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information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/gide20Mapuche struggles
to obliteratedominant history: mythohistory,spiritual agency and
shamanichistorical consciousness insouthern ChileAna Mariella
Bacigalupo aa Radcliffe Institute,, Harvard University, Byerly
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Bacigalupo (2013): Mapuche struggles toobliterate dominant history:
mythohistory, spiritual agency and shamanic historicalconsciousness
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16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power,
2013http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2012.757551Mapuche struggles
to obliterate dominant history:mythohistory, spiritual agency and
shamanic historicalconsciousness in southern ChileAna Mariella
Bacigalupo(Received 30 September 2011)The biographical mythohistory
of Rosa Kurin, an ethnically
mixedMapuche-GermanshamaninsouthernChileinthelate1800s,
expressesashamanichistorical consciousnessthat advancescurrent
debatesoverthedynamic relationship between history and myth and
between indigenous andnational history. Biographical
mythohistoryisamixedgenrethat
mediatesamongdifferentmemoralisationsofthepasttoobliteratedominantChileanhistoryandtocreatealternativeindigenous
histories.
Mapucheshamanicmythohistoriesaresimultaneouslylinearandcyclical:historicalpersonagesare
transformed into mythical characters and sometimes back again, and
myth-ical happenings manifest themselves repeatedly in historical
events.
Mapuchepeoplecreatemythohistoriesbymythologisingsuchshamansandhistoricaloutsiders,
prioritisingspiritualagencyoverpoliticalagencyandnarrativelyreversingtheusualcolonialdynamicsofsubordination.Mythohistoriesare,for
rural Mapuche, a means of conveying agency, ethnic identity and
ontology.They also offer a way to decolonise Mapuche history and
have the potentialfor political mobilisation.Keywords: shaman;
historical consciousness; myth; history; Mapuche; ChileOne cold
winter day in July 2010, in the Mapuche Indian community of
Millaliin southern Chile, 98-year-old Feliciano Lean and his
younger Mapuche coun-terparts Alberto Huenchuir and Domingo
Katrikura told me the mythohistory ofRosa Kurin, a powerful
German-Mapuche shaman from Patagonia who had cometoMillali
in1879andsavedit fromchaosanddestruction. That year, 6-year-old
Rosa and her German-born mother, both blue-eyed redheads, ed
ArgentinePatagoniaonhorsebackandheadedwestforChileanAraucana,
carryingwiththem as protection a thunder stone (tralkan kura) that
held the spirit of an ancientwarrior shaman. The stone belonged to
Rosas father, a Mapuche community head,or longko, named Kurin, the
dark one. Kurin had been born in Araucana but hadspent most of his
life in Patagonia, raiding rival indigenous groups and the farms
ofSpanish, German and British settlers for cattle, horses and
captives. Rosas motherhad been among the settlers taken captive by
Kurin during a raid on Buenos Aires.In 1878, the Argentine army had
begun a campaign to exterminate theindigenous people of the Pampas
and Patagonia and incorporate their territories 2012 Taylor &
Francis Group, LLCDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"]
at 06:15 16 January 2013 2 A.M.
BacigalupointothenewArgentinenation-state.TheworstbattleagainsttheMapuchetookplace
the following year, and many families of the Kurin lineage and
others edwest over the Andes into Chile (Bengoa 1991, pp. 122,
292), among them Rosaand her mother. They ended up in Millali, 5 km
from the current town of Quepe,in Araucana. There, Kurins cousin
adopted them. People in Millali who told meRosas story concurred
that she became a shaman, or machi, suddenly at the age of12 when
she had a vision of a bull wearing a gigantic copper bell. It
climbed to thetop of the hill above Millali, the communitys cosmic
place of origin, where a bat-tle between the mythic earth and water
serpents was believed to have taken place.To the Mapuche, visions
of bulls are associated with water and earth spirits, andsometimes
they announce violence and conict to come. In Rosas vision, the
bullsturned to stone so that she could use their magical power to
protect the commu-nity. Rosa climbed the Millali hill with her
fathers thunder stone and went into atrance beside a gigantic boldo
tree that was said to possess ancestral spiritual pow-ers.
Lightning and thunder struck around her head and circled her,
initiating her asa thunder machi who incorporated both the
dangerous power of foreigners and
theMapuchepowerofthunder.Thundermachiresolvesbattlesbetweenconictingforces
in the world, a role that Rosa would be remembered for in
Millali.Rosa Kurin lived during a time of enormous political,
economic and culturalchange for the Mapuche. During the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,the Chilean state nally
defeated the long-resistant Mapuche people, forced themonto
reservations (after 1884) and then split many of the reservations
into privatelandholdings and sold them to non-Mapuche (after 1927).
