike an d wehannot dissuade th em . Wh en the grocers l eave th e town perhaps th e R an is w il l

give way . I f we cannot ge t any grocery , th e maids must cook us a. din n er but wedo not wan t to get mixed up in th e quarrel s of the two sh rews . We wan ted to seeGajrabai l iving h appil y with h er husband . But th e el d er Ran i th reatens h er son

in -l aw . From th is h er beh aviour towards others m ay be judged . We h ave becomepowerl ess . Th ese were His H ighn ess’ words . In sh ort H is Hi ghn ess is powerl essagai n st hi s Ran is . Such is th e state of th ings h ere . For the l ast th ree or fourdays th e mon ey-l en d e1 s are visiting th e pal ace . “We are bankr upt ” they sh out ,We wan t ou r money. H is H ighn ess fears that if th ey sit dharna " he wil l be ath is wit’s en d . Both th e R an is k eep talking about the king’s debts an d the mon eyl enders . Bad times are coming . We must wait an d see how th e Ranis ’ quarrel swil l en d .

To sit dharn a is to starve on esel f un til on e ’s debt is paid .

I N D E X

Abap Josh i of Baramati , 18 1 .

Abaj i Sond ev ,6 1 .

Abdul Rahman ,24 1 .

Abdul la Khan ,3 9 Govern or of All ah a

bad , 16 1 ; at Fatehpur Sikri , 172 ;im prisoned , 1 73 ; death 176 .

Abdur Razzak , 3 5 ; 39 .

Abbai Sin g , 2 1 7 captures Bar oda, 2 18 .

Abu Hussein ,26 ; abandon s Haidarabad ,

28 ; impri son ed at Daul atabad,40 .

Abu K hai rKh an ,govern or ofRajgad , 80 .

Abyssin ian fl eet,10 .

Adarki,150 .

Adyar, river, 288 .

Ahmad , Prin ce,succeeds Mahomed

Shah ,286 .

Ahmadabad , 178 .

Ahmad K han,K ing of Kandahar

,takes

Del h i and Peshawar, 285 , 286 .

Ahmadnagar, 10 , 1 18 .

Ajit Sing , 166 .

Ajit Sing,son of Jaswan t Sing

,8 .

Akal kot,125 .

Akanna Pan t,129 .

Akbar , 8 ; l etter to Sambh aj i , 12 ; at

Goa,15 ; death , 33 .

Akka,64

, 128 .

Akl uj, 49 , 5 4 .

Alaknand a, river, 49 .

Al am Al i K h an,170 ; defeated at Bal a

pu r , 17 1 ; death , 172 .

Al i Bahadu r,son of Shamsh er Bahadur

,

26 7 .

Al i Mardan Khan , 84 .

Al l aVardi Khan , son of Mirza Mah omed ,2 8 1 . defeats Bhaskarpan t K olh atkar ,282 .

Al vor,Coun t

,14 .

Am baji Pandit , at Bi japur, 24 ,Am baji Purand are, 5 7 ; imprison ed ,152 .

Ambargaon,2 52 .

Am bavad i , 144 .

Ambik abai, 7 8 ; daughter of Shivaj i , 44 ;

death,105

Amir Khan,2 23 .

Am ri trao Kad am Bande,124.

Ana] 1 , 1 13 .

Anapu rn abai , Wife of Chimnaj i Appa,270

An averdy Khan , 28 1 .

An garwad i , 154 .

An jango, 204 .

An jur,251 .

Annaji Dattu , 3 ; death , 9 .

An taji , 1 8 1 .An taji Raghunath , 25 1 .

An taji Trimai , 15 1 .

Anubai,181 .

Anvar-ud -d in Kh an , Nawab of the

Carnatic,287 .

An var-u d -d in K han ,attac ked by

d ’Au teui l,29 0 ; death , 29 1 .

An war Khan ,1 70 .

Appajirao Pingl e , son of Dah iru Pingl e ,263

Arcot,275 , 289 .

Arnal a , fort, 25 2 .

Asad Kh an ,46

,84 , 16 1 ; seeks peace , 9 1 .

Asirgad , 252 , fal l s to Nizam -u l -Mul k,

1 70 .

Atol e, 79 .

Attock,63 .

Aun dh,8 1 .

Aurangabad,Sal abat Jang at

,293 .

Aurangzib , 1 ; goes to Deccan , 7 ; son s , 18 ;daugh ters

,1 9 ; Sikandar Adil Shah ’s

l etter, 32 ; march es on Gol conda, 3 5 ;

at Ta l apur,5 6 , 6 7 ; captures Shi vaji

an d Yesubai ; Raygad and Panhal a, 69 ;advised to ceas e war , 9 1 ; at Brahmapuri

,9 6 ; captures V asan tgad , 9 8 ; at

Satara , 9 9 ; Satara surrenders to , 10 1 ;atWard hangad , 108 ; at Sinhgad . 109 ;

breaks n egotiation s with Marathas,

1 12 ; l eaves the Deccan ,1 13 ; at

Ahmadnagar, 1 18 ; death , 1 19 .

