Tele-Evangelism in Nigeria: A Study of Its

University of Nigeria Research Publications

NMAI, Godspower Ikechukwu

Aut

hor

PG/MA/95/21928

Title

Tele-Evangelism in Nigeria: A Study of its Uses and Gratification

Facu

lty

Arts

D

epar

tmen

t

Mass Communication

Dat

e December, 1997

Sign

atur

e

TELE-EVANGELISM IN NIGERIA

A STUDY OF ITS USES AND GRATIFICATIONS

NMAI, GOD'SPOWER IKECHUKWU

REG. NO. PGlMA/95/21928

DEPARTMENT OF MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA

NSUKKA

DECEMBER, 1997

TELE-EVANGELISM IN NIGERIA A STUDY OF ITS USES AND GRATIFICATIONS

RESEARCH PROJECT REPORT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF MASS COMMUNICATION

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA

lTIAL FULFILMENT C P ~ D wuu n w n n n n z

PA1 )F THE REQUIREMENTS r v ~ , L I I U nnnnu v; THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS IN MASS COMMUNICATION

NMAI, GOD'SPOWER IKECHUKWU PG/MA/95/21928

SUPERVISOR : MR. E.N.E. UME - NWAGBO , .

DECEMBER, 1997

ii.

CERTIFICATION

GOD'SPOWER IKECHUKWU NMAI, a postgraduate student

in the Department of Mass Communication with the

Registration Number PG/MA/95/21928 has satisfactorily

completed the requirements for the course and research

work for the degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communi-

cation. The work embodied in this report is original

and has not to the best of knowledge, been submitted

in part or full for other diploma or degree of this

or any other University.

HEAD OF DEPARTMENT

SUPERVISOR

1 6 1 * / 9 8

iii.

D E D I C A T I O N

To Mum for her unflinching faith in me.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I acknowledge with appreciation the unparalled

magnanimity of my project supervisor Mr. E.N.E.

Ume-Nwagbo, without whose effort this work would

not have been possible. Words are not enough to

thank you.

I also thank members of the Department of Mass

Communication, U.N.N., especially the Head,f&. Fy.

Dr. P.O.J. Umechukwu, Dr. S.O. Idemili, Mr. Luke Anorue

and Mr. Okoro Nnanyelugo for their numerous assistance.

I am equally grateful to Miss Ngozi Agujobi,

Mr. Eugene Okoro and Mr. Luke Anorue my classmates

for their encouragement in the process of this work.

My sincere gratitude also goes to Mr. Olatunbosun

Omiye and Monday Unumadu for their financial support.

Finally, to God be the flory for the successful

completion of this programme.

GOD'SPOWER.

vi.

CONTENTS

PAGE

TITLE PAGE ................................. i

CERTIFICATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii

DEDICATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv-v

TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................... vi

TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS .................... vi

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction/Background of The study . . . 1

Statement of Problem ................... 7

Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Objective of Study 8

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Significance of Study 8

Scope of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Theoretical Framework ................. 9

................... Definition of terms 1 1

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

PAGE

17. Respondents Reasons for Failing To

contribute Money . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 18. Extent To Which Tele-Evangelism

Programmes Affect Viewers1 Life .......5 1

19. Kinds of Effects of Tele-Evangelism

Programmes on Viewers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

TABLE OF ILLUSTRATIONS

TABLE PAGE

1 . Questionnaire Return Rate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 5

2. Respondents1 Sex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 6

3 . Respondentsf Age Bracket . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

4 . Respondents' Religion ................. 3 7

5 . A Breakdown of Christian Denominational

Viewers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 8

6 . Respondents who view Tele-Evangelism

Programmes .......................... 3 9

7 . Frequency of viewing Tele-Evangelism

Programmes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 0

8 . Tele-Evangelism Viewing Motives ........ 4 2

9. Frequency of Church Attendance . . . . . . . . 4 3

1 0 . Benefits Derived from Viewing

Tele-Evangelism Programmes . . . . . . . . . . . 44

1 1 . Tele-Evangelism Programme Preferences.. 45

12. Respondents Converted to Christianity

Through Tele-Evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 6

1 3 . Respondents who changed Denomination

Through Tele-Evangelism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

1 4 . Preference of Tele-Evangelism Programmes

To Church Attendance on sundays . . . . . . . 4 8

15. Effectiveness of Tele-Evangelism

Programmes To Replace Church Attendance... 4 8

1 6 . Viewers' Responses To Call for Monetary

Contribution To Help Sponsor Tele-

Evangelism Programmes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY PAGE

3 . 1 Me thod of S t u d y . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 1

3 . 2 P o p u l a t i o n o f S t u d y . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 2

3.3 S a m p l e a n d S a m p l i n g P r o c e d u r e . . . . . . . . . . 3 3

3 . 4 Me thod of Data C o l l e c t i o n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

3 . 5 Me thod o f D a t a A n a l y s i s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 4

CHAPTER FOUR

D A T A PRESENTATION A N D ANALYSES

4 . 1 G e n e r a l R e s u l t s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 6

4 . 2 P r e s e n t a t i o n And A n a l y s e s o f Data o n

R e s e a r c h Q u e s t i o n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 9

4 . 3 D i s c u s s i o n o f F i n d i n g s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY A N D CONCLUSION

5 . 1 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 9

5 . 2 C o n c l u s i o n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

5 . 3 R e c o m m e n d a t i o n s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 2

APPENDICES 6 5

CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION/BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY.

Tele-evangelism has become increasingly popular

and prevalent in Nigeria over the past decade. The

prevalence arises from the fact that tele-evangelists

rightly recognise the power of television to instanta-

neously surmount both natural and artificial barriers,

as well as human abstacles to spreading the "God News"

of the gospel. For instance, tele-evangelists under4

stand that within a transmitter's service area, tele-

evangelism costs no more to reach an audience of two

million than an audience of one; the audience members

having voluntarily defrayed part of the cost by

purchasing and operating their own receivers. The

operators of the "electronic churchl1 also recognise the

ability of the broadcast message to enter direct into

the home, once a receiver has been installed. For

instance, consider yourself unable to attend the church

service on Sunday, you are in your home relaxing at a

time the church service is supposed to be going on, and

there, on the screen, is your pastor addressing you

instantaneously. This show the ubiquitous potentials

of tele-evangelism.

Tele-evangelism aims at converting non-christian

audiences to christianity, as well as igniting the fire

of revival in weak christians, and the church as a

corporate entity. However, since the publication of

Katzls (1959,2) mandate that "less attention be paid

to what media do to people and more to what people

do with the media", the perception of media consumers

as active or purposeful selectors and recepients in mass

communication has gathered much support in the scientific

literature.

In particular, uses and gratifications researchers

have identified a variety of motives that reflect the

utility, selectivity and intentionality of audience

activities regarding television use and viewing patterns

(Frank & Greenberg, 1980; Levy & Windahl, 1984).

Prior to the early 1960s, in evaluating the effects

the content of mass communication were supposed to have

on the recipients, as well as the place of the recipient

in the process of mass communication, the recipient had

hitherto been imagined to be perpetually passively

situated at the end of the mass communication process

(Elemeuwa, 1990). This antiquated bullet theory which

essentially sees audience as a mere subject of prefabri-

cated stimuli, standing in a stimulus - response rela-

tionship with the communicator, has been pensioned off

by uses and gratifications researchers. 9 2

Uses and gratifications theory simply states that

man makes use of the mass media as "instances of grati-

fication". In other words, this approach sees man as

making use of the mass media as the source nor the

satisfaction of certain personal interests, wishes and

needs. It sees the audience as active members in the

comunication process.

According to this approach, there are two primary

types of television viewing: ritualized and instrumental

viewing. Ritualized viewing consists of more habitual

viewing of television for diversionary reasons, such

as companionship, time consumption relaxation and a

greater affinity with the medium itself (Rubin, 1984:

67 - 7 7 ) . Instrumental viewing, on the other hand,

reflects a more goal-oriented use of television

content to gratify informational needs or motives. It

should be pointed out that both types of viewing may

be related to different types of programme content and

the dominant characteristics of the audience it attracts.

This study seeks to investigate what the audience

of tele-evangelism, a profoundly less researched programme

type and format, which is unique in its composition

(Horsfield, 1984:129), does with the programmes.

A BRIEF OVERVIEW 0F.TELE-EVANGELISM (IN LAGOS)

Lagos, is the hub of Nigeria's information and

communication highway. The city has a way of coming

out first and being distinguished in any event in the

country. Lagos alone parades an impressive array of

ten television stations. It is for this reason that

the motto of the state is !'The Centre of Excellence".

One manifestation of this " e ~ c e l l e n c e ~ ~ is the current

proliferation of ultr-rich modern-generation pentecostal

churches in the bustling city. The churches (most of

them) have gone fully "electronic" - using television to spread the gospel in obedience to the supreme command

of Jesus Christ, Son of the Most High (Matthew 28:18-20).

