This document is posted to help you gain knowledge. Please leave a comment to let me know what you think about it! Share it to your friends and learn new things together.
Transcript
For King and What Country?
Chinggisid-Timurid Conceptions of Rulership and Political Community in
Relation to Territory, 1370–1530
by
Shuntu Kuang
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations
This thesis investigates Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of rulership and political
community in relation to territory, focusing on Perso-Islamic Central Asia and Iran during
the period 1370–1530. 1 It also discusses the thirteenth-century Mongol-ruled world for
backdrop, as well as Europe and Ming China for comparative purposes. The territorial state,2
or (sovereign) “country,” is taken for granted in the present age. All one hundred-ninety
some sovereign countries are conceived on the basis of a bond between the citizenry, the
monarch (if existent), and the territory, the official name of which is to be treated with a
certain solemnity and dignity. Although only people are capable of conceptions of political
community,3 authority, and duty, it is not considered sufficient to define a state by people
only. Rather, a state must be defined by both people and territory.4 Territory, i.e., artificially
1 “Chinggisid” refers to the dynasty of Chinggis Qan (a.k.a. Genghis Khan, d. 1227), the
founder of what has commonly been called “the Mongol empire.” “Timurid” refers to the dynasty of
the conqueror Temür (Per. Tīmūr, a.k.a. Tamerlane, d. 1405). The Timurid dynasty rose to power in Mongol Central Asia under the formal sovereignty of Chinggisids. The period 1370–1530 starts with
Temür’s rise to power and ends with the death of his great-great-great grandson Ẓahīr al-Dīn
Muḥammad Bābor, the first founder of what has commonly been called “the Mughal empire.” “Perso-Islamic” refers to context in which Islam is the predominant religion and Persian is a native language
or lingua franca. 2 A “territorial state” is a state that claims/has exclusive supreme authority within its borders,
so no outside power can come in and claim/exercise a sphere of authority not subject to the state’s
authority. An overlapping but distinct concept is the “nation-state,” i.e., a state for the benefit of a
“nation,” or roughly “ethnic-group.” The “Nation-state” stands in contrast to the “multi-national
state/empire” and to multiple states whose peoples are of the same “nation.” Virtually all “nation-states” are “territorial states,” but not all “territorial states” are “nation-states.” Our modern concepts
of “territorial state” and “nation-state” are heavily informed by Western historical experience. This
project communicates primarily with the concept of “territorial state,” but the “nation-state” is also worth in-depth research and reflection vis-à-vis the Chinggisid-Timurid world.
3 In this thesis, I use the term “political community” to mean in essence a “state,” but without
presuming either an inherent territorial component or the lack of such a component. This is meant to facilitate the approaching of primary sources with less prior conceptual baggage than the term “state”
carries. Meanwhile, I presume a political community to have a person and/or a class that claims
monopolization or near-monopolization of legitimate use of force. 4 There is a massive literature on this topic. The political science community commonly cites
Max Weber’s definition given in the lecture “Politics as a Vocation” (1919): “Today, however, we
have to say that a state is a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the
2
demarcated land, is dragged into the definition of the state, though land is inanimate and thus
has no say in the matter. Within this framework of thought, it makes sense for us to say, for
example, “Germany invaded France,” despite the fact that human beings, not land, do the act
of invading. In pointing to the universality of the territorial state in modern times, my
intention is not to justify a pre-modern history research project on the basis of a modern
agenda or interest. On the contrary, it is to preempt complacency with the idea of the
territorial state, or more broadly speaking, complacency with political community defined by
territory, so that we may proceed to explore history with a caution against projecting the
present onto the past.
Though the origin of the territorial state is a well-known subject of discussion and
debate, especially to specialists of international relations and early modern history of state
formation, it is clear that territory was already widely used as a basis for naming and
identifying polities before the early modern era. While certainly not all medieval European
polities were officially named according to territory, Europeanists do expect to find a world
packed with entities like “Kingdom of France (Regnum Franciæ),” “Kingdom of England”
(Regnum Angliæ), “Kingdom of Aragon (Regnum Aragonum),” etc. East Asianists similarly
expect to find entities like “Great Ming” (大明), “Koryŏ/Chosŏn” (高麗[國]/朝鲜[國]),
“Nihon” (日本[國]), “Annam” (安南[國]), etc.; and the Chinese concept of a territorial
realm in the form of guo (國) can be easily traced to antiquity. It is also not premature to
claim that in pre-modern Europe and East Asia, there were strong mainstream conceptions of
legitimate use of physical force within a given territory. Note that ‘territory’ is one of the
characteristics of the state” (Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. and trans. H. H.
Gerth and C. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), 78).
Today, the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes and of Malta is de facto without territory, but it used to have territory, and originally included a territorial
component in its definition, as its name reveals.
3
territorially-defined rulership. A formal title like “King of England” (Rex Angliæ) or “King
of Chosŏn” (朝鲜國王) defined the object of the kingship and simultaneously implied that
“England” or “Chosŏn” was not just a piece of land or real estate, but also the basis for
forming a political identity group.
“King and country” thus constituted a dual object of loyalty, service, and belonging
for the king’s subjects. From the perspective of upholding the king’s legitimacy and authority,
loyalty and service to “king” and to “country” would have been understood and promoted as
absolutely one and the same, lest anyone opposed the king in the name of serving “the good
of the country.” Nonetheless, “king and country” was still fundamentally a duality. As close
and inseparable as “king” and “country” may have been promoted, the two terms could not
be used as grammatical synonyms (e.g., in the way of “king,” “sovereign,” “monarch,” or a
near synonym, “crown”). Did the Chinggisid-Timurid world then also have this concept of
“king and country,” particularly the “country” component? If there were “countries” in the
said world, what were they officially called at the time? If not, what was the alternative or
nearest equivalent in Chinggisid-Timurid political culture, and what might it teach us about
late medieval-early modern Eurasian history from a comparative perspective?
Overall Thesis Statement
After conducting the research now laid out in the chapters of this work, it is my thesis
that Chinggisid-Timurid political culture contained and developed a number of conceptual
building blocks for “country,” but formal territorial polities ultimately did not arise for
reasons of tradition as well as the Timurid dynasty’s indecisive path to independence from
4
Chinggisid sovereignty. 5 The early thirteenth-century Mongols understood their political
community as an ulus, and a qan (khan) as the holder, leader, and perhaps ruler, of an ulus.
Through the westward conquests initiated by Chinggis Qan (r. 1206–27) and continued by
his grandson Hülegü (r. 1256–65), the Mongols brought their concept of ulus to Central Asia
and Iran, where it was borrowed into the parlance of historians writing in Persian, and
featured in Turkic as well. To what extent then, if any, was ulus a territorial entity? This is an
unresolved question among modern scholars, but the way ulus was conceived in relation to
territory should be treated as critical backdrop to Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of
rulership and political community in relation to territory. The present research finds that ulus
was originally a purely demographic entity, and this notion was still held by the Timurids in
the early sixteenth century. Yet in Persian-language histories, uluses, particularly the major
uluses, were also attributed territorial characteristics since no later than the 1290s; the de
facto inertness of the major uluses after ca. 1260 may have contributed to this development.
At the same time, the Chaghatayids, Ilkhanids, and Timurids did not actively express
ulus, or any political community for that matter, as the object of rulership in their chancellery
documents, including diplomatic letters. In a time when Europeans and East Asians
formally/legally and regularly operated under frameworks of territorially-defined
rulership/peerage and polity, Chinggisid-Timurid political culture distinguished itself with
alternative representations of rulership vis-à-vis territory through simple Mongol-style
titulature and later, also through the elaborate art of Arabo-Persian honorifics. To be sure,
Timurid histories did express a certain notion of territorial rulership, as they would from time
5 In the context of Chinggisid-Timurid history, I use the term “sovereignty” only to mean
supreme political authority as recognized by the people of the time, without allusion to “sovereignty” as understood in modern international law. In Chinggisid-Timurid political culture, terms denoting
such authority included dawlat (“regal fortune”) and salṭanat (“authority,” “rulership”).
5
to time call a ruler the pādeshāh of a certain place or places; but by the early sixteenth
century, that is, the dusk of Timurid rule in Central Asia and Khorāsān (the eastern part of
historical Iran), this was still neither a formal nor a pronounced notion. In fact, both
chancellery documents and histories emphasized a ruler as being in possession of territory
rather than as being ruler of any territory, thereby keeping territory detached from the formal
definition of rulership. All in all, there were a number of traditions—Mongol and Perso-
Islamic—at work influencing Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of rulership and political
community in relation to territory.
Traditions of political culture, however, were not insusceptible to change, especially
if faced with new realities, and should therefore only be considered a partial explanation. One
important new reality was the rise of the Timurids from within the ulus of Chaghatay, i.e., the
ulus that was founded in ca. 1226 when Chinggis Qan made his second son, Chaghatay (d.
1242), a ruler in Central Asia. Temür (r. 1370–1405), the Timurid dynasty’s eponymous
progenitor, 6 put himself and his heirs on a path toward formal independence from Chinggisid
sovereignty by not elevating a new khan after the death of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan b.
Soyurghatmısh in 1402. In the following century, the Timurids indeed enjoyed de facto
independent power, but conceptually, they never found a full new alternative to the ulus of
Chaghatay and its khanship. In Khorāsān, Chinggisid khanship was never restored during the
fifteenth century, but three Timurids—Shāhrokh, Abū al-Qāsim Bābor, Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
Bayqara—sporadically used the title khan, though arguably in a half-hearted manner and
without clarifying what this meant for the ulus. The situation in Central Asia under the
descendants of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā witnessed a development in a different direction. In
6 Strictly speaking, the term “Timurid” should refer to the offspring of Temür (d. 1405), but
for simplicity, I may include Temür himself in my usage of the term. Temür was, after all, a very self-
made man.
6
the 1470s–80s, the eastern (Moghul) Chaghatayid Yūnus Khan’s entrance into Timurid
politics as a key power figure led to a partial restoration of the old Chinggisid-Timurid order,
i.e., his and his son Sulṭān-Maḥmūd’s overlordship over a number of Timurids from the line
of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā. On their indecisive path to formal independence, the Timurids as
a dynasty were unable to articulate a clear conception of political community, particularly
concerning how to view the ulus of Chaghatay. Therefore, though ulus stood a realistic
chance of developing into a territorial polity, this did not happen by the time the Uzbeks were
poised to overrun Central Asia and Khorāsān and uproot the power of both the Chaghatayids
and Timurids.
Methodology and Rationale
In using textual sources to examine how rulership and political community were
conceived in relation to territory, I make the distinction between “formal” and “informal”
representations. “Formal” representations, such as the titles of rulers written on coins or in
chancellery documents/diplomatic letters, show us the most deliberate and authoritative
representations, but they are relatively terse. “Informal” representations, garnered from
passages in works of history that concern rulership and/or political community vis-à-vis
territory, are often lengthier, and can reveal broader intricacies and nuances in the ruling and
intellectual elites’ understanding of this matter; but it may be relatively difficult to determine
the extent to which these representations reflected the personal notions of individual authors,
and how carefully or purposefully the authors worded them. Whether examining “formal” or
“informal” representations, it is clear that we are in the realm of the intangible and abstract.
“Rulership,” “territory,” “country,” “state,” are all abstract phenomena. They exist when
7
people conceive of them. The only way we can know how people in history conceived of
them is to study what they have expressed.
Because the phenomena we are trying to understand are intangible and abstract, the
wordings of the sources truly matter. I will hence analyze wordings as rigorously as I am able.
Translations of terms and passages will be accompanied by the original text in transcription
and/or transliteration. The topic of this project would not be accurately described as
belonging to “intellectual history,” as conceptions of rulership and political community in
relation to territory was not, to my knowledge, treated as a scholarly question in the
Chinggisid-Timurid world. Rather, the said conceptions would have mattered in a
foundational and often mundane way to political life in general. For instance, whether or not
an ulus refers to a territory, and what is a khan or pādeshāh supposed to be the ruler of,
would conceivably have mattered to the average Mongol aristocratic commander (noyan,
amīr, beg) who may not have been interested in the fine points of political terminology, but
needed to know the basic nature of his political belonging. Yet the textual sources were
penned by intellectuals, or at least well-educated persons, and so I adopt the intellectual
historian’s methodology of closely examining the language of texts to uncover the ideas
conveyed. Seeking to understand the conceptions of a past people through rigorously
examining their words is a necessary defense against the projection of anachronistic and/or
culturally inaccurate concepts or ideas onto those very people.
Persian-Language Primary Sources and the Question of Authenticity in Expressing the
Conceptions of the Ruling Class
8
The bulk of extant primary sources on Ilkhanid and Chaghatayid-Timurid history
were written in Persian, and this project relies heavily on Persian-language histories and
diplomatic documents. An important question then is to what extent do these sources, almost
all composed by members of the Tājīk intellectual-administrative elite,7 authentically reflect
the conceptions held by the Mongol royalty and aristocracy? The conceptions held by the
Tājīks were important in their own right, but those of the Mongol rulers and aristocrats were
arguably most consequential.
The response(s) to this question should depend on which source is being examined in
relation to which ruler or dynasty and in which period. In general, we should be most
skeptical about early to mid-thirteenth century Persian sources purporting to reveal the
political ideas or conceptions of the Chinggisid rulers, namely the rulers who were basically
alien to Perso-Islamic culture. ʿAṭā-Malik Juwaynī (1226–83), for instance, was a second-
generation scholar-official in Mongol service, and he certainly qualified as an expert on the
Chinggisids. The regular use of untranslated Mongol politico-cultural vocabulary in his
Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy should be credited as evidence of his conscious effort to maintain
cultural-linguistic authenticity. Yet because the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy was ultimately a
Persian work, thus by and large insulated from direct input by the Persian-illiterate Mongol
7 In this thesis, I refer to “Tājīk” as it was understood in the primary sources of the relevant
period. Tājīks constituted the sedentary population of Central Asia and Iran, and “Tājīk” identity was
understood in a dichotomous relationship with “Türk” identity; see Maria Subtelny, “The Symbiosis
of Turk and Tajik,” in Central Asia in Historical Perspective, ed. Beatrice F. Manz (Boulder: Westview, 1994), 45–61. I do not refer to “Iranian” or “Persian” in lieu of “Tājīk,” because “Iranian”
identity in the period required belonging to geographic Īrān; this meant that the Persian speakers of
Tūrān, which was roughly equivalent to Māwarā al-Nahr (Transoxiana), were not considered
“Iranians.” In English, “Persian” means “of Persia” and “Persia” is basically a synonym of “Iran.” “Persia” is derived from “Pārs” (Fārs), which in Persian only referred to a region in southwestern Iran.
It should also be noted that “Greater Iran” includes the region that Arabic-writing geographers called
“Māwarā al-Nahr.” As this thesis investigates historical concepts, using the historical ethnonym
“Tājīk” would aid in analytical clarity.
9
ruling class, we must regard it as a filtered expression of the Mongols’ political ideas and
conceptions. As faithfully as Juwaynī may have tried to write about Hülegu, for instance, we
must still assume that something could have been lost in cultural-linguistic translation, unless
we find evidence that Hülegu had direct recourse to validating and/or disputing what Juwaynī
had written.
As Mongol rulers became less alien, and eventually non-alien, to Perso-Islamic
culture from the late thirteenth century onward, our doubts about the Persian-language
sources’ ability to authentically transmit the contemporaneous Mongols’ politico-cultural
thoughts should correspondingly subside. It is no matter that the later-generation Mongol
rulers were adept in multiple languages, with Persian being just one of them. As long as we
know that there was no cultural-linguistic barrier keeping a Mongol ruler from understanding
a Persian work commissioned in his name, we no longer have reason to treat the politico-
cultural thoughts attributed to such a ruler in such a work as unauthentic. Once the Mongols
knew Persian, we could say that the Persian sources still represented only one cultural-
linguistic dimension in what was a cosmopolitan milieu, and that they perhaps
underrepresented the Mongol-Turkic dimension, but we could no longer say that the
Mongols’ politico-cultural thoughts recorded in those sources were not what the Mongols’
actually had in mind.
For the Timurid period, we could safely assume that the problem of losing
authenticity to cultural-linguistic translation no longer existed. In introducing his Ẓafarnāma,
for example, Sharaf al-Dīn ʿAlī Yazdī detailed Temür’s close supervision of the gathering
and verification of historical information in council with learned men. Turkic and Persian
drafts would be recited, and after all information were reviewed, Temür would make a
10
decision as to their veracity. 8 Ẕahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābor’s (1483–1530) Turkic-
language memoirs, popularly known as the Bābor-nāma, will be cited extensively in this
project. Bābor belonged to an era when Turkic written in the Perso-Arabic script was rising
in prestige, thanks in due part to the literary accomplishments of the Harāt-based scholar
ʿAlī-Shīr Nawā’ī (1441–1501). Yet Bābor also knew Persian well, and his Turkic liberally
borrowed Arabo-Persian politico-cultural vocabulary. (Like their Ilkhanid-era predecessors,
the Timurid-era Persian histories also had no problem borrowing Mongol-Turkic politico-
cultural vocabulary.) The Bābor-nāma therefore did not represent a politico-cultural
perspective different from that of the Persian-language histories on account of it being
written in Turkic. The Timurid royalty/aristocracy and the Tājīk intellectual-administrative
elite still constituted two distinct classes with interests that were at times divergent, but in
terms of political culture, there was little that the two classes did not understand about each
other by Bābor’s time. Bābor and his (later-reign) court historian Ghiyās al-Dīn Khwāndamīr,
for instance, could very well have held different outlooks stemming from their respective
social backgrounds, but they did not express politico-cultural ideas alien to one another
merely by the choice of language.
Relevance for Research Field and Subfields
8 Sharaf al-Dīn ʿAlī Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, ed. Sayyid Saʿīd Mīr Muḥammad Ṣādiq and ʿAbd al-
Aḥmad ibn ʿArabshāh, a contemporary of Temür and one of his harshest critics, also acknowledges
this about Temür: “He was constant in reading annals and histories of the prophets of blessed memory and the exploits of kings and accounts of those things which had formerly happened to men abroad
and at home and all this in the Persian tongue. And when readings were repeated before him and
those accounts filled his ears, he seized hold of that matter and so possessed it that it turned to habit,
so that if the reader slipped, he would correct his error, for repetition makes even an ass wise” (J. H. Sanders, trans., Tamerlane or Timur the Great Amir: From the Arabic Life by Ahmed ibn Arabshah
(London, Luzac, 1936), 299).
11
The mainstay of primary sources I reference are from the Timurid era, and so Timurid
history is this project’s immediate subfield. Temür and the Timurids have been studied in
terms of their maintenance of steppe nomadic heritage in conjunction with their acculturation
to the settled milieu of Perso-Islamic Central Asia and Iran. When examining virtually every
major social-scientific subfield regarding the Timurids from the 1360s to the early sixteenth
century—politics, religion, economics, military, culture and customs, language and
literature—elements of both worlds, steppe nomadic and sedentary, can be identified, with
only the relative prominence of and particular qualities from each world being argued. In
politics, for example, “corporate sovereignty” and “patrimonial household state” are favorite
representatives of the steppe side, while “bureaucracy” and “mirrors for princes” represent
the sedentary side. For religion, there is the yasa versus sharīʿa, hard drinking versus
temperance decrees. For political economics, booty versus agriculture, extortion versus
sustained rational taxation, and military aristocratic privileges versus centralizing reforms,
are key themes in Maria Subtelny’s study of Khorāsān under Temür’s great-great-grandson
Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Bayqara (r. 1469, 1470–1506).9 Even for the Timurid military, which may
seem a most clear-cut steppe nomadic heritage, Beatrice Manz has highlighted the roles of
the settled population.10 In this project, I employ another measure to examine where the
Timurids fell on the steppe-sedentary spectrum: how did this dynasty of pastoral nomadic
origin that settled into the ornate capitals of Samarqand and Harāt view its rulership and
political community in relation to its territories?
9 See the discussion about “Centralizing Reforms and their Opponents” in Maria E. Subtelny,
Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran (Leiden: Brill,
2007), 74–102. 10 See Beatrice Manz, “Nomad and Settled in the Timurid Military,” in Turks, Mongols, and
Others, ed. Reuven Amitai and Michal Biran (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 425–60.
12
The field to which this project belongs is Mongol history. The Timurid dynasty rose
to power from within the ulus of Chaghatay. The ulus of Chaghatay’s territorial holdings in
the early fourteenth century included Māwarā al-Nahr (Transoxiana), the Yetisu region
(Semirechye), Farghāna, and the steppe north of the Taklamakan, along with this desert’s
surrounding ring of oases.11 By the mid-fourteenth century, power in the ulus normally rested
in its major tribes.12 Temür hailed from the Barulas (Tur. Barlas) tribe,13 and traced his
ancestry to Qarachar Noyon, who had served Chaghatay Khan as commander of elite
guards.14 Among scholars, Temür and the Timurids have been varyingly called “Mongol,”
“Turkic,” and “Turko-Mongolian.” Thanks to the recent efforts of Joo-Yup Lee, this matter
has been focally reexamined and clarified. The Timurids were Mongols by lineage and
political heritage, and remained cognizant of their Mongol genealogy, while undergoing
linguistic Turkicization.15 The Timurids also subscribed to a broad identity of “Türk” as
11 See Yuri Bregel, An Historical Atlas of Central Asia (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 38–41. 12 On the power structure and tribal politics of the western half of the ulus in this period, see
Beatrice Manz, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1989), 21–
45. 13 According to the Secret History of the Mongols, Chinggis Qan and the Barulas clan was of
the same paternal lineage, with Menen-Tudun as their latest common ancestor; see Igor de Rachewiltz
trans., The Secret History of the Mongols: A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century, vol.
1 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), § 46; Urgunge Onon, trans., The Secret History of the Mongols: The Life and Times of Chinggis Khan (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2001), § 46.
14 M. Kh. Abuseitova et al., ed. and trans., Muʿizz al-ansāb fī shajarat al-ansāb, Istoriya
Kazakhstana v persidskikh istochnikakh 3 (Almaty: Dayk-Press, 2006), fol. 81b. As explained by Maria Subtelny, Qarachar Noyon in all likelihood commanded Chaghatay Khan’s keshik, i.e., the
royal guards corps (Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 19–20). See also S. M. Grupper, “A Barulas
Family Narrative in the Yuan Shih: Some Neglected Prosopographical and Institutional Sources on Timurid Origins,” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 8 (1992–94): 21–38, 77–81.
15 Joo-Yup Lee, “The Historical Meaning of the Term Turk and the Nature of the Turkic
Identity of the Chinggisid and Timurid Elites in Post-Mongol Central Asia,” Central Asiatic Journal
59, nos. 1–2 (2016): 120, 122–24; and Joo-Yup Lee, “Some Remarks on the Turkicisation of the Mongols in Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Qipchaq Steppe,” Acta Orientalia Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae 71, no. 2 (2018): 121–44.