Avaji , son of Bal aj i Avaji , 2 .

Avaji Kavade, 27 1 .

Azam Shah ,17 , 3 7 , 9 9 ; in vades Raj

putan a,8; Govern or of Uj jai n , 108 ;

Governor of Cen tral India,120 ;

death,122 .

Azim Tar a,Satara re-named

,102 .

Azimu shan,2 12 ; death , 159

322 INDEX

Babaj i Bhosl e , 77Babuji Josh i , 272 .

Bagabai , daughter ofChim naji Appa, 270 .

Baglan , 9 7 .

Baglan forest , 163 .

Bahadurpur, 7 .

Bahadur Shah ,em peror, 122 .

Bahadur Shah ,King of Guzarat , 2 44.

Bahi rji Ingl e , 2 .

Bahi ro Pingl e , defeated by Kanh o] 1Angre

,155

Bajiran ,181 , 19 1 ; first minister 183 ;

defeats N izam-u l -Mul k , 189 , 232 ;

defeats Trimbak rao Dabhade, 19 3 ;Treaty with N izam

,2 12 ; defeats

Mahomed Ban gash 2 16 ; attacks Muzaffi r K han , 220 ; plunders Del h i ,2 23 ; l etter to Ch im n aji Appa, 2 26 ;Nad ir Shah ’s l etter to

,236 ; retakes

Raygad,242 ; defeats Sam bhaji Angre ,

249 ; at Poona, 252 , 264 ; death of,266 ; son s , 26 6 ; monumen t of 2 68 .

Bal aji , son of Bajirao 259 ; appoin tedPeshwa

,273 ; defeats Raghuji Bhosl e ,

283 ; removed from office and reinstated 29 7 ; pl ot again st h is l i fe , 2 9 9 ;seizes Satara

, 301 Pan t Pradhan , 3 12 .

Bal aji Avaji , 2 , 6 1 .

Bal aji Avaji Ch itn is . 9 .

Bal aj i Mah adev,147 .

Bal aji Nai k,18 1 .

Bal aji V ishvan ath , attacked by Chandrasen Jad hav, 149 ; rai ses army, 150 ;imprison ed by Damaji Thorat

,152 ,

defeats K rishnarao of Khatao , 1 53 ;meets K an hoji Angre at Lonavl a ,15 5 ; defeats Dam aji Thorat

,15 7 ;

return s to Satara,169 ; death , 1 79 ;

family, 18 1 .

Bal aji V ishvanath Bhat, 145 ; escapesfrom the Sidis, 146

Bal apur, 17 1 .

Bandra, 25 1 ; attacked by Marathas , 253 .

Bangal ore,fa ll of , 45 ; Rajaram at

,73 .

Bankaji Nai k , 242 .

Bapuji K hand erao, 3 14Bardes , 19 . CBardwan , 282 .

Barnet, Engl ish naval commander, 287 . Cam bay, pl ains of , 179 .

Baroda , captured by Abhai Sing , 2 18 . Can jeveram ,46 .

Barra Sah ib , invades Madura, 2 75 . Carnatic,45 ; Dupl eix , Nawab of, 29 2 .

Bassein ,246 ; Marathas capture, 25 8 . Caveripak , 83 .

Bednu r, 73 . Cen tral Provin ces , 79 .

Behar,invaded 2 82 .

Bel apur,25 1 .

Belgaum,18 .

Bendai , Engl ish commander, 33 ,Bengal , 281 .

Berar,Rajaram at

,9 7

Berl ew ,captai n

,205 .

Bhagwan trao Ramchan dra, 19 6 , 29 8 .

Bhagwan trao the Am atya, 3 13 .

Bhal erai , spear rul e , 7 7 .

Bhask arpan t K ol hatkar , invades Beh ar ,282 ; death 284 .

Bhat Peshwas , origin of, 147 .

Bhau singrao Toke , 19 3 .

Bhavan i,63 .

Bhavan rao, broth er of Jagj l van , 3 1 1 ;Pratin idhi

,3 12 .

Bhav Phond , 141 .

Bhawan ibai , wife of Sh ivap , 106 , 29 8 .

Bh id , 103 .

Bh ima river, 5 6 , 9 6 .

Bh ivaji Gujar, 154 .

Bhojraj, 185 .

Bhopal,23 1 .

Bhosl e,house of

,2 .

Bhrigu ,or Brigu ,

24 .

Bh rigu lan chan , l egend , 25 .

Bhujbal , 18 1 ; wife of Babul i Josh i , 2 72 .

Bijapur, 1 .

Bijapur, 47 ; surrenders , 30 ; recapturedby Moghul s

,48

Birwad i,river

,43 .

Bombay, ceded to Portuguese , 245 .

Bom Gesu,16 .

Boon e,Mr. Charl es , 205 .

Boscawen,Admi ral

,289 .

Botel h o,Luis

,250 .