Visitors to Lagos and major Nigerian cities will

easily notice the extensive telecasts of religious

programmes sponsored by the '!electronic churches". The

programmes are manufactured by sophisticated socio-

technical work teams that must respond to modern - day marketing demands in order to remain attractive and

competitive.

Sponsored religions programmes, which are currently

carried by all the ten stations in Lagos, have generated

an estimated viewership of about 4 million people

(N.T.A 2, Channel 5 ) . Majority of the programmes are

produced and sponsored by the following churches/tele-

evangelists.

Zoe Ministries Worldwide: Moment of Practical

Christianity . Rev. K.C. Prize Ministries: Ever Increasing Faith . Kingsway Christian Centre: It is not Over Until

it is Over . Later Rain Assembly: Moment of Truth.

Foursquare Gospel Church: Jesus in the Home . El-Shaddai Gospel Church: God that Answers By Fire . Redeemed Christian Church of God: The Unchangeable

God . - Gods Kingdom Society: Search the Scriptures . Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria: Christian Events

Diary . Trinity College of Christian Art: Christian Movies . Pastor Victor Aboh: Praise and Dance - Africa in Vogue .

Most of such programming (over 85 percent) comprise

fire - and - brimestone sermons and church services

conducted by a host of fundamentalist and charismatic

tele-evangelists.

Furthermore, the tele-evangelism also consists of

some programming like career talks, how to manage business,

children's show, news/magazine, musicals, and family

entertainment.

Although some tele-evangelism programming appears

to be similar to secular programming, there are important

differences that are relevant to uses and gratifications

research. Most of the programmes explicitly call for

audience action on and response to various political,

economic and ideological issues. They also offer extensive

spiritual guidance and solicit audience support for their

ministries and to help pay the very expensive costs of

programme production and airtime. The high cost of

airtime is putting the medium beyond the reach of

smaller and many of the orthodox churches (Kate Amam).

These characteristics of the tele-evangelism programmes

are similar but not totally, to American religious

television (OIBrien-Steinfels and Steinfels, 1983).

The employment of familiar formats, alternative

and action-seeking content and eclectic nature, in

tele-evangelism pose some interesting questions about

viewers motives. Viewers motives, therefore, may be

something else more than just ritualized and instrumental

modes of behaviour.

1 . 1 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM.

Television is a powerful medium of mass communica-

tion- powerful because of its ability to combine sound

and picture instantaneously. Tele-evangelists share

a common faith in the power of tele-evangelism to

overcome political and cultural obstacles to world-wide

evangelisation. This faith has been a commanding

impulse in the packaging and sponsoring of evangelism

programmes on television. Nevertheless, viewers are

active participators in the communication (tele-evangelism)

process. The problem now is what people do with tele-

evangelism programmes. Empirical studies are scanty

on this issue; hence this study is pertinent and germane.

1 . 2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

This study will attempt to answer the following

questions:

1. Who view5tele-evangelism programmes and how often

do they view the programmes?

2 . Why do they view the programmes?

3. What tele-evangelism programmes ao viewers prefer?

4. What do viewers do with the contents of the

programmes?

5. To what extent do tele-evangelism programmes affect

their lives? 7

1.3 OBJECTIVE OF STUDY

Considering the unprecedented volume of tele-

evangelism programming in the country, the time is

ripe to encourage thorough studges of what viewers

are doing with the programmes. Knowing what viewers

do with the programmes will establish,how effective,

religiously or otherwise, tele-evangelism is. The

study also aims to make recommendations based on the

research findings.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY

Tele-evangelism is highly attractive to Nigerian

preachers. Many yearn to preach the gospel on air but

for financial straitjacket. Yet, neither the operators

of the "electronic church" nor the medium, knows exactly

what viewers do with the programmes. Except tele-evange-

lists and broadcasters learn about how viewers use the

programmes, the may not be able to improve upon their

current exploits.

The findings of this investigation hope to furnish

tele-evangelists and television stations with data on

what is being done with their programmes. It will also

add to the available research literature on the uses

and gratifications theory in general and its application

to religions programmes, which is unique from other

forms of programmes. This work may also constitute

a reference material for further studies.

1.5 SCOPE OF STUDY

This research deals with how and why audiences

watch tele-evangelical programmes and what they do with

the contents of the programmes. The study will focus

on Lagos State which has a high concentration of

television stations and receivers per 1000 of the

population. The state also has well organised tele-

evangelism network which is representative of all the

states in the Southern part of the country.

The choice of Lagos is purposeful and economic.

It will help the researcher save time and cost because

he will be close to the subject of his study. The

cosmopolitan nature of Lagos allows for some, albeit

limited, generalisation of the study data findings.

1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Although the "Uses and Gratifications Paradigm"

lacks a proper statement of demiliting parameters, it

has proved an invaluable research perspective for

communication scholars over the years. Its fundamental

proposition is that members of the mass media audiences

are not "passive" recipients of the mass media and their

fare but active participants in the communication

process, who actually put these media and their fare

to use in addressing their own socio-psychological and

material needs. Such media uses, in turn, result, in

need-related gratifications.

This theory, conjures a broad range of meanings:

(1) Utility-that mass communication has uses for

people;

( 2 ) Intentionality-that mass media use is directed

by prior motivations;

( 3 ) Selectivity- that human behaviour towards the

mass media reflects prior interests and

preferences, and;

(4) Imperviousness- that media audiences, both on the

individual and group levels, do resist unwanted

inflences (Blumler, 1978/41-59).

These explain why, for instance, it is possible,

that a television programme viewed together by many

people could leave different impressions among members

of the viewing audience. Each viewer, depending upon

his or her motives for viewing the programme may focus

on the entertaining aspect of the programme, derive

reinforcement for values and convictions, find potentially

useful information, or experience all of these gratifica-

tions through becoming engaged by the programme. Similarly,

10

each viewer may hold a different opinion of the general

worth of the programme and of the brilliance of the

characters.

No other theoretical framework will better suit

the subject of our investigation.

Our perpective, therefore, will be that viewers'

uses of tele-evangelism programmes and the gratifications

received vary widely in response to a myraid of factors.

Some of these factors are inherent in the medium, others

in the environment and yet others in the socio-psycho-

logical make-up of the audiences.

1.7 - DEFINITION OF TERMS:

1 . Uses and Gratifications: This is the conceptual

framework within which

the present study will

be located. For details

see "Theoretical frame-

work" ( 1 . 6 ) .

This refers to all sponsored

religious programmes on

television aimed at sprea-

ding the gospel and advan-

cing the course of Christ-

ianity.

3. "Electronic Churchf1 : Churches that sponsor tele-

evangelical programmes,

especially the programming

of church service and sermons.

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

Scientific studies on the audience of tele-

evangelism are thin and scanty. However, from the

general uses and gretifications perspective, there

exists some stock of literature which answer many

questions on the audience of the mass media.

Since Katz (1959,2) fired the first shot, that

I1less attention be paid to what media do to people

and more to what people do with the media", uses

and gratifications researchers have not relented in

their efforts to discover the actual place of media

consumers in the process of mass communication.

Opening an article on "Gratification Seeking,

Media Exposure and Audience Interpretations", Swanson

(19871, said that uses and gratifications research

has made substantial contributions to our understanding

of the mass communication process. He is of the

opinion that "impotant elements and correlates of the

psychological context in which exposure to mass

media occurs have been brought to light by a great

many uses and gratifications studies (P.237).

13

R o s e n g r e e n , W e n n e r a n d P a l m g r e e n ( 1 9 8 5 1 , i n t h e i r

e d i t e d v o l u m e o n t h e s u b j e c t , a r r i v e d a t a c o n c l u s i o n

t h a t u s e s a n d g r a t i f i c a t i o n s r e s e a r c h may h a v e r e a c h e d

a n o t h e r o f t h o s e p o i n t s a t w h i c h s t o c k t a k i n g c a n b e

v a l u a b l e .

And s o f r o m t h e s t o c k p i l e o f l i t e r a t u r e o n u s e s

a n d g r a t i f i c a t i o n s , t h e f o l l o w i n g b r o a d q u e s t i o n s h a v e

b e e n a d d r e s s e d :

1 . Who u s e s t h e mass m e d i a ?

2 . Why?

3 . W i t h w h a t e f f e c t ?

T h e s e q u e s t i o n s c o n s t i t u t e t h e p i v o t o n w h i c h o u r

l i t e r a t u r e r e v i e w w i l l r e v o l v e .

WHO USES THE MASS MEDIA?

M o s t r e s e a r c h e s w h i c h attanpted t o a n s w e r t h e a b o v e

q u e s t i o n w e r e c o n d u c t e d f r o m a r e v e r s e d p e r s p e c t i v e .

