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1. Social Structure, Stratification and Social Processes in Society 1
2. Social Change and Social Order in Rural and Urban Society 22
3. Environment and Society 50
4. Introducing Western Sociologists 66
5. Indian Sociologists 83
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leisure opportunities s/he avails, thehealth access s/he has, i.e. her/hislifestyle in general. As in the case ofsocial structure, social stratificationconstrains individual action.
One of the central concerns of thesociological perspective has been tounderstand the dialectical relationship
between the individual and society. Youwill recall C.Wright Mills elaboration ofthe sociological imagination that seeksto unfold the interplay between anindividuals biography and societyshistory. It is towards understandingthis dialectical relationship between thesociety and individual that we need todiscuss the three central concepts ofstructure, stratification and socialprocesses in this chapter. In the nextfew chapters we then move on to howsocial structure in rural and urbansocieties are different, to broaderrelationships between environment andsociety. In the last two chapters we lookat western social thinkers and Indiansociologists and their writings that
would help us further understand theideas of social structure, stratificationas well as social processes.
CHAPTER1
SOCIALSTRUCTURE, STRATIFICATIONAND SOCIALPROCESSESIN SOCIETY
INTRODUCTION
You will recall that the earlier bookIntroducing Sociology (NCERT, 2006)had begun with a discussion on therelationship between personalproblems and social issues. We alsosaw how individuals are located withincollectivities such as groups, classes,
gender, castes and tribes. Indeed eachof you, is a member of not just onekind of collectivity, but manyoverlapping ones. For instance, you area member of your own peer group, yourfamily and kin, your class and gender,
your country and reg ion. Eachindividual thus has a specific locationin the social structure and socialstratification system (see pages 28-35in Introducing Sociology). This alsoimplies that they have different levels
and types of access to social resources.In other words the choices anindividual has in life in terms of theschool s/he goes to or if s/he goesto school at all would depend onthe social stratum that s/he belongsto. Likewise with the clothes s/he getsto wear, the food s/he consumes, the
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2 UNDERSTANDING SOCIETY
regularities that the concept of socialstructure refers. Upto a point, it ishelpful to think of the structuralcharacteristics of societies asresembling the structure of a building.
A building has walls, a floor and a roof,which together give it a particularshape or form (Giddens 2004: 667).
But the metaphor can be a very
misleading one if applied too strictly.Social structures are made up ofhuman actions and relationships.
What gives these their patterning istheir repetition across periods of timeand distances of space. Thus, the ideasof social reproduction and socialstructure are very closely related to oneanother in sociological analysis. Forexample, consider a school and afamily structure. In a school certain
ways of behaving are repeated over the
years and become institutions. Forinstance admission procedures, codesof conduct, annual functions, dailyassemblies and in some cases evenschool anthems. Likewise in familiescertain ways of behaving, marriagepractices, notions of relationships,duties and expectations are set. Evenas old members of the family or schoolmay pass away and new membersenter, the institution goes on. Yet wealso know thatchangesdotake place
within the family and in schools.The above discussion and activity
should help us understand humansocieties as buildings that are at everymoment being reconstructed by the
very bricks that compose them. For aswe saw for ourselves human beings inschools or families do bring changes
The central question that thischapter seeks to discuss is to whatextent the individual constrained by,and to what extent s/he is free of, thesocial structure? To what extent doesones position in society or location inthe stratification system governindividual choice? Do social structureand social stratification influence the
manner people act? Do they shape theway individuals cooperate, competeand conflict with each other?
In this chapter we deal briefly withthe terms social structure and socialstratification. You have alreadydiscussed social stratification in somedetail in Chapter 2 of the earlier bookIntroducing Sociology (NCERT, 2006).
We then move on to focus on threesocial processes namely; cooperation,competition and conflict. In dealing
with each of these processes we shalltry and see how social structure andstratification impinge themselves onthe social processes. In other wordshow individuals and groups cooperate,compete and conflict depending upontheir position within the socialstructure and stratification system.
SOCIALSTRUCTUREAND STRATIFICATION
The term social structurepoints to thefact that society is structured i.e.,organised or arranged in particular
ways. The social environments inwhich we exist do not just consist ofrandom assortments of events oractions. There are underlyingregularities, or patterns, in how people
behave and in the relationships theyhave with one another. It is to these
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3SOCIAL STRUCTURE, STRATIFICATION AND SOCIAL PROCESSES IN SOCIETY
Different types of buildings in rural and urban areas
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4 UNDERSTANDING SOCIETY
to reproduce the structure even whileintroducing changes. They cooperateat various levels in their everyday livestowards this reproduction. No less trueis the fact that they also compete witheach other, often viciously andruthlessly. The fact remains that along
with cooperative behaviour we alsowitness serious conflict. And as weshall find later in this chapter,cooperation can be enforced andthereby serve to conceal conflict.
A major theme pursued by EmileDurkheim (and by many othersociological authors since) is that thesocieties exert social constraint overthe actions of their members.Durkheim argued that society hasprimacy over the individual person.Society is far more than the sum ofindividual acts; it has a firmness orsolidity comparable to structures inthe material environment.
Think of a person standing in aroom with several doors. The structureof the room constrains the range of his
or her possible activities. The placingof the walls and doors, for exampledefines the routes of exit and entry.Social structure, according toDurkheim, constrains our activities ina parallel way, setting limits to what
we can do as individuals. It is externalto us just as the walls of the room are.
Other social thinkers like KarlMarx would emphasise the constraintsof social structure but would at thesame time stress human creativity oragency to both reproduce and changesocial structure. Marx argued thathuman beings make history, but notas they wish to or in conditions of theirchoice, but within the constraints andpossibilities of the historical and
structural situation that they are in.To recall the concept of social strati-fication in Chapter 2 of IntroducingSociology (NCERT, 2006). Socialstratification refers to the existence of
structured inequalit ies between
groups in society, in terms of their
access to material or symbolic
Activity 1
Discuss with your grandparents and others of that generation to find out about theways in which families/schools have changed and the ways in which they haveremained the same.
Compare descriptions of families in old films/television serials/novels withcontemporary depictions.
Can you observe patterns and regularities of social behaviour in your family? Inother words can you describe the structure of your family?
Discuss with your teachers how they understand the school as a structure. Dostudents, teachers and the staff have to act in certain ways to maintain or reproducethe structure? Can you think of any changes in either your school or family? Werethese changes resisted? Who resisted them and why?
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5SOCIAL STRUCTURE, STRATIFICATION AND SOCIAL PROCESSES IN SOCIETY
rewards. While all societies involvesome forms of social stratification,modern societies are often marked by
wide differences in wealth and power.While the most ev ident forms ofstratification in modern societiesinvolve class divisions, others likerace and caste, region andcommunity, tribe and gender alsocontinue to matter as bases of socialstratification.
You will recall that social structureimplied a certain patterning of social
behaviour. Social stratification as partof the broader social structure is
likewise characterised by a certainpattern of inequality. Inequality is notsomething which is randomlydistributed between individuals insociety. It is systematically linked tomembership in different kinds of social
groups. Members of a given group willhave features in common, and if theyare in a superior position they willusually see to it that their privilegedposition is passed on to their children.
The concept of stratification, then,refers to the idea that society is dividedinto a patterned structure of unequalgroups, and usually implies that thisstructure tends to persist acrossgenerations (Jayaram 1987:22).
It is necessary to distinguishbetween different advantages whichcan be distributed unequally. Thereare three basic forms of advantage
which privileged groups may enjoy:
(i) Life Chances: All those materialadvantages which improve thequality of life of the recipient this
This point of view is expressed by Durkheim in his famous statement: When Iperform my duties as a brother, a husband or a citizen and carry out thecommitments I have entered into, I fulfil my obligations which are defined in lawand custom and which are external to myself and my actionsSimilarly, the believerhas discovered from birth, ready fashioned, the beliefs and practices of his religiouslife; if they existed before he did, it follows that they exist outside him. The systemsof signs that I employ to express my thoughts, the monetary system I use to paymy debts, the credit instruments I utilise in my commercial relationships, thepractices I follow in my profession, etc. all function independently of the use I
make of them. Considering in turn each member of society, the following remarkscould be made for every single one of them.