13
steppe nomads in general (one that includes Mongols), in contrast to the sedentary “Tājīks.”16
Later Timurids additionally adopted a narrower sense of “Türk” that meant their own
Chaghatay subjects.17 None of this means, however, that the Mongols of Central Asia faded
away upon becoming indistinguishably assimilated into a pre-existing society of Türks; and
so, the Timurids were not direct heirs to pre-thirteenth century Turkic political heritage.18 For
questions of rulership and political community, therefore, it is the Mongol/Chinggisid
backdrop that truly matters for the Timurids. After becoming the preeminent amīr within the
ulus in 1370, Temür’s long-term strategy involved undercutting the power of the tribes. He
reorganized manpower into cross-tribal military units led by commanders personally loyal to
himself, and deployed them on distant campaigns. The result was vast conquests and
Temür’s ability to assert a level of unified authority that had been unseen for generations,
harkening to the example of Chinggis Qan.19 In sum, it is not possible to study Timurid
conceptions of rulership and political community without the thirteenth and fourteenth-
century Mongol backdrop. To better understand early Mongol/Ilkhanid and Chaghatayid
history, particularly concerning “state” formation, territorial divisions, uluses, and
representations of rulership, I relied heavily on a corpus of existing scholarship by “Mongol
empire” specialists such as Michal Biran, Peter Jackson, Lhamsuren Munkh-Erdene, Kim
16 Joo-Yup Lee, “The Historical Meaning,” 101–3, 112, 121–22, 132. For a discussion on
“Türk” versus “Tājīk” in the medieval period, see Subtelny, “The Symbiosis of Turk and Tajik,” 46–
50. 17 Stephen F. Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises: Bābur and the Culture of Empire in
Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483–1530) (Boston: Brill, 2004): 158, 161. See also Lee, “The
Historical Meaning,” 109n38, 123n122. 18 Lee, “Some Remarks,” 123, 137–38. 19 On Temür’s extraordinary ability to concentrate power in his person, see Manz, The Rise
and Rule of Tamerlane, 66–89. On Temür following the examples set by Chinggis Qan, see Manz,
“Tamerlane and the Symbolism of Sovereignty,” Iranian Studies 21, nos. 1–2 (1988): 105–22.
14
Hodong, Anne Broadbridge, Paul Buell, and Thomas Allsen. Their works are cited at critical
junctures in the chapters.
This project also belongs to the broader discipline of late medieval and early modern
history of the eastern Islamic world and Central Eurasia, in connection with international
relations. Chapter Two compares Timurid representations of rulership vis-à-vis territory to
European and Chinese representations of the same, and investigates the meeting of two pairs
of unalike politico-diplomatic cultures: European-Timurid and Ming Chinese-Timurid. The
aim is twofold: (1) to highlight the diversity in ideas of geopolitical organization across
Eurasia, and (2) to provide alternative fodder for studying international relations. The field of
international relations depends greatly on history for “data” and case studies, to which
European and Euro-centric history has long contributed. There is no reason why Central
Eurasian history should not do the same. This effort has already been under way,20 and I hope
to do my humble portion.
20 See e.g., Timothy Brook, Michael van Walt van Praag, and Miek Boltjes ed., Sacred
Mandates: Asian International Relations since Chinggis Khan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2018).
15
CHAPTER ONE
THE BACKDROP:
CONCEPTION OF ULUS IN RELATION TO TERRITORY IN ILKHANID AND
CHAGHATAYID-TIMURID CONTEXTS
Understanding Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of rulership and political community
in relation to territory requires first understanding how ulus was conceived in relation to
territory. By no later than the reign of Güyük Qan (r. 1246–48), the “Great Mongol Ulus”
(Mo. Yeke Mongγol Ulus) was the official designation of the political community originally
founded by his paternal grandfather, Chinggis Qan (r. 1206–27). Güyük Qan was styled the
“Qan of the Great Mongol Ulus [and] of the Ocean” (Yeke Mongγol Ulus-un Dalai-in Qan).
The Mongols also brought their concept of ulus to Central Asia and Iran. Persian-language
histories commissioned by the Ilkhanids and Timurids mention “ulus of the Qa’an” (ulūs-e
Qā’ān), “ulus of Jochi [Khan]” (ulūs-e Jūchī [Khān]), “ulus of Chaghatay [Khan]” (ulūs-e
Chaghatāy [Khān]), “ulus of Hülegü [Khan]” (ulūs-e Hūlāgū [Khān]), and other uluses
identified by the name of the inaugural or an otherwise famous holder; but it is unclear if
these were ever official designations in the way of “Great Mongol Ulus.” It is clear, however,
that ulus as a political concept lasted well into the Timurid period, and that it designated
specifically people of pastoral nomadic origin, as the Tājīk population was categorized
separately, e.g., as raʿiyyat (pl. raʿāyā), roughly “commoner(s), civilian(s), subject(s).” As
ulus was the original object of Chinggisid qanship (khanship), it was in this sense analogous
to the regnum (“kingdom”) of a European king/queen and to the guo (國, “realm”) of an East
Asian ruler. Yet was ulus a territorially-defined polity, as the regnum and the guo were? The
current chapter is focused on the Mongol-ruled world, reserving a comparative perspective
16
vis-à-vis Europe and East Asia for Chapter Two. However, with this underlying comparative
question in mind, the current chapter’s examination of how ulus was conceived in relation to
territory can be purposefully tied to the central question of this thesis: did Chinggisid-
Timurid political culture have a notion of “country”? The current chapter approaches this
question by asking, was an ulus a “country”?
In the first main section, I review two different scholarly views on the relationship
between ulus and territory: did ulus mean only a political community of people, or an entity
comprising both people and territory? I then devote the next two sections to analyzing uses of
the term ulus in primary sources that could support one view or the other. Temporally, these
sources span from the anonymous early thirteenth-century Secret History of the Mongols
(Mongγol-un niuča tobča’an) to the early sixteenth-century memoirs of Ẕahīr al-Dīn
Muḥammad Bābor (a.k.a. Bābor-nāma), so as to trace possible evolution(s) in the meaning of
ulus in the Chinggisid-Timurid world over a three hundred-year period. The subsequent
section will discuss complications to the relationship between rulership and ulus when the
concepts of mamlakat and mulk (commonly translated as “kingdom,” “realm”) were applied
by Tājīk scholar-administrators in Mongol service, particularly ʿAlā al-Dīn ʿAṭā-Malik Abū
al-Manẓar Juwaynī (1226–83) and Rashīd al-Dīn Fażl Allāh Hamadānī (1247–1318). The
final analytical section will attempt to introduce alternative interpretations of information
related to the “Middle Mongol Ulus” ([dum]dadu mongγol ulus), which Matsui Dai
interpreted to mean the ulus of Chaghatay. Altogether, this chapter begins a journey to
understand a particular element of Chinggisid-Timurid political culture from the words of
people who were part of that culture, as well as from others who were engaged with it as
outsiders.
17
Notes on Transliteration of Mongolian Names and Certain Translations
This chapter faces a unique issue within the thesis in that both Mongolian and
Persian-language sources are involved, while the Mongol characters featured had uneven, or
in a few cases no, involvement with the Perso-Islamic world. Since the story here does begin
with the world of the early thirteenth-century Mongol steppes, I will opt for transliterations
that reflect Mongolian pronunciation, rather than Persian or Turkic. However, I exempt
“Chaghatay” (Mo. Cha’adai) from this rule, because this name will be mentioned frequently
in later chapters concerning the Timurid period, for which “Chaghatay” is more familiar to
Anglophone researchers.
Because analyzing the meanings of the following terms is a key task in this chapter or
in Chapter Three, I leave them untranslated to avoid imposing preconceptions and/or falling
into circular reasoning: ulus, mamlakat, mulk, wilāyat.21 I use the term “appanage” to loosely
mean a dynast’s collective politico-economic inheritance, without corresponding to a
particular term in the primary sources.
A Review of Ulus vis-à-vis Territory in Scholarly Literature: People Only or Both
People and Territory?
The Mongol concept of ulus has attracted the attention of modern scholars for several
generations. This is unsurprising, for to put it simply, ulus was the Mongols’ “state.”22
21 The meaning of wilāyat will be more thoroughly analyzed in Chapter Three. 22 For a recent study on the formation and changes of Chinggisid uluses in the thirteenth
century, see Hodong Kim, “Formation and Changes of Uluses in the Mongol Empire,” Journal of the
Economic and Social History of the Orient 62 (2019): 269–317. This article emphasizes that from the Mongol perspective, the “Mongol empire” was in fact an ulus subdivided into uluses. Kim avoids the
use of Euro-centric, Sino-centric, or modern political concepts as substitutes for ulus.
18
Political scientists have long been interested in the theoretical nature of the “state,” while
historians know that across different eras and cultures, what may be regarded as “states” had
different characteristics that need to be closely studied and understood within their respective
contexts. Inner Asianists and Perso-Islamicists have done their parts in attempting to define
ulus, but there is no consensus among them as to how ulus was conceived in relation to
territory (Mo. nuntuq). I will quote a number of scholarly works at length in order to reduce
the chance of my misrepresenting their ideas, and to better show the nuances involved.
There are two contrasting views on ulus in relation to territory. One view is that ulus
was a political community of people only, and did not include territory. Gerhard Doerfer
defined ulus as “embodiment of the subjects of a ruler” and “… a coalition of various tribal
groups, not from the point of view of their relatives, but from the person of the ruler: as
subjects, but without the socially degrading nuance of the term Qarachu.”23 In other words,
Doerfer understood ulus as political subjects in a context where tribes are brought together,
but where loyalty also transcends tribal/kinship lines and is directed towards the ruler—he
perhaps had in mind Chinggis Qan’s new political order in 1206. The examples of ulus in the
Persian sources that he cited do not imply a territorial component. Doerfer knew that the
Turkic word ulush, which is identified as the etymological origin of Mongolian ulus, had a
very clear meaning of “land,” “city”; but this meaning is not considered to have been retained
23 .wmmo. ulus id ← الوس ~ ’Inbegriff der Untertanen eines Herrschers‘ (ūlūs) اولوس“
Genauer: ‘eine Koalition verschiedener Stammesgruppen, nicht vom Standpunkt inhrer Angehörigen
aus gesehen (dazu cf. ارگان), sondern von der Person des Herrschers aus betrachtet: als Untertanen,
jedoch ohne die sozial deklassierende Nuance des Terminus قراچو (q.v.)’. Häufig: Bezeichnung der.
mo. Teilreiche” (Gerhard Doerfer, Türkische und mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen: Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung älterer neupersischer Geschichtsquellen, vor allem der Mongolen- und
Timuridenzeit, 4 vols. (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1963–75), 1:175).”
19
in Mongolian. 24 Doerfer viewed “the right definition” (Die richtige Definition) to be
Constantin d’Ohsson’s (from 1852): “the multitude of people who obey a Tatar sovereign, is
called his ulus, that is to say his people, and the particular territory of a prince, of a chief of
tribe, of a chief of family, is called his yurt.”25 A century later, Boris Vladimirstov further
emphasized that ulus referred to people, as people held more importance than territory for the
nomadic Mongols:
…the word ulus is translatable, with certain reservations, as “patrimony, property”;
but the Mongols, as true nomads, were largely interested in people, and not territory,
in the understanding of this [word]. In fact, the original meaning of the word ulus is
precisely “people.” Therefore, the word ulus can be regarded as “people,” “people-
patrimony,” “people united in such a patrimony, or forming patrimony-inheritance.”
Consequently, ulus also means “people-state,” “people forming a state as an
inheritance,” “state.”26
24 Doerfer, Türkische und mongolische Elemente, 1:178. According to Gerard Clauson, ulush
“…had so completely lost its original meaning that when it was reintroduced into Turkish it appeared in its Mong. form ulus (not uluş) and with its Mong. meaning” (Gerard Clauson, An Etymological
Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), 152).
Regarding etymology, we should keep in mind that determining whether or not Mongolian ulus was borrowed from Turkic ulush would firstly on whether or not Turkic and Mongolic have a common
ancestor, and this is part of the heated debate concerning the Altaic language family. See e.g., Claus
Schönig, “Turko-Mongolic Relations,” in The Mongolic Languages, ed. Juha Janhunen (New York:
Routledge, 2003), 403–19. Assuming the two have no common ancestor, we should still bear in mind that there is a much smaller extant corpus of pre-thirteenth century writing in Mongolic languages
than in Turkic, and this might skew our judgment in favor of ulus being of Turkic origin. 25 “La multitude d’hommes qui obéit à un souverain tatare, s’appelle son oulouss, c’est à-dire
son peuple, et le teritoire particulier d’un prince, d’un chef de tribu, d’un chef de famille, se nomme
son yourte” (C. d’Ohsson, Histoire des Mongols: Depuis Tchinguiz-Khan jusqu’a Timour Bey ou
Tamerlan: Tome premier (Amsterdam: Frederik Muller, 1852.), 83n2)—cited in Doerfer, Türkische und mongolische Elemente, 1:176.
26 « В виду этого, слово ulus может быть переводимо, с известными оговорками, как
„удел, владение“; только монголов, как истых кочевников, в понятии этом больше интересуют
люди, а не территория: действительно, первоначальное значение слова ulus и есть именно „люди“. Поэтому слово ulus может быть передано и как „народ“, т. е. „народ-удел“, „народ,
объединенный в таком-то уделе, или образующий удел-владение“. Впоследствии ulus означает
20
Vladimirstov’s definition of ulus influenced John Andrew Boyle, who in his translation of
the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy wrote in a footnote: “on the ulus or ‘peuple-patrimonine’ as
distinct from the apanage of land, the yurt or nuntuq, see Vladimirstov, Le régime social des
Mongols, 124 et seqq.”27 Wheeler Thackston’s succinct entry on ulus in the glossary of his
translation of the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh by Rashīd al-Dīn Hamadānī et al. is notable for its
pointed exclusion of “geographical area” from the definition: “ulus ( )[-] subjects,
dependents, the ‘nation’ (i.e. the people, not the geographical area) subject to a khan
(D§54).”28 This “people only” definition of ulus is arguably also reflected in a range of
scholarly works that translate ulus simply as “people” when quoting from primary sources.
In contrast to the above viewpoint is the understanding of ulus as having meant both
people and territory. Inner Asianist Paul Buell gave the following definition:
ULUS. Joint patrimony. In the Mongolian system peoples and lands conquered or
held by hereditary right did not belong solely to the individual who held them but to
his entire clan, and had to be shared, as an ulus. Under this system the entire Mongol
Empire was the ulus of the altan uruq (q.v.), “golden uruq,” or imperial clan, as the
yeke Mongol ulus, “the great [or imperial] Mongol patrimony.”29
уже„ народ-государство“, „народ, образующий государство-владение“, „государство“. » (B. Ya.
Izdatelʹstvo Akademii Nauk SSSR), 97). See French translation in B. Vladimirtsov, Le régime social des Mongols, trans. Michel Carsow (Paris: Librairie D’Amérique et D’Orient Adrien- Maisonneuve,
1948), 124. 27 J.A. Boyle trans., Genghis Khan: The History of the World Conqueror (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1997), 86n1. 28 Wheeler Thackston trans., Jāmiʿu’t-tawarikh (Compendium of Chronicles): A History of
the Mongols, 3 pts (Cambridge, MA: Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations,
Harvard University), pt. 3, 772. Thackton also cited Doerfer’s definition of ulus. 29 Paul D. Buell, Historical Dictionary of the Mongol World Empire (Lanham: Scarecrow
Press), 279.
21
Another Inner Asianist, Lhamsuren Munkh-Erdene, conducted a study on early Mongol ideas
of “people, state, and empire.” Through his analysis of the Secret History of the Mongols, he
understood the “Mongol ulus” established under Chinggis Qan upon the unification of the
“felt-tent” nomads in 1206 to refer to people, but one that definitely required territorial
demarcation:
Indeed, when we follow the order of the narrative, the ‘felt-tent ulus’ or the
‘Mongolic ulus” became the ‘Mongol ulus’ after they were administratively organised
into ninety-five minqat [lit. thousand] with defined territories (nuntuq) that make up
several territorial tümens [lit. ten thousand] within the territory of the Chinggisid state.
The boundary of the Mongol ulus is revealed by the author’s statement ‘Beside the
Forest People, the noyad [lords] of the Mongol ulus named by Chinggis Khan were
ninety-five’ (Rachewiltz 1972:114). The phrase ‘Beside the Forest People’ (hoi-yin
irgen-ece anggida) signifies the boundary of the Mongol ulus. The author knew that
by 1206 the ‘Forest People’, who were actually incorporated into the Mongolian state
around 1217, were yet to be integrated into the Mongol ulus and he also knew that by
the time of writing the incorporation of the ‘Forest People’ into the Mongol ulus was
complete. ‘Forest People’ was the territorial and demographic limit of the Mongol
ulus, and consequently, the Mongol ulus was a bounded body of population with a
definite territory.30
Here, I digress briefly to note that it was the “Forest People” rather than the forest itself or
any named territory or other topographical feature (e.g., a mountain or river) that was used to
indicate the “boundary” of the Mongol ulus. It appears that the Mongols happened to identify
30 Lhamsuren Munkh-Erdene, “Where Did the Mongol Empire Come From?,” Inner Asia 13,
no. 2 (2011): 217.
22
these particular neighbors by their habitat, but it was these people (irgen) that were regarded
as outside the Mongol ulus at the time. Furthermore, the “Forest People” were located
northwest of the Mongol ulus; if the cited passage implied that the Mongol ulus had an
inherent territorial boundary, what about the remaining borders? The Mongol ulus’s
demographic boundary vis-à-vis the “Forest People” is hence clear, but did this passage from
the Secret History necessarily imply that the “Mongol ulus” was defined by territorial
boundary? Regardless, Munkh-Erdene’s interpretation of ulus as having “definite territory”
represents a clear contrast to the “people only” definition.
Munkh-Erdene’s interpretation also relates to one of the major components of my
overall thesis, that is, whether or not the Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of rulership and
political community in relation to territory were distinct in a larger world context. Having
construed the “Mongol ulus” as both people and territory, Munkh-Erdene then pointed to
how this was similar to medieval European kingdoms in relation to territory:
Now, we can see that ‘felt-tent people, or ‘Mongolic people’ were the Mongol ulus,
yet only after they were administratively organised under the rule of Chinggis Khan
within the clearly bounded territory. Thus, the Mongol ulus was a population, yet
administratively organised under the rule of a khan within a given territory, a
category of government or the state. As such, Mongol ulus strikingly parallels what
Reynolds maintains for the medieval European kingdoms as she argues, ‘A kingdom
was never thought of merely as the territory which happened to be ruled by a king. It
comprised and corresponded to a “people”’ (1997: 250). Indeed, we can render
23
Mongol ulus as a category of government or a ‘community of the realm’, that is, a
political community formed by the state.31
Whether or not one agrees with Munkh-Erdene’s above-quoted comparison, it serves as an
important reminder that how we understand the Mongols to have conceived the relationship
between ulus and territory has direct implications, and in fact sets the groundwork, for any
comparative study with Europe and elsewhere. This is why the current chapter seeks to
focally examine the Mongol conception of the said relationship, while letting the next chapter
compare the Chinggisid-Timurid conception of rulership vis-à-vis territory to European as
well as Chinese conceptions of the same.
The understanding of ulus as both people and territory has also been held for decades
by Islamic world specialists. Ann Lambton defined ulus as “coalition of tribal groups who
were the subjects of a ruler; the territory held by the ruler of such a coalition (Īl-Khānate).” 32
Lambton’s definition continues to be influential in recent Ilkhanid studies.33 Peter Jackson, a
specialist on the Mongols and the Islamic world, defined ulus as “the complex of peoples and
grazing-grounds held by a Mongol khan or prince.” 34 Patrick Wing, a scholar on the
Ilkhanids and post-Ilkhanid Jalayirds, explained ulus as:
People, as well as territories, were divided primarily among Chinggis Qan’s four
principal sons (that is, those sons born to Chinggis Qan’s wife Börte), and constituted
their personal ulūs. The concept of ulūs was related to the household retinue, but
31 Munkh-Erdene, “Where Did the Mongol Empire Come From?,” 218. 32 Ann K. S. Lambton, Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia: Aspects of Administrative,
Economic and Social History, 11th–14th Century (London: Tauris, 1988), 363. 33 See Bruno De Nicola, Women in Mongol Iran: The Khātūns, 1206–1355 (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 2017), 73, 251. 34 Peter Jackson, The Mongols and the Islamic World: From Conquest to Conversion (New
Haven: Yale University Press), 420. I am grateful to Prof. Jackson for his further guidance on this
question in January 2018.
24
constituted an expanded version that also included specific territory, as well as the
people who resided in the towns and countryside there.35
Taking all the abovementioned scholarly views into account, I will attempt to put forth an
interpretation of the conceptual relationship between ulus and territory in Ilkhanid and
Chaghatayid-Timurid contexts with evidences from primary sources.
With a few exceptions, my analyses will leave out the Dasht-e Qıpchaq (Qıpchaq
Steppe) and Slavic regions under Jochid rule as well as East Asia under the Qubilaids. This is
purely due to the limitations of my ability and the scope of this research project. In doing so,
I acknowledge that the Jochids and Qubilaids may have held different conceptions of ulus in
relation to territory from those of their cousins in the Perso-Islamic world, and that without a
full comparative perspective, much potentially valuable findings could be missed.36 At the
same time, a limited testing of the two scholarly views with primary sources is arguably
better than no testing, and I affirm aforehand that the present research is far from exhaustive.
Mobility, Borders, Territorial Assignments, and Inertness: Characteristics of Ulus in
the Secret History of the Mongols and the Jāmiʿ al-Tawārīkh
Before discussing the period of Mongol rule in the Perso-Islamic world, we should
duly take note of the pre-conquest conception of ulus. In the words of Munkh-Erdene, “in
35 Patrick Wing, The Jalayirids: Dynastic State Formation in the Mongol Middle East
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2016), 36. 36 For discussions on ulus in Jochid and Russian contexts, see Charles J. Halperin, Russia and
the Golden Horde: The Mongol Impact on Medieval Russian History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 30 and Charles Halperin, “Tsarev Ulus: Russia in the Golden Horde,”
Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique 23, no. 2 (1982): 257–63. On ulus in East Asia/China, see Paul
D. Buell, “Tribe, Qan and Ulus in Early Mongol China: Some Prolegomena to Yüan history” (PhD
diss., University of Washington, 1977), 202–7. See also Ulaan Borjigijin, “On Some Versions on ‘State’ and Related Concepts in the Mongolian Historical Documents, Ethno-National Studies, no. 2
(2016), 75–84.