The state imposed onMapuche communities a Western-style form of
governance headed by a commu-nity president, in competition with
the traditional longko. The increase in politicalhierarchy, the
loss of land and autonomy and the mixing of the already
faction-ally divided Mapuche in new communities as a result of
displacement during warall contributed to internal conict. With the
inux of settlers of European
origin,racialintermixing,ormestizaje,begantorise,andwithit,peoplesuncertaintyand
disagreement over what constituted true Mapuche identity and the
possibleadvantages of mestizo identity.By 2010, 55 years after
Rosas death, people in Millali remembered this periodin Mapuche
history as a time of cosmic chaos, and Rosa as the shaman who
savedMillali from destruction by the Chilean army and by ood. After
her death, peoplequickly mythologised her into a shamanic religious
leader who had transformedthis chaos into a new world order by
using her shamanic powers and her mixedethnic heritage. Along with
other non-Mapuche historical gures of the time, Rosabecame a
character in Millali mythohistory.In what follows, I frame Rosas
mythohistory in terms of current debates abouthistorical
consciousness, myth, history and agency. I then narrate the porous
socialand geographicboundariesin the Mapucheand Chilean linear
history that situ-ates Rosas story in chronological and geographic
terms. Following, I show howRosas hybrid identity and practice as a
Mapuche-German shaman illustrate theMapuches complex, contradictory
afliations. Finally, I show how people of thecommunity today retell
their story and Rosas as a mythohistory that articulatesDownloaded
by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013
Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 3their views about
loss of land and autonomy, ethnic intermixing and the
Mapuchescomplex relationships with outsiders.Shamanic
mythohistories are a means for conveying native historical agency
the ability to act both within and upon larger social forces (Sider
1998, p. xviii) inaddition to being expressions of native ethnic
identity, personhood and ontology.Inthisarticle,
IshowthatMapucheshamanicmythohistoriesmediatedifferentkinds of
narrativememoralisations of thepast andcombinelinear andcycli-cal
notions of time toincorporate radical historical changes innative
lives,mythologise foreignhistorical gures andnative shamans
andmerge humanand non-human beings, granting them the ability to
transform existing histories.Throughtheir
shamanicmythohistorysurroundingRosaKurin, Mapuchepeo-ple in her
community transform history into myth in order to obliterate
Chileandominant history and use their superior spiritual agency to
construct a new world.Historical consciousness, myth, history and
agencyMapuchepeoplehavediversewaysofrepresentingthepast,
eachwithitsownassumptions about personhoodandidentity. The
pan-Mapuche ethnic historynarrated by members of urban political
movements differs from the multiple narra-tives and embodied
techniques of memorialisation that rural Mapuche use, whichappears
in shamanic rituals, conversations, speeches and songs, as well as
at funer-als, weddings and hockey games. There are also regional
differences in the waysthe rural Mapuche remember the past. On the
coast of Chile, for example,
wheretherearenoshamans,Mapuchepeopleseehistoryasanaggregationexpressedthrough
secular songs (Course 2010). In the south-central valleys, where
shamanspredominate,
orators(ngenpin)andcommunityheads(longko)aggregatelivesthrough
narrative lineage histories, and shamans inhabit past
subjectivities throughspirit possession. Myth and history are
different, complementary, indigenous cog-nitive modes that are
expressed in different narrative genres although in
practiceindigenous people combine them in different ways (Hill
1988, 2007, Hugh
Jones1988).Rosasmythohistorycombinesindividuallifehistories,myth,thehistoryofchangingindigenousMapuchepoliticalandculturalidentityandlargerChileannationalhistoriesreinterpretedthroughashamaniclens.
Thelinear, chronolog-ical narrativesof therecent past (ky)
producethesort of historyof eventsthat Westerners nd familiar.
These linear narratives are expressed through kin-ship histories,
biographies, historical metaphors and Mapuche national histories
ofdomination and ethnic emergence. The other mode is the timeless,
cyclical, mytho-logical narratives about the primordial past (ruf
ky), when fundamental forces ofcreation, transformation and
destruction shaped Mapuche cosmology, philosophyand landscape
(Huenchulaf et al. 2004, p. 24). As the cyclical intersects with
thelinear, Mapuche mythohistory in Millali can be seen as a sort of
spiral along whichpeople and events both repeat themselves and move
through time. The identities ofprominent shamans and other people
after their death are collapsed into those ofpreviously deceased
personages or mythical characters. In this way, the
deceasedDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15
16 January 2013 4 A.M.
Bacigaluporemainactiveinpeoplesperceptionsor,inthecaseofshamans,mayberehis-toricised
as they are reborn in new physical bodies (Bacigalupo 2010).
Shamanicspirits are thus transformed as they are recycled through
rebirth and as social reali-ties in the community shift at
different historicalpolitical moments in linear time.This
challenges Chilean historical narratives by fusing historical
events and per-sonal lives to contextualise local histories within
larger Mapuche mythical, cyclicalprocesses.Chilean historians claim
that shamans lack a historical consciousness becausetheir
narratives appear irrational andahistorical
relativetoWestern-style, lin-ear historical narratives (Pietas
inGayI 1846, Olivares 1874, Chchvol. 7,pp. 493495, El Araucano
1926, 1928a, 1928b, De la Cruz 1953, pp. 42, 4749,Rosales
1989(1674), p. 29). Historians of
Chilehaveconsistentlyprivilegedstable, masculine forms of authority
and history, rendering the more uid, chang-ing mythohistories of
female and transvestite male shamans invisible,
ahistoricalandillegitimate(Bacigalupo2007). Rural Mapuche, whilenot
subscribingtothe history created by Western historians, do
understand shamans experienceshistorically. Shamansbecomepart of
historybyembodyingthespiritsof thepast (pllu, leu) andtheforcesof
theworld(newen) inorder todivineandheal.
Thisshamanichistoricalconsciousness cannot be reduced to the realm
ofhistorical imagination (Comaroff 1992), creative productions
(Lambek 2002,p. 111) or discursive engagements with the past
(Course 2010). In my concep-tion, shamanic historical consciousness
is the way in which Mapuche perceive andnarrate local and national
history through the lens of shamanism, either on the partof shamans
or their fellow Mapuche.Rosas mythohistory also offers a
newunderstanding of the relationshipbetween myth, history and
agency in native South America. Claude Levi-Straussdistinguishes
between hot societies that perceive of a diachronic linear
historythat changes over time and construct a future, and cold
indigenous societies thatview time as a synchronic structure
limited to the cyclical repetition of myth anddeny the future.
According to Lvi-Strauss, indigenous myths absorb the very
his-torical events and processes they seek to obliterate in order
to re-establish a
senseofsocialequilibrium(Lvi-Strauss1981,p.607).Theopenendednessofmyththusallowsfortheinclusionofdifferentkindsofoutsiderswhowouldbesub-jected
to the logic of the myth (Gow 2001). In reality, however,
indigenous peopledistinguish between myth as a cyclical synchronic
structure and history as lineardiachronic agency, and they use both
to construct the future. Although there areexamples of outsiders
who are incorporated in many South American myths, thisdoes not
mean that indigenous people do not have a sense of diachronic
history.Mapuche in Millai recognise the structural transformations
of myth, in which insti-tutions and characters change as they are
narrated over time, but they distinguishbetween these and the
radical reorganisation of social, political and economic rolesand
institutions they have suffered in historical time.Furthermore,
Lvi-Strausss conception of myth does not account for agencybecause
he makes no allowance for an indigenous historical consciousness
(FaustoDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15
16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power
5andHeckenberger 2007). Incontrast, Mapuche mythohistories,
together withshamanic historical consciousness, convey agency as
their tellers reactualise mythsin specic historical contexts and
blend myth and history to obliterate dominanthistory, appropriate
the past and present it in a new way and create a future
wherenatives will be historys spiritual victors. Indigenous myths
incorporate outsidersnot only to reduce them to the structure of
myth, but to rehistoricise and
politicisemythsinnewcontexts(HughJones1988, SantosGranero2007,
Cepek2010).InRosas mythohistory, non-Mapuchecharacters suchas
theChileancolonelGregorio Urrutia and the German settler Juan
Schleyer, as well as events in theMapuches nineteenth-century
history of subjugation to the Chilean and Argentinestates, play
central roles.Theblendingof mythandhistorycreatestheconditionsfor
thehistoricalagencyof mythicalbeings, spirits
andhumansalike(Rappaport1998,Salomon1999, p. 37, Fausto and
Heckenberger 2007). Mapuche shamanic
mythohistoriesdrawonthenotionofspiritual
agencytoexpressthetransformativenatureofMapuchepersonhoodandidentity.