Source:Durkheim Emile, 1933, The Division of Labour in Society, pp.50-1, A FreePress Paperback, The MacMillan Company, New York).
Activity 2
Think of examples that reveal bothhow human beings are constrained bysocial structure and also of exampleswhere individuals defy social structure
and transform it. Recall ourdiscussion on socialisation inIntroducing Sociology(pages 78-79 ).
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6 UNDERSTANDING SOCIETY
may include not only economicadvantages of wealth and income,
but also benefits such as health,job security and recreation.
(ii) Social Status: Prestige or highstanding in the eyes of othermembers of the society.
(iii) Political Influence: The ability of onegroup to dominate others, or to
have preponderant influence overdecision-making, or to benefitadvantageously from decisions.
The above discussion on the threesocial processes will repeatedly drawattention to the manner that different
bases of social stratification likegender or class constrain socialprocesses. The opportunities andresources available to individuals andgroups to engage in competition,
cooperation or conflict are shaped bysocial structure and socialstratification. At the same time,humans do act to modify the structureand system of stratification that exists.
TWO WAYSOFUNDERSTANDING SOCIALPROCESSESIN SOCIOLOGY
In the earlier book IntroducingSociology (NCERT, 2006) you haveseen the limitations of common senseknowledge. The problem is not thatcommonsense knowledge isnecessarily false, but that it isunexamined and taken for granted. Bycontrast, the sociological perspectivequestions everything and acceptsnothing as a given. It would thereforenot rest content with an explanation
which suggests that humans compete
or cooperate or conflict as the case maybe because it is human nature to doso. The assumption behind suchexplanations is that there is somethingintrinsic and universal in humannature that accounts for theseprocesses. However, as we have seenearlier, sociology is not satisfied witheither psychological or naturalist
explanations (see pages 7-8 ofIntroducing Sociology. Sociology seeksto explain these processes ofcooperation, competition and conflictin terms of the actual social structureof society.
Activity 3
Think of examples of cooperation,competition and conflict in youreveryday life
In Introducing Sociology wediscussed how there are differences andplural understandings of society (pages24-25, 36). We saw how functionalistand conflict perspectives variedin theirunderstanding of different institutions,
be it the family, the economy or socialstratification and social control. Notsurprisingly therefore, these twoperspectives seek to understand theseprocesses a bit differently. But both KarlMarx (usually associated with a conflict
perspective) and Emile Durkheim(usually identified with a functionalistperspective) presume that human
beings have to cooperate to meet theirbasic needs, and to produce andreproduce themselves and their world.
The conflict perspective emphasiseshow these forms of cooperation
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Different types of processes
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refer to the fulfilment of the broadestconditions which are necessary for asystems existence (and whichtherefore keep it alive and prevent itsdestruction) such as:
(i) The socialisation of new members;
(ii) A shared system of communication;
(iii) Methods of assigning individuals
to roles.You are we ll aware how the
functionalist perspective rests upon theassumption that different parts ororgans of society have a function or roleto play for the broader maintenanceand functioning of the whole society.Seen from this perspective, cooperation,competition and conflict can be seenas universal features of all societies,explained as the result of the inevitableinteractions among humans living insociety and pursuing their ends. Sincethe focus is on system sustenance,
changed from one historical society toanother. For instance, it wouldrecognise that in simple societies
where no surplus was produced, therewas cooperation between individualsand groups who were not divided onclass or caste or race lines. But insocieties where surplus is produced
whether feudal or capitalist the
dominant class appropriates thesurplus and cooperation wouldnecessarily involve potential conflictand competition. The conflict view thusemphasises that groups andindividuals are placed differentiallyand unequally within the system ofproduction relations. Thus, the factoryowner and the factory worker docooperate in their everyday work. Buta certain conflict of interests woulddefine their relationship.
The understanding that informs theconflict perspective is that in societiesdivided by caste, or class or patriarchy,some groups are disadvantaged anddiscriminated against. Furthermore thedominant groups sustain this unequalorder by a series of cultural norms, andoften coercion or even violence. As you
will see in the next paragraphs, it isnot that the functionalist perspectivefails to appreciate the role of suchnorms or sanctions. But it understands
their function in terms of the societyas a whole, and not in terms of thedominant sections who control society.
The functionalist perspective ismainly concerned with the systemrequirements of society certainfunctional imperatives, functionalrequisites and prerequisites. These
Babul Mora. Naihar Chuto hi jai
Fears of the Natal home is left behind
Babul ki dua-ein leti ja
Ja tujhko sukhi sansar mile
Maike ki kabhi na yaad aaye
Sasural me itna pyar mile
Take your fathers blessings/prayer
as you go;Go, and (may you) get a happyhousehold;
May you never be reminded of yourmothers home;
(Because of) all the love you receive
At your in-laws place.
(Basu 2001: 128)
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Activity 4
Discuss whether women are cooperating, or refusing to engage in conflict orcompetition because of a range of normative compulsions. Are they cooperatingwith the given norm of male inheritance because of the fear of losing the affectionof their brothers if they behave otherwise? The song in the box below is specific toa region, but evokes the more general fears of natal abandonment for women in apatrilineal society.
Bride leaving for grooms house in a Doli
competition and conflict is looked at
with the understanding that in mostcases they tend to get resolved withouttoo much distress, and that they mayeven help society in various ways.
Sociological studies have alsoshown how norms and patterns ofsocialisation often ensure that aparticular social order persists, eventhough it is skewed in the interests ofone section. In other words therelationship between cooperation,
competition and conflict is often complex
and not easily separable.
In order to understand howcooperation may entail conflict, and thedifference between enforced andvoluntary cooperation, let us look at
the very contentious issue of womens
right to property in their natal family.A study was conducted among differentsections of society to understand theattitude towards taking natal property(see pages 41- 46 of IntroducingSociology). A significant number of
women (41.7 per cent) evoked thetheme of a daughters love and love fora daughter when speaking about theirrights to property. But they emphasisedapprehension rather than affection bysaying they would not claim full or any
share of natal property because theywere afraid this would sour relationswith their brothers or cause theirbrothers wives to hate them, and thatas a result they would no longer be
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welcome in their natal homes. Thisattitude represents one of the dominantmetaphors mediating womens refusalof property A woman demanding hershare is the greedy shrew or hak lenewali. There was also a close connection
between these feel ings and theapparently obverse ones of the desireto continue to be part of the natal family
by actively contributing to its prosperityor being available to deal with its crises.Activity 2 would enable you to
appreciate how apparently cooperativebehaviour can also be seen as aproduct of deep conflicts in society. But
when these conflicts are not expressedopenly or challenged, the impressionremains that there is no conflict, butonly cooperation. A functionalist viewoften uses the term accommodationtoexplain situations such as the one
described above, where women wouldprefer not to claim property rights intheir natal home. It would be seen asan effort to compromise and co-existdespite conflict.
Activity 5
Think of othe r kinds of socia lbehaviour which may appear as co-operative but may conceal deeperconflicts of society.
COOPERATIONAND DIVISIONOFLABOUR
The idea of cooperation rests on certainassumptions about human behaviour.It is argued that without humancooperation it would be difficult forhuman life to survive. Further it isargued that even in the animal world
we witness cooperation, whether theybe ants or bees or mammals.Comparison with the animal worldshould however be done carefully. Welook at two very different theoreticaltraditions in sociology to illustrate thepoint, those represented by EmileDurkheim and Karl Marx.
Sociology for the most part did not
agree with the assumption that humannature is necessarily nasty and
brut ish. Emile Durkheim arguesagainst a vision of primitive humanity
whose hunger and thirst, always badlysatisfied, were their only passions.Instead he argued:
They overlook the essential element
of moral life, that is, the moderating
influence that society exercises over
its members, which tempers and
neutralises the brutal action of thestruggle for existence and selection.
Wherever there are societies, there
is altruism, because there is
solidarity. Thus, we find altruism
from the beginning of humanity and
even in truly intemperate form.