Bou rchier , Mr 202 .

Brahmapuri,9 6 ; renamed Isl am pu ri , 9 8 .

Brahm end raswam i , 23 7 ; quarrel s withSat Sidi , 238 ; retires to Dhavad sh i ,

240 .

Broach,Maratha caval ry at

,24 .

Bundelkhand,occupied by Mahomed

Khan Bangash,2 15 .

Burh anpur,124

,189 ; fal l s to Nizam

u l -Mul k, 180 .


324

Engli sh , in Surat, 9 ; attack K anhopAngre , 205 ; attack K hand eri , 206 ;attack Kol aba, 2 10 ; aid Sidis , 243 ;support Manaji , 2 60 ; obtain peace withMarathas , 26 1 ; attack P ondich erry,289 .

Engl ish pirates , 208 .

Ewaz K han . 188 .

Farakhsir , 16 1 ; death , 16 7 .

Fateh Jan g. 55 .

Fatehpur Sikri , 13 , 1 72 .

Fateh sing Bhosl e , 182 , 241 ; adoptedby Shah u , 125 ; defeated by N izamu l -Mul k

,187 .

Fateh Ul la Kh an , 109 .

Firoz Jang, 2 6 ; n igh t attack on Gol conda,3 7 ; advan ces against San taji Ghorpad e9 2 .

Fl etcher,Captain

,203 .

Froes , An ton io Card im ,253 .

Gadad har Pral h ad , 128 .

Gaikvad , origin , 1 77 .

Gajendra, l egend , 2 15 .

Gajendragad,45 .

Gajrabai , daugh ter of Shah u, 294 .

Gangad har Rangnath , 58 .

Gangad harn aik Onkar , 270 .

Ganges , l egend of the , 164.

Ganoji Shirke , 88 .

Ganpati , Bajirao’s fam ily god

,2 69 .

George I,King

,208 .

Ghalmota, 6 7 .

Ghan ashyam Narayan,Man tri

,3 13 .

Ghanashyam Nar ayan Shen vi , 147 .

Gharapuri,25 1 .

Ghatge of Ragal , 7 1 .

Ghaus Kh an,170 .

Ghazi-ud -d in ,23 1 ,

Ghaziuddi n,son of N izam-u l -Mulk

, 29 0 .

Ghorban dar,fort

, 25 1 .

Gi fford,Mr.

Girgoji Jad hav, 15 1 .

Giri dhar,Raja, 185 , 2 12 ; death , 2 14 .

Gol conda, 1 , 34, 35 , 46 ; en tered byMoghul s , 39 ; recaptured by Moghul s48 .

I NDEX

I

Ibrah im Kh an 35 ; deserts to K han

Jehan, 28 .

Goa , 13 ; siege raised , 17 ; Marathasbesi ege

,259 .

Godavari vall ey,9 7 .

Gooti,7 6 .

Gondwana,123

Gopik abai , Wife of Dh an aji Jad hav, 148Gapikabai , Wife of Bal aji , 27 2 .

Gordon , Captai n ,mission to Shahu

,260 .

Govind Bal lal K h er,225 .

Govindpan t Bandel a, 225 .

Govind rao Bapaji Chitn is, 3 14 .

Govind rao Chi tni s,149

, 3 13 ; peshwa ,

2 9 7 ; ki l l s TUIajl , 300 .

Gran tham , Sir Thomas , 203 .

Gul barga, 34 .

Gu zarat,123

,173 .

HaibatraoN imbal kar,125 148 ; governor

of Godavari,9 7 ; defeats Chand rasen ,

150 ; [188 .

Hai darabad , 2 8 ; N izam ’s h ead quarters ,Haidar Kul i Khan , 173 .

Haji Ahmad , son ofMirzaMahomed, 281 .

Haji Fazil , 33 .

Hal dan e,Captain

,243 .

Ham birrao Moh ite,20

,43

,63 ; at Patd i ,

2 2 ; death , 48 .

Ham id K han ,17 6 ; defeated, 1 78 .

Ham i d-u d -d in Khan,17 .

Hanm an te,128 .

Hanm an te s,gen eal ogical tree

,9 0 .

Harih ar, 146 .

Hari Mahad ev, 147 .

Harj i Mah ad ik,44

, 7 2 .

Har ji Raj e Mahad ik , 6 1 .

Has anpur, 7 .

H imat K han , 86 .

H ingangaon , 15 2 .

Hi roji Farzand , 2 ; death , 9 .

H oogh ly , 282 .

Horn e , John ,govern or of Bombay, 252 .

Hubl i , 203 .

H umayun ,122

,245

Hunhu,2 15 .

Hussein Al i K han , 10 , 9 8 ; govern or ofBeh ar

,16 1 ; defeats Daud K han , 162 ;

death,1 72 .

Huuhu,2 15 .

I NDEX

I k las Khan,5 0

,

I n chbird,Cap tain ,

260 .

Ind radyum n a,l egend

,2 15 .