T h e y a d d r e s s t h e i s s u e o f who d o e s n o t u s e t h e m e d i a ,

h o p i n g b y i t , p e r h a p s , t o s h e d s u f f i c i e n t l i g h t o n

t h e r e a l q u e s t i o n of who does T h i s may h a v e p r o b a b l y

e m a n a t e d f r o m W e s t e r n p r e s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e v a s t

m a j o r i t y o f p e o p l e d o , i n f a c t u s e t h e m e d i a . S i n c e

i t i s t h e r a r e a n d e x c e p t i o n a l t h a t m a k e b e t t e r n e w s ,

i t was p r o b a b l y t h e smal l n u m b e r who d i d n o t p a t r o n i z e

the mass media that deserved greater attention. One

is tempted to tow this line of argument, especially

when it is realised that the bulk of works on the

topic, if not entirely, was contributed by Western

Scholars.

Gallup, (1930) and Nafzinger, (1930) among their

contemporaries in their early attempts to understand

the phenomenon of media non-use, showed that it is

to be found essentially among people of the lower

socio-economic stratum. There are two basic reasons in

the wisdom of those researches:

1. Lack of resources and cognitive skills due to

low education, and

2. Lack of social contacts and leisure time.

Schramm and White (1949), in their report on

factors affecting newspaper readership, corroborate

the conclusions of earlier studies. They discovered

that in general, readership increases with education,

age and economic status. Let us not forget that these

are the traditional "structural" explanations of media

non-use.

However, the investigations of Okpata (19801,

as well as Burgoon and Burgoon (19801, returned similar

verdicts, but with a little tilt. They point out that

television and probably radio are exceptions; that

television viewership does not drop markedly at old age.

Coming to the domain of religious radio and tele-

vision programmes, which are unique from other forms

of programmes, Johnstone (1971), in his study of the

audience of religious broadcasts in America, discovered

less listening to the broadcasts with increasing

education. He recorded an amazingly steady increase

in the number of respondents who never listened or

watched as education increased. This is in disagree-

ment with the findings of Okpata, and Burgeon and

Burgoon, in their studies on print media reasership.

As for sex, Johnstone Observed no difference in the

frequency of listening to and viewing of religious

radio and television programmes between males and . '

females. This contradicts the traditional observation

that women are more religious than men, as it does

not carry to differential listening to and viewing

of religious radio and television programmes. Be that

as it may, Johnstone concluded that religious programmes

tend to reach those who have already been reached in

the sense of already having formal association with

religions institutions. The old, the church member,

the regular church attender - these comprise the

larger majority of audiences of religious programmes

in the United States.

Buddenbaum (19811, Gaddy (1984), and Abelman's

(1985) studies on viewers of religions television ,

fare in United States ended on a similar note.

They characterised the viewers succintly as demogra-

phically downscale and religious. They are typically

older, poorer, less educated and more likely to be

blue-collar than the average American television

viewer.

In a similar study on the members of the United

State's "electronic church", Gaddy and Pritchard

(19851, identified viewers of religious television

programmes as church members who are more likely to

participate in other religious activities, to be

protestant and evangelical, and to be more conservative

in a wide range of religious beliefs, values and

attitudes. Gaddy and Pritchard agree with Buddenbaum

and Johnstone, who found the same demographic and

psychographic characteristics among viewers of tele-

evangelism programmes.

On their own part, Barry and Smythe (19551, in

their early study of the appropriateness of a uses

and gratifications approach to religious broadcasting

and its audience, held that "there are logical reasons

for listening or non-listening and viewing or non-

viewing that go deep into the personal and social

situations of audience members, far deeper than their

simple identification with Catholics or Presbyterians,

or non-participants in any church" (P.408).

WHY DO PEOPLE USE THE MASS MEDIA?

Current answers to this research question constitute

a major pillar on which television uses and gratifica-

tions' paradigm rests. They provide the basis for

a decisive break between the uses and gratifications

perspective and the fossilised and discredited "Effects"

theory of old. This is because they suggest a high

level deliberateness or purposiveness on the part of

the individual recipient of television fare, a quality

which the effect theory traditionally downplays. The

uses and gratifications perspective suggests the

existence of an "active audience" as opposed to a

"passive audience".

In an early scholarly attempt to profer an answer

to the question, Schramm (19491, observed that i n d i v i w - - -

select news in expectation of reward. Those antici-

pated rewards or their actual derivation are founded

on the individuals socio-psychological and material

needs which, in turn, derive from the immediate

situation in which he finds himself. To Schramm,

therefore, the most fundamental consideration in the

selection of medial fare is for what gives one the

most reward immediate or delayed. Also, there seems

to be greater expectation of reward when there is

greater possibility of the audience member identifying

with the fare (P.265).

This theoretical model which sees gratifications

received as being directed by gratifications sought

is countered by the result of Mcleod, Bybee and Duralls

(19821, research in exposure to radio programmes in

Jamaica. They found gratifications received from

the programmes to be largelyanaccidental result of

media exposure.

Rubin and Pearse (1987, posit two main set of

reasons why people attend to the media. These are:

1. Ritualized/non-serious r e a s o n s m e d i a use out

of habit and for pass time purposes.

2. Instrumental/serious reasons by which they mean

the intentional and selective use of the media

for specific ends such as excitement and profes-

sional information.

Freedman and Sears (19651, merely put the same

idea differently when, in their exposition of the

concept of Selective Exposure, observed that "it

seems likely that the greater the perceived utility

of information, the greater will be the desire to be

exposed to it. ... Conversely, information content,

programme types or even entire media sources not

perceived to be useful are bracketed out1'.

Carlson (1960), on his part, observed that many

paople may attend to one media fare for several

reasons. Drawing from experience, he said the

individual is able to perceive that a body of media

far is in some way relevant to his underlying goals

and values. It is the relevance that is perceived

and the satisfaction that dictates the interest that

will be attached to the fare (gratifications sought

determine exposure to media fare).

In a manner, somehow, like Rubin and Pearse,

Berelson (1954), furnished a list of reasons why

people pay heed to the media. According to him, this

includes the need for information and interpretation,

escape from tension, practical assistance to living

and general vicarious benefits.

Atkin (19721, in his study of the utilitarian

underpining of mass media use, showed that the

anticipated conversational usefulness of media fare

for future interaction with family, friends and other

acquaintances, may combine with other interpersonal

factors to provide a strong motivation for mass

media audience . .

Information for future interaction is a means to

ego retaining and ego boosting. It arms the audience

member who seeks and obtains it with the assurance

that he/she is still relevant within the vital social

brackets. It also serves to increase his/her prestige

among the people with whom the information is ultimately

shared.

One of the most comprehensive analyses of viewers

of religious television programmes was conducted as

a joint effort between the Annenberg School of Commu-

nication and the Gallup Organisation in America

(Gerbner, et al, 1984). Although a bulk of the

research was more concerned with how religious television

cultivated viewer's attitudes and perceptions, it does

offer some insight i,nto viewers motives. In that

study which was a national survey, 14% of the parti-

cipants claimed that viewing religious programmes

was a substitute for going to church. More than

half (52%) noted they viewed for preaching or sermons

and more than a third watched as a result of "feeling

close to God1', "having your spirit lifted", and the

music heard on the programmes.

Gerbner, et a1 (19841, more importantly, in a

related study found that religious programmes were

substitutes for watching secular programmes. The same

survey also found that dissatisfaction with prevailing

moral standards and practices, as dipicted in non-

religious television fare was "one of the most distinctive

bonds between religious programmes and their viewers"

(P.66).

Abelman ( 1 9 8 7 1 , in his study of religious television

uses and gratifications in selected American communi-

nities, further considered the interrelated nature

of television user motives and the relationship among

viewing motives and patterns. Respondents indicated

their agreement with each of 22 statement of motives

for watching religious programmes. Abelman discovered

the following motives for viewing the programmes.

information/learning; spiritual guidance; entertainment; - feeling close to God; pass time: arousal/excitement;

salvation ; habit; escape/forget; topic for communi-

cation/discussion; behavioural guidance; relaxation;

replacement for church attendance; and social interaction.

For patterns of viewing motives Abelman, inter-

correlated the items and conducted a principal factor

analysis with oblique rotation and identified six

factors for patterns of viewing motives, namely:

Reactionary, information; entertainment; faith: habit; -

and escape. The investigation lent further support

to the interrelatedness of television use motives;

the identification of instrumental and ritualised

patterns in how television is used and the generali-

sability of these patterns to a unique and alternative

form of programming.