(Durkheim 1933)
For Durkheim solidarity, the moralforce of society, is fundamental for ourunderstanding of cooperation andthereby the functioning of society. Therole of division of labour whichimplies cooperation is precisely tofulfill certain needs of society. Thedivision of labour is at the same timea law of nature and also a moral ruleof human conduct.
Durkheim distinguished betweenmechanical and organic solidarity that
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characterised pre-industrial andcomplex industrial societies respectively.Both are forms of cooperation insociety. Mechanical solidarity is theform of cohesion that is basedfundamentally on sameness. Most ofthe members of such societies live verysimilar lives, with little specialisationor division of labour beyond that
associated with age and sex. Membersfeel bonded together essentially bytheir shared beliefs and sentiments,their common conscience andconsciousness. Organic solidarity isthat form of social cohesion that is
based on division of labour and theresulting interdependence of membersof society. As people become morespecialised, they also become moredependent upon each other. A familyengaged in subsistence farming may
survive with little or no help fromsimilar homesteaders. But specialised
workers in a garment or a carmanufacturing factory cannot survive
without a host of other specialisedworkers supplying their basic needs.
Karl Marx too distinguishes humanlife from animal life. While Durkheimemphasised altruism and solidarity asdistinctive of the human world, Marxemphasised consciousness. He writes:
Men can be distinguished fromanimals by consciousness, by religionor anything else you like. Theythemselves begin to distinguishthemselves from animals as soon asthey begin to produce their means ofsubsistence, a step which isconditioned by their physicalorganisation. By producing their
means of subsistence men areindirectly producing their material life(Marx 1972:37).
The above quote from Marx mayappear difficult but will help usunderstand how cooperation inhuman life is different fromcooperation in animal life. For humansnot only adjust and accommodate to
cooperate but also alter society in thatprocess. For example, men and womenover the ages had to adjust to naturalconstraints. Various technologicalinnovations over time not onlytransformed human life but in somesense nature too. Humans incooperating thus do not passivelyadjust and accommodate but alsochange the natural or social world to
which they adjust. We had discussedin the Chapter on Culture and
Socialisation in earlier book,Introducing Sociologyhow Indians hadto adjust and accommodate and co-operate with the English language
because of our experience with Britishcolonialism. But also how in thatprocess Hinglish has emerged as aliving social entity (page 72).
While both Durkhe im from afunctionalist view and Marx from aconflict perspective emphasisecooperation, they also differ. For Marxcooperation is not voluntary in asociety where class exists. He argues,The social power, i.e., the multipliedproductive force, which arises throughthe cooperation of different individualsas it is caused by the division of labour,appears to these individuals, sincetheir cooperation is not voluntary but
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has come about naturally, not as theirown united power, but as an alien forceexisting outside them (Marx 1972:53). Marx used the term alienationtorefer to the loss of control on the partof workers over the concrete contentof labour, and over the products oftheir labour. In other words, workerslose control over how to organise their
own work; and they lose control overthe fruits of their labour. Contrast, forexample, the feeling of fulfillment andcreativity of a weaver or potter orironsmith with that of a workerinvolved in a factory whose sole taskmay be to pull a lever or press a buttonthroughout the day. Cooperation insuch a situation would be enforced.
COMPETITIONASAN IDEAAND PRACTICE
As in the case of cooperation,discussions on the concept ofcompetitionoften proceed with the ideathat competition is universal andnatural. But going back to ourdiscussion on how sociologicalexplanation is different fromnaturalistic ones, it is important tounderstand competition as a socialentity that emerges and becomesdominant in society at a particularhistorical point of time. In the
contemporary period it is apredominant idea and often we find itdifficult to think that there can be anysociety where competition is not aguiding force.
An anecdote of a school teacher whorecounted her experience with childrenin a remote area in Africa draws
attention to the fact that competitionitself has to be explained sociologicallyand not as a natural phenomena. Theanecdote refers to the teachersassumption that the children willnaturally rejoice at the idea of acompetitive race where the winner
would get a chocolate as a prize. To hersurprise, her suggestion not only did
not evoke any enthusiasm but insteadseemed to cause considerable anxietyand distress. On probing further theyexpresses their distaste for a game
where there would be winners andlosers. This went against their idea offun, which meant for them a necessarilycooperative and collective experience,and not a competitive one where therewards necessarily exclude some andreward one or few.
In the contemporary world
however competition is the dominantnorm and practice. Classicalsociological thinkers such as EmileDurkheim and Karl Marx have notedthe growth of individualism and
competition respectively in modernsocieties. Both developments areintrinsic to the way modern capitalistsociety functions. The stress is ongreater efficiency and greater profitmaximisation. The underlyingassumptions of capitalism are:
(i) expansion of trade;
(ii) division of labour;
(iii) specialisation; and
(iv) hence rising productivity.
And these processes of self-sustaining growth are fuelled by the
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central theme of capitalism: rationalindividuals in free competition in themarketplace, each striving tomaximise profits.
The ideology of competition is thedominant ideology in capitalism. Thelogic of this ideology is that the marketoperates in a manner that ensuresgreatest efficiency. For example
competition ensures that the mostefficient firm survives. Competitionensures that the students with highermarks or best studies get admissioninto prestigious colleges. And then getthe best jobs. In all cases the bestrefers to that which ensures thegreatest material rewards.
Activity 6
India has recently witnessed intensedebates on the governments decisionto ensure 27 per cent reservation forOBCs. Collect the differentarguments for and against thisproposal that have been put forwardin newspapers, magazines andtelevision programmes.
Collect information about thedrop-out rate in schools, and primaryschools in particular (see pages 57-59 in the earlier book)
Given that mostly lower castestudents drop-out of school, andmost higher educational institutions
are dominated by the upper castes,discuss the concepts of cooperation,competition and conflict in theabove context.
Views that humans naturally liketo compete has to be understood
critically like all other naturalistexplanations (see page 8 of earlier
book). Competition as a desirable valueflourished with the onset of capitalism.
Read the extracts in the box anddiscuss.
Competition, and the whole laissez-faire economy of 19th centurycapitalism, may have been importantin promoting economic growth. Theexceptionally rapid development of the
American economy may beattributable to the greater scope ofcompetition in the United States. Butstill we cannot produce any exactcorrelations between the extent of
competition, or the intensity of thecompetitive spirit, and the rate ofeconomic growth in different societies.
And on the other hand, there aregrounds for supposing thatcompetition has other less welcomeeffects (Bottomore 1975: 174-5).
Liberals like J.S. Mill felt that theeffects of competition were generallyharmful. However, he felt that thoughmodern competition is described asthe fight of all against all, but at thesame time it is the fight for all; this inthe sense that economic competitionis directed toward maximum outputat minimum cost. Furthermore, giventhe breadth and individualism ofsociety, many kinds of interest, whicheventually hold the group togetherthroughout its members, seem tocome alive and stay alive only whenthe urgency and requirements of thecompetitive struggle force them uponthe individual.
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Activity 7
Organise a debate for and against theidea that competition is a necessarygood in society and is a must fordevelopment. Draw upon schoolexperience to write an essay on themanner that competition impacts ondifferent students.
Th is ideology assumes thatindividuals compete on an equal basis,i.e. that all individuals are positionedequally in the competition foreducation, jobs, or resources. But asthe earlier discussions on stratificationor inequality showed, individuals areplaced differentially in society. If thegreater number of children in India donot go to school or drop-out soonerrather than later, then they remain outof the competition entirely.
Activity 8
Identify different occasions whenindividuals have to compete in oursociety. Begin with admission toschool onwards through the differentstages of life.
CONFLICTAND COOPERATION
The term conflict implies clash ofinterests. We have already seen howconflict theorists believe that scarcityof resources in society producesconflict as groups struggle to gainaccess to and control over thoseresources. The bases of conflict vary.It could be class or caste, tribe orgender, ethnicity or religiouscommunity. As young students you
are well aware of the range of conflictsthat exist in society. The scale andnature of different conflicts that occurare however different.