In d roji Kadam ,304 ; at Pangaon ,

306

I nd ryan i , river, 5 6 .

I smai l Khan,83 .

I tikad Khan ,166

,1 7 1 ; at Raygad , 6 7 .

J

Jagat Sh et Al am chan d , 282 .

Jagjivan , pratin i d h i , 2 9 5 .

Jab an ara,7 0 .

Jai Sing, raja of Jaipur , 16 7 .

Jaju , 122 .

Jal n a,9 8

,1 89 .

Jam d atal Mul k, 82 .

Janard han,son of Baj i rao, 266 .

Janardhan Hanm an te,appoin ted finan ce

min ister, 7 5 .

Jan ard an pan t Hanm an te,43 ; broth er

of Ragh un ath H anm an te,2 ; captured

3 .

Jan j ira ,9,240 ; Sam bhaj i at, 10 ; Dadap

Ragh un ath at , 1 1 ,Jank ibai , Ram raja

’s wife

,308 .

Jann isar Khan,deserts to H ussein Al i

Khan,1 65 .

Janoji V ishvan ath Bhat, death , 146 .

Jaswan t Sing,Raja, 7

Jawaj i Dabhade,death

,1 9 3 .

Jehan dar Shah,defeated by F aruk hsi r

,

1 6 1 .

Jejuri,6 8 , 205 ; Shahu at

,15 6 .

Jetpur,2 16 .

Jijabai , 60 ; Sambha] 1’s wife

,19 5 ; pri

son er,19 6 .

Jinji , capital of th e Marathas,74 ;

besieged by Zul fikar Kh an,7 9 ;

armistice , 85 ; surrenders , 89 ; fal l s toth e Fren ch , 29 2 .

Jivaji Gan esh K hasgival a, 3 1 1 .

Jivaji Raje Bhosl e , 105 .

Jiwai,185 .

Jodhpu r , invaded by Daman Gaikvad ,2 2 0 .

John son,Sir Robert

,208 .

Jyotaji K esark ar , 123 .

Kaim Khan,2 16 .

Kal asha,42 ; Sam bhap

’s ch ief executive

officer,20 captured

, 5 1 ; brough t toAkl uj

, 54 ; death , 5 7 .

32 5

Kalp i , 2 1 7 .

Kalyan,1 54 .

Kamar-u d -d in Khan,2 86 .

K am Baksh,34

,82

,1 1 1 ; imp rison ed

in Bh ind was n i, 85 ; death ,

12 2 .

Kanakgiri,60 .

K an hoji Angre , 9 4 , 146,154

,203 ;

admiral , 142 ; defeats Bah iro Pin gl e ,1 5 5 ; attacks Engl ish sh ip , 204 ; son sof

,248 .

K anhoji Bhadwal kar , commandan t ofRaygad , 2 ; arrested

,3 .

K an taji K ad am Ban de , 1 7 6 , 186 , 190 ,1 9 2 .

K apadwanj, 1 76 .

Kapsh i,45 .

Karan ja,9 9

,25 1 .

K arbel a,3 9 .

K arh ad , Shahu and Sam bh ap m eetat

,19 7 .

K ash ibai , Baj i rao’s wi fe

,265 ; death , 266 .

Kas im Kh an , 85 ; death ,86 .

K eigwin ,Captain

,202 .

Kel ve,2 5 1 .

K eshav Pandit Adhyak sh , 5 8 .

K eshav Pingl e, 45 ; captures San tap ,47 .

Khan Dauran,2 14

,2 2 1 ; death , 233 .

K h and erao Dabh ade,60 , 9 7 , 1 10 , 148 ,

1 70 ; l eaves Vishalgad,7 2 ; defeats

Zul fikar Beg,163 ; fam i ly

,1 79 ;

retires to Tal egaon,1 8 1 ; death ,

182 .

K han d erao Kash i Nyayadh ish . 3 12 .

K han d eri,154

,203 ; Engl ish a ttack

,

206 .

Kh an desh , 1 7 79 ; Sambhap attacks, 6 ;Rajaram at

,9 7 ; fal l s to N izam -u l

Mu l k, 1 70 .

K hand oba,l egen d of

,1 5 7 .

Khan do Bal l al Ch itn is,60

,8 7 ; l eaves

Vishal gad , 7 2 , pl an s escape fromBangal ore

, 73 .

K h andoji Gujar , 7 1 .

K han dya, Shahu’s dog

, 3 04

Khan Jaman,5 5 .

Khan Jeb an,6 ; sen t again st Abu

Hussein ,2 7 .

Khawaspur,108 .

Kh ed, 1 26 .

Kh em Savan t, 14 1 .

Khosal,160 .

K inhai , 8 1 .

Kokar Khan,83 .

K ok arm and a, 1 24 .

Kol aba,154 ; Engl ish attack 209 ;

attack repul sed,2 10 .

326 INDEX

Kol hapur, 2 ; capital of theMarathas , 14 1 .

K ond aji Farzand , 10 .

Konkan , 49 .