As with previously cited investigations on television

similar patterns of association were evident for

ritualised and instrumental viewing. He held that

the habitual and information viewing motivation factors

were associated significantly with using religious

programmes as a vehicle for entertainment escape and ,_ r '

as an expression of faith. In the same vein, he

observed that reactionary vieweing was related to

watching religious programmes for entertainment,

escape and faith. Faith - inspired viewing also was

raleted to watching for entertainment, out of habit,

for information, for escape and as a reaction to

secular programmes. For Abelman, the strongest viewing

motivation correlations were between habit and both

escape and viewing out of faith.

Rubin (1983, 19841, who investigated the viewing

of secular programmes, noted that many regular viewers

of religious programmes appear to be purposeful and

selective information seekers.

Fore (1979); Gaddy and Pritchard (19851, identified

the type of consumer of religious programmes discovered

by Rubin, as having some implications "regarding the

long-standing concern that the "electronic church"

has usurped congregational attendance in the living

church. This concern was substantiated by Gerbner,

et al. (19841, who reported in their research findings

that 14% of their respondents claimed they substituted

church attendance for viewing religous programmes.

WITH WHAT EFFECTS?

The view of contemporary communications scholarship

is that the audience of mass mediated communication

is not a defenceless and robotic target at the mercy

of message he encounters from the mass media. On the

contrary, he is an active participant in the communi-

cation process, choosing which messages to attend to,

interpreting them in terms of his non frame of reference,

responding to them as his own needs, values, desires,

capabilities and opportunities dictate and allow.

For Elemeuwa (1990), the recipient who had always

been viewed as an uncritical consumer of the content

of mass communication has now come to be identified

as an active participant in the process of reception.

A binding premise of this consideration anchors on

the fact that the recipient of certain television

programmes is "subjectively" attached to those

programmes. that means he "suitably" translates the

contents of those programmes and makes use of them

according to his personal needs and desires.

Teichert (1975, 270), in this regard, described

the reception of mass mdhted message as the "conduit

pipe between the specific interest and orientations

of the individual and the circumstances prevailing

in his environment",

Katz, with Blumler (1974, 19-32), confirmed the

motivational factors determining media use in the

following words. "In the mass communication

process, much initiative in linking need gratification

and media choice has with the audience membertt. in

this regard, some characteristic features have been

envisaged for the "active public" as stated bellow:

The public of mass communication is perceived as

an active element in the process of mass communication

and not as a mere passive recipient. In contrast,

media use must be seen as an active, intentional

social action.

The intendedness of the action of the recipient

does not just result from existing predispositions

such as attitudes and certain normative expectations,

but is explicable from the nature of the specific

needs, i.e. the mass media and their contents represent

an avenue for the satisfaction of personal needs.

The mass media represent a possibility for the

satisfaction of needs in competition with the other

instances of gratification eg, primary groups, i.e.

media use represents only one in many possible

alternatives which are potentially functionally

equivaleht.

Elemeuwa (P. 3051 was more vehement when he said

that from our experiences so far, the concept of

"uses approach" seeks to reduce the rather naive

-. illusion that,exlsts a rigid connection between content

of mass mediated message and its meaning for the

recipient.

Teichert (P.4391, has demonstrated clearly that

almost every content of a particular mass medium could

randomly be put to use according to the personal needs

of the recipient.

Kelman, set out to provide an answer to the question.

What are the processes that underlie opinion formation

and change? Kelman (19611, conceptualised opinion

formation and change in terms of three qualitatively

different social influence processes to wit.

'a. Compliance

b. Indentification, and

c. Internalisation.

He observed that different situations (both with

the message and in the physical environment) and

different psychological factors within audience members

27 9 m

lead to different a,ttention to various message

components, hence to different modes of information

processing and opinion change. He further held that

whichever process that actually operates - compliance,

identification or internalisation - is all a

function of the receiver's level of confidence in his

information on a given issue.

These findings are in many ways, in agreement with

the conclusions of Horland, Lumsdain and sheffield

(19491, who investigated the effects of presenting

a one - sided argument when attempting to engender

opnion change on a controversial subject. They found

that:

For individuals initially opposed to the point

of view being presented, presenting the argument

on both sides were.more effective,

For those who were initially convinced of the

point of view being presented, however, the

inclusion of argument on both sides was less

effective,

3. Better educated persons were more favourably

affected by presentation of both sides, while

poorly educated person were more affected by

communication which used only supportive argument.

A common strand running through these findings

is that the effectiveness of media messages varies

in response to char6cteristics of the message and its

audiences.

In a near duplication of the thematic and methodo-

logical thrusts of the work of Hovland et al, Collins

and Zimmerman (1975) sought to compare the impact of

consistently negative cues with that of mixed negetive

and positive cues about a televised aggressor's motives

and the consequences on children. Results showed that

children who viewed the version with mixed cues were

significantly more aggresive than those who viewed

the consistently negetive cues.

This finding concurs with that of Hovland, et al,

that two-sided presentations of views are generally

more effective on human audiences than one-sided

presentations.

Berelson, Lazarsfield and Mcphee (19541, in their

study of the role of mass media in the political

process, provocatively asserted thst "the more that

voters exposed themselves to the (political) campaign . . . but still, the less likely they were to change their

positions".

On his part, Krugman ( 1 9 6 5 ) investigated the impact

of television advertising among a wide range of media

fare. Although his was a well-informed work,

nevertheless, it was an opinionated piece. He observed

that members of the public easily change their ways

of perceiving products and brands as well as their

purchasing behaviour without thinking about it. In

conclusion, Krdgman submitted that the information

content of television commercials are effective because

commercials often deal with topics that are not

involving enough to activate attitudinal defences.

This is almost antithetical to the finding of Berelson,

Lazarsfield and Mcphee.

Indeed, the uses and gratifications approach to

the study of mass communication process has actually

been belaboured. One cannot but agree with Swamson's

position that uses and gratifications research has

made enormous contributions to our understanding of

the mass communication process.

CHAPTER THREE

3.0. METHODOLOGY

The data presented in this report were collected

during 25 days of field work by the researcher. The

questionnaireadministration (distribution and collection)

started on Thursday, October 9, 1997 and ended on

Saturday, November 1 , 1997.

3.1 METHOD OF STUDY

Survey research, according to Osuala (1987:180)

studies both large and small populations by selecting

and studying samples chosen from the population bo

discover the relative incidence, distribution and

interrelations of sociological and psychological

variables. This study is an audience research which

involves television viewing patterns, television

affinity, programme preferences, and television

viewing motives.

Survey research has many advantages. Tuckman

(19871, states that questionnaires are used by researchers

to convert data into information directly given by a

person. By providing access to what is inside a person's

head, this approach makes it possible to measure what

a person knows, what a person likes or dislikes and

3 1

what a person thinks. Therefore, the most appropriate

method for this study is the survey research method.

3.2 POPULATION OF STUDY

The population for this study was drawn from the

Lagos metropolis. The decision was guided by the fact

. that the city has ten television stations and a high

concentration of receivers. In addition to that, most

of the tele-evangelists live and operate the "electronic *

churchesl'either in the city or within its immidiate

environs.

The population comprised Lagosians ranging (in age)

from 20 years and above, who either own television sets

or have regular access to one. Respondents from this

universe were drawn from three areas of the city namely:

Ikoyi, Yaba and Ajegunle. The reason was far fair

representativeness. Ikoyi area, which is exclusively

inhabited by the super-rich represented the rich;

Yaba which is occupied by the middle class, represented

those in the middle stratum of the social ladder and

Ajegunle, a shanty town in the city, represented the

poor.

3.3 SAMPLE AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE

A sample of 180 respondents was randomly selected

through a zig-zag movement from the first three streets

off a major bus-stop in each of the three sections of

the city. The bus-stop were Falomo bus-stop in Ikoyi,

Alagomeji bus-stop in Yaba and Awodiora bus-stop in

Ajegunle. The zig-zag movement involved every alternate

compound until a sample of 20 was drawn from each street.

This gave a sample of 60 from each of the three areas

of the city.

3.4 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION

Data for this study were collected by the use of

questionnaire containing measures of television viewing

patterns - including television affinity and:)programme

preferences - and television viewing motives as well

as gratifications obtained. The questionnaire was

personally administered by the reseacher. The sample

questionnaire used for the study embodies in this work

as Appendix I.

3.5 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSES

The data collected (to be taken up in chapter four)

are analysed and presented using simple percentages and

tabulations. The percentages are used to further

describe the absolute numbers.

The tables make understanding of the data position

at a glance possible and the discussions on the findings

are based on this statistical presentation.

CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSES

Of the 180 questionnaires distributed, 162 were *

returned. This represents a 90% return rate. This

was possible because the researcher himself administered

them and concious effort was made to ensure that they

were returned. Yaba area recorded the highest returns

of 58 ( 3 2 % ) while Ajegunle area came close to it with

54 ( 3 0 % ) . The least returns of 5 0 , which are not far

from the number from the second area, came from Ikoyi

and represents 27 .8%. See Table 1 .