Activity 9
Th ink of the di f fe rent kinds of
conflicts that exist in the world today.
At the widest level there are conflicts
between nations and blocs of nations.Many kinds of conflicts also exist
within nations. Make a list of them
and then discuss in what ways they
are similar and in what ways
different.
A widely held commonsenseperception is that conflicts in societyare new. Sociologists have drawnattention to the fact that conflictschange in nature and form at different
stages of social development. Butconflicts have always been part of anysociety. Social change and greaterassertion of democratic rights bydisadvantaged and discriminatedgroups make the conflict more visible.But this does not mean that the causesfor conflict did not exist earlier. Thequote in the box emphasises this.
Developing countries are todayarenas for conflict between the oldand the new. The old order is nolonger able to meet the new forces,nor the new wants and aspirationsof the people, but neither is itmoribund in fact, it is still verymuch alive. The conflict producesmuch unseemly argument, discord,confusion, and on occasion, even
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bloodshed. Under the circumstances,it is tempting for the sociologist tolook to the good old peaceful days insheer nostalgia. But a momentsreflection should convince him thatthe old order was not conflict-free andthat it perpetrated inhuman crueltieson vast sections of the population. Atheoretical approach that regardsconflict as abnormal, or that invests
equilibrium with a special value in thename of science, can be a handicapin studying developing societies.
Source: Srinivas, M.N., 1972, SocialChange in Modern India, pp.159-160
Orient Longman, New Delhi.
It is also important to understandthat conflict appears as a discord orovert clash only when it is openly ex-pressed. For example, the existence ofa peasant movement is an overt ex-
pression of a deep rooted conflict overland resources. But the absence of amovement does not imply the absenceof a conflict. Hence, this chapter hasemphasised the relationship betweenconflict, involuntary cooperation andalso resistance.
Let us examine some of theconflicts that exist in society, and alsothe close relationship that exists
between competition, cooperation andconflict. We just take two instanceshere. The first is the family andhousehold. The second, is that of land
based conflict.Traditiona lly the family and
household were often seen asharmonious units where cooperation
was the dominant process andaltruism the driving principle of
human behaviour. The last threedecades have seen a great deal ofquestioning of this assumption byfeminist analysis. Scholars such as
Amartya Sen have noted the possibilityof enforced cooperation.
Not only do the different parties have
much to gain from cooperation; their
individual activities have to take the
form of being overtly cooperative, evenwhen substantial conflicts exist
Although serious conflicts of interests
may be involved in the choice of social
technology, the nature of the family
organisation requires that these
conflicts be moulded in a general
format of cooperation, with conflicts
treated as aberrations or deviant
behaviour (Sen 1990:147).
Since, conflict is often not overtly
expressed, it has been found thatsubaltern or subordinate sections,whether women in households orpeasants in agrarian societies, developdifferent strategies to cope with conflictand ensure cooperation. Findings ofmany sociological studies seem tosuggest that covert conflict and overtcooperation is common. The extract
below draws from many studies onwomens behaviour and interactionwithin households.
Material pressures and incentives tocooperate extend to distributionand there is little evidence of overtconflict over distributional processes.Instead there is a hierarchy ofdecision-making, needs and priorities(associated with age, gender andlifecycle), a hierarchy to which bothmen and women appear to subscribe.
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Thus, women appear to acquiesce to and indeed actively perpetuate discriminatory practices in intra-household distribution in order toassure their own longer-termsecurity. Denied access to extra-household relationships andresources, it is in their materialinterests to subscribe to the generalson-preference which characterises
this culture, and they invest in a greatdeal of selfless devotion in order towin their sons as allies and insuranceagainst an uncertain future.Maternal altruism in the northernIndian plain is likely to be biasedtowards sons and can be seen aswomens response to patriarchal risk.Women are not entirely powerless, ofcourse, but their subversion of maledecision-making power tends to becovert. The use of trusted allies(relatives or neighbours) to conduct
small businesses on their behalf, thesecret lending and borrowing ofmoney, and negotiations around themeaning of gender ideologies of
purdahand motherhood, are some of
Land Conflicts
Harbaksh, a Rajput had borrowed Rs100 from Nathu Ahir (Patel) in the year 1956,
by mortaging (informally) 2 acres of land. In the same year Harbaksh died and
Ganpat, his successor, claimed the land back in 1958 and he offered Rs 200.
Nathu refused to return the land to Ganpat. Ganpat could not take to legal
proceedings as this exchange was not codified in the revenue records. Under the
circumstances Ganpat had resorted to violence and forcefully cultivated the landin 1959 (one year after Gramdan). Ganpat, being a police constable, could influence
the police officials. When the Patel went to Phulera (the police thana headquarters)
he was taken to the police station and was forced to agree that he will give the land
back to Ganpat. Later a meeting of the villagers was convened when the money
was given to Patel and Ganpat received the land back.
Source: Oommen, T.K., 1972: Charisma, Stability and Change; An Analysis of
Bhoodan-Gramdan Movement in India, p.84. Thompson Press, New Delhi.
the strategies by which women haveresisted male power (Abdullah andZeidenstein, 1982; White, 1992). Thattheir resistance takes thisclandestine form reflects their lack ofoptions outside householdcooperation and the concomitanthigh risks associated with open
conflict (Kabeer 1996:129).
In keeping with the sociologicaltradition of questioning taken forgranted commonsense assumptions,this chapter has critically examined theprocesses of cooperation, competitionand conflict. The sociological approachdoes not see these processes asnatural. It further relates them to othersocial developments. In the followingparagraphs you will read from asociological study done on landrelations and the Bhoodan-Gramdanmovement in India
. Read box and seehow cooperation in society can besociologically related to technology andthe economic arrangements ofproduction.
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Activity 10
Read the following account of landconflict. Identify the different socialgroups within it and notice the role
of power and access to resources.
Conclusion
The effort in this chapter is tounderstand the relationship betweenstructure and stratification on theone hand and the social processes ofcooperation, competition and conflicton the other. You would have noticed
that the three social processes aredifferent, yet they often co-exist,overlap and sometimes exist in aconcealed fashion, as evident in theabove discussion about forced
cooperation. We end with two
activities that report real life eventsthat help you to use your sociologicalunderstanding to explore the mannerin which the three processes operatefor social groups that aredifferentially located in the socialstructure and the stratificationsystem.
Activity 11
Read the report carefully and discuss the relationship between social structure,stratification and social processes. Describe how the characters Santosh and Pushpa
are constrained by the social structure and stratification system. Is it possible toidentify the three social processes of cooperation, competition and conflict in theirlives? Can these marriages be seen as processes of cooperation? Can these marriagesbe seen as actions that people consciously adopt in order to survive in the competitivejob market since married couples are preferred? Is there any sign of conflict?
Outlook8 May 2006
Meet the Parents: Teen marriages, migrant labour and cane factories in crisis.A vicious cycle.
The advent of technology had also reduced the necessity for cooperation. For
instance, for the operation of aCharas, an indigenous device of well irrigation, one
requires 2 pairs of bullocks and four men. An ordinary peasant cannot afford the
cost of four bullocks or an average household may not have the required manpower.
In such situations they resort to borrowing bullocks and men from other households
(kin, neighbours, friends, etc.) assuring similar services in return. But if aCharas
is replaced by aRehat(persian wheel) for irrigation which calls for a heavier capital
investment, one needs only one pair of bullocks and one person for its operation.
The necessity of cooperation in the context of irrigation is reduced by a heavier capital
investment and an efficient technology. Thus, the level of technology in a systemmay determine the need for cooperation between men and groups.
Source: Oommen, T.K., 1972, Charisma, Stability and Change; An Analysis of
Bhoodan-Gramdan Movement in India, p.88. Thompson Press, New Delhi.