25
fact, if we look at the world through the eyes of the medieval Mongol scribes, we find a
world of uluses and irgens… For example, we locate ulus 106 times and irgen nearly 200
times in the Secret History of the Mongols… alone, throughout the text.”37 As regards to the
conception of ulus vis-à-vis territory, the Secret History importantly also shows us that the
ulus of the steppe was a mobile entity. Take for example, the account of the rescue of Börte,
the first wife of Temüǰin (later entitled “Chinggis Qan”). The Merkits had kidnapped Börte,
so Temüǰin asked for aid from his patron, To’oril Qan (later entitled “Ong Qan”) of the
Kereyit, as well as his anda (“sworn brother”) Jamuqa, to rescue her. The coalition
successfully attacked the Merkits, and as a result, “the ulus of the Merkit (or Merkit ulus)
fled down the Selengge [River] at night…” (Merkid-ün ulus Selengge huru-u söni-de dürbeǰü
yabuqui-tur…).38 In another passage, which concerned the Mongol campaign against the
Naimans, we again see ulus conceived as a mobile entity. Tayang Qan of the Naimans
purportedly said to his son Güchülük:
“We are told that the Mongols’ geldings are lean. Let us move our ulus across the
While the earlier-mentioned Merkids had been compelled to flee as they were under attack,
this passage on the Naimans shows that an ulus was normatively mobile, meant to be
37 Munkh-Erdene, “Where Did the Mongol Empire Come From?,” 212. Irgen is a term for a
community of people. Munke-Erdene explains that “certainly, the submitted and conquered peoples of the Empire were now the subjects and subordinates of the Mongolian state. They no longer
constituted states in themselves, for their states were destroyed. Thus, the Mongols reduced them to
irgen. Moreover, the Mongol imperial doctrine reduced all the known polities/peoples into irgen. Since the Mongols were determined ‘to bring all nations (or whole world) into subjection’, it
obviously was unacceptable for them to designate their immediate or eventual subjects as states, that
is, ulus…” (ibid., 224–25). 38 Lajos Ligeti, [The Secret History of the Mongols in Latin Transliteration] (Budapest:
Akadémiai Kiadó), § 110; de Rachewiltz trans., § 110; Urgunge Onon, trans., § 110. 39 The Secret History of the Mongols, § 194.
26
moveable at the command of its leader. There are other passages suggesting the mobility of
the ulus, and I have only cited two of the clearest.40 Assuming that early thirteenth-century
Mongols shared in the common sense that territory (nuntuq) is not moveable, the mobility of
the ulus speaks volumes about its fundamentally demographic and non-territorial nature. Of
course, the Secret History focused on the world of the steppe and pastoral nomads, and the
above-cited Merkit and Naiman examples both concerned a time before the accession of
Temüǰin as Chinggis Qan in 1206. The new political order established by Chinggis Qan and
later Mongol exposure to the political cultures of their sedentary neighbors/subjects could
have caused the conception of ulus to change later on to include an inherent territorial
component. Given that extensive politico-cultural contacts and adaptations happened in the
Perso-Islamic world under Mongol rule, it would be unsound to presume that the conception
of ulus vis-à-vis territory never changed in Ikhanid and/or Chaghatayid-Timurid contexts.
It is to the credit of Rashīd al-Dīn Hamadānī et al. that their Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh,
commissioned by Ghazan Khan (r. 1295–1304) in the 1290s, still faithfully portrayed the
Mongol-ruled world as one of uluses. (This stood in contrast to ʿAṭā-Malik b. Muḥammad
Juwaynī’s Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, as will be discussed two sections later). Most mentions of
ulus in the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh do not appear in a context that might help determine whether
ulus meant people only or both people and territory. However, some of the work’s
characterizations of ulus, including that of the steppe world from which Chinggis Qan arose,
have seemingly territorial features. In one passage, the Naiman commander Köse’ü Sabraq
was described as having raided across the “borders” of Ong Qan’s ulus:
… he (i.e., Köse’ü Sabraq) [went] to the borders of Ong Qan’s ulus and herded back
all of his people, subjects, and quadrupedal animals on the borders of the Telegetü
40 See also Secret History, §§ 96, 130, 148, 190, 208, 242.
27
Pass (… be-sarḥadd-e ūlūs-e Ūng Khān wa īl wa khayl wa ḥasham wa chahārpāyān-e
ū keh dar sarḥadd-e Daladū Amāsara tamāmat rānda wa bāz gashta).41
Moreover, this passage was not an isolated example that may be explained as a less-than-
thoughtful choice of words by the author, as uluses from at least two other accounts were
similarly characterized as having “borders.” In one account:
And because the borders of the ulus of Chaghatay are by the wilāyat of Qaidu, it was
overrun, and therefore they began to fight (wa chūn sarḥadd-e ulūs-e Chaghatāy
bowad bar wilāyat-e Qāydū ghālib āmad bāz chūn āghāz-e jang kardand).42
In another account:
And he (i.e., Qubilai Qa’an) placed Yisüngge, who is paternal cousin of the Qa’an,
with an army of ten tümens on the borders of the ulus, and commanded that they be
there till Ariγ Böke comes, [at which time] they should come accompanying him (wa
tawarikh, pt. 1, 178. See also Secret History, § 162. 42 Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh, 1:755; Thackston trans., Jāmiʿu’t-tawarikh, pt. 2, 370. 43 Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh, 2:879; Thackston trans., Jāmiʿu’t-tawarikh, pt. 2, 492.
28
distribution of inheritance and territory, between him and his Ogodayid cousins.44 In other
words, this was how Rashīd al-Dīn et al. portrayed Chinggisid princes to have conceived of
ulus in the context of their own dynastic politics:
First Qaidu spoke: “Our good forefather Chinggis Qan seized the world through
wisdom, organization, and dint of sword and arrow. And he had matters of his clan
(ūrūgh, from Mo. uruγ) arranged and prepared, and passed away. Now, if we consider
[our] fathers’ sides, we are all kin to each other. And the other princes are our elder
and younger brothers (āqā wa īnī, from Tur. aqa-ini, in this context, actually paternal
male cousins), and between them there is no conflict or strife. Why must there be
between us?” Baraq spoke: “The state [of things] is as such, but I too am a fruit of
that tree. I too must have a yurt and livelihood assigned. Chaghatay and Ögödei were
the sons of Chinggis Qan. Keeping Ögödei Qa’an’s legacy is Qaidu. And from
Chaghatay, I am [descended]. And from Jochi, who was their eldest brother,
Berkecher and Möngge Temür [are descended]; and from Tolui, who was the
youngest brother, Qubilai Qa’an [is descended]. And he, at this time, has taken the
east and the mamlakat of Khitāy and Khotan, and the expanse of those mamlakats
God knows how big. And Abaγa and his brothers have taken the west from the banks
of the Āmū River (a.k.a. Oxus) to the far end of Syria and Egypt on the basis of
governing [their] father’s patrimony (īnjū, from Mo. emchü). And between these two
uluses lies the wilāyat of Türkestān and Qıpchaqbashı, [which] are under your sphere
of control. Despite this, ye instigate against me in alliance. As far as I can tell, I do
44 For a historical overview of Baraq’s conflict and peace talks with the Ogodayids led by
Qaidu, see Michal Biran, Qaidu and the Rise of the Independent Mongol State in Central Asia (New York: Routledge, 2013), 24–30; and George Lane, Early Mongol Rule in Thirteenth-Century Iran: A
Persian Renaissance (New York: Routledge, 2003), 40–41, 81–84.
29
not know of any crime I have committed.” (pīshtar Qāydū goft jadd-e nīkū-ye mā
Chīnggīz Khān be-ra’y wa tadbīr wa zakhm-e shamshīr wa tīr jahān rā begereft wa
jihat-e ūrūgh-e khwīsh murattab wa muhayyā gardānīd wa begoẕāsht aknūn agar be-
sū-ye pedar negarīm hamma khwīsh yakdīgarīm wa dīgar shahzādagān az āqā wa
īnī-ye mā hastand wa meyān-e īshān hīch mukhālafat wa munāzaʿat nīst cherā bāyad
keh meyān-e mā bāshad Barāq goft ḥāl bar īn minwāl ast laykin man nīz samara-e ān
shajara-am marā nīz yūrtī wa maʿīshatī muʿayyan bāyad keh bāshad Chaghatāy wa
The Turkic word el (Persianized form: īl) basically means “people.” It is commonly used in conjunction with ulus (i.e., as seen in the cited text, īl wa ūlūs).
49 In giving the definitions of el, Gerard Clauson states: “the basic, original meaning was ‘a
political unit organized and ruled by an independent ruler’” (Clauson, An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish, 121). In Chinggisid-Timurid parlance, el still had such a connotation,
and for this reason the construction el wa ulus was often used, suggesting that the el and the ulus were
largely one and the same. By no later than the late fifteenth century, el in Chaghatay Turkic meant
“people” more loosely, e.g., eli Türk dür (“the people are Türks”) in reference to Andijān (Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 2b) and eli tamām Sart wa Fārsīgūy dur (“the people are all Sart and Persian-
speaking”) in reference to Isfara (ibid., 3b).
33
informed Philip about recently established accord among all the Chinggisid branches, and
then stated:
From the land of Nangγiyas (i.e., southern China), where the sun rises, to the ocean,
[we] caused [an] ulus to hold [each other] together [and] to connect by postal stations
(naran urγuqui Nangγiyas-un γaǰar-ača abun Talu dalai-tur kürtele ulus barilduǰu
ǰamud-iyan uyaγulbai).50
The ulus here, which given the context had to mean the ulus encompassing all Mongols,51
was given geographical/territorial boundaries, namely “from the land of Nangγiyas… to the
ocean”; but the passage does not actually state that the ulus was made up of the territory
“from the land of Nangγiyas… to the ocean,” or that the ulus itself stretched from
Nangγiyas… to the ocean.52 The sentence structure is akin to that of the previously cited
Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh text “…from the Altai all the way to the Jayḥūn, may Alγu command the
el and ulus as his and may he keep it.” The prepositional phrase “from the land of
Nangγiyas… to the ocean” indicates the stretch of territory in which the ulus existed, but
50 Transliteration based on Ligeti, 253. See also Antoine Mostaert and Francis Woodman
Cleaves, Les Lettres de 1289 et 1305 des ilkhan Arγun et Ölǰeitü à Philippe le Bel (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1962), 55–56. A facsimile of the original letter can be seen online at Wikipedia Commons, s.v. “Letter from Oljeitu to Philippe le Bel, 1305,” accessed November 16, 2018,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:OljeituToPhilippeLeBel1305.jpg. 51 While the acknowledgment of the Great Mongol Ulus is implied here, the letter evidently
did not see the need to mention the Great Mongol Ulus or the ulus of Hülegü. It should be noted here that while the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh emphasized the Islamic character of Ghazan’s rulership, it did not
suggest that an ulus was no longer the political community of Ghazan, though references to it are
sparse. I was able to find only one Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh passage that refers to the ulus (of Hülegü) in the context of Ghazan as a Muslim: “Amīr Nowrūz was shown absolute favor and an edict commanded
that the entire administration of the ulus be entrusted to him” (Amīr Nowrūz rā nawākht-e tamām
farmūd wa ḥukm-e yarlīq shod keh wizārat-e tamāmat-e ūlūs be-way mufawważ bāshad) (Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh, 2:1260; Thackston trans., Jāmiʿu’t-tawarikh, pt. 3, 626–27n3). Moreover, the
high-ranking title amīr-e ulus (“Commander of the Ulus”) continued to be in use well after the reign
of Ghazan (Wing, The Jalayirids, 82–83, 86, 94). 52 On the meaning of Talu dalai (literally “ocean” first in Turkic then in Mongolian), see
Brian Baumann, “Whither the Ocean? The Talu Dalai in Sultan Öljeitü’s 1305 Letter to Philip the
Fair of France,” Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 19 (2012): 60.
34
does not say that this territory formed the ulus. Should we translate the ulus in the passage as
“people” or “community of people,” it would still make perfect sense: “From the land of
Nangγiyas, where the sun rises, to the ocean, [we] caused a [community of] people to hold
[each other] together [and] to connect by postal stations.”
It is also noteworthy that in the passage from the letter, though ulus does not carry a
plural marker, it is implicitly a plural, since barilduǰu (“to cause to hold [each other]
together”) is in the reciprocal voice; and it was almost certainly for this reason that Antoine
Mostaert and Francis Cleaves translated ulus in this instance as a plural in French, namely
“états” (“states”):
… et depuis le pays des Chinois, où le soleil se lève, jusqu’à la mer de Talu, [nos]
états se joignant (= rétablissant les communications), nous avons fait relier entre elles
nos stations de poste.53
For ulus to be plural without plural marker would make sense if ulus meant “people,” i.e., a
multitude of persons—just like the English word “people.” Meanwhile, however, I cannot
rule out that the meaning of ulus in the passage could have included “a collection of
territories,” in which case the reciprocal voice would also be grammatically viable. I raise
these points in case it could lead readers to more relevant findings. For now, weighing
together all of the passages cited in this section, I find it inconclusive whether Rashīd al-Dīn
et al. or the Ilkhanid chancellery understood ulus as people only or both people and territory.
It is true that, as laid out earlier, the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh portrayed several uluses as
having “borders.” However, if the passages concerning the appanages of Qachi’un, Jochi,
and Alγu do in fact demonstrate that the granting of ulus was conceptually separate from the
assignment of territory, then the relationship between an ulus and its territory would have
53 Mostaert, Les Lettres de 1289 et 1305, 56.
35
been limited to one of possession. That it is to say, an ulus itself was only understood as a
community of people, which in turn possessed, owned, occupied, or controlled territory; but
ultimately, territory was not part of what defined an ulus. Territory would undoubtedly have
been one of the most important possessions of an ulus, but it would have been a possession
nonetheless, just like animals, tents, and weapons were possessions. The ulus, being
inherently made up of people, could therefore move by command. It could leave its territory
behind temporarily or change its territory altogether. If the relationship between ulus and
territory was indeed understood this way in the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh, then the “borders of Ong
Qan’s ulus,” for example, would make sense; because Ong Qan’s ulus was at any given time
necessarily in possession or occupation of a certain territory, and because that territory had
borders, the ulus had borders (or at least had approximate limits to its de facto territorial
control). There is a passage in the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh saying that soon after Temür Qa’an (r.
1294–1307) succeeded his paternal grandfather, Qubilai Qa’an, “he sent the prince Kököchü
and Körgüz, who was the qa’an’s son-in-law, to the borders of Qaidu and Du’a (…wa
shahzāda Kūkochū wa Kūrgūz rā keh dāmād-e qā’ān ast be-sarḥadd-e Qaydū wa Duwā
ferestād).54 We know of course that Qaidu and Du’a were persons and not territorial entities
in any plausible sense, but because they were in possession of territory, it was conceivable to
The same sentence immediately preceding this passage is of interest, as it mentions the ulus of the prince Ananda, a grandson of Qubilai, in this manner: wa shahzāda Ananda rā bā sar-e laskhar wa
[ūlūs-e] khīsh ferestād be-wilāyat-e Tangqūt (ibid. 2:949). Wheeler Thackston translated this as “He
sent Prince Ananda at the head of his army and ulus to Tangqut territory” (Thackston, pt. 2, 464). If indeed this was the meaning, this would serve as an example of the mobile ulus in the Jāmiʿ al-
tawārīkh. However, the sentence could mean that Ananda was sent to his army and ulus, which had
already been stationed in the Tangqut territory. The Tangqut territory was part of the Ananda’s
appanage, which he had inherited from his father, Mangqala. I could not determine if the accession of Temür Qa’an involved princes converging at the capital with their armies, as had happened in past
quriltays that determined succession.
36
speak of “the borders of Qaidu and Du’a.” This is, however, only a plausible explanation for
ulus having “borders,” not a definitive one.
As for Baraq having purportedly said that Türkestān and Qıpchaqbashı are located
between the uluses of Qubilai and Abaγa, as if these two uluses could be used to reference
the location of territories, there is also a plausible explanation, which if correct, would not
necessitate concluding that ulus was understood as a territorial entity. Baraq’s words can be
reconciled with the notion of the mobile ulus if we put them in the geopolitical context of the
late thirteenth-century Mongol world, a time when the uluses could be described as “inert,”
by which I mean mobile—but in practice not moving very much. We know that by ca. 1260,
major Mongol expansion to the west basically ended. At the southeastern end of Eurasia, the
Mongols continued to attack the Song (宋 960–1279) and finished their conquest thereof in
1279, but this major expansion under Qubilai Qa’an did not alter the location of his ulus
relative to those of the Jochids, Chaghatayids, Ogodayids, and Huleguids. Other political and
military developments after 1260 resulted in the uluses winning or losing territories, but
unlike during the early conquest period, households and armies of the different Chinggisid
branches were not moving around from one corner of Eurasia to another. Before the 1260s,
as major campaigns were carried out jointly by representatives of different branches of the
dynasty, a Chinggisid scion’s territorial holdings were not expected to be necessarily
contiguous, but likely spread in patches across Eurasia.55 The phenomenon of the Qubilaid,
Jochid, Chaghatayid (and at times Ogodayid), and Huleguid houses each controlling a fixed
contiguous territory was not a normative development, but rather a de facto development
55 See Allsen, “Sharing out the Empire: Apportioned Lands under the Mongols,” in Nomads
in the Sedentary World, ed. Anatoly M. Khazanov and André Wink (New York: Routledge, 2001),
173–86. See also Jackson, The Mongols and the Islamic World, 103–4.
37
contrary to the original vision of Chinggis Qan.56 By the last quarter of the thirteenth century,
the new reality nonetheless was that the major uluses had become inert.
The uluses of Qubilai and Abaγa were conceivably inert enough that Baraq could
have counted on them to not move out of place any time soon when he said that Türkestān
and Qıpchaqbashı were located between them. In other words, once the uluses became inert,
they were useable, if not useful, as geographical markers. It would be as if in modern times
we were to say “between the Jones and the Smiths is Spring Street.” The Jones and the
Smiths are inherently families of people, and should they move away to distant places, they
would still be the Jones and the Smiths, but because they settled into long-term residences
flanking Spring Street, they could be spoken of in such terms. The Chinggisid uluses each
had its official territorial assignment, and when not commanded to relocate or go on
expedition, an ulus was not supposed to move outside of its assigned territory. This fact too
would have made it sensible to use uluses as geographical markers, but without necessarily
conceiving of uluses as geographical or territorial entities in the way of “Türkestān” or
“Qıpchaqbashı.” Again however, I cannot prove that this supposition for understanding the
subtext of Baraq’s words is definitely correct.
Overall, the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh is an informative source on the conceptual relationship
between ulus and territory, but I cannot conclusively determine just how Rashīd al-Dīn et al.
understood this relationship. Timurid-era sources, however, can shed further light on this
issue.
56 See Peter Jackson, “From Ulus to Khanate: The Making of the Mongol States, c. 1220–c.
1290,” in The Mongol Empire and Its Legacy, ed. Reuven Amitai-Preiss and David O. Morgan
(Leiden: Brill, 1999), 23–37. On Iran coming under exclusive Toluid/Huleguid rule, see Thomas T.
Allsen, Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001),
19–23. For a lighter but captivating reading, see Jack Weatherford, The Secret History of the Mongol Queens (New York: Broadway Books, 2010), 89–112, which tells how female members of the ruling
clan were stripped of their power and appanages in the decades following Chinggis Qan’s death.
38
Ulus in the Timurid Era: Both Territorial and Mobile?
Over a century after the composition of the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh, the Ẓafarnāma by the
Timurid court historian Sharaf al-Dīn ʿAlī Yazdī (d. 1454) also regularly featured reference
to ulus. In one passage, Yazdī wrote of territories as being “placed… inside the ulus of
Chaghatay Khan”:
During his (i.e., Temür’s) return from the Dasht-e Qıpchaq campaign, he sent Jangī
Qauchīn’s son, Mūsā-Gah, to rebuild Khwārazm. He (i.e., Mūsā-Gah) fortified
Maḥalla-e Qā’ān (“Qa’an’s District”) and made it flourish. When apportioning
mamlakats to [his] children, Chinggis Qan had placed it (i.e., Maḥalla-e Qā’ān), along
with Kāt and Khīwaq (Khiva), inside the ulus of Chaghatay Khan. And at the present
time, the cultivation (settlement) of Khwārazm is as such… (Hangām-e murājaʿat az
wa Rūm tā Istanbūl wa Shām tā Miṣr dar ḥīṭa-e ḥukm wa farmān-e ū bāshad).61
Even though the original ulus of Hülegü Khan, the dominant power in the Middle East from
1258 to 1335, had by then long disintegrated, it was evidently meaningful to first mention
59 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:464–65. The Ẓafarnāma of Niẓām al-Dīn Shāmī does not mention
ulus or use similar language in its corresponding account. See Shāmī, Ẓafarnāma, 75–76. 60 On ʿUmar b. Amīrānshāh’s appanage, see Manz, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, 141–42. 61 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 2:1235.
41
that ʿUmar was granted governance of the “ulus of Hülegü Khan,” and then list the assigned
territories. Importantly, these territories included Āẕarbayjān, home to the former Ilkhanid
capitals, but not the large tracts of territories in central Iran and Khorāsān. Only about a
quarter of the total territory controlled by the Huleguids during the heyday of their rule was
placed under ʿUmar. This suggests that by the early Timurid era, the “ulus of Hülegü Khan”
was still closely associated Āẕarbayjān, but was not assumed to be synonymous with the
whole territory formerly under Hülegüid rule. To my knowledge, Temür’s original edict is
not available, but from Yazdī’s wording, it appears that “governance of the ulus of Hülegü
Khan” was conceptually separate from command over the mamlakats.
Yazdī’s account that territories were “placed inside” the ulus of Chaghatay, plus the
claim that Chechen Khan made the said ulus flourish using the words ābādān dāshta, are the
most convincing evidence that Yazdī’s conception of ulus included an inherent territorial
component. Meanwhile, his account of the assembling of the Chaghatay and Jochi uluses for
war, and the granting of the ulus of Hülegü Khan to ʿUmar, show that the early Mongol
understanding of ulus still held certain sway. Given the importance of ulus as a political term
in the Mongol-ruled world, was Yazdī cognizant of the implications of his words as to the
nature of ulus vis-à-vis territory? After all, just because this study cares about such
implications does not mean that Yazdī cared about them.