Kotha, Raja of, 23 1 .

K oth l a , fort, 249 .

K rishn arao of Khatao , 142 ; defeatedby Bal aji , 153 .

K rishnaji , l egend , 8 1 .

K rishnaji Bhaskar Pand it, at Vishal gad ,9 5 .

Krishnan Dad a Deshpande , l etter fromSambhaji , 6 6

Krishn a val l ey , 48Kuli ch Khan , 3 6

K u saji , 294K u tb Shah i , 26 .

Kutub Minar, 2 23 ,

La Bourdonn ais , 288 .

Lakhaji Jaday ,60 .

Lakkam Savan t , 141 .

Lak shm ibai , 2 9 4 ; w ife of V ishvasrao3 10 .

Lal Koor,160 .

Law , S teph t n ,assists Portuguese

, 25 7 .

Lim baji An an t , 306 .

Lodi Khan ,122 .

Lohgad , 154 .

Lokhan d e , h eadman of Parad , 125 .

Loyal a,Ign atius , 16

Mad anna Pan t, 29 ; min ister of Gol conda,

Mad an sing, 12 2 .

Madh avrao, 8 1 .

Madras , surrenders to the French , 2 88 .

Madura , 2 75 .

Mahab l eshwar , 48 .

Mahad , 1 1 .

Mahad j i , 2 20 .

Mahadji Gad adhar, foreign min ister, 7 6Mahadji Pan sam bal , 7 6 .

MahadJi Barandare , pays Bal aj i’s debts

,

Maharash tra,1 ; social customs in , 13 1 .

Mah i , river , 178 .

Mah im , 2 45 , 252 ; Marathas capture,

Mahomed Al i, son of Anvar-ud -d in

,29 1

Mah omed Amir Khan, 17 2 .

Mah omed Azim, 3 6 .

Mahomed Beg Khan ,1 10 .

Mahomed Khan Bangash,2 14 ; defeated

by Bajirao, 2 16 .

Mahomed Murad , 16 6 .

Mahomed Shah ,16 9 ; crowned at Del hi ,

16 8 ; death , 2 86 .

Mahomed Shari f, son of N izam -u l -Mulk2 90 .

Mahomed Sidi k . 47 .

Main e , Captain ,208 .

Mal ad ,25 1 .

Mal egaon ,148 .

Mal harrao Hol kar,185

, 2 13 ; de featsDaya Bah adur. 2 14 ; defeated bySadat K han ,

2 22 .

Mal ik Tokan ,2 45

Mal kapur, 105 .

Mal oji Pawar , 193 .

Mal Savan t, 3Mal wa, 185 .

Mal wan ,13 1 .

Manaj i Angre , 2 42 ; attacked by Sambhaj i , 25 9 .

Mangal vedhe , 3 1 1

Man koji Su ryavan shi , 154 .

Man ora, 25 2Man

,river , 108

Man sing More , 148 ; join s Shahu , 125 .

Man u cci , 1 5 .

Maphu z Khan ,defeated by Paradis

, 288 .

Marathas , l eaders at Raygad , 59 ; raisesiege of Jin j i , 83 ; army at Godaveri

Val l ey , 9 7 retake Satara and Paral i ,1 14 ; attack Portuguese , 2 52 ; attackBandra

,254 ; repul se Portuguese

attack , 2 55 ; capture Mah i na,2 5 6 ;

capture Bassein ,2 58 ; besiege Goa,

259 ; peace wi th Engl ish , 2 6 1 ; treatywith Safdar Al i , 27 5 .

Margoa ,surrenders , 16 .

Marol,2 5 1

Martin Francois , 2 76 .

Masaud Khan,regen t of B i japur

,24

Mas carenh as , Mar ia, wife of Akbar, 13 .

Mastan i , 264 .

Masul ipatam , 46 .

Masur , 1 82 .

Mathura, 20 .

Matth ews , Commodore , 208 .

Mhaloji Ghorpad e , 45 .

Midnapur, 282 .

Miraj, 1 18 , 200 ; fal l of, 7 2 ; recaptured ,7 9 ; Shahu attacks

, 262 ; cap tu l ed byShah u . 2 63 .

Mir Habib , 28 2


28 INDEX

Pawar, river, 2 9 1 .

Peacock , Captain , 205 .

Pem Naik,1 12 .

Peu nar,river , 46 .

Pereira,Caetan o de Souza, 25 7 .

Pesh awar, 12 1 ; taken by Ahmad Shah ,285 .

Petit,Mr .

,202 .

Phal tan ,6 9 .

Phond Savan t , 141 .

Phonda,fort

,14 .

Pilaji Gaikvad , 1 7 6 , 19 0,2 13 , 2 18 ;

death , 2 19 .

Pil aji Jadav, 149 .

Pil aji Sh irk e , 5 9Pingl es

,gen eal ogical tree of th e , 158 .

Piraji , 149 .

P irya Naik,1 12 ; aban don s IVakink era,

1 15 .

Pitt,Mr .