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It is the same old story, only with a few twists. Santosh Shinde, 14, son of landlesslabourers who take a loan of Rs 8,000 to educate him. Now the moneylender wantsthe loan to be repaid, so the cash strapped Shindes take a salary advance from theonly man offering jobs around town, a sugarcane factory contractor. Problem isthat they are just a husband, a wife and gawky boy. So the Shindes hurriedly finda bride for Santosh: another 14 year old, Pushpa, who accompanies them fromtheir village in Maharashtras Osmanabad district to Karnataka. They stop en routefor a no-frills marriage at a temple.Theres even a name for it, gatekin. It probably comes from the makeshift camps
these migrant labourers set up outside the factory gates in the cane-cutting season.Contractors prefer married couples to single boys as they are more likely to stay onat the factories for months.With western Maharashtras cane factories which once produced nearly a thirdof Indias sugar output in a state of crisis, jobs for migrant labourers have dried up.Some estimates say the factories have accumulated losses of over Rs 1,900 crore, andthis year 120 of the 177 sugar factories were forced to avail of the Centres Rs. 1,650crore bailout package. But the trickle down has been harsher on the migrant labour,out in the fields cutting cane feverishly during the six-month-long season. Their chancesof landing jobs have become harder, and wages have plummeted. Gangly Santosh, now 16 and sporting a straggly moustache, has just finished hisX exams while wife Pushpa took her XII exams. Pushpa, a good student, balancesher academic ambitions with caring for a one-and-a-half-year-old son. Then theres
home and labour in the fields. As she says, My marriage was so quick, I wondersometimes when did I get married when did all this happen? Asked if herhealth has suffered, the young mother says I try not to think about things I cantcontrol. Instead I focus on what I can do now. Her in-laws have said she can studyfurther only if she gets a scholarship. Otherwise, the young couple will migrate to
Mumbai to work at a construction site.
Activity 12
Read the report carefully and contrast the competition that Vikram and Nitin facewith that of Santosh and Pushpa in Activity 11.
The Week(7 May 2006) carried a special feature titled The New Workaholics:Their Goals, Money, Risks Health.
As the Indian economy gallops at 8 per cent, firing on all cylinders, thousandsof jobs are being created in every sphere of business resulting in changing attitudesand work styles. Young professionals want rewards instantly. Promotions must come
fast and quick. And money exceptional salaries, perks and big increments theprime motivator, makes the world go round. Vikram Samant, 27, who recently joineda BPO, makes no bones about quitting his last job for a better salary. Money isimportant but my new employers are fully aware that Im worth every rupee paid tome, he reasons.
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What is also driving young workaholics is the need to sprint up the corporate ladderrather than climb each rung at a measured pace. Yes, I want the next designationquickly, not when I am starting to go bald, says Nitin, who refused to wait aroundfor the next big jump and hopped from ICICI to Standard Chartered with a promotion
and then to Optimix as zonal manager (emphasis original).
GLOSSARY
Altruism: The principle of acting to benefit others without any selfishness orself-interest.
Alienation: Marx used the term to refer to the loss of control on the part of workersover the nature of the labour task, and over the products of their labour.
Anomie: For Durkheim, a social condition where the norms guiding conduct breakdown, leaving individuals without social restraint or guidance.
Capitalism:An economic system in which the means of production are privatelyowned and organised to accumulate profits within a market framework, in whichlabour is provided by waged workers.
Division of Labour: The specialisation of work tasks, by means of which differentoccupations are combined within a production system. All societies have at
least some rudimentary form of division of labour especially between the tasksallocated to men and those performed by women. With the development ofindustrialism, however, the division of labour became more complex than inany prior type of production system. In the modern world, the division of labouris international in scope.
Dominant Ideology: Shared ideas or beliefs which serve to justify the interests ofdominant groups. Such ideologies are found in all societies in which they aresystematic and engrained inequalities between groups. The concept of ideologyconnects closely with that of power, since ideological systems serve to legitimisethe differential power which groups hold.
Individualism: Doctrines or ways of thinking that focus on the autonomousindividual, rather than on the group.
Laissez-faire Liberalism:A political and economic approach based on the generalprinciple of non-interference in the economy by government and freedom for marketsand property owners.
Mechanical Solidarity: According to Durkheim, traditional cultures with a lowdivision of labour are characterised by mechanical solidarity. Because most membersof the society are involved in similar occupations, they are bound together bycommon experience and shared beliefs.
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Modernity: A term designed to encapsulate the distinctiveness, complexity anddynamism of social processes unleashed during the 18th and 19th centuries whichmark a distinct break from traditional ways of living.
Organic Solidarity: According to Durkheim, societies characterised by organicsolidarity are held together by peoples economic interdependence and a recognitionof the importance of others contributions. As the division of labour becomes morecomplex, people become more and more dependent on one another, because eachperson needs goods and services that those in other occupations supply.Relationships of economic reciprocity and mutual dependency come to replaceshared beliefs in creating social consensus.
Social Constraint: A term referring to the fact that the groups and societies ofwhich we are a part exert a conditioning influence on our behaviour. Social constraintwas regarded by Durkheim as one of the distinctive properties of social facts.
Structures: Refers generally to constructed frameworks and patterns oforganisation, which in some way constrain or direct human behaviour.
EXERCISES
1. Discuss the different tasks that demand cooperation with reference toagricultural or industrial operations.
2. Is cooperation always voluntary or is it enforced? If enforced, is it sanctions oris the strength of norms that ensure cooperation? Discuss with examples.
3. Can you find illustrative examples of conflict drawn from Indian society?Discuss the causes that led to conflict in each instance.
4. Write an essay based on examples to show how conflicts get resolved.
5. Imagine a society where there is no competition. Is it possible? If not,why not?
6. Talk to your parents and elders, grandparents and their contemporaries anddiscuss whether modern society is really more competitive or conflict riddenthan it used to be before. And if you think it is, how would you explain thissociologically?
REFERENCES
ABDULLAH, T. and S. ZEIDENSTEIN. 1982. Village Men of Bangladesh: Prospects forChange. Pergamon Press, Oxford.
BASU SRIMATI. 2001. She Comes to Take Her Rights: Indian Women, Property andPropriety. Kali for Women, New Delhi.
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BOTTOMORE, T.B. 1975. Sociology as Social Criticism. George Allen and UnwinLtd., London
DURKHEIM EMILE. 1933. The Division of Labour in Society. A Free Press (Paperback),The MacMillan Company, New York.
JAYARAM, N. 1987. Introductory Sociology. MacMillan India Ltd, Delhi.
HALE SYLVIA, M. 1990. Controversies in Sociology: A Canadian Introduction. LongmanGroups, London.
MARX KARL and FREDERICKENGELS. 1974. The German Ideology. Selected Works,
Vol. 1. Peoples Publishing House, Moscow.SEN AMARTYA. 1990. Gender and Cooperative Conflicts in Persistent Inequalities
(ed)II.Tinker, pp.123-49. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
SINGH YOGENDRA. 1973. Modernization of Indian Tradition. Thomson Press, Delhi.
SRINIVAS, M.N. 1972. Social Change in Modern India. Orient Longman, New Delhi.
OOMMEN, T.K. 1972. Charisma, Stability and Change; An Analysis of Bhoodan-Gramdan Movement in India. Thomson Press, New Delhi.
WHITE, S.C. 1992. Arguing With the Crocodile, Gender and Class in Bangladesh,Zed Books, London.
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CHAPTER2
SOCIALCHANGEAND SOCIALORDERIN RURALANDURBAN SOCIETY
It is often said that change is theonly unchanging aspect of society.
Anyone living in modern society doesnot need to be reminded that constantchange is among the most permanentfeatures of our society. In fact, thediscipline of sociology itself emergedas an effort to make sense of the rapid
changes that Western Europeansociety had experienced between theseventeenth and nineteenth centuries.