The Muntakhab al-tawārīkh of Muʿīn al-Dīn Naṭanzī suggests that there was a good
reason for Yazdī’s use of language. That is, when an ulus was inert, it was attributed
territorial characteristics, but when movement did occur, such movement was still regarded
as normative. One will notice that the above-cited passages from Yazdī’s Ẓafarnāma all
concerned the uluses of Chaghatay, Jochi, or Hülegü, which were the highest tier of uluses in
42
the Muslim world. In the previous section, I mentioned the inertness of the major uluses
since ca. 1260; and indeed by the Timurid era, the basic locations of these uluses remained
unchanged. Naṭanzī went as far as to refer to major uluses by geographical names, such as
ulūs-e Dasht-e Qebchāq (“ulus of the Qıpchaq Steppe”) and ulūs-e Māwarā’ al-Nahr (“ulus
of Māwarā’ al-Nahr”).62 It is as if these uluses were not expected to ever move away. Also,
he described the geographical scope of the ulus of Jochi under Toqtamısh Khan (r. 1376–80)
as follows:
… he (i.e., Toqtamısh Khan) secured control of the entire ulus from the border of
Lıpqa (Lithuania), which is the farthest settlement of the north, to the borders of
Kaffa, and made Sulṭān Berke’s Sarāy (i.e., New Sarāy) the capital (wa ikhtiyār-e
tamām-e ulūs rā az ḥadd-e Lepqā keh nihāyat-e maʿmūra-e shimāl ast tā ḥudūd-e
emäs barcha elgä yarmaq khod yetkürüp bolmas bu el wa ulusnıng köchlärigä birär
nemä ashlıq berip cherik wa chapqungha atlanılghay).66
In brief, at least lower-tier uluses were still mobile by the late fifteenth-early sixteenth
century. Considering all the passages cited in this section, I offer the following general
explanation for how Timurid-era historians conceived of ulus vis-à-vis territory: they never
forgot that ulus meant a mobile community of people, and when they witnessed the mobility
of uluses, they recorded it; yet when they observed that an (major) ulus had long been inert,
they considered it fair to attribute territorial characteristics to it. This said, I must admit that
this is only my best explanation made under the assumption that the discussed passages do
not actually contradict one another in regards to the authors’ understanding of ulus vis-à-vis
territory—an assumption for which I have no proof. I propose to summon Rashīd al-Din,
Yazdī, and Naṭanzī before a ǰarγuchi to explain themselves, and for now, keep the case open
for further investigation.
This and the previous section examined how ulus was conceived in relation to
territory on the premise that ulus was the object of rulership in Chinggisid-Timurid political
culture. Persian-language historical sources, however, also ubiquitously portrayed
mamlakat/mulk as the object of Mongol rulership. Mamlakat/mulk versus ulus is hence an
indispensable nuance that should be included in our examination of whether or not the
Chinggisid-Timurid world had a notion of “country.”
66 [Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābor.] [Bābor-nāma] The Bábar-náma, facsimile edition by
Annette S. Beveridge. E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol. 1. repr. ed. (London: Luzac, 1971), fol.
144b; [Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābor], Bābur-nāma (Vaqāyiʿ): Critical Edition Based on Four
Chaghatay Texts, ed. Eiji Mano, 2 vols. (Kyoto: Syokado, 1995), fol. 144b; [Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābor], Baburnama, ed. and trans. W. M. Thackston, Jr., 3 pts (Cambridge, MA: Department of Near
Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1993), fol. 144b.
45
Mamlakat and Mulk versus Ulus as the Object of Rulership
In this section, I discuss how the Perso-Arabic understanding of mamlakat and its
close synonym mulk, two terms which to the best of my knowledge had an inherent territorial
basis, stood as a counterpart to ulus. The original Mongol conception of qanship (khanship)
was based on leadership of ulus, but after Tājīk scholar-administrators began to portray their
Mongol masters, ulus could no longer be taken for granted as the sole object of khanship. As
the earlier-cited passage concerning Jochi’s appanage shows, Jochi was regarded as not only
having received an ulus, but also as having a mamlakat (“his yurt was on the borders of the
Īrdīsh and the capital of his mamlakat [was] there”). Furthermore, as mentioned in the
Introduction, once Mongol rulers learned enough Persian to understand what was being
written in their names, we could no longer assume that the Perso-Arabic terminologies and
ideas concerning rulership and political community found in chancellery documents, court
histories, and other official sources did not represent their genuinely-held politico-cultural
ideas. We may, however, find that the Persian-language sources did not convey a full
representation of their rulers, perhaps inadequately expressing the steppe heritage and/or
exaggerating the rulers’ acculturation to Perso-Islamic political culture. With only a rather
small corpus of Mongolian-language chancellery documents and no Mongolian-language
history/chronicle from the Ilkhanids or Chaghatayids being available to us, how might we
critically use the Persian sources to try to attain an accurate understanding of mamlakat/mulk
versus ulus in relationship to Mongol rulership?
For background, it would be useful to examine the scarce but relatively early
Mongolian sources. Igor de Rachewiltz, citing § 244 of the Secret History, noted that “qan is
46
defined as the person whose function is ‘to hold the nation’ (ulus bari-).”67 One of the
earliest official expressions of this relationship between qanship and ulus can be found in the
644/1246 letter of Güyük Qan to Pope Innocent IV (r. 1243–54). That letter was stamped
with a seal bearing the inscription “By the power of the Eternal Tengri, edict of the Qan of
the Great Mongol Ulus [and] of the Ocean…” (Möngge Tengri-yin küchün-tür Yeke Mongγol
Ulus-un Dalai-in Qan-u jarliγ...).68 The main body of the letter was written in Persian, while
its Turkic header was a translation of the aforementioned Mongolian words: “By the power
of the Eternal Tengri, Khan of the kür (entire, powerful, vast) Great Ulus [and] of the Ocean,
“Qan of the Ocean” (Dalai-in Qan, Taluynung Khanı) was likely a figurative expression of
qanship over the world in addition to the ulus.70 The Turkic adjective kür, if meaning “vast,”
would have given a spatial dimension to ulus, though it could very well have meant
67 Igor de Rachewiltz, “Qan, Qa’an, and the Seal of Güyüg,” in Documenta Barbarorum:
Festschrift für Walther Heissig zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Klaus Sagaster and Michael Weiers
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983), 277n4. See also Nikolay N. Kradin, “Qamuq Mongqol Ulus and
Chiefdom Theory,” Chronica: Annual of the Institute of History, University of Szeged 7–8 (2007–8): 144–50.
68 Louis Ligeti, ed., Monuments Préclassiques, vol. 1, XIIIe et XIVe siècles (Budapest:
Akadémiai Kiadó, 1972), 20; de Rachewiltz, “Qan, Qa’an, and the Seal of Güyüg,” 274. This formulation of the qan’s title may have preceded Güyük, as Ögödei reportedly referred to others
referring to himself as dalay-yin qaγan (Secret History, § 280). 69 “Letter from Güyük Khan to Innocent IV.” Digital Persian Archive, Philipps-Universität
Marburg. Accessed November 15, 2018. http://www.asnad.org/en/document/249/ 70 De Rachewiltz suggests that the notion of dalai (“sea,” “ocean”) in this context
corresponded to the Chinese politico-cultural term hainei 海内 (“[all] within the sea[s]”), as in (De
Rachewiltz, “Qan, Qa’an, and the Seal of Güyüg,” 274). He defends the interpretation of dalai as
meaning “‘all that is found in the land within the sea(s)’, hence the ‘whole world’ (ibid., 275).” Buell
had earlier interpreted dalai as the qan’s own “estate” (Buell, “Tribe, Qan and Ulus in Early Mongol China,” 36, 36n128–29; 239). Though he later seems to have agreed with de Rachewiltz, translating
the aforementioned seal inscription as “By the Power of the Eternal Heaven, the Edict of the
Universal Qan of the Great Mongol Patrimony…” (Buell, Historical Dictionary, 293). See Hodong
Kim, “Was ‘Da Yuan’ a Chinese Dynasty?,” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 45 (2015): 286). However, to my knowledge, it has not been definitively proven that dalai-in qan, or dalai-in qahan in reference
to Ögödei (found in Secret History, § 280) was a borrowing from Chinese political culture.
47
“powerful” or “entire, whole” instead. 71 As the Turkic header left the important word
Mongγol untranslated and additionally featured kür, kür Ulugh Ulusnung Taluynung Khanı
may have been an impromptu translation of Yeke Mongγol Ulus-un Dalai-in Qan, rather than
the standard equivalent of the same.72 In any case, neither Dalai-in…/Taluynung… nor kür
appear to have remained as standard elements of the title. The enduring elements of the title
were Yeke Mongγol Ulus-un Qan (“Qan of the Great Mongol Ulus”), which is attested as late
as 1362 in a reference to Chinggis Qan on the stele commemorating Prince Indu.73 This title
has not been attested for use by Chinggis Qan in his own time, and so it might have been
applied retroactively. Significantly, this and other steles (that will be mentioned in the next
section) show that after nine decades of ruling the vast agrarian regions and large cities of
China, the Qubilaids did not abandon “Great Mongol Ulus” (Yeke Mongγol Ulus) as the
official name of their political community, and continued to view ulus as the object of
qanship. In contrast, the Persian histories lent uneven importance to the notion of ulus, while
unanimously presenting the importance of mamlakat and mulk.
The Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy is peculiar in that had it been the only primary source on
the Mongols that survived, we might very well believe that ulus was not important at all. The
only acknowledgement of the word ulus in the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy was through mentions
of the Turkic title ulush idi ( یدیالوش ا ), ulush being the purported etymology of ulus. Ulus as a
term for political community or politico-military unit is completely absent. In its place,
71 Regarding kür, see Doerfer, Türkische und mongolische Elemente, 3:633–36. 72 There is a 642/1244–45 coin with the inscription Ulugh Monqol Ulus Bek (الغ اولوس منقل بیك)
(“Commander of the Great Mongol Ulus”), which shows a word-for-word Turkic rendering of Yeke
Mongγol Ulus in an official context (M. A. Seifeddini, Monetnoe delo i denezhnoe obrashchenie v Azerbaydzhanie XII–XV vv., vol. 1 (Baku: Elm, 1978), 159).
73 Francis Woodman Cleaves, “The Sino-Mongolian Inscription of 1362 in Memory of Prince
Hindu,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 12, no. 1/2 (1949): 62. Based on its own introduction, this
bilingual stele inscription can be identified as: Mo. Yeke Mongγol Ulus-tur ǰarliγ-iyar Si Ning Ong
Indu-da bayiγuldaγsan bii tas buyu; Ch. 《大元勑賜追封西寧王忻都公神道碑銘》.
48
mamlakat and mulk are expressed as the object of khanship. Juwaynī wrote that Chinggis
Qan’s four oldest sons “are like four pedestals to the throne of the mamlakat and four pillars
to the vault of khanship (… wa takht-e mamlakat rā be-masābat-e chahārpāya wa aywān-e
khānī rā be-maḥall-e chār-rukn būdand).74 The importance of mamlakat/mulk as the object
of rulership was articulated more fully in the following passage, whereby Juwaynī pointedly
described the Chinggisid dynastic political system:
Although in appearance authority and mamlakat are vested in one person, who is
marked by the appellation of khanship, in reality, all the sons, grandsons, and paternal
uncles are partners in property and mulk; and a proof of that is (or, “and for that
reason”), the ruler of the world, Möngge Qa’an, at the second quriltay, apportioned
all the mamlakats; and all the branches of the sons, daughters, and brothers were
given portions. And during the regal fortune of Chinggis Qan, the expanse of the
mamlakat became vast. All were assigned their place of residence, which they call
yurt (harchand az rūy-e ẓāhir ḥukm wa mamlakat yak kas rā ast ke be-ism-e
khāniyyat mawsūm bāshad ammā az rūy-e ḥaqīqat hama awlād wa aḥfād wa aʿmām
dar māl wa mulk mushtarik and wa dalīl-e ānk[e] pādeshāh-e jahān Mongkū Qā’ān
dar qūrīltāy-e dowwum tamāmat-e mamālik rā taḥṣīṣ farmūd wa hama ansāb rā az
banīn wa banāt wa ikhwān rā bakhsh dād wa chūn dar ʿahd-e dawlat-e Chingiz Khān
ʿarṣa-e mamlakat fasīḥ shod har kas rā mawżiʿ-e iqāmat-e īshān ke yurt gūyand
taʿyīn kard).75
Another passage expressed mulk as the object of khanship:
76 Juwaynī, Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, 1:200; Boyle trans., Genghis Khan, 244. 77 The Ilkhanids had an office called muqāṭiʿ-e mamālik, which serves as yet another
indication that the mamlakat/mulk of the Ilkhans was itself comprised of mamālik. See Rashīd al-Dīn, Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh, 2:1061. Thackston translates this office as “assigner of fiefs” (Thackston,
Jāmiʿu’t-tawarikh, pt. 3, 518).
50
“edict”), qūrīltāy (Mo. quriltay- “a formal assembly of the ruling class”), and yāsā (Tur. yasa,
from Mo. jasaγ- “law”).78 As shown earlier, he even explained what yurt meant, i.e., “place
of residence” (mawżiʿ-e iqāmat). It is hard to argue that ulus was not an important enough
term to have been borrowed into Juwaynī’s Persian. It is also nearly impossible that Juwaynī
never learned what the Mongols called their political community. He was a career
bureaucrat-administrator who would have read countless official documents; and Güyük
Qa’an’s aforementioned letter to the Pope showed that the importance of ulus was
understood in the Persian chancellery. It is true that the letter’s header was written in
(Arabic-script) Turkic, but Juwaynī was familiar with Turkic political terminology, as
indicated throughout the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy. He in fact routinely referred to Chingissid
princes by the Turkic title oghul instead of the Mongolian kö’ün. Even if ulus was not a
regular term used in the Persian-language chancellery in which Juwaynī worked, his lifetime
of exposure to the Mongols should have been enough for him to know that his supreme
master, Möngge Qa’an, was the ruler of the Great Mongol Ulus, and that his immediate
master, Hülegü, was a prince of the same. So despite the cross-cultural expertise Juwaynī
demonstrated in his work, his avoidance of ulus should alert us to how the conceptual
representations of Mongol rulership and political community could be distorted.
As shown in the previous sections, the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh and later Persian-language
court histories did not follow the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy in avoiding the mention of ulus. To a
great extent, the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh authentically portrayed the thirteenth and fourteenth-
century Mongol-ruled world as one of uluses. Yet at the same time, it too extensively utilized
the terms mamlakat and mulk. In one passage, mamlakat and mulk were even put into the
78 See Muṣṭafā Mūsawī, “Wāzhegān-e Torkī wa Moghūlī-e Tārīkh-e Jahāngoshāy-e Juwaynī.”
mamlakat wa ūlūs rawīd keh mulk muʻaṭṭal wa muhmal ast as: “You go to your realms and peoples,
for your realms are being neglected” (Thackston trans., Jāmiʿu’t-tawarikh, pt. 2, 262). The original text did not say “your,” but I follow Thackston’s interpretation in giving the translation “[your]
mamlakat and ulus,” as this is most plausible given the context, i.e., Chinggis Qan was still alive and
he had reportedly summoned his sons to give his testament, and he dismissed them afterwards. Thackston translated wa Chaghatāy īnjā ḥāżir nīst mabādā keh chūn man dar goẕaram sokhan-e
marā degar gūn karda dar mulk temāchāmīshī konad as “Chaghatay is not here, but when I have
passed away let him not dispute my words in his kingdom” (ibid., pt. 2, 262). The original text
similarly did not say “his.” Here, there is a strong possibility that mulk referred not to Chaghatay’s mulk but to the mulk of the Mongols as a whole, as this part of Chinggis Qan’s testament was
premised upon after his own death.
53
In the above quote, “this mamlakat” (īn mamlakat) referred directly to “this small ulus”
(hamīn mukhtaṣar ūlūs), as if an ulus was a mamlakat. This example notwithstanding, the
Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh did not go as far as to ignore all differences between mamlakat and ulus.
The connotation of mamlakat as spatial (with regards to the size of land) versus ulus as
demographic can still be sensed. For instance, in the earlier-cited testament of Chinggis Qan,
he purportedly spoke of having acquired “a vast mamlakat” (mamlakatī ʿarīẓ-e basīṭ).
Whereas in a separate chapter, Kökechin Qatun, the mother of Temür Qa’an, purportedly
said:
“In the mamlakats of Khitāy and Nangγiyas, our ulus is numerous, and the wilāyat of
Qaidu and Du’a is distant” (dar mamālik-e Khitāy wa Nangiyās ūlūs-e mā besyār ast
wa wilāyat-e Qāydū wa Duwā dūr).80
Thus, while mamlakat was thought of as “vast,” ulus was thought of as “numerous,”
implying a demographic entity.
Into the Timurid period, the concept of mamlakat/mulk remained important and
ubiquitous, but ulus continued to maintain a distinctive importance as well. In summarizing
Temür’s lifetime of conquests, for example, Yazdī deemed it important to first mention that
Temür ruled over the uluses of Chaghatay Khan, Jochi Khan, and Hülegü Khan, and then the
kind of vast mamlakat he had acquired:
In the span of thirty-six years, which were the remainder of His Highness’s lifetime
and the days of conquest and world-rule, he brought all of the ulus of Chaghatay
Khan, the ulus of Jochi Khan, and the ulus of Hülegü Khan, and the greater part of the
territories (or cities) and the mamlakats of a quarter of the inhabited world, as has
been described, under [his] control and subjugation. And he merged the extent and
excellence of the mamlakat and the arrangement and soldering together of the
instruments of power (glory, majesty) and rulership into one place. (wa dar ʿarż-e sī
wa shesh sāl keh baqiyyah-e muddat-e zendegānī wa rūzgār-e keshwarsetānī wa
jahānbānī-e ān ḥażrat būd tamām-e ulūs-e Chaghatāy Khān wa ulūs-e Jūchī Khān wa
ulūs-e Hūlāgū Khān wa muʿẓam-e bilād wa mamālik-e rabʿ-e maskūn rā chonāncheh
be-sharḥ wa basṭ sabt oftāda be-ḥawza-e taṣarruf wa taskhīr dar-āwarda wa saʿat
wa basṭat-e mamlakat wa intiẓām wa ilti’ām-e asbāb-e shawkat wa sulṭanat be-jāyī
rasānīd).81
All this was despite the fact that by the time Temür died, the Timurids no longer even had a
Chinggisid khan as their overlord. Chapter Four will further discuss the Timurid approach to
dealing with the legacy of ulus and khanship.
In sum, mamlakat/mulk shared the stage with ulus as the object of rulership in
Ilkhanid and Timurid political culture, but mamlakat/mulk never displaced ulus. One may
still validly argue that mamlakat/mulk is the closest equivalent to “country” in the
Chinggisid-Timurid world. Yet it should be noted that mamlakat/mulk lacked a key
characteristic of the formal territorial polities in Europe (and East Asia). As can be seen from
all the previously cited examples of mamlakat/mulk that denoted a ruler’s collective
territorial holdings, there was no territorial name attached to any of them. Of course, a
territorial name may itself be non-territorial, and perhaps ethnonymic, in origin (e.g.,
“Moghulestān,” “Īrān,” “England,” “France”), so it would not have particularly mattered
81 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 2:1338. This passage shows that the uluses of Chaghatay Khan, Jochi
Khan, and Hülegü Khan were conceived of having been brought under Temür’s “control and
subjugation” (taṣarruf wa taskhīr), but remaining as three officially distinct political communities.
The ulus of Hülegü Khan no longer had a reigning khan, and so the “throne of Hülegü” (takht-e Hūlāgū Khān) was at first given to Amīrānshāh (ibid., 1:724). The Timurids continued to recognize
the ulus of Jochi as having its own khans, which included Toqtamısh Khan (ibid., 1:179, 182).
55
what a mamlakat/mulk was called, so long as it was understood as having an inherent
territorial nature. It was due to the lack of any name fixed to specific land that
mamlakat/mulk could only have served as an informal term for a ruler’s entire realm in a
given period. As mentioned earlier, mamlakat and mulk have often been translated as
“kingdom”; but the European “kingdom” (regnum) had a fixed name and fixed heartland, and
so the identity of the regnum could outlast its ruler and even its dynasty. Whereas a number
of Chinggisid and Timurid rulers had completely different territorial possessions in different
times of their lives. So the mamlakat of Bābor, for instance, would have referred to several
noncontiguous entities on the map during the period 1494–1504. It was the major uluses,
with their fixed names over decades or centuries, that most resembled (and arguably were)
formal political communities; but alas, I still do not know for sure if these uluses, especially
the ulus of Chaghatay [Khan], was ultimately conceived of as territorial in nature.
As the next three chapters will increasingly focus on the Timurid period, it is vital to
keep in mind that despite their rule from urban capitals, Perso-Islamic legitimization projects,
and linguistic Turkification, the Timurids originated from the Mongol Barulas (Tur. Barlas)
tribe and rose to power out of the political system of the ulus of Chaghatay. The ulus of
Chaghatay constituted the immediate political heritage of the Timurids.82 However, the ulus
of Chaghatay is a comparatively understudied topic due to the scarcity of extant Chaghatayid
primary sources. Everything discussed in this chapter thus far about ulus has been based on
non-Chaghatayid sources. There is however, a scholarly find centered on a Mongolian-
language source found in former Chaghatayid-ruled territory, and it happens to be directly
pertinent to the conception of ulus in regards to relative location.
82 See Manz, The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, 21–40.
56
The Middle Mongol Ulus
The research of Matsui Dai revealed the possibility that the ulus of Chaghatay was
known as the “[dum]dadu mongγol ulus (“Middle Mongol Ulus”; Matsui’s translation:
“Middle Mongolian Empire”). 83 Matsui himself expressed his assertion with cautious
wording commensurate to the available evidence,84 but other Mongol history specialists have
thence implicitly treated his findings as conclusive. I am not aware of additional research
since 2009 that has advanced Matsui’s hypothesis into a solid conclusion. If indeed the ulus
of Chaghatay was called the “Middle Mongol Ulus,” perhaps on account of its location
between the other major uluses, it would imply a conception of ulus based implicitly on
relative location to other uluses that my earlier analyses did not adequately take into account.
This question of “Middle Mongol Ulus” is also of particular relevance to the current project
because it could constitute background to the era of the Timurids, who, as mentioned, hailed
from none other than the ulus of Chaghatay. I am, however, not ready to fully jump on the
bandwagon of “ulus of Chaghatay was called ‘Middle Mongol Ulus,’” because we have not
considered alternative interpretations of key non-Mongol sources that Matsui cited to support
this assertion. In addition, the possibility that the “Middle Mongol Ulus” could have been the
ulus of the qa’an has not been considered. Below, I summarize Matsui’s findings and suggest
interpretations he did not consider in his article.
The centerpiece evidence for Matsui’s hypothesis is the bottom fragment of a
Mongolian-language document discovered in Turfan containing the words [dum]dadu
83 Dai Matsui, “Dumdadu Mongγol Ulus ‘The Middle Mongolian Empire,” in The Early
Mongols: Language, Culture and History: Studies in Honor of Igor de Rachewiltz on the Occasion of
His 80th Birthday, ed. Volker Rybatzki, Alessandra Pozzi, Peter W. Geier, and John R. Krueger
(Bloomington: Indiana University Denis Sinor Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 2009), 111–19. 84 “It seems probable that Du’a or his descendants took the brand new official state name
Dumdadu Mongγol Ulus ‘the Middle Mongolian Empire’ in order to affirm that their polity was
renewed” (Matsui, “Dumdadu Mongγol Ulus,” 116).