Table 1 : Questionnaire Return Rate

Number

Total Number Returned 1 1 90 .0

Percentage

Total Number Distributed

Total Number Unreturned

Ikoyi

Yaba

I I

180

18

50

58

100 .0

1 0 . 0

27 .8

3 2 . 2

4 . 1 General Results

Before attempting to answer the research questions,

information obtained from Part One of the questionnaire *

will be explained first.

For gender, 5 9 . 9 % are male, whiae the remaining

4 0 . 1 % are female (see Table 2 ) .

A majority of the respondents fall within the age

bracket of 2 0 - 3 0 years, while next in number are of

the 3 1 - 4 0 years range. The smallest number came from

those ranging from 5 1 and above. They traibed behind

in a distant position.

A clear pattern which emerged is that the hower

the age range, the higher the number of respondents.

See Table 3 .

Table 2 : Respondents9Sex

Sex

Male

Female

Total

Number

9 7

6 5

1 6 2

Percentage

5 9 . 9

4 0 . 1

1 0 0 . 0

T a b l e 3 : ~ e s p o n d e n t s ~ ~ g e B r a c k e t

T o t a l 1 1 6 2 1 1 0 0 . 0

Age Range

20 - 30

31 - 40

41 - 50

51 - a b o v e

On r e s p o n d e n t s ' r e l i g i o n s , mos t o f them a r e I

C h r i s t i a n s ( T a b l e 4 ) . A d h e r a n t s o f o t h e r r e l i g i o n s

Number

8 1

52

20

9

c o n s t i t u t e d o n l y 9 . 3 % o f t h e t o t a l number o f v i e w e r s .

P e r c e n t a g e

5 0 . 0

3 2 . 1

1 2 . 4

5 . 6

T a b l e 4 : ~ e s p o n d e n t s ' R e l i ~ i o n

C h r i s t i a n i t y

R e l i g i o n

A b r e a k down of c h r i s t i a n v i e w e r s i n t o d e n o m i n a t i o n s

( T a b l e 5 1 , shows t h a t mos t o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t s a r e

P e n t e c o s t a l i a n s ( 6 8 % ) .

Number o f R e s p o n d e n t s

O t h e r s

T o t a l

P e r c e n t a g e

1 5

1 6 2

9 . 3

1 0 0 . 0

Table 5 : A Breakdown of Christian Denominational

Viewers

Total I 1 4 7 I 1 0 0 . 0

Denomination Number of Respondents

Roman Catholic 22

Protestant 25

Pentecostal

This may mean that most Lagos Christians are

affiliated to the fundamentalist Pentecostal denominations.

Percentage -

1 5 . 0

1 6 . 0

6 8 . 0

As a matter of fact, Lagos has been described as a

Pentecostal stronghold in the country and this may

explain the current outburst in teke-evangelism viewing.

This concludes the analyses of the demographic data

collected on the respondents. We now begin the presen-

tation and analyses of data gathered to address the

Research Questions. The data relating to each Research

Question are presented and contextually analysed separa-

tely and capped by any pertinent observations and/or

conclusions.

4.2 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSES OF DATA ON

RESEARCH QUESTIONS.

Research Question 1:

Who Views Tele-Evangelism Programmes?

All the respondents indicates that they view tele-

evangelisl programmes. It is interesting to discover

that even non-christians view tele-evangelism too

See Table 6..

Table 6 : Respondents Who View Tele-Evangelism

Programmes.

Although almost every respondent views tele-evangelism,

respondents view the programmes at different frequencies.

See Table 7.

Percentage

100.0

0 . 0

1.00 .O

Response

Yes

No

Total

Number of Respondents

162

0

162

Table 7 : General Frequency of Viewing Tele-Evangelism

Programmes.

Frequency

Of ten

Occasional

Seldom

Never

Not Ascertained

Total

Number of Respondents-

82

5 0

2 0

3

7

Percentage

5 0 . 6

The data show that those who often view the

programmes are in a majority; they are followed by

occasional viewers ( 3 0 . 9 % ) . Twenty respondents seldomly

view. A small proportion of 1.9% said they never viewed

even though they own or have regular access to television

sets. It must noted that they had earlier claimed they

view the programmes. The data are of interest as they

stand, probably of considerable interest to those who

may have thought that few people view religious programmes.

To find that almost 81% of respondents view religions

programmes "often" or 'foccasionall~" seems to be a

significant finding and in absolute terms the proportion

is clearly high.

Informative as' the summary data may be, however,

it will be more instructive to identify the viewers.

Who are those people?

In answer to this question, the researcher looked

for significant differences among viewers along some

important control dimensions, such as denominational

affiliation and degree of religious commitment and

interest, as well as the frequency of church attendance.

These differences are found in other parts of this work.

Therefore, in answer to kesearch Question One,

"Who Views Tele-Evangelism Programmes", the findings

show that a significant majority of Nigerians view

tele-evangelism programmes. Furthermore, most of them

view both often and occasionally.

Resear Question 2:

Why Do People View Tele-Evangelism Programes?

In response to this Research Question, respondents

indicated their agreement with each of the 10 statements

of motives for viewing tele-evangelism programmes. The

data show that respondents view the programmes for

diverse reasons. See Table 8.

Table 8 : Tele-Evangelism Viewing Motives

Salvation

Closeness to God

Growth in Christian Faith

Spiritual Guide

Behavioural Guide

Entertainment

Pass Time

Relaxation

Habit

Excitement

Viewing Motives

Most viewers (90.7%) however, view for spiritual

reasons. No one seems to watch tele-evangelism programmes

as an entertainment. The remaining number of viewers

is shared equally among pass time, relaxation, habit of

watching and "no reason". Thus, tele-evangelists, there-

fore, seem to be succeeding in their endeavour.

Number of Respondents

No Reason

Total

Percentage

3

162

1.8

100

Theoretically, one would expect that more frequent

church attendance would more likely produce at least

frequent tele-evangelism programme viewing because they

are presumably more "religious" or at least more likely

to support what the religious institutions sponsor.!

Those who attend church frequently are likely to be

respondents who view the programmes both often and very

often. See Table 9 .

Table 9 : Frequency of Church Attendance

Never 1 7 1 4 . 3

Frequency

Very Often

Of ten

Occassional

Seldom

Total 1 1 6 2 1 1 0 0

The data in Table 9 show that 1 3 . 6 % of the respon-

dents attend church service occassionally and 4 . 3 % never

attend. These are the non-christians, and they are those

who seldomly view tele-evangelism programmes.

Number of Respondent

1 0 4

2 9

2 2

0

Percentage

6 4 . 2

1 7 . 9

1 3 . 6

0 . 0

On the question of satisfaction derived from tele-

evangelism programme viewing, a great majority of the

respondents (93.2%) indicated they derived religious

satisfaction in one form or another, as opposed to mere

entertainment or "no benefit" at all (6.8%). The fact

that 93.2% of respondents derived diverse religious or

spiritual benefit from viewing the programmes shows that

tele-evangelists are succeeding in their operation.

See Table 10.

Table 10 : Benefit Derived from Viewing Tele-Evagelism

Programmes.

I Religious satisfacti n P 151

Benefit I Number of Respondent

Mere Entertainment or I

Percentage

"No benefit" At All

Research Question 3:

1 1 6.8

Total

What kind of Tele-Evangelism Programmes Do Viewers

Prefer?

Although most tele-evangelism programmes consist

- 162

of fire-and-brimestone sermons, it is necessary to find

100.0

out viewers' favourite tele-evangelism programmes. The

data in Table 11, below, may provide a clue to the true

positions of the various tele-evangelism programmes.

L A 4 4

Table 1 1 : Tele-Evangelism Pro~ramme Preferences

Sermon I 7 9 I 48.8

Type of Programme

Televised Church Service

Gospel Music 1 36 1 2 2 . 2

Number of Respondent

18

Christian Drama/Soap opeba 1 4 I 8.6

Percentage

1 1 . 1

Christian Talk Show I l 1 6.8

From the data, most viewers (48.8%) prefer sermons.

Sermon is followed by Gospel Music, televised church

2.5 Not Ascertained

Total

service and Christian Drama/Soap Opera. The least

prefered of all tele-evangelism programmes is Christian

Talk Show with 6.8%. The 2.5% of respondents who could

4

not ascertain their preference could be among those who

- 162

seldom view tele-evangelism programme.

100.0

Research Question 4 :

What Do Viewers Do With The Content of Tele-Evangelism

Programmes?

To answer this Research Question, the research tried

to find (1) the number of tele-evangelism converts to

Christianity; (2) those who changed from one church to

another as a result of the programmes; (3) those who would

prefer tele-evangeli,sm programme viewing to church

attendance on Sundays; and ( 4 ) respondents' views on

replacing church attendance with the "electronic church".