But though social changeseems such a common and obviousfact about modern life, it is comparatively speaking a very newand recent fact. It is estimated thathuman beings have existed on planet
earth for approximately 500,000 (fivelakh) years, but they have had acivilized existence for only about 6,000
years. Of these civilized years, it is onlyin the last 400 years that we have seenconstant and rapid change; even
within these years of change, the pacehas accelerated only in the last 100
years. Because the speed with whichchange happens has been increasingsteadily, it is probably true that in thelast hundred years, change has beenfaster in the last fifty years than inthe first fifty. And within the last fifty
years, the world may have changedmore in the last twenty years than inthe first thirty
The Clock of Human History
Human beings have existed on earth for about half a million years. Agriculture,the necessary basis of fixed settlements, is only about twelve thousand years old.Civilisations date back no more than six thousand years or so. If we were to thinkof the entire span of human existence thus far as a day (stretching from midnightto midnight), agriculture would have come into existence at 11:56 pm andcivilisations at 11:57. The development of modern societies would get underwayonly at 11:59 and 30 seconds! Yet perhaps as much change has taken place inthe last thirty seconds of this human day as in all the time leading up to it.From: Anthony Giddens,2004 Sociology, 4th edition, p.40.
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Activity 1
Talk to your elders and make a listof the things in your life that: (a) didnot exist when your parents wereyour age; and (b) did not exist whenyour grandparents were your age.
Eg: Black & white/colour TV;milk in plastic bags; zip fasteners onclothes; plastic buckets; etc. did itexist in your parents/grandparentschildhood?
Can you also make a list of thingsthat existed in your parents/grandparents time but dont exist in
your time?
SOCIALCHANGE
Social change is such a general termthat it can be, and often is, used torefer to almost any kind of change notqualified by some other term, such as
economic or political change.Sociologists have had to work hard tolimit this broad meaning in order tomake the term more specific andhence useful for social theory. At themost basic level, social change refersto changes that are significant thatis, changes which alter the underlyingstructure of an object or situation overa period of time (Giddens 2005:42).
Thus social change does not includeany and all changes, but only big ones,
changes which transform thingsfundamentally. The bigness ofchange is measured not only by howmuch change it brings about, but also
by the scale of the change, that is, byhow large a section of society it affects.In other words, changes have to be
both intensive and extensive have a
big impact spread over a large sectorof society in order to qualify as socialchange.
Even after this kind ofspecification, social change stillremains a very broad term. Attemptsto further qualify it usually try toclassify it by its sources or causes; byits nature, or the kind of impact it has
on society; and by its pace or speed.For example, evolution is the namegiven to a kind of change that takesplace slowly over a long period of time.
This term was made famous by thenatural scientist Charles Darwin, whoproposed a theory of how livingorganisms evolve or change slowlyover several centuries or even millenia,
by adapting themselves to naturalcircumstances. Darwins theoryemphasized the idea of the survival of
the fittest only those life formsmanage to survive who are bestadapted to their environment; thosethat are unable to adapt or are too slowto do so die out in the long run. Darwinsuggested that human beings evolvedfrom sea-borne life forms (or varietiesof fish) to land-based mammals,passing through various stages thehighest of which were the various
varieties of monkeys and chimpanzeesuntil finally the homo sapiens or
human form was evolved. AlthoughDarwins theory refered to naturalprocesses, it was soon adapted to thesocial world and was termed socialDarwinism, a theory that emphasisedthe importance of adaptive change. Incontrast to evolutionary change,change that occurs comparatively
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quickly, even suddenly, is sometimescalled revolutionary change. It is usedmainly in the political context, whenthe power structure of society changes
very rapidly through the overthrow ofa former ruling class or group by itschallengers. Examples include theFrench revolution (1789-93) and theSoviet or Russian revolution of 1917.
But the term has also been used moregenerally to refer to sharp, sudden andtotal transformations of other kinds as
well, such as in the phrase industrialrevolution or telecommunicationsrevolution, and so on.
Activity 2
Refer to the discussions about theFrench Revolution and the IndustrialRevolution which you have comeacross before in your textbooks.
What were the major kinds of changethat each brought about? Wouldthese changes qualify to be calledsocial change? Were these changesfast enough and far reaching enoughto qualify as revolutionary change?What other kinds of social changehave you come across in your bookswhich might not quali fy asrevolutionary change? Why wouldthey not qualify?
Types of change that are identified
by their nature or impact includestructural change and changes inideas, values and beliefs. Structuralchange refers to transformations inthe structure of society, to itsinstitutions or the rules by whichthese institutions are run. (Recall thediscussion of social structure from the
previous chapter.) For example, theemergence of paper money ascurrency marked a major change inthe organisation of financial marketsand transactions. Until this changecame about, most forms of currencyinvolved precious metals like gold andsilver. The value of the coin wasdirectly linked to the value of the gold
or silver it contained. By contrast, thevalue of a paper currency note has norelationship to the value of the paperit is printed on, or the cost of itsprinting. The idea behind papermoney was that a medium or meansfor facilitating the exchange of goodsand services need not itself beintrinsically valuable. As long as itrepresents values convincingly i.e.,as long as it inspires trust almostanything can function as money. This
idea was the foundation for the creditmarket and helped change thestructure of banking and finance.
These changes in turn producedfurther changes in the organisation ofeconomic life.
Changes in values and beliefs canalso lead to social change. Forexample, changes in the ideas and
beliefs about children and childhoodhave brought about very importantkinds of social change, there was a
time when children were simplyconsidered small adults there wasno special concept of childhood assuch, with its associated notions of
what was right or wrong for childrento do. As late as the 19th century forexample, it was considered good andproper that children start to work as
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soon as they were able to. Childrenwere often helping their families atwork from the age of five or six; theearly factory system depended on thelabour of children. It was during the19th and early 20th centuries thatideas about childhood as a specialstage of life gained influence. It then
became unthinkable for small
children to be at work, and manycountries passed laws banning childlabour. At the same time, thereemerged ideas about compulsoryeducation, and children weresupposed to be in school rather thanat work, and many laws were passedfor this as well. Although there are
some industries in our country thateven today depend on child labour atleast partially (such as carpet weaving,small tea shops or restaurants, match-stick making, and so on), child labouris illegal and employers can bepunished as criminals.
But by far the most common wayof classifying social change is by its
causes or sources. Sometimes thecauses are pre-classif ied intointernal (or endogenous) andexternal (or exogenous) causes.
There are five broad types of sourcesor causes of social change:environmental, technological,economic, political and cultural.
Students in a classroom
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Environment
Nature, ecology and the physicalenvironment have always had asignificant influence on the structureand shape of society. This wasparticularly true in the past whenhuman beings were unable to controlor overcome the effects of nature. Forexample, people living in a desertenvironment were unable to practise
settled agriculture of the sort that waspossible in the plains, near rivers andso on. So the kind of food they ate orthe clothes they wore, the way theyearned their livelyhood, and theirpatterns of social interaction were alldetermined to a large extent by thephysical and climatic conditions of
their environment. The same was truefor people living in very cold climates,or in port towns, along major traderoutes or mountain passes, or in fertileriver valleys. But the extent to whichthe environment influences societyhas been decreasing over time with theincrease in technological resources.
Technology allows us to overcome oradapt to the problems posed by
nature, thus reducing the differencesbetween societies living in differentsorts of environments. On the otherhand, technology also alters natureand our relationship to it in new ways(see the chapter on environment inthis book). So it is perhaps moreaccurate to say that the effect of
A child doing skilled work
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may have shaped societies, but how didit play any role in social change? Theeasiest and most powerful answer tothis question can be found in naturaldisasters. Sudden and catastrophicevents such as earthquakes, volcaniceruptions, floods, or tidal waves (likethe tsunami that hit Indonesia, SriLanka, the Andaman Islands and parts
of Tamil Nadu in December 2004) canchange societies quite drastically.These changes are often irreversible,that is, they are permanent and dontallow a return to the way things were.For example, it is quite possible thatmany of those whose livelihoods weredestroyed by the tsunami will never beable to return to them again, and thatmany of the coastal villages will havetheir social structure completelyaltered. There are numerous instances
of natural disasters leading to a totaltransformation and sometimes totaldestruction of societies in history.Environmental or ecological factorsneed not only be destructive to causechange, they can be constructive as
well. A good example is the discoveryof oil in the desert regions of West Asia(also called the Middle East). Like thediscovery of gold in California in the19th century, oil reserves in the MiddleEast have completely transformed the
societies in which they were found.Countries like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait orthe United Arab Emirates would be verydifferent today without their oil wealth.