Asweshall see,
bymythologisingthemenintheSchleyerfamilyasonegigantic,long-livedsorcererwhoproducedchaosbyusurpingMillalislandandlocalspiritsandbymimickingRosasshamanicpowers,
the people of Millali construe the Chilean states subjugation of
them
assorcery.BymythologisingRosaastherestorerofcosmicorderatamomentofradical
socio-economic and political reorganisation and ethnic intermixing,
theyregainspiritualcontrolovertheirlandandspiritbeingsandrecreatetheircom-munitys
place in a new historical context. Through this process, both Rosa
andSchleyer become mythological beings with spiritual agency and
transformationalpower who remain immanent presences in the
community. They create
historicalcontinuityinaspiralling,cyclical,mythicalprocessoutsideoflinear,historicaltime.Porous
boundaries: the linear history surrounding Rosas
storyFrombeforethearrivalofSpaniardsinChileinthesixteenthcenturyuntiltheMapuches
ultimate defeat in the late nineteenth century, Mapuche people
foughta prolonged guerrilla war that included internal factionalism
and shifting alliances.Two main rival Mapuche factions existed
throughout this time and played a cen-tral role in the history of
the south-central valleys. The Nagche faction
controlledthewesternpart oftheprovincesofAraucoandAraucana.
Farthersouth, theWenteche faction controlled the eastern Andean
foothills in Araucana (cf.
Bengoa1991,GuevaraandMakelef2002,Pvez2003).TheNagcheledtheMapucheinsurrection
against the Spaniards through the 1700s (Rodriguez 2001, p. 84),
butwhen Chile became independent from Spain in 1810, they sought to
negotiate withthe new government and integrate into Chilean
society. In contrast, the Wentechecontinued to ght the Chileans,
attempting to make them respect the treaties theMapuche had signed
with the Spaniards.Inthe eighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,
manyyoungMapuche of theWenteche faction among them Rosas father,
Kurin travelled to the ArgentineDownloaded by ["University at
Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 6 A.M.
BacigalupoPampasandPatagoniatoescapetheEuropeanswars.
Rosasmotherprobablyarrived with the rst wave of German immigrants
who came to the provinces ofBuenos Aires, Neuqun and Ro Negro
beginning in 1870, seeking land. In 1872,Kurin and other Mapuche
invaded Buenos Aires (Rausch 1999, p. 42). One manfromMillali
argued that Rosas mother was taken captive at this time: The
cacique[Kurin] expropriated Rosas mother in Buenos Aires. He saw
she was pretty andstole her on the rump of his horse. She became
his wife, and nine months laterRosa was born.After the Mapuche were
defeated in Argentina in 1879 and in Chile in 1881,members of
several lineages of both the Wenteche and Nagche factions moved
tothe Quepe area, escaping fromcolonists who took over their
communities. In
1884,theChileangovernmentcompleteditspacicationoftheMapuchebyforcingthemontoreservations,someofwhichbecamethecommunitiesofMillaliandits
neighbours. In 1885, well before the people of Millali had been
constituted
asacommunityandgrantedtheirlandtitles(whichdidnotoccuruntil1909),theChilean
government auctioned off 90% of Millalis most fertile land to
colonists mostly Chileans, but also a German settler named Juan
Schleyer (18401925). Hewas the rst German coloniser in the vicinity
of Temuco and is still celebrated inChilean national discourse for
bringing civilisation to the area. In 1885, Schleyerbought huge
expanses of land around Quepe, including the Millali hill. He
builtthetownofFreireanditsrailroadstation,ranaprotablelumberbusinessandbecame
the local railroad superintendent and the rst mayor of Freire.The
reservation system produced a radical reorganisation of Mapuche
systemsof power and authority. The former lifestyle of mobility and
neolocality enjoyed bymembers of allied patrilineages occupying
limitless land was no longer possible,for the reservations had
precise boundaries, and Mapuche people could not obtainnew land
(Stuchlik 1976, Bengoa 2000, Pinto 2000). During pre-reservation
times,themostcompetentsonofalongko, orcommunityhead,
inheritedhisfathersposition. A longko controlled the distribution
of land within his community andled its ngillatun, collective
prayers and sacrices to request well-being,
abundanceandprotection.Machi,orshamans,inheritedtheirpowersthroughthemothersside
of the family, often through a maternal grandmother. Families who
producedmachiandlongkoheldprestigeandpoweroverthosewhodidnot(Bacigalupo2007).The
reservation system created three parallel lines of authority in the
south-central valleys. In the secular one, an elected president
manages the communityand negotiates with the government over issues
such as land claims. In Millali, theCalfuir and Huenchuir families,
descendants of the pre-reservation longko, takeon the roles of
president and associated administrative ofcials. The second line
ofauthority rests on longko, who hold local political authority and
power, althoughthe introduction of the secular administration has
eroded some of their ability
tonegotiatewithlongkofromothercommunities(Mallon2009,
Martnez2009).Longkoarechosenfortheirknowledgeandoratorical ability,
whichtheygainthrough dreams and visions, and they both organise
ngillatun rituals and performDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo
Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in
Culture and Power 7priestlyroles. OntheMapuchecoast,
alongthecordillera, andinthesouthernvalleys, in contrast, ngenpin
(masters of the word) perform priestly roles duringngillatun
rituals (Foerster 1985, Bacigalupo 1995, Dillehay 2007, Course
2012).Machiformathirdlineofauthorityonthebasisoftheirroleasintermediarieswith
spirit beings. They, too, are hired to perform ngillatun. In
Millali, a good dealof tension and competition exists between machi
and longko over the performanceof these rituals (Bacigalupo 1995,
2010).AnothersourceofconictduringRosaKurinslifetimewasMapuchepeo-pleschangingviewofethnicintermixingandparticipationinChileansociety.Previously,
Mapucheviewedmestizajeas aneffectivestrategyfor
expandingalliancesandpower andfor subduingpowerful
foreignerswhoparticipatedintheirculturalframework.Likemanyothernativepeoples,theMapuchetwellwithLvi-Strausssnotionofopennesstotheother(1991),
inthesensethatself-realisationisonlypossiblethroughtheknowledge,
incorporationandtheembodiment of the points of view of both human
and non-human others. Socialotherness remains a central concern in
indigenous representations of the past (Hill1988, p. 10). By
becoming like the others, even if only partially, natives
believetheywill understand, pacifyandestablishsocial
relationswiththemandhaveaccess to their things and powers (Vilaca
2006, p. 512, Gow 2007, Santos Granero2009b).The loss of land to
Chilean and German landlords, however, along with
dis-criminationagainstMapucheonthepartofChileanauthorities,begantomakebeing
Chilean non-Mapuche (wingka), American or European (gringo) and
evenmestizo(champurrea) highlysuspect inMillali.