,202 .

Pon dich erry,its begi n n ing

,27 6 ; Ra

ghuji Bhosl e at , 2 7 7 ; Engl ish attack ,289 .

Poon a,tak en by Dhan aj i Jadav , 122 ;

Bajirao at,264 ; Pan t Sach iv Ch im n aji

imprison ed at,3 10 .

Portuguese, as si st the Engl ish

,209 ;

attack Kol aba, 2 10 ; attack Bah adurShah , 244 ; assist Bahadur Shah , 2 45 ;defeated by Baji rao, 249 ; attackedby Marath as

,25 2 ; commen ce offen

sive,2 54 ; attack fail s

,255 ; Steph en

Law as sists,2 5 7 ; l eave Bassein ,

258 .

Pralh ad N iraji , son of N iraji Ravaji , 60 ;p l an s campai gn , 6 2 ; l eaves Vishalgad ,73 ; death , 9 1 .

P ratapgad , 64

Pratapsing, R aja of Tan jore,2 73 .

Prayagji An an t Phan se , 9 9 .

Pun am al i,46

,47 .

Pu rand ar , 78 ; Bal a] 1 V ishvan ath fl eesto

,149 .

Pu randar , fort , 15 6 .

Pu tal i bai, 30 1 .

Rachol , 16 ,Rachol , fortress , 25 6 .

g

.

Rad habai Barve,wife of Sh ripatrao,

Rafiu d Daul at, 1 6 8Rafiud Bayat

,16 8

Ragh uji Bhosl e , 2 7 1 ; terms to M . Dumas,

2 7 7 ; l eaves Pondich erry , 2 80 ; fl ees

to Nagpur, 2 83 ; defeated at Cu twa,

285 ; at Satara, 308B aghun Gaikvad , 284 .

Raghunath,son of Baji rao, 26 6 .

Raghunathpan t Hanm an te,42 ; death ,

43 .

Raghun athrao, broth er of Bal aj i , 3 10 .

Rah imapur , 147Rahman Baksh , Wak ink era renamed

,

1 16 .

Raich ur, 1 12 .

Rajapur, 203 .

Rajaram,1 ; regen t, 62 ; wive s , 6 3 : at

P ratapgad , Paral i , 64 , l eaves V ish algad , 7 2 ; at Ban gal ore

, 7 3 ; at Jinji74 ; King , 75 ; escapes from Jinji , 88 ,at Vishal gad, 8 9 ; at God aver i

‘

V al l ey,

9 7 ; at S inhgad , 103 ; son s and

daugh ters , 105 .

Rajasbai , Rajaram’s wife

,64

,78 ,

15 1 ,

19 6 ; imprison ed , 106 .

Rajas bai , Sh abu’s daugh ter, 29 4.

Rajgad,80

,144 .

Rajkot, 154 .

Rajm achi , font , 154 , 249 .

Rajmah al , 2 82 .

Rakhm abai , wife of Ch im n ap Appa

Ram aji Mahadev 147 .

R amch andra, son of Banrao , 2 6 6 .

Ramch andra N il k an th Bavd ek ar , 1 2 4 ;fin an ce min ister

,60 ; gen eal ogical tree,

6 6 ; viceroy of Mah arash tra, 7 6 ;

reappoin ted finan ce min ister,9 6 ;

presiden t of th e coun cil , 104 .

Ram chandra R aghun ath,25 1 .

Ramdas , 4 , 2 18 .

Ram eshwaram ,63

Ram oji Sh irk e , 88 .

Ram raja, Tarabai’s grandson ,

2 9 9 ; succeed s Sh ah u , 3 0 1 ; at Satara, 307 ;wives of

, 308 ; appoin ts coun ci l ofstate

, 3 12 ; at Satara , 3 13 ; atten dsfeast of Ch am pas ash th i , 3 15 ; death ,3 16 .

Ram rao Jiva] 1 , 3 13 .

Ram sej, fort , 19 , 44 .

Rangna , 13 1 .

Ran o1i Moh ite , 3 12 .

Banoji Sin dia, 1 85 ; famil y h istory ,1 86 .

R ao Rambha Nim bal kar , 170Ratapur

,33 .

Ratnagiri,49

R aval,fort

,242

INDEX

Raygad, 49 ; Maratha l ead ers at, 5 9 ;captured by Au rangzib ,

69 ; Bajiraoretakes

,242 .

Read ish,Cap tain ,

208 .

Revand an d a, 2 48

Robida, 94

Rohi l k han d,2 17

Bohu ll a Khan,86 .

Roshan Akh tar, Emperor Mahomed

Shah,16 8

Ruhu l la Khan , 3 7 , 3 9 , 40 .

Rupaji Bhosle , 7 7 .

Rustum Al i Khan,176 , 1 78 .

Rustum Rao,28 .

Sabais , 254

Sadash ivrao, son of Chim n aj l Appa,19 2 , captur es San gol a,3 12 .

Sadat Al lah K h an ,nawab of Carnatic

2 73 .