Technology and Economy
The combination of technological andeconomic change has been responsible
The earth caves in after heavy floods
nature on society is changing ratherthan simply declining.
But how, you might ask, does thisaffect social change? The environment
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for immense social changes, speciallyin the modern period. Technologyaffects society in a wide variety of
ways. As seen above, it can help us toresist, control, adapt to or harnessnature in different ways. Incombination with the very powerfulinstitution of the market, technologicalchange can be as impressive in its
social impact as natural factors like atsunami or the discovery of oil. Themost famous instance of massive andimmediately visible social change
brought about by technological changeis the Industrial Revolution itself,
which you have already read about.You will surely have heard of the
massive social impact made by thesteam engine. The discovery of steampower allowed emerging forms of largescale industry to use of a source of
energy that was not only far strongerthan animals or human beings, but
was also capable of continuousoperation without the need for rest.
When harnessed to modes of transportlike the steam ship and the railway, ittransformed the economy and socialgeography of the world. The railroadenabled the westward expansion ofindustry and trade on the Americancontinent and in Asia. In India too,the railways have played a very
important role in shaping theeconomy, specially in the first centuryafter their introduction in 1853.Steamships made ocean voyagesmuch faster and much more reliable,thereby changing the dynamics of
international trade and migration.Both these developments createdgigantic ripples of change whichaffected not only the economy but alsothe social, cultural and demographicdimensions of world society.
The importance and impact ofsteam power became visible relativelyquickly; however, sometimes, the
social impact of technological changesbecomes visible only retrospectively.A technological invention or discoverymay produce limited immediateeffects, as though it were lyingdormant. Some later change in theeconomic context may suddenlychange the social significance of thesame invention and give it recognitionas a historic event. Examples of thisare the discovery of gunpowder and
writing paper in China, which had
only limited impact for centuries untilthey were inserted into the context ofmodernising Western Europe. Fromthat vantage point, given theadvantage of enabling circumstances,gunpowder helped to transform thetechnology of warfare and the paper-print revolution changed societyforever. Another example closer homeis the case of technological innovationsin the textile industry in Britain. Incombination with market forces and
imperial power, the new spinning andweaving machines destroyed thehandloom industry of the Indiansubcontinent which was, until then,the largest and most advanced in the
world.
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Activity 3
Have you noticed other suchtechnological changes which havesocial consequences in your own life?Think of the photo-copying machineand its impact. Have you everthought of what things were likebefore photo-copying became socheap and freely available? Another
example could be the STD telephonebooths. Try to find out how peoplecommunicated before thesetelephone boths had appeared andvery few ho mes had telepho neconnections. Make a list of othersuch examples.
Sometimes changes in economicorganisation that are not directlytechnological can also change society.In a well-known historical example,plantation agriculture that is, the
growing of single cash crops likesugarcane, tea or cotton on a largescale created a heavy demand forlabour. This demand helped toestablish the institution of slavery andthe slave trade between Africa, Europeand the Americas between the 17thand 19th centuries. In India, too, thetea plantations of Assam involved theforced migration of labour fromEastern India (specially the Adivasiareas of Jharkhand and Chattisgarh).
Today, in many parts of the world,changes in customs duties or tariffs
brought about by internationalagreements and institutions like the
World Trade Organisation, can lead toentire industries and occupations
being wiped out or (less often) suddenbooms or periods of prosperity forother industries or occupations.
Politics
In the old ways of writing andrecounting history, the actions ofkings and queens seemed to be themost important forces of socialchange. But as we know now, kingsand queens were the representativesof larger political, social and economictrends. Individuals may indeed have
had roles to play, but they were partof a larger context. In this sense,political forces have surely beenamong the most important causes ofsocial change. The clearest examplesare found in the history of warfare.
When one society waged war onanother and conquered or wasconquered, social change was usuallyan immediate consequence.Sometimes, conquerors brought theseeds of change and planted them
wherever they went. At other times,the conquered were actuallysuccessful in planting seeds of changeamong the conquerors andtransformed their societies. Althoughthere are many such examples inhistory, it is interesting to consider amodern instance that of the UnitedStates and Japan.
The United States won a famousvictory over Japan in the Second World
War, partly through the use of aweapon of mass destruction neverseen before in human history, thenuclear bomb. After the Japanesesurrender, the United States occupiedand ruled over Japan for several years,
bringing about lots of changes,including land reform in Japan.
Japanese industry, at that time, was
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trying very hard to copy Americanindustry and learn from it. By the1970s, however, Japanese industrialtechniques, specially in fields like carmanufacturing, had gone far ahead ofthe Americans. Between the 1970sand 1990s, Japanese industrydominated the world and forcedchanges in the industrial organisation
of Europe and specially the UnitedStates. The industrial landscape ofthe United States in particular wasdecisively altered by the impact of
Japanese industrial technology andproduction organisation. Large,traditionally dominant industries likesteel, automobiles and heavyengineering suffered major setbacksand had to restructure themselvesaccording to Japanese technologicaland management principles.
Emerging fields like electronics werealso pioneered by the Japanese. Inshort, within the space of fourdecades, Japan had turned the tableson the United States, but througheconomic and technological meansrather than warfare.
Political changes need not only beinternational they can haveenormous social impact even at home.
Although you may not have thoughtof it this way, the Indian independence
movement did not only bring aboutpolitical change in the form of the endof British rule, it also decisivelychanged Indian society. A more recentinstance is to be found in the Nepalipeoples rejection of monarchy in2006. More generally, politicalchanges bring about social change
through the redistribution of poweracross different social groups andclasses.
Considered from this viewpoint,universal adult franchise or the oneperson, one vote principle isprobably the single biggest politicalchange in history. Until moderndemocracies formally empowered the
people with the vote, and untilelections became mandatory forexercising legitimate power, society
was structured very differently. Kingsand queens claimed to rule by divineright, and they were not reallyanswerable to the common people.Even when democratic principles of
voting were first introduced, they didnot include the whole population in fact only a small minority could
vote, or had any say in the formation
of the government. In the beginning,the vote was restricted to those who
were born into high status socialgroups of a particular race or ethincity,or to wealthy men who ownedproperty. All women, men of lowerclasses or subordinated ethnicities,and the poor and working people ingeneral were not allowed to vote.
It is only through long strugglesthat universal adult franchise came to
be established as a norm. Of course,
this did not abolish all the inequalitiesof previous eras. Even today, not allcountries follow democratic forms ofrule; even where elections are held,they can be manipulated; and peoplecan continue to be powerless toinfluence the decisions of theirgovernment. But despite all this, it
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cannot be denied that universal adultfranchise serves as a powerful normthat exerts pressure on every societyand every government. Governmentsmust now at least appear to seek theapproval of the people in order to beconsidered legitimate. This has
brought massive social changes inits wake.
Culture
Culture is used here as a short labelfor a very wide field of ideas, values,
beliefs, that are important to peopleand help shape their lives. Changesin such ideas and beliefs lead naturallyto changes in social life. Thecommonest example of a socio-cultural institution that has hadenormous social impact is religion.Religious beliefs and norms havehelped organise society and it is hardlysurprising that changes in these
beliefs have helped transform society.So important has religion been, thatsome scholars have tended to definecivilisations in religious terms and tosee history as the process ofinteraction between religions.However, as with other importantfactors of social change, religion toois contextual it is able to produce
effects in some contexts but not inothers. Max Webers study theProtestant Ethic and the Spirit ofCapitalism showed how the religious
beliefs of some Christian Protestantsects helped to establish the capitalistsocial system. It remains one of themost famous examples of the impactof cultural values on economic and
social change. In India too we findmany examples of religion bringingabout social change. Among the bestknown are the impact of Buddhism onsocial and political life in ancient India,and the widespread influence of theBhakti Movement on medieval socialstructure including the caste system.