He also looked at viewers' responses to the constant

clarion call by tele-evangelists to contribute financially

to help fund the expensive cost of programme production

and airtime.

The data in Table 1 2 show that a small number of

three ( 2 % ) respondents were converted to christianity

through tele-evangelism. An overwhelming majority of

viewers (98%) are not converts of tele-evangelism. In

this regard, tele-evangelism appears to have failed

perhaps in one of its cardinal objectives However, this

conclusion must be guarded with caution bearing in mind

that the study design for this work did not provide for

an examination of the hierarchy of the objectives of

tele-evangelism. See Table 1 2 .

Table 1 2 : Respondents Converted to Christianity Through

Tele-Evangelism.

Response ! Frequency ! Percentage

Total I 1 4 7 I 100.0

For respondents who changed denomination through

tele-evangelism, the figures in Table 13 show that very

few respondents did change churches due to tele-evangelism

programme viewing.

Table 13 : Respondents Who Changed Denominations Through

Tele-Evangelism

11

No

100.0 Total

Table 13 suggests that viewers of religious televison

fare do not seem to always respond to the tele-evangelists1

call to viewers to join either their churches or other

"living" churches.

On the preferability of viewing tele-evangelism

programmes to church attendance on Sundays, a significant

majority ( 8 6 . 4 % ) of respondents indicated that they

cannot prefer viewing tele-evangelism programmes to

church attendance on Sundays. (See Table 1 4 ) .

Table 1 4 : Preference of Tele-Evangelism Programmes

to Church Attendance on Sundys

It is one thing to prefer viewing teBe-evangelism

programmes to church attendance, it is something else

for the programmes to be effective enough to actually

Percentage

4 . 8

8 . 8

4 2 . 9

4 3 . 5

1 0 0 . 0

Response

Strongly Prefer

Prefer

Diaspprove

Strongly Disapprove

Total

replace church attendance. For the degree of effectiveness

Frequency

7

1 3

6 3

6 4

1 4 7

of the programmes for the replacement of church attendance,

see Table 1 5 .

Table 1 5 : Effectiveness of Tele-Evangelism Programmes

To Replace Church Attendance

Effectiveness

Very Effective

Fairly Effective

Frequenc y ~er;;;;age

2 2

Effective

Not Effective I 4 9 3 0 . 3

1 8 1 1 . 1

Very Ineffective

Total

2 9

1 6 2

1 7 . 9

1 0 0 . 0

The figures in Table 1 5 show almost an even split

between respondents who see tele-evangelism programmes

as effective enough to replace church attendance and

those who do not. Note that the 1 6 2 respondents include

15 people who are non-christians.

Coming to the question of whether viewers heed the

tele-evangelists1 call to join such organisations as

"Dominion Partners", "Tillers Behind Ministries", etc.,

whose function is to contribute financially to help

sponsor the programmes, Table 1 6 provides an insight.

Table 1 6 : Viewersf Responses To Call for Monetory

Contribution To Help Sponsor Tele-Evangelism Programmes.

Percentage

2 6 . 5

7 3 . 5

1 0 0 . 0

Respondent

Those who have

Contributed

Tnose who have Never

Contributed

Total

Frequency

4 3

1 1 9

1 6 2

Table 17 : Respondents1 Reasons For Failing To

Contribute

Reason I Frequency I P e r c e n t a ~

Do not have enough money

Do not consider it necessary

Tele-Evangelists are Fraudsters 1 4 1 3 . 5

Tele-Evangelism is a Waste of money 4 I 3.5

Inadequate information on how to

contribute

Total 119 ) 100.0 -

No Reason

As seen in Table 18, 44.4% of the respondents

would have contributed but they do not have enough money,

I 18

while 11.8% indicated their willingness to contribute

15.1

but for problem of how to send the money to the tele-

Evangelits. About 25.5% have not contributed because,

in their own opinions, the tele-evangelists are fraudsters

and are difficult to believe because of their flambouyant

life-styles. Among this category of respondents are

a few who do not believe in evangelism at all, so they

do not support what the 'lelectronic churches" sponsor.

The over all figures are significant because they show

that viewers take the contents of tele-evangelism programmes

seriously, not as sitting ducks or mere persive viewers.

Research Question 5 :

To What Extent Do Tele-Evangelism Programmes Affect

viewer$ Life Spiritually?

Item 22 (a and b) in the questionnaire addressed d

this Research Question. Levels of respondes ranges

affect from "very strongly my Lifet1 to "Do Not Affect my Lifett. !' The data show that 8 3 . 4 % of the respondents are affected

spiritually by tele-evangelism, while 16.7% are not . i

affected by the programmes. This finding is significant

because it shows that tele-evangelism is highly effective.

See Table 18.

Table 18 : Extent To Which Tele-Evangelism Programmes

Affect Respondents' Lives

Percentage

3 1 . 5

51.9

14.2

2 . 5

100 .0

Degree of Affectation I Frequency

Very strongly affect my Life

Strongly affect my Life

Hardly affect my Life

Do not affect my Life

9 1

8 4

2 3

4

'Total I 162

Most effects of tele-evangelism fall within the

reinforcement category. By this is meant that tele-

evangelism reinforces existing dispositions. This

supports an earlier finding in this work that tele-

evangelism programmes tend to reach mostly those who

have already been reached with the gospel of Jesus

Christ. For example, this is further borne out by

the data shown in Table 1 9 .

Table 1 9 : Kinds of Effects of Tele-Evangelism

Programmes on Viewers

Reinforcement of christian

commitment

Reinforement of faith

Percentage

6 . 7

2 . 4

Kinds of Effect

Got converted to christianity

through the programmes

Reinforcement of moral mindedness

Other ways

Frequency

1 1

Got "Born Again" I 4

No effect at all

Total

- 4 3

1 6 2

The Table shows that 6 6 . 7 % of the respondents received

diverse spiritual effects, while 2 6 . 5 % ( 4 3 ) claim

tele-evangelism programmes have not recorded any kind

of effect upon them. Eleven or 6 . 8 % received other

kinds of effects. That 43 ( 2 6 . 5 % ) respondents do not

receive any kind of effects seems to suggest tele-

evangelism is fairly weak in this aspect.

This concludes the analyses of data pertaining to

the Research Questions formulated to guide this work.

A general discussion of findings now follows.

4.3 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

It is assumed that the sample is truly representa- . tive of the population which can be used to draw

inference on the country as a whole. All members of

the sample had access to the same television stations,

meaning that every respondent described the same

phenomenon in the responses given.

From the research result, it has been established

that a majority of Nigerians who have access to

television sets view tele-evangelism programmes.

This investigation lends support to the inter-

relatedness of television use motives, the identification

of instrumental and ritualised patterns in how television

is used and the generalisability of these patterns to

tele-evangelism which is a unique form of programming.

As with secular programmes viewing (see e.g, Rubin, 1983,

19841, many regular viewers of religious programmes

appear to be purposeful and selective information

seekers. Instrumental use of tele-evangelism programmes

typically reflects the viewing of informational

programming, which includes progammes that have adopted

secular formats (e.g. talk shows, drama/Soap Opera) and

programmes indigenous to religious broadcasting, such

as sermons and televised church service.

Ritualised television use is also apparant among

viewers of tele-evangelism programmes,with some

interesting deviations in the motives that are reflected

in this form of viewing. As has been suggested in the

literature review, ritualised television use encompasses

the habitual nature of using the medium itself and

reflects a strong association with the medium. In

this study of tele-evangelism programme viewers, a

strong religious belief was associated with ritualised

viewing as well.

Tele-evangelists' faith in the power of televison

to surmount cultural barriers to wold-wide evangelisation

is supported by the result of this research. Data shown

in Table 7 inform us that 50% of respondents view

often while 30.9% view occasionally. This finding

is of considerable interest perticularly to those who

may have thought that nobody or few people view tele-

evangelism programmes. Nevertheless, most regular viewers

are Pentecostalians who have already been reached through

other ways, with the content of these programmes. This,

may leave much to be desired by tele-evangelists whose

principal target audiences may be the uninitiated in

pentecostalism and adherants of other religions and

christian denominations such as the Roman Catholics.

That this set of viewers are clustered near the

other end of the continuum of the least consumers of

tele-evangelism fare, shows that viewers are highly

selective in their exposure to media fare. Most

of them will expose themselves to information that

corroborate their convictions or dispositions. They

do resist unwanted influences. This is consistent with

the findings of all uses and gratifications researchers

(Blumler, 1978:41-59) and explains why only 8% of

Roman Catholics view often, 10% of Muslims often view

too and no adherants of any other religion ever view

often or occasionally.

For the faithful viewers, their expectations were

diversely fulfilled. Such benefits as deep knowledge

of God, increase in faith, closeness to God and ;

spiritual satisfaction were derived by 93.2% of them.