Sadat Khan ,35 , 222 .

Safdar Al i,2 74 ; death , 287 .

Safdar Jang,23 1

,286 .

Sagar, fort, 1 12 , 2 17 .

Sagargad , 154, 243 .

Sagunabai , B am raja’s wife

, 308 .

Sagun abai , Shabu’s wife

,

2 9 5 .

Sahu,Sh ivaji

’s n ickname

, 7 1 .

Sahyad ris , 49

Sain t David , fort, 2 89Sai n t Thome , 2 76 , 2 88 .

Sa an sing, 124 .

Sakhargad , 8 1 .

Sakhu,29 4 .

Sakwarbai , Shabu’s wi fe , 2 94 ; a sati , 301 .

Sal abat Jang, son of N izam-ul -Mulk290 ; n awab of th e Deccan ,

293

Sal her, 1 7 ; 44 .

Sal sette , 246 .

Sam bhaji , 1 . 2 , 8 , 43 , 44 , 56 ; en tersRaygad , 3 ; accession , 4 ; attacksKhandesh , 6 ; at Jan jira , 10 ; Akbar ’sl etters to , 12 ; at Chaul , 14 ; tak esSan to Estavao, 16 ; raises siege ofGoa , 1 7 ; in Bijapur , 47 ; at San gam eshwar , 49 ; captured , brough tto Akl u j 54 ; death , 5 7 ; poems , 58 ;famil y , 59 ; l etter to K rishnaji DadaDeshpande , 66 .

329

Sam bhap of Kol hapur, 2 96 .

Sam bh aji , Shahu’s son , 29 4 .

Sam bhaji , son of Rajaram, 7 8 , 105 , 19 4 ;

imprison ed,106 ; crown ed at P anh al a

15 1 ; ai ds N izam-u l—Mul k , 188 ; sen tto Panh al a, 189 ; defeated at Warna ,19 6 ; meets Shah u at K arhad , 19 7 .

Sam bhaji , son of K anhoji Angre, 2 48 ;attacks Man aj i , 259 ; escapes toSuvarnad u rg, 2 60 .

San domil , Coun t of, 247 , 256 .

Sangam ,19 2 .

Sangameshwar, 49 .

San gol a, 3 11 ; captured by Sadashivrao,3 12 .

Sangpal , origin al name of Angres , 9 4 .

San taji Bhosl e , 16 7 .

San taji Ghorpad e , 45 , 47 , 76 ; at Raygad ,60 ; appoin ted comman der-in -ch ief,68 ; l eaves Vishalgad , 7 2 ; recapturesWai and Miraj , 7 9 ; at Budh eri , 8 6 ;death

,9 2 ; Rajaram

’s compli city in

death of, 104 .

San taji Jadav , 6 7 .

San to Estavao, 16 .

Saraf raz K han , son of Shujah -ud -dau l at,282 .

Sarangpur, 2 14 .

Sarbarah K h an ,3 7 .

Sarbul and Khan ,166 , 176 , 189 , 200 ;

govern or of K abul,1 67 ; defeats

Marathas,17 9 ; treaty with Shahu ,

19 0 ; Govern or of Al lahabad , 2 17 .

Sard esais, 49 .

Sarfud d in Al i Khan , 163 .

Sarja Khan ,48 .

Sarphoji , 187 .

Sarza K hind, 9 9 .

Sarze Khan , 9 7 .

Sasvad , 156 .

Sat Sidi , 23 7 , 238 ; attacks Sagargad ,243 ; death , 244 .

Satara, 9 9 , 113 ; Rajaram at,9 5 ; sur

renders,101 ; n ame ch an ged to Azim

Tara,102 ; besieged by Shah u 126 ;

Shah u and K anhofi Angre at,15 7 ;

seized by Bal aji, 30 1 ; Ram raja crowned at

,307 ; Tarabai at , 3 1 1 .

Saturday Palace, 2 68 .

Savai Babu rao ,19 4 .

Savai Jaysing , Raja of Jaipur, 2 13 , 2 20Savantvadi , Shah Al am at

,18 .

Savarn ad u rg, 9 4 .

Savitrabai , wife of Shah u , 125 .

Sayad Abdul lah K han ,166 .

330 I NDEX

Sayad , brothers , defeat Farukhsir, 16 7 .

Sayad , Mahomed Gisu , 34 .

Sekhop Angre , 240 ; captures Engl ishship , 242 ; death , 243 .

Shah Al am ,17 , at Savan tvadi , 18 ; at

V ingorla , 19 ; retreats to Ahmadnagar,20 ; sen t again st Abu Hussein ,

2 7 ;

arrested, 36 ; emperor , 122 ; death ,

15 9 .

Shah abuddin Khan,22 .

Shah aji , 45 ; fabl e, 56 .

Shah Hussein , 33 .

Shah Kul i,29 .

Shah r Ban u, wife of Azam Shah , 24.

Shah Sulaiman , King of Persia, 33 .