A dif ferent example of cultural
change leading to social change canbe seen in the evolution of ideas aboutthe place of women in society. In themodern era, as women have struggledfor equality, they have helped changesociety in many ways. Womensstruggles have also been helped orhindered by other historicalcircumstances. For example, duringthe Second World War, women in
western countries started to work infactories doing jobs that they had
never done before, jobs which hadalways been done by men. The factthat women were able to build ships,operate heavy machinery, manufacturearmaments and so on, helpedestablish their claims to equality. Butit is equally true that, had it not beenfor the war, they would have had tostruggle for much longer. A verydifferent instance of change produced
by the position of women can be seen
in consumer advertising. In mosturban societies, it is women who takemost of the everyday decisions about
what to buy for their households. Thishas made advertisers very sensitive tothe views and perspectives of womenas consumers. Significant proportionsof advertising expenditure are nowdirected at women, and this in turn
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has effects on the media. In short,the economic role of women starts achain of changes which can have alarger social impact. For example,advertisements may tend to show
women as decision-makers and asimportant people in ways that wouldnot have been considered orencouraged before. More generally,
most advertisements used to beaddressed to men; now they areaddressed as much to women, or, insome sectors like householdappliances and consumer goods,mainly to women. So it is noweconomically important for advertisersand manufacturers to pay attentionto what women think and feel.
Yet another instance of culturalchange bringing about social changecan be found in the history of sports.
Games and sports have always beenexpressions of popular culture thatsometimes acquire a lot ofimportance. The game of cricket
began as a British aristocraticpastime, spread to the middle and
working classes of Britain, and fromthere to British colonies across the
world. As the game acquired rootsoutside Britain, it often turned into asymbol of national or racial pride.
The very different history of intense
rivalry in cricket shows the socialimportance of sport in a very tellingmanner. The England-Australiarivalry expressed the resentment ofthe socially subordinated colony(Australia) against the dominant
upper class centre of authority(England). Similarly, the complete
world dominance of the West Indiescricket team during the 1970s and1980s, was also an expression ofracial pride on the part of a colonisedpeople. In India, too, beating Englandat cricket was always seen assomething special, particularly before
independence. At another level, theimmense popularity of cricket in theIndian sub-continent has altered thecommercial profile of the game whichis now driven by the interests of South
Asian fans, specially Indians.As will be clear from the above
discussion, no single factor or theorycan account for social change. Thecauses of social change may beinternal or external, the result ofdeliberate actions or accidental
events. Moreover, the causes of socialchange are often interrelated.Economic and technological causesmay also have a cultural component,politics may be influenced byenvironment It is important to beaware of the many dimensions ofsocial change and its varied forms.Change is an important subject forus because the pace of change inmodern and specially contemporarytimes is much faster than what it
used to be before. Although socialchange is better understoodretrospectively after it has alreadyoccurred we also need to be awareof it as it happens, and to prepare forit in whatever ways we can.
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SOCIALORDER
The meaning of social events orprocesses often becomes clearthrough contrasts, just as the letterson the page that you are reading
become legible because they contrastagainst the background. In the same
way, social change as a processacquires meaning against the
backdrop of continuity or lack ofchange. It may sound odd, butchange makes sense as a conceptonly if there are also some things thatare not changing, so that they offerthe possibility of comparison orcontrast. In other words, socialchange has to be understood together
with social order, which is thetendency within established socialsystems that resists and regulateschange.
Another way of looking at therelationship between social changeand social order is to think about thepossible reasons why society needs toprevent, discourage, or at least controlchange. In order to establish itself asa strong and viable social system,every society must be able toreproduce itself over time andmaintain its stability. Stabilityrequires that things continue more or
less as they are that people continueto follow the same rules, that similaractions produce similar results, andmore generally, that individuals andinstitutions behave in a fairlypredictable manner.
Activity 4
We are used to thinking of samenessas boring and change as exciting; thisis also true, of course change canbe fun and lack of change can bereally dull. But think of what lifewould be like if you were forced tochange all the time What if younever, ever got the same food forlunch every day something
different, and never the same thingtwice, regardless of whether youliked it or not? Here is a scarierthought what if every time youcame back from school there weredifferent people at home, differentparents, different brothers andsisters? What if whenever youplayed your favourite game football, cricket, volleyball, hockeyand so on the rules were differenteach time? Think of other areas ofyour life where you would like things
to not change too quickly. Are thereareas of your life where you wantthings to change quickly? Try tothink about the reasons why youwant or don t want change inparticular instances.
The above argument was anabstract and general one about thepossible reasons why societies mayneed to resist change. But there areusually more concrete and specific
reasons why societies do in fact resistchange. Remember what you readabout social structure and socialstratification in Chapter 1. Mostsocieties most of the time are stratifiedin unequal ways, that is, the different
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strata are differently positioned withrespect to command over economicresources, social status and politicalpower. It is not surprising that those
who are favourably placed wish forthings to continue as they are, whilethose who are suffering disadvantagesare anxious for change. So the rulingor dominant groups in society
generally resist any social changesthat may alter their status, becausethey have a vested interest in stability.On the other hand, the subordinatedor oppressed groups have a vestedinterest in change. Normal conditionsusually favour the rich and powerful,and they are able to resist change.
This is another broad reason whysocieties are generally stable.
However, the notion of social orderis not restricted to the idea of
resistance to change, it also has amore positive meaning. It refers to theactive maintenance and reproductionof particular pattern of social relationsand of values and norms. Broadlyspeaking, social order can be achievedin one of two ways when peoplespontaneously wish to abide by a setof rules and norms; or when peopleare compelled in various ways to obeysuch norms. Every society employs acombination of these methods to
sustain social order.Spontaneous consent to social
order derives ultimately from sharedvalues and norms which areinternalised by people through theprocess of socialisation. (Revisit thediscussion of socialisation inIntroducing Sociology). Socialisation
may be more or less efficient indifferent contexts, but howeverefficient it is, it can never completelyerase the will of the individual. Inother words, socialisation cannot turnpeople into programmed robots itcannot produce complete andpermanent consent for all norms atall times. You may have experienced
this in your own lives: rules or beliefswhich seem very natural and right atone point of time, dont seem soobviously correct at other times. Wequestion things we believed in thepast, and change our minds about
what we regard as right or wrong.Sometimes, we may even return to
beliefs we once held and thenabandoned, only to rediscover themafresh at some later stage of life or indifferent circumstances. So, while
socialisation does take on much of theburden of producing social order, it isnever enough by itself.
Thus, most modern societies mustalso depend on some form of power orcoercion to ensure that institutionsand individuals conform to establishedsocial norms. Power is usually definedas the ability to make others do what
you want regardless of what theythemselves want. When a relationshipof power is stable and settled, and the
parties involved have becomeaccustomed to their relative positions,
we have a situation of domination. Ifa social entity (a person, institutionor group) is routinely or habitually ina position of power, it is said to bedominant. In normal times, dominantinstitutions, groups or individuals
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exercise a decisive influence onsociety. It is not as though they arenever challenged, but this happensonly in abnormal or extraordinarytimes. Even though it implies thatpeople are being forced to do thingsthey dont necessarily want to do,domination in normal times can bequite smooth, in the sense of
appearing to be without friction ortension. (Revisit the discussion offorced cooperation from Chapter 1.
Why, for example, did women not wantto claim their rights in their familiesof birth? Why did they consent tothe patriarchal norm).
Domination, Authority and LawHow is it that domination can be non-confrontational even when it clearlyinvolves unequal relationships wherecosts and benefits are unevenly
distributed? Part of the answer wehave already got from the discussionof the previous chapter dominantgroups extract cooperation in unequalrelationships because of their power.But why does this power work? Doesit work purely because of the threat ofthe use of force? This is where wecome to an important concept insociology, that of legitimation.
In social terms, legitimacy refersto the degree of acceptance that is
involved in power relations.Something that is legitimate isaccepted as proper, just and fitting.In the broadest sense, it isacknowledged to be part of the socialcontract that is currently prevailing.In short, legitimacy implies conformityto existing norms of right, propriety
and justice. We have already seen howpower is defined in society; power initself is simply a fact it can be eitherlegitimate or not. Authority is defined
by Max Weber as legitimate pow