This is a resounding success for tele-evangelists.

The preference of sermon (48.8% of the respondents)

to other tele-evangelism programmes is also consistent

with the judgement of tele-evangelists whose programming

consists of 80% sermon and televised church service.

For religious fare to continue to attract high audience,

most of the programmes must continue to be sermons.

Talk show, the least prefered, having just 1 1 out of

162 respondents is not quite attractive to viewers.

Although the Gratification sought - Gratification

obtained paradigm as seen by Greenberg (1974) does not

employ any methodology that can be used to distinguish

whether the responses obtained are accurate statements

of what was wanted or what is thought to have been

obtained, this research has shown that for tele-

evangelism programmes, most gratifications sought can

be obtained because of the highly religious nature of

the messages.

Lometti et al. (1977) did note that the exact

relationship between gratification sought and actual

gratification has not yet been investigated because,

as Palmgreen et al, (1981) put it, such findings are

both preliminary and tentative. Be that as it may, 2

this investigation shows that most gratifications

received from tele-evangelism are in the area of

reinforcement of already held positions. The conversion

of only 6.8% of the respondents in this investigation,

to christianity through tele-evangelism, shows it is

not among the most effective ways of winning souls

for the Kingdom of God. Indeed, some respondents

indicated in some open-ended questionnaire items that *

from their experience the most effective way to win

converts is through face-to-face evangelism. Religion

C has a great command on people's psycology and that

1\

is why potential converts need strong and constant

persuation. Such persua5ion has to be dialogical -

a two-way exchange of ideas. This type of communication

can not be easily provided through the mass media.

Mass media messages are know to be most effective at

the stage of awareness about a new idea.. Rogers and

shoemaker ( 1 9 7 1 ) did posit this idea in their study of

radio for development communication in third world

countries.

Finally, on uses and gratification realm, the

findings of this research is in line with some of the

basic assumptions. The conjecture that the audience

is active and goal oriented was upheld. Another

supposition upheld is that which says that audience

espectations act as intervening variables in the

process of effects explaining the necessary tentative

nature of effects. The finding confirm , that people

will mostly expose themselves to information that are

in line with their convinctions.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

5.1 SUMMARY

Although most, if not all, televison stations

throughout the country are involved in extensive

religious broadcasts, and although countless religious

groups and tele-evangelists package, sponsor and

encourage such programmes, very little is known about

who view the programmes, how often they view, why they

view and what they do with the contentsof the programmes,

as well as the extent of the impact of the programmes

on their lives, spiritually or otherwise. This research

work was designed to study the uses and gratifications

of tele-evangelism in Nigeria. As can be seen throughout

the pages of this work, television is, and will remain

for a long time to come, one of the most pervasive media

of mass communication.

As tele-evangelists and the "electronic churches"

face the task of communicating to the people the

gospel of Jesus Christ, they will inevitably consider

how best to exploit the vast potentials of television

to improve upon their current operation.

This work has attempted to provide an exploratory

overview of how Nigerians use the prevalent tele-

evangelism programmes by evidence - d

from the research sample.

With five research questions charting the course

of the investigation, the study explored television

viewing patterns - including television affinity,

programme preference, viewing motives and the extent

to which the programmes impact on viewerg lives

spiritually and otherwise.

The population was made up of Lagosians ranging in

age from 20 years and above, and through careful purposive

random sampling, 180 respondents were chosen. The

ques tionnairs return rate was appreciably high -90%. i

The research findings were far from what Nigerians

think of the phenomenon as expressed in the pages of

newspapers and magazines. The findings indicate that

almost every adult Nigerian, who has access to a

television set, views tele-evangelism programmes, but

at a different viewing frequencies and for different

reasons, too. It is very clear from the data that most

regular viewers are people who are already firmly and

fairly attached to pentecostal churches. Very few

viewers actually got converted through the programmes.

Rather, the most extensive impact of tele-evangelism,

is the reinforcement of already held beliefs and

convinctions.

Many view the programmes for purely religious

reasons, while a few view for reasons other than that

intended by the "electronic churches". For those who

viewed for religious reasons, they were gratified U

accordingly.

5.2 CONCLUSION -

The result of this study illustrates that many or

numerous social and psychological factors, intertwined

in complex but coherent ways, act in concert to

influence tele-evangelism usage and consuption. Those e

who are firmly in support of the content of the programmes

(pentecostalians) are the heaviest consumers, while

those who are somehow opposed or indiferent to the

programmes also view but more seldom. This may mean

that tele-evangelism is countering cultural, political

and other obstacles which, otherwise, would have been

easy to surmount. One of the most prominent tele-

evangelists did assert in one of the programmes that:

It is our duty .to commit all our resources,

both human and material, to tell the world

about Christ, but it is God's work to touch

their hearts and get them convinced.

If that be the case, then tele-evangelism in Nigeria < fi p+/ -

is neither a failure, like most media campaigns in the C nn,

country, nor a misappropriation of the scarce resources

of the church as some argue including those (tele-

evangelists) who are struggling to attain the mark of

their high calling - preaching the gospel to every

creature until the end of the ages.

5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS

These are directed to tele-evangelists, broadcasters

and communication scholars.

To the tele-evangelist, the basic question to ask

before packaging a programme is "how do I present my

message in order to make the desired impact?" Whether

the programme is for reinforcement of faith or conversion

to christianity, it should go with enough background.

Tele-evangelists should read wide and conduct mini

researches to know what actually the audience needs and

then aim at meeting these needs through the resources

of the gospel. Our tele-evangelists should de-emphasize

dwelling almost exclusively on biblical cases, which

may seen antiquated and fossilised to the uninitiated, -1Y

and endeavour to interprete the scriptures increasingly

in the light of the people's concrete existential

situation in life. Sound education has a part to play

here. It is for this reason that tele-evangelists like

Tunde Bakare and Mathew Ashimolowo have distinguished

themselves, and now have wide audience. They give

high contemporary human angle to their programmes. They

are quite knowledgeable in biblical exergesis and

haemeneutics - the science of application of

scriptures to contemporary situations.

Again, since funding is a major problem to the

"electronic churchestt, adequate information should be

given to viewers as to how they can contribute

financially, in response to calls for help. The

research findings show that many are willing to

contribute (even if it is peanut) towards sponsoring

the programmes.

This reseacher scanned the libraries of one of the

top - flight Universities (U.N.N.) without finding any

previous work related to this research topic. It is,

therefore, recommended that further studies on religious

television fare be undertaken. Due to the obvious

limitations of the,present work, it is advised that

scholars undertake modified replications or extentions

of tele-evangelism (uses and gratifications) studies,

to refine methodology, and to comparatively analyse

the findings of separate investigations.

For further research too, it would be good to

study ways in which the pervasive power of television

can be put to better use to boost world-wide evangelisa-

tion. This, however, must be done within the confines

of the code of the National Broadcasting Commission

(NBC) on religious broadcast in the country.

REFERENCE LIST

BOOKS

arry, W.D. and Smythe, W. The T Audience and Religion. New 1955. P.401-8

elevisi York :

on -Radio Harper,

Blumler, J.G. "The Social Characters of Mass Media Gratifications" In K.D. Rosengree et al. (eds) Media Gratifications Research : Current Perspectives. Beverly Hills : Sage 1985

Berelson, B.R.; Lazarsfield P.F. and McPhee, W.N. "Political Process : The Role of the Mass Mediaft. In W. Schramm and D. Roberts (eds), The Process and Effects of Mass Communication Revised Edition, Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1971, PP. 655-677.

Elemeuwa, J.K. The Uses and Gratifications Approach and the concept of the 'Active Publict, In Ike Nwosu, (ed.) Mass Communication and National Development. Aba : Frontier Publishers Limited, 1990. PP. 301-311.

Frank, R.E. and Greenberg, M.G. The Publicst Use of Television : Who Watches What and Why? Beverly Hill : Sage, 1980. PP.139-143.

Freedman, J.C. and Sears, D.O. "Selective Exposurett In L. Berkowitz (ed.), Advances in Experimental Social Psychology. New York : Academy Press, 1965. P.246.

Gerbner, G. Gross, L; Hoover, S; Morgan, M. and ~ignorielli, N. Religion and Television Philadephia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984. P.231

Hovland, C. ; Jiumsdain, A. and Sheffield, F. "The Effects of Presenting 'One Side1 Versus "Both Sidesf1 in Changing Opinion on a Controversial Subject", In W. Schramm and D. Roberts (ed.), 0p.Cit

Horsefield, P.G. Religious Television : An American Experience, New York : Longman, 1984

Krugman, Herbert "The Impact of Television Advertising: Learning Without Involvement", In W. Schramm and D. Roberts (ed.), 0p.Cit. Second Edition PP. 399-425.

Osuala, E.C. Introduction to Research Methodology. Onitsha : Africana - Feb Publishers Limited, 1987.