Mapuchebegantolimit theiropenness to the other in order to avoid
becoming like wingka. By 1930, someMapuche, inspired by the Mapuche
leader Manuel Aburto Panguilef, had begunto draw on essentialist
notions of ethnic identity based on blood in order to pro-tect
themselves from assimilation. Other Mapuche sought ways to
participate inChileansocietyonequalterms(Menard2003,
MenardandPavez2007, p. 51,Crow 2010, Mallon
2010).InthecommunitiesaroundQuepe(includingMillali),membersofdifferentMapuche
factions and lineages mixed with one another, with Chilean
non-MapuchepeopleandwithpeopleofrecentEuropeanorigin.TheMapuchehadbeendefeatedin
war, lost manyof their people,their land andtheir power,
andwerebeingforcedtoadjustrapidlytoanewwayoflife.Theresultingturmoil,political
competition and ethnic interaction would be a part of Rosa Kurins
lifeand legacy in Millali.Hybrid identities and complex afliations
in Rosas timeThe people I consulted in Millali believed that at the
time of Rosas arrival there,the spirit of a powerful, deceased
shaman roamed the community, seeking some-one to initiate as a new
machi, in whom his spirit would be reborn. One man
toldmethatamemberofthedeceasedsfamilydreamedthatthespiritsaid,IamDownloaded
by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 8
A.M. Bacigalupoleaving very sad because I looked to the north, the
south, the east, and the westand I didnt nd any good men or women
[to choose as a machi].. . . But
thatspiritcontinuedwanderingaroundandnallyseizedRosa.
Sheunderstoodthespirits.Rosawasagoodcandidatefortheshamanicspirit
tochoose, fortworea-sons. First, she had spiritual power drawn from
what we could call the Patagonianshamanic-military complex her
fathers Kurin lineage and the whole tradition ofWenteche warriors
who possessed supernatural powers that were superior to thoseof
their Nagche rivals. Mapuche believes that charismatic
nineteenth-century lead-ers such as Kurin used newen, or life force
derived from ancestors, spirit animalsand special stones, to make
rain and become invincible warriors and persuasiveorators. Stones
are particularly important sources of the power of newen
becausethey are petried shamans and ancestors who continue to grant
powers to livinghumans. Rosa, when she arrived in Millali as a
child, already possessed the powerof her fathers thunder stone.The
second reason Rosa made a likely choice as a machi was her mixed
eth-nicity, which placed her in a condition of otherness. People of
mixed gringo andMapuche descent are thought to possess special
powers because they see the worldas insiders and outsiders; Rosa
was only one of several blonde or red-haired,
blue-eyedGerman-Mapuchemachi inAraucana(VicuaMackenna1939,
Bengoa1991). Machi
seekstogainpowerandknowledgefromthedeceasedspiritsofpowerful
peoplesuchasothermachi andlongko, whoareconsiderednonhu-man social
outsiders because they are no longer living (Viveiros de Castro
1998,p.482).Rosawasconsideredclosertotherealmofthedeadthanotherpeoplewerebecauseshewasanethnicoutsider,
hadnoconsanguinealrelativesinthecommunity, and, as a shaman she
could move among the perspectives and identi-ties of humans,
animals, spirits, insiders and outsiders without losing her
conditionasaMapuchehuman.Therefore,shecouldmediatewithdeceasedspiritsmoreeffectively
than other people in Millali could.PeopleinMillali believedthat
becauseofhermixedethnicity, Rosacouldmimic and magically
appropriate the power of Germans and make it part of herpractice as
a Mapuche shaman. Domingo Katrikura
explained,ThemixofMapuchewithGermanorMapuchewithwingkacomesoutwaytoointelligent
and powerful. . . because the wingka is quick in his reactions and
has thepower of wealth, political connections, and the magical
ability to work all the time. . .and the Mapuche is spiritual and
has the power of the ancestors and the land. Thatswhy Rosa was so
powerful. All of those powers were part of her machi practice.Yet
despite her mixed ethnic heritage, Rosa was considered Mapuche
because shelivedandwasraisedwithMapuche. AlbertoHuenchuirsaid,
Rosasthought[rakiduam], [her] mentality, was Mapuche because she
was raised Mapuche, eventhoughherbloodwasmixed. Anothermanadded:
Shewasbrought upasaMapuchesoshecouldbecomeamachi.
[She]wasjustasMapucheasanyoneDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo
Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in
Culture and Power
9elseinMillali.Mapuche,likeAmazonians,believethatconsubstantialitythesharing
of a common nature, of substances, affect and memories is generated
byproximity, intimate living, commensality, mutual care and the
desire to becomekin (Vilaa 2002, p. 352). Rosa spent her life
learning how to balance her alterity,as an ethnic outsider and a
shaman with spirit kin, with her identity as a
MapuchewhomarriedintoMillali.
WhenRosawasinhertwentiesshemarriedIgnacioHuenchuir, a member of
that prominent local Wenteche family. The two had nochildren of
their own, but Rosa bore six children by other men, which gave hera
circle of relatives in Millali. Present-day community members
explained to methat all of Rosas offspring were legitimised as
children of Ignacio Huenchuir,and all but one of them used the
Huenchuir family name. People in Millali didnot condemnRosa.
Theyacceptedhersexual
opennessonthegroundsofheralterity:shewasahalf-Germanshaman.
MapucheinChileandArgentinadur-ingthenineteenthcenturyintermarriedfreelywithoutsidersandhadnonotionofracialorethnicpurity(Bengoa1991,pp.111,369).Theystressedrelationalidentities
over those of blood kinship and drew on inclusive discourses of
ethnic-ity.Theyassignedparticularprestigetonon-Mapuchewives,whosepurportedsexual
skills brought social wealth, power and prestige to their husbands
(Brooks2008, p. 255). People in Millali celebrated Rosas various
liaisons as auspiciousbecause her mixed ethnicity created kinship
ties between Germans and Mapuchefrom Chile and Argentina, and her
kinship with spirits would bring well-being tothe
community.Rosaformedoneofhermost important
allianceswiththeChileancolonelGregorioUrrutia, wholedthenal
militarycampaignagainst theMapucheinAraucana. Between1877and1883,
Urrutiafoundedmanyfortsandtownsinstrategic places in Araucana, in
order to put down Mapuche rebellions, mark thesovereignty of the
Chilean state over Mapuche land and facilitate
communicationandtransportationbetweenChileanenclaves(Urrutia1882).Yet,healsoseemsto
havehelda strong sympathytowards the Mapuche,andhis
relationshipwiththe Chilean government was conicted. He fathered
one of Rosa Kurins children,Benito Huenchuir. People I talked to in
Millali credited Rosa with transformingUrrutia into a supporter of
their community who learned from her to accept
machipractice.In1882, UrrutiahadFort Freirebuilt
inaplacecalledRukaamku, atopMillali hill. Although Urrutia justied
the construction to the Ministry of War bysaying that it allowed
him to control the adjacent valley, the place had no
economicorstrategicmilitaryvalue(Urrutia1882).Instead,itheldtremendoussymbolicimportance
for the community. It was in Rukaamku that the rst ngillatun
ritualsto ensure fertility and providence were performed in
Millali, and it was there thatRosa received her shamanic powers.
People in Millali today believe that Urrutiarecognised the
spiritual signicance of Rukaamku and built Fort Freire there
toprotect Rosas shamanic powers and the communitys spiritual
places.In 1950, the Wenteche families of Millali split into
competing factions.
OnewasledbytheHuenchuirandCalfuirfamiliesandtheotherbytheMillairDownloaded
by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 10
A.M.
Bacigalupofamily.Allthreefamiliesbelongedtothelineageofthefox(ngru),ananimalthat
Mapuche people see as a trickster, as a mediator between the living
and thedead, and sometimes as a witch. Some people in Millali
attributed the split to thefox lineages conictive, trickster
nature. Others attributed it to conicts betweenthe Millair and
Huenchuir families over the leadership of the community andover
community land, which had been further reduced by the Chilean
governmentin 1947.Rosa, bythat time77, wasdevastatedbythesplit,
whichwouldcontinuethrough 2004, and she refused to perform any more
rituals. One day in 1955, shedecided to die. Her granddaughter
Norma recalled,I was a baby [at the time], but my mother explained
that Rosa didnt suffer at all.She asked that they bathe her and
change her clothes. She began to play her drum[kultrung] softly
because she didnt have strength. And she sat up and fell
asleep.Inaveryshorttime,heridentityandlifestorybegantopassintotherealmofmyth.The
mythologising of RosaImmediatelyafterRosasdeath,
herfamilyandneighboursinMillali
begantomemorialiseherasalarger-than-lifegure,
mergingherlifestorywithcosmicevents in Mapuche mythology. The
family had carved on her gravestone the words,Rosa Kurin died at
the age of one hundred and ten. Remembrance by her son
andgrandchildren.Thenumber110placesherinamythicaltimeframe,forwhenpeople
in Millali want to speak about events or people of a different time
or cycle,they say more than a hundred years ago. The number ten
(mari) refers to powerand victory. Rosas descendants had no
interest in locating her in linear time byincluding her birth and
death dates on the gravestone, as is customary in
Chileancemeteries.After Rosas death, people in Millali associated
her with the sacred boldo treeon the Millali hill. Alejandro
Huenchuir said, Her power was there. We
heardbabies[associatedwithfertility] crying[there]
andsawtwobeautiful metawe[ceramic vessels] that then disappeared.