Shahu,kill s Suryaji Pisal , 70 , 164,

184 ; rel eas e refused , 92 ; rel eas ed ,12 1 ; his return ,

123 ; appeal s forsupport

, 124 ; at Ahmadnagar, 125 ;crown ed at Satara, 126 ; at Parl ai ,128 ; at Chan dan Wan dan ,

13 1 ;

captures Panhal a an d Vishal gad , 13 1 ;marries Sagunabai an d Sakwarbai ,141 ; at Jejuri

,156 ; cel ebrates victo

ries,157 ; gives Fort Lohgad to

Bal aj i Vishwan ath , 169 ; treaty withSarbul an d Khan

,19 0 ; at Umbrej,

19 1 ; regret at Trim bak rac’s death ,

193 ; recon cil iation with K handerao’sfamil y

, 194; attempted as sas sinationby Udaji , 19 5 ; and Sam bhaji at

K arhad , 19 7 ; receives Capt . Gordon ,

260 ; attac ks Miraj , 262 ; at Chaph al ,263 ; assists Pratapsing, 2 73 ; liberatesChanda Sahib , 29 0 ; famil y , 29 4 ;

adopts Mudhoji Bhosl e , 29 7 ; death ,

300 .

Shai k N izam,Hai d erabad i

,50 ; captures

Sam bhaji an d K al u sha,5 1 ; return s,

to Akluj,5 5 .

Shambhus ing, 60, 307 .

Sham jirao P inde, 76 .

Sham sh er Bahadur,son ofMas tan i

,26 7 .

Shan karji Mahad ik,294 .

Shankar Mal har Nargun dhar, 76 , 163 ;

death , 1 72Shan kar Narayan Gand ekar

,1 14

,124 ;

recaptures Rajgad , 80 : col lapse of ,143 ; death 144 .

Sheikh Mira,12 7

,3 13 .

Sh endre,9 9 .

Sher Shah,28 1 .

Sh iral a,29 4 .

Shi rk es,massac re of, 9 ; gen ealogical

tree,9 0 .

Sh ivajaya, 2 75 .

Sh ivaji , 1 .

Shivaji, son of Sam bh aJI , 59 ; King, 6 2 ;captured

,6 9 .

Shivaji , son of Rajaram,105 ; crown ed ,

106 ; imprison ed by Rajasbai , 15 1 .

Shivl inga, 303 .

Sh ol apur district,49 .

Sh rikaracharya K algavkar, 7 6 .

Sh ripatrao, son of Parashuram Trimbak,153

,183

,29 5 .

Shrivardhan , 146 , 155 .

Shujaa t K h an , 17 6 .

Shujah-ud -Daula t, 281 .

Sidi Masud , 241 .

S id i Misri , 1 1 .

Sidi Rahyan , 242 .

S id i Rasul Yakat Kh an , 240 .

S idis , Marathas attack,10 ; driven from

Shrivardhan , 155 .

Sidoji Gujar, 6 8 , 94 .

Sikandar'

Shah , 24,29

,3 1 : l etter to

Au rangzib , 3 2 .

Sil veira, An toni o de, 245 .

S il veira, Diego de, 245 .

Sinhgad , 68 , 78 , 103 , 109 ; Tarabai at,309 ; captured by Bal aji, 3 11 .

Sirh ind , 286 .

Sirigaon , 252 .

Siron j , 1 10 , 22 1 N izam-ul -Mulk at,170 .

Som aji Ban ki , 2 .

Sonda, 73 .

Songadh , 220 .

South Guzerat, 79Soyarabai , 1 ; death , 3 .

Soyarabai , daugh ter of Rajaram,105 .

Soyarabai , wife of Bal aji N imbalkar ofPhal tan

,63 .

Subh anji K harate , 154.

Supa,143

,304 .

Surat, 9 , 20 .

Su ryaji K an k,2,

Su ryaji Pisal , 70Sutl ej

,286 .

Suvarnad u rg, 248 , 2 49

T

Talikot,battl e of

,46 .

Tal ode, 185 .

Tambe, 25 1 .

Tan jore,state of

,45

,86

,123 .

Tarabai,wife of Rajaram,

63,7 8 ,

regen t,106 ; goes to Mal wan , 141 ;

fl ees toBangn a,141 capturesPanhala


332 inDEX

Yeshpatil Dabhade , 60 . Zul fikar Beg , 163 .

Yesubai , wife of Sam bhaji , 59 ; cap Zul f ikar K han , I tikad Khan’s titl e, 71 ;

tu red , 69 . before Jin j i, 79 ; superseded , 82 ; at

Yeswantgad , 78 . Tan jore , 86 ; captur es Jin j i , 89 ; at

Yuvateshwar , 100 . Wakinkera, 1 15 ; at Ahmad nagar,1 18 ; death of , 16 1 .

Zah ra, 160 .

Zinatunn issa,daugh ter of Au rangzib , 70


A History O Maratha People - Forgotten Books

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A History O Maratha People - Forgotten Books