Palmgreen, P., Wenner, L.A. and Rosengreen, K.E. "Uses and Gratifications Research : The Past Ten Yearstt In K.E. Rosengreen, L.A. Wenner and P; Palmgreed (ed.), Media Gratifications Research: Current Perspectives. Beverly Hills: Sage, 1985. PP.ll-37.

JOURNALS

Abelman, Robert, "Ten Commandments of the Electronic Church1' Channels of Communications. January/February (19851, 64 - 67.

Abelman, R. "Religious Television Uses and Gratifications" Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 31 (3) (19871, 293-307.

Atkin, Charles, "Anticipated Communication and Mass Media Information - Seeking", Public Opinion Quaterly, 37(1960), 386.

Buddenbaum, J.M. "Characteristics and Media-Related Needs of the Audience for Religious Television", Journalism Quaterly, 58 (19811, 266-272.

Burgoon, J.K. and Burgoon, M. "Predictors of Newspaper Readership", Journalism Quaterly 57 (1980), 589-596

Collins, Andrew and Zimmerman, Stephen, "Convergent and Divergent Social Cues : Effects of Televised Aggression on Children", Communication Research 2 (4) (19751, 331-342

Fore, W.F. "The Electronic Church", Ministry, January (19791, 4-7

Gaddy, D.G. "The Power of Religious Media: Religious Broadcast Use and the Role of Religious Organisations in Public Affairs". Review of Religious Research, 25(4) (1984) 289-301.

Gaddy, G.D. and Pritchard, D. Watching Religious Television is Like Attending Churchn. Journal of Communication, 35 (1) (19851, 123-131.

Johnstone, Ronald L. "Who Listens to Religious Broadcasts Anymore?", Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media XVI (1971), 91-101.

Katz, E. "Mass Communication Research and The Study of Popular Culture" Studies in Public Communication 2 (19591, 1 - 6.

Levy, E.R. and Windhal, S. "Audience Activity and Gratifications: A Conceptual Clarification and Exploration" Communication Research 1 1 (19841, 67-77.

Gallup, George "Scientific Method for Determining Reader-Interest", Journalism Quaterly, 7 (1930),1

Nafzinger, Ralph O., "Reader Interest Survey of Madison, Wisconsin", Journalism Quaterly, 7(1930), 441-456.

Rubin, Man and Pearse, Elizabeth, "Audience Activity and T.V. News Gratifications", Communication Research, 14 (1) (19871, 188-199.

Rubin, A.M., "Television Uses and Gratifications: The Interactions of Viewing Patterns and Motivations", Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 27 (19831, 37-51.

Rubin, A.M., "Ritualised and Instrumental Television Viewing", Journal of Communication, 34 (3) (19841, 67 - 77.

Schramm, Wilbur, "The Nature of News Journalism" Journalism Quaterly, 26 (19491, 259-269.

Schramm, W. and White, D.M., "Age, Education, Economic Status : Factors in Newspaper Readership" Journalism Quaterly, 26 (19491, 46-59.

Swanson, D.L. "Gratification Seeking, Media Exposure and Audience Interpretations: Some Directions for Research". Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media 31 (19871, 237.

Teichert, W. "Television as Social Action : Towards the Situation of the Audience Research Methods and Critique" Radio and Television, 4 (1972), 437.

NEWSPAPER - Anam, Kate "televangelism (sic): Prosperity Vs

Salvation", Saturday Champ=, June 14, 1977 .P. 16.

UNPUBLISHED WORK

Okpata, S.N.C. "Mass Media selectivity in Udi" An Unpublished B.A. Thesis, U.N.N., Mass Communication Department, 1980.

BROADCAST MEDIUM

N . T . A . 2 , Channel 5, Lagos, "You can't Beat The Reachn, Week-end Report, February 8, 1997.

Department of Mass Communication, University of Nigeria, Nsukka.

August, 1 9 9 7 .

Dear Respondent,.

QUESTIONNAIRE

I am a Post-graduate student of the above-named department. As part of the requirement for the award of the degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication, I am carrying out a research project on:

TELE-EVANGELISM IN NIGERIA: A STUDY OF ITS USES AND GRATIFICATIONS.

I will be grateful if you respond accurately to the questionnaire items. The study is purely for academic purposes. The information provided will be treated with utmost confidence.

Thanks in anticipation of your co-operation.

Yours faithfully,

GODSPOWER I. NMAI (RESEARCHER)

Q U E S T I O N N A I R E -

INSTRUCTION: Please tick ( ) in the box or space provided against the answer that is applicable.

PART ONE (General Information)

1 . Sex: Male 1-1 Female

2 . Age Range: 2 0 - 3 0 1 1 3 1 - 4 0 ( ( 4 1 -

51 - Above 1-1

3 . Residence: Ikoyi Yaba (-1 A jegunle n 4 . Religion: Christianity ( 1 1slam 1-1

Traditional 1-1 Others (1 5. If Christianity, What denomination:

Roman Catholic 1-1 Protestant (-1 Pentecostal 1-1

PART TWO

6. Do you own a television set or have regular access to one?

.7 . What type of programmes do you prefer watching mostly on television?

Variety shows \ \ Youth and Chilren's programmes 1-1 News programme 1-1 Documentaries 1-1 Music Video 1-1 Christian programmes 0

8. Do you watch,Christian programmes?

9 How frequent do you watch Christian programmes?

Often 1-1 Occasionally 1-1 Seldom 1-1 Never 1-1 Not ascertained 1-1

SECTION B

10. Why do you watch Christian programmes?

For Salvation 11 To feel close to God

To grow as a Christian 1-1 For Spiritual guide I] For behavioural guide 1-1 For Entertainment L__\

To pass time For relaxation r\ Because

it is my habit to watch any programm on television [--

For excitement 1-1

1 1 . How important is religion to you?

Very important 1-1 Somewhat important 1-1 Not very important [ I Not very important at

12. How frequent do you attend church service?

Very often 1-1 often 1-1 Occasional 1 1 Seldom 1-1 Never 1-1

If you do not watch Christian programmes, why is

it so?

I do not believe what tele-evangelists preach

Tele-evangelists use the programmes to seek for

popularity 1-1 Tele-evangelists are pretenders and hypocrites 1-1 Tele-evangelists are fraudsters 1-1 Tele-

evangelists attack their competetors 1-1 Tele-evangelists emphasize only prosperity

through miracle in their sermons, to the detriment

of other basic Christian teachings 1 1 I do

not want to be converted to Christianity 1-1 Any other reason apart from these please specify.

14. What benefits have you derived from watching

Christian programmes?

Deep knowledge of God Incnease in faith 1-1 Closeness to God (-1 Spiritual satisfaction 1-1 NO Entertainment No benefit at all 1-1

SECTION C

15. What is your favourite kind of Christian programmes?

Church service 11 Sermon T I Gospel music

Christian talk show 1-1 Christian drama/Soap

16. Why do you prefer such programmes?

They teach viewers more about God 1-1 They give

more spiritual satisfaction 1-1 They help

viewers grow as Christians -1 They address

viewers problems They are entertaining 1-1 They arouse and excite viewers., 1 1 Any other reason apart from these please specify.

SECTION D

17(a) Tele-evangelists solicit viewers financial

commitment to help fund the expensive cost of

programme production and air time. Have you ever

contributed?

yes ? 1-1 NO a 17(b) If you have ever contributed why?

Because I have more than e n o u g h ( To show

appreciation for the programmes 1-1 To thank

God for helping me through the programmes L-A -

For charitable reasons I-! To encourage

continuation of the programmes If

17(c) If you have never contributed financially, why?

I don't have enough (I I do not consider it

necessary 1 I Tele-evangelists are fraudsters

1-1 Tele-evangelism is a waste of church's

resources and so should be discontinued I I No reason Any other reason apart from these

please specify ................................

18. Were you converted to Christianity through

tele-evangelism?

19. Have you ever changed from one church to another

as a result of tele-evangelism? Yes I] No 1-1 20. Sometimes you prefer watching Christian programmes

to church attendance?

Strongly prefer )I Prefer (-1 Disapprove 1-1 Strongly disapprove

2'1. To what extent are Christian programmes (tele-

evangelism) effective enough to replace church

attendance?

Very effective Effective Fairly

effective Not effective 1-1 Very ineffective I]

SECTION E

22(a) Do you agree watching Christian programmes have

affected your spiritual life?

Strongly agree Agree 1-1 Disagree TI Strongly disagree 1-1

22(b) In what ways have the programmes affected your

life?

Through them I was converted Christianity r-1 I was a norminal Christian but got born again

through the programmes I I The programmes have reinforced my faith which

was weak fl They have reinforced my commitment as a Christian

They have not affected my life in any way

Any other way watching Christian programmes

have affected your life, please specify