In 1995, Enrique Huenchuir cut downthe boldo tree to create a
eucalyptus plantation. He died shortly afterward. His
sonJorgebecamelameinhisleftlegandedMillali,nevertoreturn.Communitymembers
interpreted these events as proof of Rosas continued spiritual
presenceand her punishment of those who transgressed shamanic
lore.Ultimately, the mythologisation of Rosa became bound up in
much larger,
evencosmicissues.InthemythohistoricalnarrativestoldinMillali,cosmicdisorderresultedfromtheappropriationofthepoweroftheMillalihillbytheGermancolonist
Juan Schleyer, and only Rosas shamanic strength saved the
communityfrom destruction. Schleyer acquired the hill after Urrutia
left Millali in 1885, whenDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo
Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in
Culture and Power 11the fort he had built at Rukaamku became a
military camp used to protect theinterests of wingka and German
colonisers. One man explained
thatthegringo[Schleyer]wasfriendswiththemilitaryandcametotakeallthegoodland
and threw out all the Mapuche. These lands are now part of the farm
owned bythe Schleyer-Roth family, and the amku and Nawelpi [the
families who had livedat Rukaamku] dont even have a place to raise
two cows.In acquiring the hill, Schleyer expropriated two sites of
enormous signicance tothe people of Millali: Rukaamku, the
ancestral place of origin, and, adjacent toit, an old cemetery
called Rga Platawe, where Mapuche buried jewellery, ceramicvessels
and gold coins among the deep roots of a hollowlaurel tree. By
taking
theseplaces,Mapuchesay,Schleyerstolethewealth,powerandresourcesofMillali.Inlocalmythohistory,hedidsobyimitatingmachiRosaandtrickingthelocaldwarves
(kofkeche) who guarded Millalis treasures. Combining accounts told
tome by people in Millali in 2007, the story goes like this.Before,
people from Millali got gold from the hill and river and also
accumu-latedgoldcoins.Theydidnottrustthebank,sotheyburiedtheirgoldatRgaPlatawe,
anddwarvesguardedittoincreasethewealthoftheMillali hill. TheMapuche
also buried their dead there with jewels and treasures. Machi Rosa
askedthe dwarves to give her some gold from the river to buy a
horse for the ngillatunritual, for everyones benet, and they gave
it to her. Schleyer saw this, and whenhe bought the Millali hill
and made it his farm, he copied Rosa and tricked thedwarves. He
told them to give him gold so that everyone in the community
wouldbenet. So the dwarves allowed gold to swim into his pans in
the river. Schleyermade a gold mine on the farm, and the dwarves
worked underground and broughthim the gold through a well in his
house. But Schleyer tricked them; the gold
wasonlyforhim.SchleyerputalockonthefarmsgatesothatnoMapuchecouldlook
for gold there anymore.In a letter to the National Corporation for
Indigenous Development(Corporacin Nacional de Desarrollo Indgena)
dated 31 August 2007, the peopleof Millali wrote that the loss of
Rga Platawe caused confusion and shortages inthe community because
we lost all our wealth and power. In their political
econ-omyoflife(SantosGranero2009a),Mapuchebelievesthatthevitallifeforcethat
animatestheuniverseisnite, scarceandunequallydistributed.
Mapuchehave experienced gringos theft of this life force through
territorial dispossessionand the extraction of gold and timber from
their former land. According to thisperception, gringos not only
exploit, dispossess, enslave and kill natives (Varese1973, Brown
1984), but also harass natives with their evil powers (Santos
GraneroandBarclay2011, pp. 155, 158). OnemanfromMillalicomplained,
NowtheGermans own the hill and have taken its power. Thats why they
are wealthy
andinvincible.InRosasmythohistory,theindividualistic,capitalisticintentionsofthe
gringo transformed the dwarves (normally helpers of the ngen, or
spirit mastersof ecosystems) and other spirits into evil beings who
sucked the labour, blood andDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo
Libraries"] at 06:15 16 January 2013 12 A.M. Bacigalupolife force
from Mapuche. One Mapuche woman said, All the ngen are dominatedby
Schleyer. Thats why his land is so fertile and ours is so
poor.Thegringo, Schleyer, representedanewformof alterityfor
MapucheinMillalithatrequirednewmediators(thedwarves)andnewformsofmediation(helping,
guarding and enslavement). In Mapuche mythology, the devils
serpentsusuallyguardtreasuresfor Mapucheor grant thempower
andwealthif theyfeedmilktotheserpents. InRosasmyth, it
isdwarvesnon-humanbeingswithout ethnicitywhoguardthetreasuresof
Millali. InChileanmythology,dwarves aremischievous beings
whotrickpeople, appear anddisappear
andhavenoloyaltytoanyone(Dannemann1998). Today,
Mapuchehaveincorpo-rateddwarves intotheir ontologybothas shamans
helpers andassorcerersmessengers. Rosasmythincorporatesdwarvesnot
onlyasguardiansof trea-surebut
alsoasmediatorsbetweentheshamanRosaandthengenspiritsandbetween the
sorcerer Schleyer and the ngen spirits. Ultimately, when Rosa
recov-ersthespiritual powersof Millali, thedwarvesbecomeher
helpers.
Dwarvesexpresstheshiftingcontextualconstructionofethnicity,
identityandalterityinMillali.One way to understand the story of the
dwarves is through Michael Taussigsnotion of mimesis, which is the
magical replication of the beings, objects,
ritualsorpracticesofpowerfulothersinordertoobtaintheirpower(Taussig1993,p.xviii),whileerasingthememoryofthatappropriationandtherebynegatingthepower
of the other (Santos Granero 2007, p. 59). People in Millali
believed thatby mimicking Rosa to become partially and temporarily
like her in order to trickthe dwarves, Schleyer reversed the notion
that the dominated mimic the alterityof the dominators in an
attempt to appropriate their power (Taussig 1993). As agringo and
the legal owner the Millali hill, Schleyer held economic and
politicalpower over the people of Millali. But it was only when
Schleyer mimicked Rosasshamanic rituals that her spiritual power
became his own and he was able to obtaingold from the Millali hill.
Rosa had asked the dwarves for gold to nance a ritualfor the
collective good. Schleyer inverted this economy of power, keeping
the goldfor himself and locking out the local Mapuche.In sharp
contrast to Chilean national narratives about Schleyers role in
bring-ing civilisation and progress, the people of Millali t
himinto their mythohistory inthe context of sorcery and making
pacts with the devil an act widely attributedto patrones throughout
Latin America (Gould 1990, p. 30, Edelman 1994). Theintermittent
light emitted by the lanterns on Schleyers carriage as he visited
hisproperties at night became evil reballs (cherrufe) that
accompany the devil
andhissorcerersontheirnightlyvoyages(MunicipalityofFreire1983, pp.