57
mongγo[l] u(l)us-un (“of the [Mid]dle Mongol Ulus”), the letters in brackets being the most
probable restorations (see Figure 1, in which I marked out the said Mongolian words with red
lines).85
The words immediately before and after [dum]dadu mongγo[l] u(l)us-un are missing, leaving
us without the context of the sentence. As Matsui’s restoration shows, the text as a whole
also does not provide further information about this [dum]dadu mongγo[l] ulus.86 To back up
his proposal that the “Middle Mongol Ulus” referred to the ulus of Chaghatay, Matsui cross-
referenced a number of Latin sources referring to the ulus of Chaghatay as the “Middle
Empire,” as well as a quote from the Moroccan traveler Ibn Baṭṭūṭa (1304–69). As I will be
85 “Turfanforschung.” Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Accessed
November 25, 2019. http://turfan.bbaw.de/dta/u/images/u5981seite1.jpg
This manuscript, shelfnumber U 5981, is part of the Depositum der BERLIN-
BRANDENBURGISCHEN AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN in der STAATSBIBLIOTHEK ZU BERLIN - Preussischer Kulturbesitz Orientabteilung.
86 Matsui, “Dumdadu Mongγol Ulus,” 112.
58
reconsidering these cross-references at some length, I first cite below Matsui’s original words,
so as to more clearly preserve his interpretation. Regarding Latin sources, Matsui writes:
Guillaume Adam describes the empire of «Doa or Caydo», i.e., Du’a or Qaidu, with
the appellation Medium Imperium ‘the Middle Empire’ between 1314 and 1328. By
this period Qaidu, the Ögödeid leader of the anti-Yuan Mongols in Central Asia, had
already passed away (d. 1301), consequently this ‘Middle Empire’ clearly stands for
the Chaghatai Khanate in Central Asia ruled by the descendants of Du’a Imperium
Medium ‘the Middle Empire’ as seen in a letter from Pope Benedict XII of 1338 and
in the report by the Franciscan friar John of Marignolli, who brought the Pope’s letter
to the Yuan; Imp. de Medio ‘the Empire in the Middle’ as seen in Andrea Bianco’s
atlas of 1436. Besides these, we also have Latin appellations for the Chaghatai
Khanate such as Imperium Medie ‘the Empire of Media’ by the Franciscan friar
Pascal of Vittoria or on the Catalan Map, as well as Imperium Medorum ‘the Empire
of Medes’ in the Portulano Mediceo in the Laurentian Library. They are apparently
misnomers of Imperium Medium or Imperium de Medio mentioned above.87
Regarding Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Matsui wrote:
In his Riḥlat, he introduces the Chaghatai Khanate under the reign of Ṭarmāšīrīn (<
Mong. Darmaširi(n) <Skt. Dharmaśrī, r. 1326–34) as follows: bilāduhu
mutawassiṭatun baina ’arba‘atin min al-dunyā al-kibāri wa hum maliku al-ṣīni wa
maliku al-hindi wa malik al-‘irāqi wa al-maliku ūzbaku ‘His (Ṭarmāšīrīn’s) [ruling]
country [is in] the middle between the four of the powerful kings on the earth, i.e.,
King of China, King of India, King of Iraq, and King Özbeg’.88
Based on the fragment of the Mongolian document, I accept the possibility that the “Middle
Mongol Ulus” referred to the Ulus of Chaghatay. At the same time, however, there are
alternative explanations for the Latin references and the Ibn Baṭṭūṭa quote that Matsui cited.
If my alternative explanations are valid, then we may be compelled to retreat back to square
one with the fragment.
Looking at the report of Johannes Marignola (a.k.a. John of Marignolli), we would be
immediately reminded of the fact that medieval Europeans applied names to places and
polities in Asia that were often not consistent with those used locally. According to
Marignolli, in 1338, he was sent by Pope Benedict XI with letters and presents on a mission
“to the Kaam (i.e., Qa’an), chief Emperor of all the Tartars” (Kaam, summum omnium
Thartarorum imperatorem).89 Marignolli’s party sailed to Caffa in the Crimea, and went on
from there to “the first Emperor of the Tatars, Usbec (i.e., Özbäk, r. 1313–41)…” (Inde ad
primum Thartarorum Imperatorem Usbec…), then on to “Armalec (i.e., Almalıq) of the
Middle Empire…” (pervenimus in Armalec Imperii medii…), and finally to “Cambalec (i.e.,
Khanbalıq), the chief seat of the Empire of the East” (Qua pertransita pervenimus in
Cambalec, ubi est summa Sedes Imperii Orientis…).90 They were received by the Qa’an
(who at that time would have been Toghon-Temür, r. 1333–70), and the visitors stayed in
Khanbalıq for at least three years. Marignolli had nothing but good words to say about the
hospitality they were afforded, and his party toured southern China as well.91 So if we are to
89 Johannes Marignola, “Observationes Præviæ in Chronicon Marignolæ,” in Monumenta
Historica Boemiae: Tomus II, ed. Gelasius Dobner (Prague: Literis Joannis Joseph Clauser), 84; Henry Yule ed. and trans., Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of
China, 4 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1914–16), 3:210. 90 Marignola, “Observationes Præviæ in Chronicon Marignolæ,” 86–87; Yule ed. and trans.,
Cathay and the Way Thither, 3:211–13. 91 Marignola, “Observationes Præviæ in Chronicon Marignolæ,” 87–88; Yule ed. and trans.,
Cathay and the Way Thither, 3:214–16.
60
assume that Marignolli’s notion of “Middle Empire” came from “Middle Mongol Ulus,” then
do we accept that “Empire of the East” was also derived from local nomenclature? Did the
Qa’an consider his realm to be the “Eastern Mongol Ulus”?
Regarding the Qa’an’s polity, we happen to know for certain what it was called.
Qubilai Qa’an and his successors never ceased to consider themselves qa’ans of the Great
Mongol Ulus (Yeke Mongγol Ulus). They regarded this rulership as inherited from Möngge
through Güyük through Ögödei from Chinggis Qan. In 1271, Qubilai additionally adopted
the Chinese “realm designation” (guohao 國號) of “Great Yuan” (大元; Mo. transliteration
from contemporaneous Chinese: Dai Ön; modern Mandarin: Da Yuan). By the reign of
Toghon-Temür Qa’an, “Great Yuan” had apparently taken on importance in Mongolian-
language officialdom as well. The 1338 stele commemorating the official (daruγaci) Jigüntei
referred to Dai Ön kemekü Yeke Mongγol Ulus (“the Great Mongol Ulus, which one calls
Great Yuan”).92 The earlier-mentioned stele commemorating Prince Indu (1362) similarly
referred to Dai Ön Yeke Mongγol Ulus (“Great Yuan Great Mongol Ulus”).93 So it would be
frightening to think of the Qa’an’s fury had he found out that his Great Mongol Ulus had
been truncated into a mere “Eastern Ulus” by Marignolli. The offense to the Great Yuan
would have been even more intolerable, as any remotely educated Confucian understood that
the Son of Heaven (tian zi 天子) is mandated to rule “all under heaven” (tian xia 天下) from
his throne in the Middle Realm (zhongguo 中國). Yet look what this audacious barbarian
92 Francis Woodman Cleaves, “The Sino-Mongolian Inscription of 1338 in Memory of
Jigüntei,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 14, no. 1/2 (1951): 53. Based on its own introduction,
this bilingual stele can be identified as: Mo. ǰarliγ-iyar bayiγuldaγsan ž-in sang sunggon wuu-yin
daruγaci Jigüntei-yin yabuγuluγan sayid üiles-i uγaγulγui bii tas buyu; Ch.《大元勑賜故中順大夫諸
色人匠都總管府達魯花赤竹君之碑》. 93 Francis Woodman Cleaves, “The Sino-Mongolian Inscription of 1362 in Memory of Prince
Hindu,” 8.
61
preacher recognizes as the Middle Realm! Is he in cahoots with some traitorous princes in the
West?! In all seriousness, if Marignolli spent three years in Khanbalıq and either never
figured out that he was in the “Great Mongol Ulus” or “Great Yuan,” or did figure out but
still insisted on calling the polity “Empire of the East,” then how much can we trust that his
notion of “Middle Empire” was indeed transmitted from “Middle Mongol Ulus”? On the
other hand, we know that in Marignolli’s itinerary across the three Chinggisid-ruled domains,
the “Middle Empire” was in fact his second and middle designation. He and other Europeans
did not need a Mongolian source to come up with the name “Middle Empire.”
There is further evidence to suggest that “Middle Empire” was independently
conceived by the Europeans based on the fact that they found it to be geographically in the
middle. Guillaume Adam (a.k.a. Guillelmus Adæ and William of Adam) gave an account of
the “four empires of the Tatars” (IIII imperia Tatarorum), and we can see that while he
regarded the ulus of Chaghatay as “Middle Empire,” his primary concern was not with how
the four “empires” were locally named, but rather with their relative locations:
First and greatest is eastern, which is Catay (i.e., Khitāy). Second is northern, which
is Gazariæ (i.e., Khazaria). Third is southern, which is called Persia. Fourth is in the
middle between this southern one and that first one, which is named Doa or Caydo
(i.e., Du’a or Qaidu) (Primum et majus est orientale quod Catay dicitur. Secundum
est aquilonare quod Gazariæ nominatur. Tercium est meridionale, quod Persidis
appellatur. Quartum est medium inter istud meridonale et illud primum, quod Doa vel
Caydo nuncupatur).94
94 Recueil des historiens des Croisades: Documents Arméniens: Tome Second, ed.
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (Paris: Imprimerie Impériale, 1906), 530.
62
This shows that Adam understood the ulus of Chaghatay as an “empire” in the middle, but he
believed it to be named after Du’a or Qaidu—which is actually not inaccurate, as uluses were
identifed by the names of their holders. Adam had evidently collected much correct
information about the Mongol world, but since “Catay,” “Gazariæ,” and “Persia” were
nowhere close to the locally used designations, should we not be skeptical that “Middle
Empire” was authentically transmitted from “Middle Mongol Ulus”?
As for the Latin references to the “Empire of Media” or “Empire of the Medes” being
possible corruptions of “Middle Empire,” this would not matter if “Middle Empire” itself
was not derived from “Middle Mongol Ulus.” Even if these references are leads for further
investigation, we must not readily assume that the “Empire of Media” or “Medes” constituted
a corruption of “Middle Empire,” because medieval Europeans sincerely believed in the
continued existence of Biblical peoples and lands. To them, the Mamlūk sulṭān in Egypt was
the “Sultan of Babylon,” so for instance, Adam, in reference to the Jochid-Mamlūk alliance,
wrote that “The emperor of the Tatars of the north is very much allied with the Sultan of
Babylon” (imperator Tartarorum aquilonis cum soldano Bablionie multo federe est
conjuctus).95 In sum, the Europeans had their own convictions about the political geography
of Asia and Africa. This was, after all, the age of Prester John and his mighty empire.
If we can appreciate the Europeans’ interest in the locations of the four “empires” as
opposed to their authentic local designations, then the Ibn Baṭṭūṭa quote could also be
understood in this light. In relating that Ṭarmāšīrīn’s bilād (“territories,” “cities”) are in the
middle (mutawassiṭatun) of the four kings (sing. malik), he was undeniably giving a factual
statement about political geography. Had he learned that the locals called their polity the
“Middle Mongol Ulus” or something to that effect via translation, he could have explicitly
95 Recueil des historiens des Croisades, 530.
63
indicated so in his travelogue. By raising these issues, I only mean to show that there are
plausible alternative explanations for the Latin notion of “Middle Empire” and to Ibn
Baṭṭūṭa’s quote. Meanwhile, the 1338 letter from Pope Benedict XII to the Chaghatayid khan
Changshi (r. 1335–38) that referred to the latter as “the magnificent Prince Chansi, Emperor
of the Tatars from the Middle Empire” (Magnifico Principi Chansi Imperatori Tartarorum
de medio Imperio),96 and the caption in Andrea Bianco’s 1436 atlas indicating the location of
the ulus of Chaghatay as “Middle Empire, i.e., Cocobalech” (inperion de medio, id est
cocobalech),97 are still possible evidence for the transmission of “Middle Mongol Ulus” to
Europe. A thorough investigation of the origin(s) of “Middle Empire” in medieval European
usage would be of great value, and it is presently premature to conclude that the origin of
“Middle Empire” was “Middle Mongol Ulus.”
In interpreting the meaning of “Middle Mongol Ulus,” it may be prudent for now to
regard both the ulus of Chaghatay and the ulus of the qa’an as possible candidates. The
former has the basis of a middle geographical location while the latter has the basis of
political centrality. My inspiration for this idea came from a lecture by Prof. Michal Biran.
The lecture introduced the “Middle Mongolian Ulus” as corresponding to “Mongolian:
Dumdadu Mongol Ulus; Latin: Medium Imperium, Arabic: Wasitat al-‘iqd (the central link in
96 Joseph Maria Fonseca, ed., Annales Minorum Auctore A. R. P. Luca Waddingo Hiberno:
Tomus Septimus, 2nd ed. (Typis Rochi Bernabo, 1733), 212. 97 Andrea Bianco, “Andrea Bianco World Map... Description…pdf file,” Index to Maps &
Monographs, cccessed November 15, 2018, http://www.myoldmaps.com/late-medieval-maps-1300/241-andrea-bianco-world-map/, 9. I have not been able to determine the etymology of
Cocobalech. J. L. Lowes identified it as “the tent of Koublai-Khan,” implying that it meant Khanbalıq
(J. L. Lowes, “The Dry Sea and the Carrenare,” in Modern Philology, vol. 3, ed. Philip S. Allsen et al.
(Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1905–6), 42n5). However, Europeans seemed to have known quiet firmly that Khanbalıq, or “Cambulac,” is in Cathay, which is also shown on Bianco’s map as
(Bianco, 9). In addition, Coco- is considerably different from Latin variants of khan.
64
a necklace).”98 This Arabic term was not in Matsui’s research, and I was unsuccessful in
tracing its source. However, I came across the Persian expression wāsiṭa-e ʿiqd-e mulk in the
beginning of the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy where Juwaynī explained his motivations for
composing the work:
Nonetheless, as the regions of Māwarā al-Nahr and Türkestān to the borders of
Māchīn and the farthest [part] of Chīn [,?] which is the site of the throne of the
mamlakat and of the house of Chinggis Qan’s descendants, as well as the wāsiṭa of
their ʿiqd-e mulk was observed several times… that which is confirmed and verified
is bounded in writing, and the collection of these stories is referred to as Juwaynī’s
History of the World Conqueror. (wa maʿa haẕā chūn be-chand nawbat diyār-e
Māwarā al-Nahr wa Torkestān tā sarḥadd-e Māchīn wa aqṣa-e Chīn keh maqarr-e
sarīr-e mamlakat wa urūgh-e asbaṭ-e Chinggiz Khān ast wa wāsiṭa-e ʿiqd-e mulk-e
īshān muṭṭālaʿat oftād… ānch[e] muqarrar wa muḥaqqaq gasht dar qayd-e kitābat
keshīd wa majmūʿa-e īn ḥikāyāt rā be-Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy-e Juwaynī mawsūm
gardānīd)99
Before one interprets the wāsiṭa in wāsiṭa-e ʿiqd-e mulk as corresponding to dumdadu in
Dumdadu Mongγol Ulus, one needs to first ascertain what territory Juwaynī was referring to
as wāsiṭa-e ʿiqd-e mulk. I, however, am unable to determine for certain what the antecedent
98 UC Berkeley Events. “Thunder from the Steppes: New Perspectives on the Mongol Empire:
Contacts, Conflicts, and Transformations: September 30, 2016.” YouTube video, 2:34:52. October 6, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CUPaT-ZksLE&t=301s
99 Juwaynī, Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, 1:6–7; Boyle trans., Genghis Khan, 9.
ت و اروغ اسباط چنگز و مع هذا چون بچند نوبت دیار ماوراء النهر و ترکستان تا سرحد ماچین و اقصی چین که مقر سریر مملک
خان است و واسطه عقد ملک ایشان مطالعت افتاد و بعضی احوال معاینه رفت و از معتبران و مقبول قوالن وقایع گذشته را افتاد و از التزام اشارت دوستان که حکم جزم است چون چاره ندید عدول نتوانست و امتثال امر عزیزان را حتما مقضیا استماع
ر و محقق گشت در قید کتابت کشید و مجموعه این حکایات را بتاریخ جهانگشاي جوینی موسوم گردانید دانست آنچ مقر
65
of the relative pronoun keh (“which”) is. Is it (1) Māwarā al-Nahr wa Torkestān, (2) [aqṣa-e]
Chīn, or (3) Māwarā al-Nahr wa Torkestān tā sarḥadd-e Māchīn wa aqṣa-e Chīn?
The one that is the antecedent of keh is what Juwaynī wished to call the “site of the
throne of the mamlakat and of the house of Chinggis Qan’s descendants, as well as the
wāsiṭa of their ʿiqd-e mulk.” The problem with the antecedent being Māwarā al-Nahr wa
Torkestān is that this would have placed the “site of the throne of the mamlakat” (maqarr-e
sarīr-e mamlakat) in the territories of the Ogodayids and Chaghatayids. Furthermore, the
wāsiṭa-e ʿiqd-e mulk in this passage meant not just the geographic middle of the mulk, but
also the best part of the mulk—like the central precious stone of a neckless—thereby
implying special status for whoever ruled it. Now, Juwaynī’s supreme overlord was Möngge
Qa’an, the son of Tolui who became qa’an in 1251 at the expense of the Ogodayid line.100
Hülegü, Juwaynī’s immediate overlord, was a younger brother of Möngge and Qubilai, and
most certainly supported the Toluid claims to qa’anship. Though Möngge Qa’an granted
appanages to Ogodayids not opposed to his accession, the Ogodayid-Toluid relationship
would have been of utmost political sensitivity. So it is improbable that Juwaynī would have
committed a life-threatening faux pas by implying that the “site of the throne of the
mamlakat” rested with the displaced Ogodayid line. As for [aqṣa-e] Chīn, I was tempted to
think of “China” as the “site of the throne of the mamlakat,” but the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy
covered events till only 1260, and does not appear to have been revised to account for the
accession of Qubilai Qa’an in that year. 101 The third possibility, Māwarā al-Nahr wa
Torkestān tā sarḥadd-e Māchīn wa aqṣa-e Chīn, covers quite a large area, and it could by a
100 See Biran, Qaidu, 19–20. 101 Whereas Mongke Qa’an was referred to as “Mongke Qa’an” even in contexts before he
became qa’an, Qubilai was only referred to as “Qubilai” or “Qubilai Oghul” (“Prince Qubilai”). See
Juwaynī, Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, 3:5, 64.
66
stretch of interpretation have included the Mongol homeland and the capital Qara Qorum. It
should be noted that the Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy does not have a single territorial name for the
Mongol homeland.102 The Mongol homeland being the “site of the throne of the mamlakat”
and wāsiṭa-e ʿiqd-e mulk would have been most politically correct, but again, it would
require a stretch of interpretation. So alas, I do not have a confident understanding of where
the wāsiṭa-e ʿiqd-e mulk was.
Later in his work, however, Juwaynī clearly identified the Mongol homeland as the
“middle of their mamlakat” (wāsiṭat-e mamlakat-e īshān). The passage concerned the
accession of Ögödei as qa’an:
And the capital of Ögödei, who was the heir apparent, was his yurt at the borders of
Emil and Qūnāq (Qobaq) during the reign of [his] father. When he sat upon the throne
of khanship, it transferred to the original [home]land, which is between Khitāy and
the Uyghur territories (or cities), and that [former] dwelling place he gave to his own
son Güyük; and the account of [his] abodes will be given separately. And Tolui too
was placed adjacent to him. Indeed, that [home]land is the middle of their mamlakat,
like center and circle. (wa takhtgāh-e Ūgotāy keh walī-ye ʿahd būd yūrt-e ū dar ʿahd-
e pedar dar ḥudūd-e Īmīl wa Qūnāq būd chūn bar takht-e khanī neshast be-mawżiʿ-e
aṣlī keh meyān-e khitāy wa bilād-e Ūyghūr ast taḥwīl kard wa ān jāygāh be-pesar-e
khod Guyūk dād wa ẕikr-e manāzil ʿalā-ḥidda musbat ast wa Tūlī nīz muttaṣil wa
102 See Juwaynī, Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, 1:15; Boyle trans., Genghis Khan, 43.
“Moghūlestān”—indeed referring to “Mongolia,” and not to be confused with the Timurid-period “Moghūlestān,” which referred to the area mostly in present-day Xinjiang—was not used in the
Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, but it was used later in the Jāmiʿ al-tawārīkh.
that while the Great Mongol Ulus (Yeke Mongγol Ulus) was the all-encompassing ulus to
which all Mongols belonged, the “Middle Mongol Ulus” was the ulus under the direct rule of
the qa’an. The weakness of this supposition though is that the Mongols already had a term
for this, namely qol-un ulus, which is attested in the Secret History.106 Furthermore, there is
another question that I hope Mongolianists would consider: if the “Middle Mongol Ulus”
referred to one Mongol ulus amongst multiple Mongol uluses, why “Middle Mongol Ulus”
and not just “Middle Ulus”? In an intra-Mongol context, was “Mongol” necessary? Because
on the steppes, uluses identified by ethnonyms (e.g. Naiman, Merkit, Kereyit) seemed to
have served the purpose of distinguishing one identity group from another. Were there
precedents for applying ethnonyms to uluses in an intra-identity group context? Finally, as a
standard precaution, we must be willing to accept that there are other possibilities for the
meaning of [dum]dadu mongγo[l] ulus hidden in the lost parts of the document. In this
section, I have raised more questions than I have been able to answer, but if “Middle Mongol
Ulus” was indeed a designation of the ulus of Chaghatay, then it must be acknowledged that
in Mongol officialdom, a conception of ulus based on relative location to other uluses did
develop, and the Timurids would have been direct political heirs to the “Middle Mongol
Ulus,” unless this had for some reason been forgotten by their time.
Chapter Conclusion
This chapter examined the relationship between ulus and territory as backdrop to
understanding Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of rulership and political community in
106 Secret History, § 269. The qol-un ulus handed over to Ogodei upon his accession. Qol-un
ulus has been translated as “ulus of the centre” (Jackson, The Mongols and the Islamic World, 102), “‘pivot’ ulus” (Buell, “Tribe, Qan and Ulus in Early Mongol China,” 36), “core/main ulus” (Munkh-
Erdene, “Where Did the Mongol Empire Come From?,” 223).
69
relation to territory. In essence, the chapter attempted to answer the project’s central question,
did Chinggisid-Timurid political culture have a notion of “country”?, by trying to determine
if an ulus constituted a “country.” Existing scholarly literature differs on whether an ulus was
comprised of people only, or both people and territory. This difference in viewpoint was
tested against primary sources, which revealed the following.
As attested in the Secret History, the ulus was a mobile entity, moveable at command
and thus not defined by territory, though naturally always in possession or occupation of
territory. The mobile ulus continued to exist throughout the age of Timurid rule in Central
Asia and Iran, so in this respect, the scholars who subscribed to a “people only” definition of
ulus are correct. At the same time, however, Tājīk historians in Mongol service did attribute
territorial characteristics to ulus, such as having “borders,” having territory “placed inside” it,
being made ābādān, and being named by territories (e.g., ulūs-e Dasht-e Qebchāq, ulūs-e
Māwarā’ al-Nahr). In this respect, the scholarly view that ulus included both people and
territory is viable.
Yet did these territorial characteristics reflect an evolution in the definition of ulus, or
just the empirical observation that after ca. 1260, the major uluses did not move about? How
would Yazdī, for instance, explain his accounts of Chinggis Qan having territories “placed
inside” the ulus of Chaghatay and Chechen Khan making it ābādān versus Temür
“assembling” the entire ulus of Chaghatay for war? In addition, Tājīk historians saw their
Mongol masters as rulers of mamlakat/mulk, and did not always appreciate the differences
between ulus and mamlakat/mulk in relation to territory. Ulus nonetheless survived as an
important political concept, and the term was borrowed into most Persian-language histories,
suggesting that the Tājīk elite in general was aware that mamlakat/mulk could not serve as a
70
full substitute for ulus. Finally, in the case of the ulus of Chaghatay, it is possible that it took
on the identity “Middle Mongol Ulus”; if indeed this was so, it would have vital implications
for the questions raised in this chapter. Thus far, however, Matsui Dai’s findings should still
be considered early-stage research, and [dum]dadu mongγo[l] ulus a mystery.
At this juncture, I again affirm that what I have learned about the relationship
between ulus and territory does not conclusively reveal whether or not ulus, especially the
ulus of Chaghatay, from which the Timurids originated, was conceived as a territorial polity,
or “country.” But through this chapter’s examination of ulus vis-à-vis territory, I hope the
reader is convinced that our notions of the “Ilkhanate” and the “Chaghatay Khanate,” to
which we have grown accustomed, require critical reflection. “Khanate,” in the sense of a
(territorial) realm ruled by a khan, has no equivalent in Chinggisid-Timurid political culture.
By applying the familiar European assumption that a ruler rules a formal realm that is
defined by his title, (emperor → empire, king → kingdom, prince → principality, duke →
duchy, hence khan → khanate), we risk overlooking how Chinggisid-Timurid political
culture had its own conceptions of rulership and political community vis-à-vis territory.
Indeed, this leads us again to the comparative question: were the said Chinggisid-Timurid
conceptions in fact distinct in the larger Eurasian context? Since the current chapter’s
examination of ulus in relation to territory has not been conclusive, the next chapter sets
aside the meaning of ulus, and attempts another approach: examining the representations of
rulership and political community vis-à-vis territory in politico-diplomatic culture.
71
CHAPTER TWO
EMPIRE OF SAMARQAND? GUO (國) OF HARĀT?:
A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE VIS-À-VIS EUROPE AND EAST ASIA
INFORMED BY DIPLOMATIC ENCOUNTERS
The previous chapter started from the premise that ulus was the object of Chinggisid
rulership, and as such, was analogous to the regnum (“kingdom”) of a European king/queen
and to the guo (國, “realm”) of an East Asian ruler. It then tried to determine whether ulus,
especially the ulus of Chaghatay, was conceived as a territorial polity, but was inconclusive
on this matter. Yet whether or not ulus was so conceived, in one respect the ulus of the
Mongol-ruled Perso-Islamic world was not comparable to the European regnum or to the
East Asian guo: in diplomatic correspondence, the Chaghatayids, Ilkhanids, and Timurids did
not identify uluses, or any kind of political community for that matter, as the object of their
rulership. In European and East Asian politico-diplomatic cultures,107 it would have been no
problem to identify in a diplomatic letter the ruler who sent it and what political community
he/she ruled or claimed to rule. In the early decades of Mongol rule, the supreme qan’s
chancellery in Qara Qorum, Mongolia, provided a similar clarity. As discussed in Chapter
One, the seal used on the 1246 letter of Güyük Qan (r. 1246–48) to Pope Innocent IV (r.
1243–54) was inscribed with the title “Qan (Khan) of the Great Mongol Ulus [and] of the
Ocean” (Yeke Mongγol Ulus-un Dalai-in Qan), “ocean” being a metaphorical expression
107 I use “politico-diplomatic” to mean belonging to the sphere of diplomacy, but often also a
part of domestic politics. Diplomacy is a main theme of this chapter, but much of what will be discussed concerning the representation of rulership in relation to territory were not exclusive to
diplomatic culture.
72
denoting universal rule.108 The Chaghatayids, Ilkhanids, and Timurids, however, did not
provide such clarity in their diplomatic letters. Their letters identified the sending ruler, but
left the object of his rulership unsaid. This conspicuous contrast to contemporaneous
European and East Asian practices is a clue that the Mongol courts in the Perso-Islamic
world operated under different conceptions of rulership and political community in relation
to territory.
In the first two analytical sections of this chapter, I discuss Chinggisid-Timurid
conceptions of rulership as expressed by their formal titles (sing. khitāb) and honorifics (sing.
laqab), especially in diplomatic documents. Diplomacy is of particular importance since the
territorially-defined conceptions of rulership in Europe and East Asia were premised upon
there being a community of interacting rulers. “King of England,” for instance, was only a
meaningful title because the King of England was in regular communication with rulers
outside of England, a kingdom amongst many kingdoms. Similarly, when East Asians
presented their political communities to foreigners by official “realm designations” (guohao
國號), it was under the assumption that the world consisted of many “realms,” or guo (國).
Hence, the representation of Chaghatayid, Ilkhanid, and Timurid rulership in diplomatic
correspondence can serve as a window to Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of the geo-
political organization of the world.
In the subsequent two sections, I examine Timurid diplomatic contacts with Europe
and Ming China, focusing on the period ca. 1370–1490. I limit the discussion to this period
because prior to 1368, Chinggisids themselves ruled supreme in East Asia, whereas after
1368, the Ming polity in China proper represented a general break from Mongol political
108 Ligeti, ed., Monuments Préclassiques, vol. 1, 20; de Rachewiltz, “Qan, Qa’an, and the
Seal of Güyüg,” 274.
73
culture. 109 When the Europeans and Ming Chinese encountered the Timurids, their
understanding or misunderstanding of Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of rulership and
political community in relation to territory illuminated the distinctiveness of those
conceptions. What the Europeans and Chinese had to say about the Timurids in this regard
can show the diversity in conceiving the geo-political organization of the world that existed
in late medieval and early modern Eurasia.
Background Discussion: Representations of Rulership in Chaghatayid, Ilkhanid, and
Timurid Chancellery/Diplomatic Documents
The ulus of Chaghatay was established before the ulus of Hülegü, and the Timurids
originated from within the former. It would thus be ideal to first review Chaghatayid
chancellery conventions for representing rulership in relation to territory, but this is hindered
by the lack of adequate source materials. Michal Biran’s 2008 article on this subject is duly
premised on the “absence of Chaghadaid diplomatic correspondence… due to the nearly
complete lack of indigenous literary sources for Chaghadaid history.”110 As reviewed in her
article, about a dozen intact documents (in addition to fragments) found in Turfan and
published in Die Mongolica der Berliner Turfansammlung, as well as an Uyghur-language
decree of Du’a Khan (r. 1282–1307), and a Mongolian-language decree likely issued by
Muḥammad-Pūlād Khan (r. 1342–43), constitute the entire corpus of extant Chaghatayid
109 By “general break,” I mean the Ming emperors and high-ranking officials by and large did
not know Mongolian, and the Ming court did not retain a multicultural composition comparable to
that of the Yuan court. The Ming did however, retain certain administrative, military, and scientific
institutions established by the Yuan. 110 Michal Biran, “Diplomacy and Chancellery Practices in the Chaghataid Khanate: Some
Preliminary Remarks,” Oriente Moderno 88, no. 2 (2008): 369.
74
documents. 111 Such are the present-day limitations for research on the Chaghatayid
chancellery, despite Biran’s efforts in piecing together information and clues from a wide
range of non-Chaghatayid sources—Yuan, Ilkhanid, Jochid, Mamlūk (Egypt), etc. Yet
valuable for the purpose of this discussion are two practices in the composition of
Chaghatayid documents evident from Biran’s research: (1) there is no evidence of the
Chaghatayids officially styling themselves as rulers of anything, and (2) the Chaghatayids
were styled very succinctly: the extant decrees feature the simple formula “personal name +
yarlıghı(n)dın” (Tur. “Decree of…,” or literally, “From the Decree of…”) or “personal name
+ üge manu” (Mo. “Our word”).112 The same formula was used in Ilkhanid Mongolian-
language diplomatic letters and decrees, e.g., Arγun üge manu (“Arγun, Our word”), Γasan
üge manu (“Ghazan, Our word”), Ölǰeitü Soltan üge manu (Öljeitü Sulṭān, Our word), and
Busayid Baγatur Qan üge manu (“Busayid Baγatur Qan, Our word”).113 For the history of the
Mongol-Turkic world, documents issued as yarlıghı(n)dın and sözümiz/sözümüz (Turkic
equivalent of üge manu) really need no introduction.114 Below, I provide a textual sampling
111 The relatively intact documents found in Turfan are in Dalantai Cerensodnom and
Manfred Taube, Die Mongolica der Berliner Turfansammlung (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1993),
165–92. The Mongolian decree is translated and analyzed in Dai Matsui, “A Mongolian Decree from the Chaghataid Khanate Discovered at Dunhuang,” in Silk Road Studies XVI: Aspects of Research
into Central Asian Buddhism in Memoriam of Kōgi Kudara, ed. Peter Zieme (Turnhout: Brepols,
2008), 159–78. Matsui expresses some uncertainty about the identity of the ruler, as only “Bolad”
was clearly identified. The Uyghur decree is featured in Dai Matsui, “An Uighur Decree of Tax Exemption in the Name of Duwa-Khan,” International Congress of Asian and North African Studies:
10–15. 09. 2007 Ankara/Türkiye: Papers: Linguistics, Grammar, and Language Teaching 1, no. 38
(2008): 1095–1104. 112 E.g., in Du’a Khan’s decree, only Du’a yarlıqındın (Matsui’s transcription: ṭuw-a yrlq-ïn-
tïn) was written (Matsui, “A Uighur Decree,” 1096). 113 Ligeti, ed., Monuments Préclassiques, 245, 250, 252, 258. “Busayid Baγatur Qan” is Per.-
Ar. equivalent of “Abū Saʿīd Bahādur Khān.” 114 On the titles in the opening of Timurid decrees, see Gottfried Herrmann, “Zur Intitulatio
timuridischer Urkunden,” in XVIII. Deutscher Orientalistentag, vom 1. bis 5. Oktober 1972, in
Lübeck: Vorträge, ed. Wolfgang Voigt, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, supplement 2 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1974): 504–5. Yarlıq was a higher grade of decree than
sözümiz, and hence yarlıghındın was reserved for Temür’s Chinggisid puppets, Soyurghatmısh Khan
75
to highlight the fact that the Chaghatayid and Ilkhanid rulers’ preference for styling
themselves simply,115 which left out expressing the object of rulership, was a tradition that
continued into the Timurid era.
This preference was undiminished by the Mongols’ conversion to Islam and adoption
of Arabo-Persian chancellery practices and literary culture, which in general called for
elaborate embellishments rather than simplicity. Admittedly, making this claim for the
Chaghatayids is premature, but without Chaghatayid Persian-language documents, our next
best reference would be Ilkhanid ones. Take for example, a (mainly) Persian-language decree
issued by the regent Amīr Chūbān in the name of Abū Saʿīd Bahadur Khan (Mo. Busayid
Baγatur Qan, r. 1316–35) and addressed to a certain Bay-Temür and his brothers. The names
and titles of the decree’s issuers were presented simply: “Decree of Abū Saʿīd Bahādur Khān
(Bahadur Khan), Chūbān’s Word: Let Bay-Temür and his brothers know that…” (Abū Saʿīd
Bahādur Khān yarlıghındın Chūbān sözi Bāy-Temūr wa barādarān-e ū bedānand keh…).116
In Timurid chancellery documents, the issuing ruler was styled in a similarly concise manner.
The top line of a decree from Temür to Sayyid ʿAlī-Kiyā Gīlānī (d. 1389),117 for instance,
reads only “Temür Küräkän, Our Word” (Tīmūr Gūrakān sözümiz). 118 A slightly more
(r. 1370–84) and Sulṭān-Maḥmud Khan (r. 1384–1402). On protocol disputes over the use of yarlıgh
in the early fourteenth century, see Biran, “Diplomacy,” 389–90. 115 ʿAṭā-Malik Juwaynī commented on this simplicity in Juwaynī, Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, 1:19. 116 Gottfried Herrmann, Persische Urkunden der Mongolenzeit: Text- und Bildteil
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004), 90. 117 The Kiyā dynasty was a Zaydi Shia power based in Gīlān from the 1370s–1592. See
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kar-kia. 118 ʿAbd al-Ḥusayn Nawā’ī, ed., Asnād wa mukātabāt-e tārīkh-e Īrān: Az Tīmūr tā Shah
Ismāʿīl (Tehrān: Bongāh-e Tarjuma wa Nashr-e Kitāb, 2536/1977), 54. See also (1) a 1396 decree by
Temür’s son Amīrānshāh, issued as “Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s Decree, Amīrānshāh Küräkän, Our
Word” (Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan yarlıghıdın Amīrānshāh Küräkän sözümiz) in John E. Woods, “Turco-
Iranica II: Notes on a Timurid Decree of 1396/798,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 43, no. 4 (1984): 336; and (2) a 1398 decree in Dai Matsui, Ryoko Watabe, and Hiroshi Ono, “A Turkic-Persian
Decree of Timurid Mīrān Šāh of 800 AH/1398 CE,” ORIENT 50 (2015), 55.
elaborate variant of Temür’s style additionally included the title amīr-e kabīr (“Supreme
Commander”) immediately before “Temür Küräkän,” as was the case in the 1402 letter to
King Charles VI of France (r. 1380–1422).119 Documents issued in the name of Shāhrokh b.
Temür (r. independently 1405–47) feature the same simple style. For instance, a decree from
Shāhrokh to Khiżr Khan (r. 1414–21), founder of the Sayyid dynasty (1414–51) based in
Delhi, begins with only “Shāhrokh Bahadur, Our Word” (Shāhrokh Bahādur sözümiz).120
Such was the Chinggisid-Timurid tradition of simple self-representation.
This terseness, ironically, can be informative about what was valued most in rulers’
self-representation. For the Chaghatayids and Ilkhans, it was often just their personal names,
as if to confidently convey the message that everyone knows who the khan is, and while
some might share his name, they would not be issuing decrees. At other times, as seen in the
abovementioned Ilkhanid documents as well as on coinage,121 it was deemed important to
include the ruler’s basic title, particularly qan, or khan.122 As demonstrated in Ilkhanid
convention, khan (خان) was inferior to the qa’an ( انقا ) or qan (قان), i.e., the supreme ruler of
all Mongols,123 but otherwise it was the exclusive prerogative of the ruling descendants of
119 Nawā’ī, Asnād, 127–28. The letter features a variant spelling of Temür Küräkän: امیر کبیر
See also De Sacy, “Mémoire sur une correspondance,” 473–74. A facsimile of the original . تمر کوران
letter can be seen online at Wikipedia Commons, s.v. “Letter of Tamerlane to Charles VI 1402,”
accessed December 18, 2017, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Letter_of_Tamerlane_to
_Charles_VI_1402.jpg. The facsimile appears to show some difference with the edited text in Nawā’ī, Asnād, 127–28.
120 Nawā’ī, Asnād, 143–45. 121 See Stanley Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum, vol. 6, The
Coins of the Mongols in the British Museum (London: Gilbert and Rivington, 1881) and Stanley
Lane-Poole, Catalogue of the Mohammadan Coins Preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1888), 16. 122 While the title ilkhan is widely familiar to modern historians and thus commonly used to
designate the dynasty of Hülegü (r. 1256–65), ilkhan was only used in limited circumstances. See
Reuven Amitai-Preiss, “Evidence for the Early Use of the Title īlkhān among the Mongols,” Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd ser., 1, no. 3 (1991): 353–61. 123 E.g., see the two coins minted in Mūṣul and Baṣra, respectively, in Lane-Poole, Catalogue
of Oriental Coins, vol. 6, 9–10. They were both struck firstly in the name of “the Great Qa’an,
77
Jochi, Chaghatay, Ögedei, and Hülegü in the Islamic world. 124 For Temür, the title of
paramount significance was küräkän, i.e., son-in-law of a khan. 125 Being küräkän was one of
the most prestigious statuses a non-Chinggisid male could attain in relationship to the altan
uruq, or “Golden Clan,” as the Chinggisid dynasty was known; and to distinguish himself
from the numerous other amīrs, Temür aptly included amīr-e kabīr in certain documents. For
Shāhrokh, bahādur (Tur. bahadur), or “hero,” held clear importance, demonstrating his
commitment to the warrior ethos inherited from the steppe.126 All in all, it is obvious that
indicating rule over any territory was not considered important enough to be included in
rulers’ titles. Given their considerable territorial possessions, the Chaghatayids, Ilkhanids,
and Timurids could have credibly adopted grand territorial titles and/or accumulated titles to
long lists of territories in the manner of European rulers. Yet the Chinggisids and Timurids
did not find such a representation of rulership to be impressive. This becomes further evident
in their simultaneous use of honorifics, an elaborate Arabo-Persian practice that was
particularly important for addressing foreign rulers in diplomatic letters.
Möngke Qan” and secondly in the name of “Hülegü Khan” ( ان االعظم مونگکا قان هوالکو خانقا ). For an in-
depth discussion on Ilkhanid titulature and coinage, see Mark A. Whaley, “A Rendering of Square
Script Mongolian on the îlkhân Ghâzân Mahmûd’s Coins,” Mongolian Studies 26 (2003–4): 39–88. 124 On the titles qan, qa’an, and khan, see Christopher P. Atwood, Encyclopedia of Mongolia
and the Mongol Empire (New York: Facts on File, 2004), 302–3. According to Kim Hodong, “khan
was not an official title adopted by the Mongol Empire. The official title to designate Chinggisid
princes was kö’ü(n) in Mongolian, and it was translated into oghul in Turkic, shahzāda in Persian, and
wang [王] (or zhuwang [諸王], dawang [大王]) in Chinese… The mode of employment of the khan
title and the zhi bao [之寶] seals suggests the fact that the Hülegüid princes, and probably other rulers
in the three western uluses, practiced a policy of ‘internally emperor, externally king (外王內帝).’
This policy allowed the Mongol Empire to maintain its unity in spite of growing independency of the three western uluses.” See Kim, “Ulus or Khanate?: An Analysis of the Titles of qa‘an and khan in
the Mongol Empire,” Central Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (2016): 28–29 (the abstract is in English, main
text is in Korean). 125 While the Timurid dynasty has long been referred to as the “Son-in-Law Dynasty” (e.g.,
Per. یانگورکان ), the primary sources show that only Timurids who actually married the daughter of an
acknowledged khan were eligible for the title kürägän. This fact will be demonstrated by examples
throughout Chapter Four. 126 Bahādur (from Tur. bahadur) was commonly included in the styles of Temür’s male
descendants.
78
In a typical diplomatic letter, immediately following the style of the issuing ruler
would be the name of the recipient, who could expect a thoughtfully formulated (and often
lengthy) string of honorifics. It was possible to be outright impolite in a letter, as seen in one
from Sulṭān-Aḥmad Jalayir (r. 1382–1410) to Temür, who was given plain epithets of
contempt instead of honorifics: “Temür the inauspicious, notorious for tyranny and
oppression” (Tīmūr-e mandbūr be-ẓulm wa setam maʿrūf wa mashhūr).127 However, when
not possessed by the kind of clear enmity that Sulṭān-Aḥmad had for Temür, holding a ruler
in low esteem would still have entailed addressing him with honorifics, which could be
formulated to convey belittlement. In her Rulership and Ideology in the Islamic and Mongol
Worlds, Anne Broadbridge notes the political subtleties and the intended high or low regard
behind the choice of honorifics in letters exchanged between the Mamlūk sulṭāns and the
Ilkhans/Ilkhanid amīrs.128 She also covers the contacts/conflicts between Temür and the
Mamlūks, culminating in Temur’s diplomatic humiliation of Nāṣir al-Dīn Faraj (r. 1399–
1411).129 The same basic culture of using honorifics in diplomatic letters seen in the period
studied by Broadbridge continued through the fifteenth century and beyond. Scholars such as
Colin Mitchell and Sugiyama Masaki researched the “science of epistolary composition”
(ʿilm al-inshā’) during the Timurid era, paying close attention to the Makhzan al-inshā’ by
Ḥusayn Wāʿiz Kāshifī (d. 910/1504–5).130 The Makhzan al-inshā’ uses tables to lay out
127 Nawā’ī, Asnād, 66. On Sulṭān-Aḥmad Jalayir’s history with Temür, see Wing, The
Jalayirids, 156–65. 128 On the use of honorifics in Mamluk letters, see Anne F. Broadbridge, Kingship and
Ideology in the Islamic and Mongol Worlds (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 17, 20, 113–14, 139, 146, 160, 163, 185. The Mamluk sulṭāns began their letters with elaborate honorifics for
themselves. 129 Broadbridge, Kingship and Ideology, 187–97. 130 See Colin Paul Mitchell, “To Preserve and Protect: Husayn Vaʿiz-i Kashifi and Perso-
appropriate honorifics for rulers and other classes of elites,131 and though ultimately just a
guidebook, it provides clear evidence that the proper use of elaborate honorifics was
considered a matter of high culture. It would perhaps not be far-fetched to surmise that the
European or East Asian royal titles formulated on the mere basis of a rank and territory
would have been seen as rather crude by learned men (ahl-e qalam) like Kāshifī. Important
for this discussion, honorifics in diplomatic letters constitute a source for examining how
rulership was represented vis-à-vis territory.
Spatial/Territorial References in Honorifics
Unlike titles (e.g., khan, amīr, küräkän, etc.), Arabo-Persian honorifics were not fixed.
Guided by customary rules of the ʿilm al-inshā’, formulating honorifics for the recipient of a
diplomatic letter was based on the recipient’s political stature and the esteem in which he was
held, with touches of artistic creativity. Multiple letters to the same ruler could feature
considerably different honorifics, but “Temür Küräkän,” for example, would never creatively
turn into “Temür Khan.” The spatial/territorial references in honorifics therefore cannot be
readily compared to the European or East Asian titles that denoted legal claims to specific
territories. Many honorifics were so hyperbolic and/or metaphoric they simply cannot be
interpreted in real-world terms. At the same time, as a widely used device for representing
rulership in official documents, honorifics and the spatial/territorial references therein are
indispensable for understanding the conception of rulership vis-à-vis territory in the Timurid
and larger contemporaneous Islamic world. Below, I cite a small sample of such references in
Description in Makhzan al-Inshā’,” Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 56, no. 1
(2013): 71–83 (abstract is in English, main text is in Japanese). 131 On Kāshifī’s recommendations for how to address rulers, see Ḥusayn Wāʿiẓ Kāshifī,
mamālik-e Īrān khosraw-e āfāq nusrat al-dunyā wa al-dīn Shāh-Yaḥya Bahādur).135
134 In Juwaynī’s Tārīkh-e jahāngoshāy, malik often referred to men acting essentially as local
governors. See also Jürgen Paul, Lokale und imperiale Herrschaft im Iran des 12. Jahrhunderts:
Herrschaftspraxis und Konzepte (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2016), 78. The Ilkhans’ Mamlūk rivals, on the other hand, used the title malik prominently; see Broadbridge, Kingship and Ideology, 113n55.