1011,15). People in Millali believe members of the Schleyer family
used reballs andthe chon-chon, a ying sorcerers head, to coerce
their workers. One man said,The lantern of the old gringo, we call
it chon-chon because it ies at night to scareus. Ever since the
gringo traveled on his properties at night, the cherrufe have
beencoming down the hill to bother us at night and make sure we
obey him.Downloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15
16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power
13PeopleinMillali
collapsedtheidentityofJuanSchleyerintothoseofhissonCarlos, his
grandson-in-law Uwe Roth-Schleyer, and other descendants. Then
theymythologisedthegringo asonepowerful, giganticsorcerer,
Schleyer, whomade a pact with the devil to become powerful and
wealthy in exchange for thelives of his family members. One man
from Millali elaborated: He is a giant thathas magical powers he
gets from a brown square bread [pumpernickel] given
tohimbythedevil,
andthatswhyhecanworkdayandnightplantingtreesandtilling the land and
taking its gold. Mapuche in Millali portrayed the devil whoworked
for Schleyer as a huge man who comes down from the farm to do
sor-cery in Millali and with the witranalwe spirit, a long, thin
Spanish man mountedon a horse. In this mythologised image, Schleyer
becomes the epitome of the
feu-dal,coloniallandlordwhotookMapucheland,exploitedMapucheworkersandraped
Mapuche women. One woman in Millali elaborated, The giant Schleyer
isveryblondeandthatswhyhethinkslikethedevil.Hewantsalltheriches,allthe
land, all the power. He doesnt have animals on half share like us.
He doesnthelp the neighbor. He gives nothing. He takes it all. In
this perspective, Schleyerpretended to be human and mimicked human
habitus, but his real essence was thatof a multi-natural sorcerer
who could not be trusted.Despite these images, in other contexts
people in Millali viewed the historicalJuan Schleyer as a human
being with a body like theirs. During his lifetime theysought to
ally with him to gain his protection and favours, and later they
devel-oped favourable views of him and his living descendants as
honest landlords whohelped the community through the paternalistic
institution of patronage (patron-azgo).
WhatevertheymayhavethoughtofthehistoricalSchleyer, MapucheinMillali
made the mythologised version of him the agent of cosmic chaos
broughtby colonisation. Correspondingly, they recreated Rosa Kurin
as a mythical machiwho retook the spiritual power of Millali from
Schleyer and restored cosmic orderand meaning to their world
through ritual intervention. They merged the events ofthe early
1900s, including a ood that struck the community in 1933, into
cyclicaltime by incorporating them into the mythical conict between
the earth serpent,Trengtreng (associated with the east, the Andes
and life), and the water serpent,Kai-Kai (associated with the west,
the Pacic Ocean and death).AccordingtopeopleinMillali, thelossof
their sacredhill, therealmofTrengtreng, caused such cosmic disorder
that in 1933 the water serpent,
Kai-Kai,triedtodestroytheworldwithaood.
OnlyritualactionbyRosarestoredthebalance between the two serpents
and saved the community. Alberto Huenchuir,relating the story as
handed down from his grandfather, said,The hill burst open like a
motor pump spewing water everywhere. Even the horseswere knocked
over. There was a huge wind, huge rain for many days. It almost
turnedtheworldaround. .
..Therewasthunder,andevilstarted.Thestarsfellontotheearth,andagiganticbullwithabronzebellcamedownfromabovewithclouds.ThishappenedinfrontofLeanshouse.Everyonesawit.
.
..Rosaclimbedthehillandsacricedtwosheepandhungthemonthesacredboldotreetocalmthewaters.The
thunderandlightningpossessed her. . .. Alot of
peoplegottogetherDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"]
at 06:15 16 January 2013 14 A.M. Bacigalupoto pray, all wet. . . .
We were surrounded by water, and people from another com-munity
screamed, asking us if we were alive or dead. Rosa said, We are
going todo a ngillatun. Everyone must cover themselves with white
cloth, white wool, andfollow the white horses at the front. And
this is how we are going to calm the furyof the water [Kai-Kai] and
the hill [Trengtreng]. Rosa oated in the water while sheprayed, and
little by little the water subsided. All the ngen, the forces,
obeyed her.My father said thats how my grandfather told it.In this
mythohistorical narrative, community members identify Rosa with
ashamanic spirit fromprimordial time (rf kuy) and associate her
with theMapuchedelugemyth,whichtells
ofaoodproducedbythestrugglebetweenTrengtreng and
Kai-Kai.ManyMapuchebelievethechaos producedbythedelugeis
periodicallyrepeated. For thepeopleof Millali,
RosaKurinbecameahistoricalmythical,archetypal machi because she was
able to draw on the powers of the good
earthserpenttodefeattheevilwaterserpentandre-establishbalanceinthecosmos.People
in Millali believe that after Rosa restored order in the world, the
relation-ship between Schleyer, the devil, the dwarves and other
spirits changed radically.They say that Schleyer had initially
tricked the devil by feeding him the lives of hisMapuche workers
instead of those of his family members. When the devil
realisedthis, he turned against Schleyer, killing his adult sons in
violent accidents in orderto feed on their blood. One man
explained,Mapuche who work in the Schleyer house dont last very
long. At around midnight[the time of the devil], the patron would
appear. Then the Mapuche would suffer badluck and die. . . . When
the devil realized [this], he possessed the nephew of
UweRoth-Schleyer from Germany and made him shoot his cousin. . .
and Uwes otherson was galloping on his horse when the devil put a
barbed wire between two treesand decapitated him.The dwarves and
spirits in Millali who had been tricked by Schleyer during
thecycleof chaosnowtrickedhim. InJanuary2010, HernanHuenchuir
smiledsmuglyashepointedtotwopitsdugbythegringoatthebaseofthehollowlaurel
tree in the old cemetery of Rga Platawe: The gringo saw the laurel
treeshining at night, and he thought he would nd the gold buried
there. He brought amachine to detect gold and started digging but
found nothing. The dwarves showedhim the treasures and then made
them disappear, mocking him. . . . The metawe[ceramic vessels] with
gold coins are buried deep among the roots of the laureltree, and
the dwarves make them move under the ground, so the gringo will
nevercatch them.Mythohistory, identity and agencyMapuche shamans,
as the mythohistory of Rosa Kurin shows, do have a
historicalconsciousness,andtheirphenomenologicaltruehistory,basedontheembod-iment
of spiritsandforces, allowsthemtomediatebetweendifferent
worlds,Downloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"] at 06:15
16 January 2013 Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power
15identities and beings. Their shamanichistorical consciousness is
made intelligi-ble to ordinary people through the narration of
mythohistories, which become ameans for conveying native historical
agency based on the transformative capaci-ties of spiritual power.
And because mythohistories construe the spiritual agency ofnatives
as superior to the political agency of dominators, they can
narratively oblit-erate dominant history, reverse colonial dynamics
of subordination and mimicryand create new worlds and
histories.Mythohistoriesareuseful
becausetheyconciliatethetensionthat
existsinanthropologybetweenwhatFrankSalomon(1999)referredtoastheothernessofIndianhistoryandtherecognitionofindigenouspeopleshistorical
agency.Mythohistoriesareradicallyother,
notbecausetheyareisolatedfrom dominantandindigenousethnichistories,
but becausetheysubject themtoashamaniclogic by which human and
non-human beings act as historical agents and nativesbecome the
victors. Furthermore, mythohistories are able to reconcile many
dif-ferent kinds of rural and urban representations of the past
life histories,
kinshiphistories,ethnicnationalhistories,mythsanddominanthistoriesinnarrativesthat
contest thelogicofdominant national history.
Bymediatingbetweenandcombiningcyclical, mythicalregistersandlineal,
historicalones, nativescreatespiral histories along which people
and events both repeat themselves and movethroughtime.
Mythohistoriesaredeeplyhistoricalinthattheyincorporateout-sidersandnarratetheradicalchangespeoplehavesufferedovertime,
buttheydo so in ways that erase natives traumatic histories of
subordination to dominantoutsiders. At the same time, natives
subject dominant historical narratives,
char-actersandeventstonativespiral narratives, mythical
structuresandontologiesof becoming. Indigenous people are capable
of simultaneously obliterating trau-matic history and registering
it in a new ritual form (Severi 2000, Fausto 2007)or, in the
Mapuchecase, in new mythohistorical narratives. Mythohistories
alsoshowthatnativesmediatetherelationshipbetweenalterity,identityandagencythroughthesimultaneoususeofmultiplemodesofincorporationandtransfor-mation
of the other. By incorporating the other via appropriation,
commensality,sex, childbearing, marriage, ctive kinship and the
internalising of colonial hierar-chies, indigenous people become
themselves and effect historical agency, gainingthe power of the
other in their marginalised world.Rosas mythohistory is rife with
ambiguities that help people in Millali makesense of their lives,
their humanity, their relationships to others and their
mestizaje.Viveiros deCastro (1998)arguesthat alterity, not
identity,was the
defaultstateinAmazonia,butamongMapucheinMillalithetwoalternatewitheachother.Rosa,althoughsheistheheroineofthestorybecauseofthewaysheusesherMapuche
shamanic powers, is part German and creates a very benecial
allianceby having a child with the Chilean Urrutia. During her
lifetime she is transformedfrom a position of alterity (as a German
and a shaman) to one of identity with kin(as a Mapuche wife, mother
and person who protects the community). After herdeath she is
transformed back to a position of alterity (as a mythological
Mapucheshaman), although her identity with kin remains through her
immanent presenceDownloaded by ["University at Buffalo Libraries"]
at 06:15 16 January 2013 16 A.M.
Bacigalupointhecommunity.Rosasmythohistoryshowshowsubjectscontinuouslymovebetween
celebrating alterity in order to gain power and domesticating
differencein order to identify with kin and gain a sense of
belonging.The transformational agency of mythohistories has
ontological implica-tions that are central tothe anthropological
endeavour andtothe agencyofnatives. Ontologies, not epistemologies,
have become anthropologists true objects(Argyrou 1999) because we
recognise that native discourses speak primarily aboutthe world,
not just about the native society and mind (Viveiros de Castro
2003).Mapucheresistancemovementsuseshamansandtheirdrumsastheirsymbolsand
have fostered an increasing shamanization of indigenous identities
(Conklin2002, p. 1058) and a politicisation of shamanic roles.
Shamanic notions of powerbased on spirits, life force and
traditional knowledge rather than on political ide-ologies have
become central to Mapuche ethnic politics (Bacigalupo 2004).
Andshamanic mythohistories enable Mapuche to create new ontologies
of becoming.Mapuche create themselves as beings with inherent,
superior spiritual agency whocreate better world for themselves. In
their new world, Mapucheobliterate theirhistory of subjugation to
dominant outsiders, Chilean temporality, Mapuche
mor-talityandtheoblivionoftheMapuchepast.
ByrememberingRosaandtellingherstorythroughnativeontologyandagency,
thepeopleofMillali attempt togain control over their present and
future. By challenging their traumatic historythrough Rosas
superior spiritual powers and morality, and by making her
presenceimmanent in the community, they hope to achieve equality
and immortality. Thisnew world of hope allows people in Millali to
move away from internal conictsand factionalism to create a form of
historical consciousness that promotes groupsolidarity and agency
and that has the potential for political
mobilisation.AcknowledgmentsTheresearchfor
thisarticlewasmadepossiblethankstofundingfromtheSchool ofAdvanced
Research in Santa Fe and the Humanities Institute at the University
at Buffalo. Ibegan work on this article as a 20092010 Fellow at the
National Humanities Center
fundedbytheNationalEndowmentfortheHumanitiesandtheRockefellerFoundationandn-ished
it as a fellow at the Harvard Radcliffe Institute for Advanced
Study. I am indebtedtoall thoseMapucheinthecommunitiesof Millali,
Imilco, Chihuimpilli,
NahuelhualandHuenchualwhosharedtheirnarrativesaboutRosasmythohistoryandspoketomeat
lengthabout Mapucheperspectivesontimeandhistory. I
wouldalsoliketothankClaire Alexander, Michael Brown, Magnus Course,
Matthew Engelke, Carlos Fausto, PeterGow, Laura Graham, Jonathan
Hill, Steven Rubenstein, Fernando Santos Granero, HelmutSchindler,
Neil Whitehead, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, and four anonymous
reviewers fortheir insightful comments on an earlier draft of this
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Anthropologyandscience 5thDecennial conferenceofthe Association of
social anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth.
Manchester:University of Manchester.ANA MARIELLA BACIGALUPOis
Associate Professor in the Department ofAnthropology at SUNY
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