135 Nawā’ī, Asnād, 19.
83
Of the three spatial/territorial references in this sequence of honorifics, namely “ruler of the
lands of the ʿAjam,” “glory of the mamlakats of Īrān,” and “the khosraw of the horizons,”136
none can be read as recognition of Shāh-Yaḥya’s rule over actual demarcated territory.
According to the Ẓafarnāma by Niẓām al-Dīn Shāmī, “the governance of Shīrāz was
entrusted to Shāh-Yaḥya” (ḥukūmat-e Shīrāz rā be-Shāh-Yaḥya musallam farmūd) in the
wrap-up of Temür’s 789/1387 Fārs campaign.137 Temür at the same time granted Iṣfahān,
Kermān, and Sīrjān as soyurghals (soyūrghāl karāmat farmūd) to three other Muzaffarids
respectively. 138 The fact that Shāh-Yaḥya received the “governance” (ḥukūmat) of the
Muzaffarid capital, while the other three received soyurghals, suggests that he was installed
as the preeminent ruler of his dynasty. The above-cited honorifics, however, cannot be
interpreted as real-world delineation of Shāh-Yaḥya’s territorial jurisdiction, despite the
reference to “Īrān” (Iran), of which Fārs was the heartland during antiquity.
Rather, they were meant as courteous exaltation—with additional political subtext.
“Ruler of the lands of the ʿAjam” and “glory of the realms of Īrān,” while lofty-sounding,
reflected Shāh-Yaḥya’s status as a regional ruler, i.e., one whose “glory” shines in “Īrān”
(but not Tūrān, etc.) and who has sway over the “lands of the ʿAjam” (but not those of the
Arabs, Türks, Daylamites, etc.). The said “Īrān,” to be sure, also did not denote a politico-
136 Similar to “Caesar,” “Khosraw” was a proper noun that evolved into a common noun
meaning “king,” “ruler.” Famous people named “Khosraw” included the Sasanian kings Khosraw I (r.
531–79) and Khosraw II (r. 590, 591–628), as well as the legendary Kay Khosraw. 137 Shāmī, Ẓafarnāma, 105. See similar account in Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:597, “the governance
of Shīrāz was entrusted to Shāh-Yahya, paternal nephew of Shāh-Shujāʿ” (ḥukūmat-e Shīrāz rā be-
Shāh Yaḥya barādarzāda-e Shāh-Shujāʿ tafwīż farmūd). See also Manz, The Rise and Rule of
Tamerlane, 70–71. Temür had to end this expedition to counter the Jochid Toqtamısh Khan’s invasion of Transoxiana.
138 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:597. Sulṭān-Muḥammad received Iṣfahān, Sulṭān-Aḥmad received
Kermān, and Sulṭān-Abū Isḥāq received Sīrjān. Soyurghal was a form of land grant; see See
Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, s.v. “Soyūrghāl” (by Ann K. S. Lambton), accessed November 1, 2019, https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-
administrative territory in the 1380s. Rather, it was understood as a geographical and
historical entity. It alluded to the “Īrān” of (what modern people would consider) legend,
harkening back to the Shāhnāma (Book of Kings), and/or to the “Īrān” in the centuries prior
to Arab Muslim conquest.139 Shāh-Yaḥya could be called “glory of the realms of Īrān,” even
though his actual territory was only Shīrāz—and Muzaffarid Fārs by extension—precisely
because “Īrān” in the honorific did not designate a politico-administrative territory, but rather
served as a poetic expression based on historical and literary allusion.140 Meanwhile, “the
khosraw of the horizons” provided an amplified expression of space, thereby capping the
exaltation of Shāh-Yaḥya’s power and satisfying the underlying need for cultural-literary
sophistication dictated by the ʿilm al-inshā’.
At this point, it should be noted that while the artistically embellished references to
world or regional rule in Arabo-Persian honorifics contrasted with the standardized and
straightforward claims of sovereignty over specific territory that were embedded in European
139 Regarding the Ilkhanid and Timurid periods, Ahmad Ashraf notes that “prominent
historians of this period frequently referred to Iran and Irānzamin both as historical notions and as contemporaneous entities.” See Encyclopædia Iranica, s.v. “Iranian Identity iii. Medieval Islamic
Period” (by Ahmad Ashraf), accessed December 19, 2017,
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/iranian-identity-iii-medieval-islamic-period. Indeed, intellectuals kept “Īrān” contemporaneous as a geographical entity, but to the best of my knowledge,
neither “Īrān” nor “Tūrān” were demarcated as politico-administrative territory (e.g., in the way of
Māwarā al-Nahr, Khorāsān, Fārs, etc.) 140 Comparably, in the 1391 Uyghur-script Turkic stone inscription commemorating the
passage of Temür’s army on campaign against the Jochid ruler Toqtamısh Khan, Temür was referred
to as the sulṭān of Tūrān (Turannıng sultanı Temür Bäg). Yet from the substantial corpus of Timurid
histories and government documents, we can be certain that there also was not a politico-administrative entity called Tūrān with Temür as its sulṭān. In ancient Iranian geography, Tūrān was
the peer eastern neighbor of Īrān, so in medieval times, Tūrān was used as a poetic way of referring to
Transoxiana. The said stone was discovered in Karsakpay, Kazakhstan and is kept by the State Hermitage in St. Petersburg. For introduction to the stone, see Thomas W. Lentz and Glenn D. Lowry,
Timur and the Princely Vision: Persian Art and Culture in the Fifteenth Century (Los Angeles: Los
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1989), 25. The inscription begins with the bismillāh in Arabic
followed by main text in Turkic using Uyghur script. For transcription of the inscription, I indirectly referenced Sertkaya, “Timür Bek’in... Kitabeleri,” 36–37 through Qosimjon Sodiqov, Turkiy Til
Tarixi (Tashkent: Toshkent Davlat Sharqshunoslik Instituti), 92.
85
and East Asian royal/aristocratic titles, we should not necessarily view the two conventions
as counterparts. For according to the ʿilm al-inshā’, the said references were optional; it was
not as if a Muslim ruler had to be defined in honorifics as a world or regional ruler in the first
place. In the earlier mentioned decree (sözümiz) of Shāhrokh to Ghiyās al-Dīn Khiżr Khan,
for instance, the latter was addressed as:
His Excellency the repository of mamlakat (the one on whom the mamlakat centers),
the magnificent sulṭān, the great khaqan, succor (ghiyās) of the regal fortune and of
the faith (al-dīn), Khiżr Khan (janāb-e mamlakat-ma’āb sulṭān-e muʿaẓẓam khāqān
(khaqan)-e aʿẓam ghiyās al-dawlat wa al-dīn Khiżr Khān). 141
In this case, Khiżr Khan ruled in Delhi, an important capital of Hindustān, and there was no
reference to either world or regional rule in his honorifics. Similarly, upon the death of the
Samarqand-based Naqshbandī master Khwāja ʿUbayd Allāh Aḥrār in 1490, Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
Mīrzā (r. 1469, 1470–1506), who ruled Khorāsān, wrote a letter of condolence to his third
kind of titulature practiced by the Timurids, this question was not directly linked to territorial
claims. For Europeans and East Asians, on the other hand, this question was automatically
linked to territorial claims. This was especially true for Europeans, as a European ruler or
nobleman tended to accumulate territorial titles, whereas his East Asian counterpart would
tend to consolidate territorial possessions under a single title. I will further comment on the
broader implications of territorial versus non-territorial conception of rulership in the General
Conclusion of this thesis. For now, I only assert that the Chinggisid-Timurid world’s
conception of rulership vis-à-vis territory was indeed distinct from that of Europe and East
Asia. This distinction was perhaps best highlighted by the views and understandings of
Timurid rulership and political community vis-à-vis territory from England, France, Aragon,
the Teutonic Order, Castile, and Ming China. In these diplomatic encounters, would the
Timurids be understood on their own terms, or would they be refashioned to fit Europe and
China’s territorial conceptions of rulership?
European Perspectives: Between Nascent Understanding and Fanciful Imagining of
Timurid Rulership
In medieval Europe, regnal titles were usually formulated as a rank linked with the
name of a territory or with the name of a people. In Western and Central Europe, people-
based titles, such as the well-known “Emperor of the Romans” (Imperator Romanorum) and
“King of the Franks” (Francorum Rex), tended to be a legacy of the early medieval period.
Territorial titles had become mainstream by the time of our concern, i.e., the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. Possessing legitimate title to territories was very important under
88
“feudalism,” which matured in the tenth to thirteenth centuries.144 As we will see, Charles VI
of France (r. 1380–1422) wrote a letter to Temür styling himself “King of the Franks”; but he
in fact held the title “King of France” (Middle Fr. Roy de France) as well.145 As we will also
see, King Henry IV of England (r. 1399–1413) wrote to Temür and [A]mīrānshāh Mīrzā b.
Temür using the title “King of England and France” (Rex Angliæ et Franciæ). This was in
the context of the Hundred Years’ War (1337–1453), which began as a dispute over the
crown of France upon the death of Charles IV (r. 1322–28), and Edward III (r. 1327–77) was
the first King of England to add “King of France” to his titles. The English never fully
occupied France, where the House of Valois claimed the same title; and though by the end of
the war the English were driven out of all continental France except tiny Calais (which
France seized in 1558), it was not until 1800 that George III finally dropped the title “King of
France.” Such was the importance of territorial titles to the European conception of rulership.
In the 1390s and early 1400s, a number of rulers in Europe had diplomatic contact
with the Timurids. In addition to the aforementioned Charles VI and Henry IV, there were
the (eastern) Roman Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus (r. 1391–1425), King Martin I of
Aragon (r. 1396–1410), King Henry III of Castile and León (r. 1390–1406), and Conrad of
144 For an overview of the development of “feudalism,” see Francois Louis Ganshof,
Feudalism, trans. Philip Grierson (Toronto: Medieval Academy of America, 1996). On the problems
with using the term “feudalism,” see Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “The Tyranny of a Construct: Feudalism
and Historians of Medieval Europe.” The American Historical Review 79, no. 4 (1974): 1063–88. 145 E.g. The Latin version of the Treaty of Troyes (1420) published in England features
Charles VI’s title as “King of the Franks” (Francorum Rex), while two French copies kept at the
Archives Nationales feature “King of France” (Roy de France); compare the Latin treaty in Thoma Rymer, ed., Fœdera, Conventiones, Literæ et Cujuscunque Generis Acta Publica inter Reges Angliae:
Tomi Quarti Pars III. et IV, 164, with the French in Eugène Cosneau, ed., Les Grands Traités de la
Guerre de Cent Ans (Paris: Libraire des Archives Nationales et de la Sociétè de l’École des Chartes, 1889), 102. Temür’s letter to Charles VI addressed him as “King of France” (ملک ری دفرنسا). See De
Sacy, “Mémoire sur une correspondance,” 473, and Wikipedia Commons, s.v. “Letter of Tamerlane to
Charles VI 1402,” accessed December 19, 2017,
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Letter_of_Tamerlane_to_Charles_VI_14 02.jpg. On the origin of the title “King of France,” see Georges Duby, France in the Middle Ages, 987–1460: From
Hugh Capet to Joan of Arc, trans. Juliet Vale (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1991), 129–30.
89
Jungingen, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order from 1393–1407. The history of Temür’s
relations with Christian powers has been treated at length by Adam Knobler and Peter
Jackson.146 In addition, Anthony Luttrell contributed a study on Johannes (En. John; Fr. Jean),
a Dominican bishop who at one point served as the Archbishop of Sulṭāniyya.147 Johannes of
Sulṭāniyya, as he became known, visited European rulers on behalf of Temür and
Amīrānshāh, and was perhaps the main source of information about the Timurids for the
English, French, and Aragonese courts, as well as for the Teutonic Order. Johannes of
Sulṭāniyya’s memoirs in French were published by H. Moranvillé in “Mémoire sur Tamerlan
et sa cour par un Dominicain, en 1403,” and in Latin by Anton Kern in “Der ‘libellus de
notitia orbis’.” In the French work, in which Temür was consistently mentioned as Temir Bey,
it is pointedly stated that his title is Temir Geracan, and that “he is named neither king, nor
emperor, nor other lord” (ne il ne se nomme ne roy, ne empereur, ne autre seigneur).148
While the “Der ‘libellus de notitia orbis’” is an incomplete work, it also does not seem to
refer to Temür as the ruler of anything, but only as “Themur,”149 “Themurlan[k],”150 and
“Themurbey,” 151 and occasionally “lord” (Lat. nom. dominus). I leave it a tentative
hypothesis that Johannes of Sulṭāniyya likely informed the European courts about the
conventions of Timurid titulature, and I now turn to analyzing the European response letters
146 See Adam Knobler, “The Rise of Tīmūr and Western Diplomatic Response, 1390–1405,”
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd ser., 5, no. 3 (1995): 341–49; and “Chapter 9: Temür
(Tamerlane) and Latin Christendom” in Peter Jackson, The Mongols and the West, 1221–1410 (New York: Routledge, 2014), 235–55.
147 See Anthony Luttrell, “Timur’s Dominican Envoys,” in Studies in Ottoman History in
Honour of Professor V.L. Ménage, ed. Colin Heywood and Colin Imber (Istanbul: Isis, 1994), 209–29. 148 H. Moranvillé, ed., “Mémoire sur Tamerlan et sa cour par un Dominicain, en 1403,”
Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 55 (1894): 444–45. 149 Anton Kern, ed., “Der ‘libellus de notitia orbis’,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 8
to Temür and Amīrānshāh Mīrzā. The authors of these letters had to decide how to refer to
the respective rulerships of the father and son, and from their decisions we can see the
meeting of two dissimilar politico-diplomatic cultures.
Seven Latin-language letters from European rulers to Temür or Amīrānshāh Mīrzā
are known to exist. Normally, the letters begin with the name and title of the sending ruler
followed by those of the recipient. The styles of the European rulers show no deviation from
the protocols they used in formal diplomatic letters among themselves. There was, however,
no prior protocol in European diplomatic circles regarding how to properly style Temür and
Amīrānshāh, and so unsurprisingly, variations occurred. At the same time though, there are
also major similarities in the way Temür and Amīrānshāh Mīrzā were addressed. For instance,
all the letters called them (Lat. nom.) princeps,152 suggesting a common source of advice—
again, most likely Johannes of Sulṭāniyya. More important, of the seven letters, five did not
address Temür or Amīrānshāh Mīrzā as the ruler of anything.
While the rationale behind the wording of the letters may never be known, there is
evidence that the authors of the English, French, and Teutonic letters understood that
Timurid titulature did not include territorial claims. The opening lines of the letters from
Henry IV of England may be the best example of this:
Henry, by the Grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, to the
magnificent and prepotent Prince lord Temürbey Kürägän Ghāzī, our friend most
beloved in God, greetings and peace in the Savior of all (HENRICUS Dei gratia Rex
Angliæ et Franciæ ac Dominus Hiberniæ magnifico et prepotenti Principi domino
152 The Latin word princeps entered a number of other European languages including English,
and is the origin of the word “prince.” In certain contexts, princeps could mean “leader,” or “chief.” Moreover, several European titles not etymologically related to princeps, became translated or treated
as “prince,” for example, reichsfürst as princeps imperii, or “Prince of the Holy Roman Empire.”
91
Themurbeo Kurngan Gazinuus amico nostro, quamplurimum in Deo dilecto salutem
et pacem in omnium Salvatore).153
Henry, by the Grace of God, to the magnificent and potent Prince, Lord Mīrzā
Amīrānshāh, son of Temürbey, our friend beloved in God, greetings in the Savior of
all (Henricus, Dei gratia, etc., magnifico et potenti Principi, Domino Mirassa
Amirassa, filio Themurbey, amico nostro in Deo dilecto, salutem in omnium
Salvatore).154
As the passage above shows, Henry’s rulership, defined by England, France, and Ireland, was
written according to long-existing protocol. Temür and Amīrānshāh, on the other hand, were
“princes” and “lords” without territory. There are indications that the author(s) of the two
letters put in careful consideration over diction. Temür was called “the magnificent and
prepotent Prince” (magnifico et prepotenti Principi) while Amīrānshāh was called “the
magnificent and potent Prince” (magnifico et potenti Principi), with the slight difference
between “prepotent” and “potent” reflecting the father’s higher status. In the letter to Temür,
the words Kurngan Gazinuus were crossed out—maybe out of Christian sensibilities over the
word Gazinuus (Ar. ghāzī- “holy warrior”)—showing an editing mind behind the pen.
Therefore, the fact that Temür and Amīrānshāh were not addressed as the rulers of any
territory was likely also deliberate, and if true, then it would suggest that the representation
of Timurid rulership had been accurately communicated to the authors.
153 Henry Ellis, ed., Original Letters Illustrative of English History Including Numerous
Royal Letters: From Autographs in the British Museum, the State Paper Office, and One or Two Other Collections. Third Series, vol. 1. (London: Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty, 1846), 56.
Year of the letter believed to be 1402 (ibid., 54). 154 Francis Charles Hingeston, ed., Royal and Historical Letters during the Reign of Henry
the Fourth, King of England and of France, and Lord of Ireland, vol. 1, A.D. 1399–1404 (London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1860), 425. Letter was written in February of an uncertain
year (ibid., 426).
92
The authors of the letter to Temür from Charles VI of France, and the letters to Temür
and Amīrānshāh from Conrad of Jungingen, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, also did
not address the father or son as ruler of any territory. The opening lines of the three letters are:
Charles, by the Grace of God, King of the Franks, to the most serene and victorious
prince Temürbey, greetings and peace (Carolus, Dei gratiâ, Francorum rex,
serenissimo ac victorioissimo principi Themyrbeo, salutem et pacem).155
To the most illustrious and victorious prince lord Temürbey, Brother Conrad of
Jungingen, Grand Master of the Order of the Blessed Mary’s Jerusalemite Hospital of
the Teutonic House… (Illustrissimo ac victorioissimo principi domino Themerbeio
frater Conradus de Jungingen, magister generalis ordinis beate Marie hospitalis
Jerusalemitani de domo Theutunica salutem et benevolenciam ad omne bonum).156
To the most serene and clement prince, lord Mīrānshāh Mīrzā, son of Temürbey,
Brother Conrad of Jungingen, Grand Master of the Order of the Blessed Mary’s
Jerusalemite Hospital… (Serenissimo ac clementissimo principi domino Miranscha
Anirza filio Themerbey, frater Conradus de Jungingen, magister generalis ordinis
beate Marie hospitalis Jerusalemitani etc. salutem et eterne salutis agnoscere
salvatorem).157
In these three letters, the spelling of Temür and Amīrānshāh’s names, as well as the epithets
afforded them, are different from those in the two letters from the English court. Johannes of
Sulṭāniyya’s influence on the English court’s letters might have been the strongest, as their
spelling Themur matches that in the Latin translation of Johannes’s memoirs. Though again,
155 De Sacy, “Mémoire sur une correspondance,” 521–22. Letter dated June 15, 1403. 156 Kurt Forstreuter, “Der Deutsche Orden und Südosteuropa,” Kyrios: Vierteljahresschrift
für Kirchen- und Geistesgeschichte Osteuropas 1 (1936): 270. Letter dated January 20, 1407. 157 Forstreuter, “Der Deutsche Orden und Südosteuropa,” 269. Letter dated January 20, 1407.
93
in all the letters, Johannes’s input in some form would have been likely since he had brought
information about the Timurids to the European courts. I hope that in the future, scholars will
be able to gather the original manuscripts of the response letters and of Johannes’s memoirs,
along with the Latin translations of the two letters to Charles VI from Temür and
Amīrānshāh, respectively,158 and conduct handwriting analyses to better determine the extent
of Johannes’s involvement or influence. With the printed editions of the response letters, I
can only go as far as to point out the varying wordings by which Timurid rulership was
represented.
In contrast to the English, French, and Teutonic letters, the two letters from Martin I,
King of Aragon, refashioned Temür and Amīrānshāh’s titles along European lines of
rulership. The openings of the Aragonese letters are:
Martin etc. to the victorious prince distinguished by victorious titles of justice, martial
renown, and other virtues, Temür Bey, most potent lord of the whole Orient,
greetings... (Martinus etc. victorioso principi victoriosis justitie et militaris glorie
aliarumque virtutum titulis insignito Tamurbeo potentissimo domino totius orientis,
salutem in eo per quem reges regnant et isporsum gloria, si recte in viis domini
ambulaverint, eternature).159
158 The Latin translations of the two letters were published in De Sacy, “Mémoire sur une
correspondance,” 478–80. Amīrānshāh’s original letter is apparently lost. Peter Jackson believes that the Latin translation of Temür’s letter was “drafted, in all probability, by John,” i.e., Johannes of
Sulṭāniyya; see Jackson, The Mongols and the West, 243. 159 Antoni Rubió y Lluch, ed., Diplomatari de l’Orient Català (1301–1409): Colleció de
Documents per a la Història de l’Expedició Catalana a Orient i dels Ducats d’Atenes i Neopàtri.
(Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1947), 700. Letter dated April 1, 1404. A special thanks to
Mamluk and Crusades specialist Dr. Bogdan Smarandache for this translation. I am unable to access
the original manuscript of the letter; Martinus etc. is presumably Martinus Dei gratia rex Aragonum (“Martin, by the Grace of God, King of Aragon”), as written out in the earlier letter from King Martin
I to Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, printed in Rubió y Lluch, ed., Diplomatari, 690.
94
Martin etc. to the most serene prince Mīrānshāh Mīrzā, lord of the Medes and
Persians, son of the victorious prince Temür Bey, most potent lord of the whole
Orient… (Martinus etc. serenissimo principi Miranxa Amisa Medorum et Persarum
domino natoque victoriosi principis Tamurbei, potentissimo domino totius orientis,
salutem in eo cuius est regnum et imperium sine fine).160
Though the Timurid letters to Martin are not available, the author(s) of Martin’s letters
almost certainly ignored the Timurds’ self-representation, using instead their own
imagination. Calling Temür “the most potent lord of the whole Orient” was possibly inspired
by the Aragonese knowledge that the Archbishop of Sulṭāniyya claimed jurisdiction over the
“whole Orient.”161 As for Amīrānshāh being “the lord of the Medes and Persians,” this
corresponded to the correct location of the mīrzā’s appanage, but was far from an accurate
translation of any title or style he held. The inspiration for “Medes and Persians” might have
come from the Bible, though it should be noted that for Europeans of the time, Media was
still an existing place.162 By being so far off the mark, the author(s) of the Aragonese letters
revealed in his/their own way the fault lines between the Timurid and European models of
representing rulership. It must have been too strange for the Aragonese that the powerful
Temür, who had conquered so much and even crushed Christendom’s nemesis Bāyazīd I,
160 Rubió y Lluch, ed., Diplomatari, 701. Letter dated April 1, 1404. 161 On the geographical division of Catholic missionary activity in the time of Johannes of
Sulṭāniyya, see Luttrell, “Timur’s Dominican Envoys,” 210. 162 E.g., Ruy González de Clavijo, in passing through Nīshābūr, called the city “the capital of
the territory of Media” (cabeza de tierra de Média), and considered Média to be neighboring but not
part of Khorāsān. See Ruy González de Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, ed. Eugenio de
Lalguno Amírola. (Madrid: Don Antonio de Sancha, 1782),128; Clements R. Markham, trans., Narrative of the Embassy (London: Hakluyt Society, 1859), 108; Guy Le Strange, trans., Embassy to
Tamerlane, 1403–1406 (London: The Broadway Travellers, 1928. Repr. ed., London:
RoutledgeCurzon, 2005), 97. In this project, all English translations of passages from Clavijo’s
travelogue were modified from Clements Markham’s Narrative of the Embassy (1859). Markham’s translation as a whole does not take as much liberty as Guy Le Strange’s Embassy to Tamerlane
(1928, reprinted 2005).
95
should not have regnal title to any territory or people. The author(s) of Martin’s letters
was/were not the only one(s) who resorted to borrowing from European political culture in
order to fill gaps in understanding of Timurid rulership and political community vis-à-vis
territory.
I now turn to a different kind of source, in the form of the travelogue by Ruy
González de Clavijo (d. 1412), an ambassador to Temür from Henry III, King of Castile and
León. In his travelogue, Clavijo believed there to be a polity called the “Empire of
Samarqand” (Imperio de Samarcante), reigned over by an “Emperor of Samarqand”
(Emperador de Samarcante), as well as other “empires” under Timurid rule. 163 Clavijo
introduced Temür at the beginning of the travelogue in the following way:
The great Lord Temürbek, having killed the Emperor of Samarqand and taken the
Empire, whereby his own lordship commenced, as you will presently hear; and
having conquered all the land of Mongolia, which is contained in the said Empire,
and the land of India Minor; also having conquered all the Empire of Khorāsān,
which is a great lordship… (El gran Señor Tamurbec, aviendo muerto al Emperador
de Samarcante y tomadose el Imperio, onde comenzó la su señoria, segun adelante
oiredes, y aviendo despues conquistado toda tierra de Mogalia, que se contiene con
este dicho Imperio y con tierra de la India menor: otrosi aviendo conquistado toda
tierra é Imperio de Orazania, que es un gran señorio…)164
163 The question of the travelogue’s authorship has not been settled by experts of Spanish,
though I do not believe the eye-witness nature of the work has been doubted. See Patricia E. Mason,
“The Embajada a Tamorlán: Self-Reference and the Question of Authorship,” Neophilologus 78, no.
1 (1994): 79–87. On tentative grounds, I use “Clavijo” to denote the author, whose real identity, if ascertained one day, may be cause to reexamine/debunk my analyses based on the travelogue.
164 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 25; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 3.
96
Clavijo never named this “Emperor of Samarqand.” The ambassador recounted later that
Temür “took the wife of the Emperor and married her, and has her as his principal wife today”
(é tomó la muger del Emperador, é casóse con ella, é hoy dia la tiene por su muger
mayor).165 By this account, the “Emperor” would have had to be Amīr Ḥusayn (d. 1370) of
the Qara’unas tribe, the preeminent amīr of the ulus of Chaghatay from 1364–70. Temür
indeed took Amīr Ḥusayn’s wife Sarāy-Malik Khanım b. Qazan Khan as his own principal
wife after Amīr Ḥusayn’s downfall. Clavijo’s description of the “Emperor’s” final flight and
capture also resembles what had happened to Amīr Ḥusayn.166
It is possible that this “Emperor” personality was also partially based on Kābul-Shāh
Khan (r. 1364–70), who like Amīr Ḥusayn, was killed in the aftermath of Temür’s rise to
power in the ulus of Chaghatay, though supposedly without Temür’s approval.167 In Clavijo’s
understanding of Chinggisid history, Chinggis Qan was “an Emperor in Tartaria” (un
Emperador en Tartaria) “and left the son who had been named Chaghatay with the Empire
of Samarqand along with other territory” (é al fijo que avia nombre Chacatáy dexóle este
Imperio de Samarcante con otra tierra).168 Furthermore, Clavijo referred to Sarāy-Malik
Khanım as the daughter of an “Emperor,” who had khan (Sp. can) as part of his name: “…
and this Khanım was the daughter of an Emperor, who was the Lord of Samarqand and all its
territory along with Persia and Damascus, and he was named Ahincan” (é esta Caño fué fija
de un Emperador, que fué Señor de Samarcante é de toda su tierra, con la Persia en
Damasco, é avia nombre Ahincan).169 I am not certain about the origin of “Ahincan,” but by
165 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 146; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 128. 166 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 145; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 127–28. 167 Kābul-Shāh Khan was installed by Amīr Ḥusayn. See Shāmī, Ẓafarnāma, 27 and Yazdī,
Ẓafarnāma, 1:307, 399, and Manz, Rise and Rule of Tamerlane, 57. 168 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 146; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 128. 169 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 174; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 155.
97
the logic of the previous two passages, the “Emperor of Samarqand” should have been the
khan of the ulus of Chaghatay. However, in the same account of Chinggisid history, Clavijo
erroneously claimed that Chaghatay Khan was killed in a local uprising, and seemed to imply
that the Chaghatayid house did not continue to rule thereafter.170 In short, Clavijo did not
demonstrate a clear understanding of Chaghatayid khanship vis-à-vis Amīr Ḥusayn’s
amirship.171 Nonetheless, we see that Clavijo basically did not misconstrue the rulership of
Temür, calling him throughout the travelogue only Tamurbec (“Temür Bek”) and señor
(“lord”), and not “emperor” of any kind. Yet at the same time, Clavijo was thoroughly
convinced of there being an “Emperor of Samarqand” and “Empire of Samarqand”—which
was completely different from contemporaneous Timurid understanding.
There are multiple other mentions of “Emperor of Samarqand” and “Empire of
Samarqand” in the travelogue. One passage in particular shows that Clavijo saw the “Empire
of Samarqand” as constituting more than what the locals would have regarded as
“Samarqand,” be it the city (shahr) or the surrounding wilāyat by the same name:
On the Thursday that the ambassadors reached this great river (Oxus), they crossed to
the other side, and, in the afternoon, they arrived at a great city called Termeẕ, which
once belonged to India Minor, but is now in the territory of the Empire of Samarqand,
having been gained by Temürbek, and from this river the Empire of Samarqand
begins. And the territory of this Empire of Samarqand is called the territory of
Mongolia, and the tongue of this people is Mongolian, and those on the other side of
170 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 146–47; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 128–
29. 171 By the time Clavijo embarked on his mission in 1403, Sulṭān-Maḥmud Khan (1384–1402)
had died and was not succeeded by a new khan. Amīr Ḥusayn had been dead for over thirty years. Thus, Clavijo was able to gain first-hand knowledge about Temür, but could only have learned about
the river do not know it, as they all speak the Persian tongue… (E este dicho dia
jueves que los dichos Embajadores llegaron á este gran río, en la tarde fueron en una
gran ciudad que es llamada Termit, é ésta solía ser de la India menor, é agora es del
Imperio de Samarcante, que la ganó el Tamurbec. É deste rio adelante se empezaba
el Imperio de Samarcante: é la tierra deste Imperio de Samarcante se llama tierra de
Mogalia, é la su lengua se llama Mugalia; é non se entiende esta lengua quende el
río, porque fablan todos la lengua Persiana... )172
As the passage above indicates, Clavijo believed “Mongolia” (Mogalia) to be the
geographical name of the place where he was visiting and “Empire of Samarqand” to be the
name of the polity.173 When a new territory like Termeẕ was conquered, it was incorporated
into this “empire.” In reality, Timurid acquisition of wilāyats/shahrs like Termeẕ did not
result in incorporation under a unified territorial name (e.g., “Samarqand”). In a newly
conquered wilāyat/shahr, coins would have been struck, 174 and the Friday sermon (khuṭba)
would have been read, 175 in the conqueror’s name. These two acts signified his legitimate
rule over the territory. Reorganization of administrative borders was always possible,
172 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 138; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 119–20. 173 I benefited from Karen Daly’s point that “the modernity of Clavijo’s narrative lies in the
accurate setting in time and place in the traveler’s present: he scrupulously avoids resorting to fantasy
or imagination in the descriptions of the territory he passes through, as is typical of earlier medieval
travelers” (Karen M. Daly, “Mapping Medieval Space in the Embajada a Tamorlán,” Medieval
Perspectives 23 (2008): 20). At the same time, we should note that Clavijo’s naming of places, e.g., “Media” and “Tartalia [Tartary],” were vastly incongruent with native geographical understanding
(see ibid., 27). 174 For samples of Timurid coins, see Stanley Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. 7,
The Coinage of Bukhárá (Transoxiana) in the British Museum from the Time of Timur to the Present
Day (London: Gilbert and Rivington, 1882), 3–53; and Lane-Poole, Catalogue of the Mohammadan
Coins, 17. The territorial name could stand alone (e.g., Shīrāz) or be part of the phrase żarb-e… (“mint of/minted in…”), e.g., żarb-e Harāt (“minted in Harāt”) (Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental
Coins, vol. 7, 16, 32.). Either way, the territorial name was not grammatically linked with the name,
title, or honorifics of the ruler(s) on the same coin—the ruler was conspicuously not called the ruler of
the territory/city where the coin had been minted. 175 For an example of a Timurid khuṭba, see Shāhrokh Mīrzā’s decree to Khiżr Khan in
Nawā’ī, Asnād, 145.
99
including in peace time, but a conquered territory did not become a subdivision of the
conqueror’s prior-held territory. Clavijo’s belief that Termeẕ was incorporated into the
“Empire of Samarqand” perhaps reflected how he, as a European, understood “empire.” The
Roman Empire, for instance, received its name from its capital city of Rome, and conquered
territories became part of the Roman Empire despite being well outside the bounds of the city.
While Clavijo saw the gaining of a relatively small territory like Termeẕ in terms of
annexation into an “empire,” he did not view the “Empire of Samarqand” as Temür’s all-
encompassing dominion. Larger territories, like “[H]orazania” (Khorāsān) and “Persia,” were
also “empires.” Clavijo repeatedly referred to an “Empire of Khorāsān” (Imperio de
[H]orazania), which as he mentioned in the beginning of the travelogue, was conquered by
Temür. Then in a later chapter, the ambassador elaborated: “Thus it was that he gained these
two Empires, of Samarqand and Khorāsān” (E desta manera ovo estos dos Imperios, el de
Samarcante é Horazania).176 Clavijo considered Khorāsān to have continued as an “empire”
separate from the “Empire of Samarqand.” Tellingly, post-conquest Khorāsān would have its
own “emperor.” On their way to Samarqand, Clavijo and his colleagues were invited by
Shāhrokh Mīrzā to visit Harāt, an offer they declined on grounds that Temür had ordered
them to go directly to Samarqand. As part of this account, Clavijo noted that “this Shāhrokh
Mīrzā was Emperor and Lord of the territory of Khorāsān” (E este Xaharoc Mirassa era
Emperador y Señor desta tierra de Orazania).177 On their return trip, the Castilians were
similarly ordered to go pay homage to ʿUmar Mīrzā b. Amīrānshāh, whom Clavijo called
“Lord and Emperor of Persia and many other territories” (Señor y Emperador de la Persia, é
176 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 146; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 128. 177 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 128–29; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 109.
100
de otras tierras asaz).178 It was as if the Timurid world was being remolded in the image of
Europe, where one dynasty could have its members take the crowns of multiple realms and
not necessarily unify all crowns into one.
Clavijo and the author(s) of the Aragonese letters superimposed elements of the
European conception of rulership and political community vis-à-vis territory onto the
Timurids. However, in Clavijo’s representation of Temür as a non-territorially specific “great
lord,” and in the English, French, and Teutonic letters addressing Temür and Amīrānshāh as
non-territorially specific “princes,” we see that some accurate understanding of Timurid
titulature may have been attained. What is certain is that Timurid political culture in this
regard was substantially different from that of Europe. As we saw with Clavijo, even though
he travelled across Iran and Central Asia and directly engaged with the Timurids as a
diplomat, he did not demonstrate an accurate understanding of Timurid amirship in relation
to the ulus of Chaghatay. Instead, he resorted to his imagination along familiar European
lines, presenting to his audiences back home the “Empire of Samarqand.”
The Chinese Perspective: Timurids as Rulers of Samarqand and Harāt
At the other end of Eurasia, the scholar-officials of Ming China did not grasp the
Timurids much better, despite having a much longer period of diplomatic contacts with the
Timurids than the Europeans had. The Ming polity (1368–ca. 1644), which diplomatically
and commercially engaged with the Timurids from the reign of Temür to that of Sulṭān-
Aḥmad Mīrzā, 179 was basically uncomprehending of Timurid conventions of titulature.
178 Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 184; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy, 203. The
word “Emperor” was left out in Markham’s translation. 179 In the last half century, Western studies on the general history and historiography of Ming-
Timurid relations include Morris Rossabi, “Ming China’s Relations with Hami and Central Asia,
Official logs of daily events at the Ming court and major news from the provinces and abroad
were compiled into so-called Veritable Records (Shilu《實錄》). The Timurids nearly
always show up in the Veritable Records as rulers of territorial polities, though with a
noticeable exception in the case of two entries that followed the return home of the diplomat
Fu An (傅安), as will be discussed. Does this mean that Timurid envoys portrayed their
masters to the Ming court as rulers of territorial polities? This possibility cannot be ruled out,
especially if it was to cater to the Chinese, who had a long tradition of defining rulership and
polity by territory. It was, however, more likely that Ming scholar-officials dogmatically
superimposed their own preconceptions upon the Timurids. In any case, the way in which the
Ming was largely oblivious to the Timurids’ self-representation of rulership during a century
of contacts highlights just how much the two politico-diplomatic cultures differed on this
issue. Before examining this subtle clash of cultures, I briefly review the Chinese
conceptions of rulership and political community vis-à-vis territory, and the vital term guo
(國).
The kings (wang 王) of the Zhou polity (周 1046–256 BCE), with their power base in
the Central Plains,180 claimed to rule “[all] under heaven” (tianxia 天下). Since “[all] under
heaven” was in practice roughly 500,000 square kilometers of land that needed security and
1404–1513” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1970), 63–75, 109–21; Ralph Kauz, Politik und Handel zwischen Ming und Timuriden (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2005); and Tibor, “The Timurid
Empire and the Ming China: Theories and Approaches Concerning the Relations of the Two” (PhD,
diss., Eötvös Loránd University, 2007). See also Graeme Ford, “The Uses of Persian in Imperial
China: Translating Practices at the Ming Court,” in The Persianate World: The Frontiers of a Eurasian Lingua Franca, ed. Nile Green (Oakland: University of California Press, 2019), 116–19.
180 The Central Plains (zhongyuan 中原) mainly spans the modern provinces of Henan (河南)
and Shanxi (山西). The Zhou had multiple capitals/royal residences. For in-depth studies on early
Zhou geopolitical organization, see Li, Landscape and Power in Early China: The Crisis and Fall of
the Western Zhou, 1045–771 BC (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 27–90; and Maria Khayutina, “Royal Hospitality and Geopolitical Constitution of the Western Zhou Polity,” T’oung
Pao 96, no. 1 (2010): 1–73.
102
governance, the kings enfeoffed members of the royal house and certain non-royals as lords
of guos. These guos were hereditary territorial holdings autonomous in civil and military
administration; the name of a lord’s guo followed by his rank served as his formal title (e.g.,
when the lord of the guo of Qin carried the rank of gong, he was entitled Qin Gong 秦公).
After 770 BCE, the effective authority of the Zhou kings greatly diminished, leaving the guos
in a five hundred-year period of contention with each other, though the Zhou was still looked
to as a standard for political culture and legitimacy. By the fifth century BCE, borders of the
guos were well demarcated, in some places with defensive walls stretching hundreds of
kilometers.181 The pictographic character for guo began to feature borders on four sides by no
later than the third century BCE (see Figure 1),182 and this basic complexion has remained
into the modern era (see Figure 2). In 256 BCE, a highly reformist and expansionist guo
called Qin (秦國) ended formal Zhou sovereignty by force. Qin
conquered the last of its fellow guos in 221 BCE, and then proceeded
to implement watershed changes. Huangdi (皇帝 “emperor”) replaced
wang (王 “king”) as the title of the sovereign. Refusing to copy the Zhou system of guos, Qin
instead drew up provinces (jun 郡, often translated as “prefecture” or “commandery”) headed
by centrally-appointed governors (junshou 郡守) holding limited tenure. Non-hereditary
governorships continued as the predominant system of regional administration in the long
span of post-Qin history, but the guo as a sub-sovereign polity was revived immediately after
181 According to Li Feng, the early guos “existed as layered clusters of settlements with no
definite demarcating boundaries,” whereas the guos became “clearly demarcated territorial entities” in the fifth to third centuries BCE. See Li, Landscape and Power in Early China, 184.
182 Figure 1 was taken from 國際電腦漢字及異體字知識庫 International Coded Han
Character and Variants Database, s.v. “國” (guo) accessed January 1, 2018,
the Qin’s collapse in 207 BCE. The two systems thenceforth tended to coexist unevenly,183
and during times of imperial weakness, certain lords of guos were advantageously positioned
to become emperor. From 202 BCE to 960 CE, it was typical for the lord of a guo to
proclaim himself emperor and continue to use his guo’s name to denote all the territories
unified or claimed under his rule.184 In this context, an emperor’s entire sovereign domain
also came to be known as guo (while the enfeoffment of lords with sub-sovereign guos
remained an imperial prerogative).
Since the early period of Mongol contact with the Chinese cultural sphere, ulus was
translated as guo. The word-for-word rendering of Yeke Mongγol Ulus (“Great Mongol Ulus”)
into Chinese was Da Menggu Guo (大蒙古國, “Great Mongol Guo”).185 In late 1271, Qubilai
Qa’an (r. 1260–94) was ready to adopt an official “guo designation” (guohao 國號) to further
establish his legitimacy from the perspective of Chinese political culture. Yet no territorial
name had defined the rulership of Qubilai Qa’an and his predecessors, and Qubilai’s
mandarins were well aware that the guo designations of the preceding fifteen centuries had
by-and-large been derived from territorial names. They therefore innovatively bent tradition
by adopting the guo designation Da Yuan (大元 “Great Yuan”), meaning “great origin,”
183 On enfeoffment versus direct imperial rule in post-Zhou history, see David McMullen,
“Devolution in Chinese History: The Fengjian Debate Revisited,” International Journal of China
Studies 2, no. 2 (2011): 140–50. 184 The post-Qin guos that rose from sub-sovereignty to sovereignty included the Han (漢 206
BCE–9 CE, reinstated 25–220 CE), Xin (新 9–23 CE), Wei (魏 220–65), Jin (晉 265–420), Sui (隋
581–618), Tang (唐 618–90, reinstated 705–907), and Song (宋 960–1279). “Xin” was derived from
“Xindu” (新都), as Wang Mang (王莽) was “Lord of Xindu” (新都侯) prior to becoming emperor.
The Song was not technically a guo, but it was the Song Prefecture (宋州), where Zhao Kuangyin
(趙匡胤) garrisoned prior to becoming the founding emperor. In the early fourth to fifth century CE,
rulers of steppe nomadic origin commonly adopted guo designations by reinstituting the names of
defunct but historically well-known guos. For example, there was the Han (漢 declared 304, changed
to Zhao 趙 in 319, ended in 329) founded by the Xiongnu (匈奴), the Qin (秦 350–94) founded by the
Di (氐), the Wei (魏 386–557) founded by the Xianbei (鮮卑). 185 See Kim, “Was ‘Da Yuan’ a Chinese Dynasty?,” 285.
104
which alluded to an I Ching quote that defines an ancient concept of divination called qian
(乾): “O great is the origin of the qian; all things take their beginning [from it], [it] thus
permeates (is at the root of) heaven. The clouds move, the rain drops, people and things take
form. [Having] great clarity of beginning and end (of cause and effect), [one] fulfills the six
steps at the [right] time, [as if] by then riding in heaven on six dragons” (大哉乾元 萬物資始
乃統天 雲行雨施 品物流形 大明始終 六位時成 時乘六龍以御天).186 To be sure, we know
that Qubilai Qa’an and his successors drew upon the political cultures of diverse subject
peoples while maintaining key Mongol traditions.187 Paul Buell summarized this important
backdrop:
Although Qubilai’s reign marked the ‘territorialization’ of the Mongols in China and
the adoption by them of various legitimizing guises to gain the support and
recognition of their rule by their preponderately Chinese subjects, it did not mean the
abandonment of the Mongolian governmental and administrative system worked out
under the empire… Yüan China was one evolutionary outgrowth of the Mongolian
186 I consulted Richard Wilhelm’s translation: “Great indeed is the generating power of the
Creative; all beings owe their beginning to it. This power permeates all heaven… The clouds pass and the rain does its work, and all individual beings flow into their forms… Because he sees with great
clarity and cause and effects, he completes the six steps at the right time and mounts toward heaven
on them at the right time, as though on six dragons” (The I Ching or Book of Changes, trans. Richard
Wilhem (New York: Pantheon Books, 1950), 1–2). The I Ching (《易》, 《易經》) is an ancient
classic of divination and philosophy. This explanation for the choice of “Great Yuan” is given in an
edict in which Qubilai proclaimed “the guo designation shall be ‘Great Yuan,’ taking the meaning of
‘the origin of the qian’ in the I Ching” (可建國號曰大元蓋取易經乾元之義) (Song Lian, “Benji 7
Shizu 4,” in Yuanshi, Chinese Text Project, last accessed August 10, 2019, https://ctext.org/) (宋濂 著
《元史》本紀第七 世祖四 至元八年十一月乙亥). 187 See Buell, “Tribe, Qan and Ulus in Early Mongol China,” 175–88, 213–14. See also Kim,
“Was ‘Da Yuan’ a Chinese Dynasty?,” 279–305. On the “Great Yuan” being viewed as the equivalent
of Yeke Mongγol Ulus, I agree on the basis of the Sino-Mongolian inscriptions studied by Francis
Woodman Cleaves, as discussed in Chapter One. As for whether the Mongols viewed the “Great
Yuan” as a successor to the Jin, Song, and earlier Chinese imperial polities, I would tentatively suggest that we should take into account the individual degrees of Sinicization among the Mongol
ruling elites, as this question is in nature one of imagined historical identity rather than historical fact.
105
empire and took over its basic form and structure whatever the terminology applied to
this form and structure locally to achieve local recognition and acceptance.188
Therefore, what the proclamation of the Great Yuan meant for the Qubilaid conception of
political community and rulership must be kept in larger perspective.
The point I make here is that within the sphere in which the Mongols did employ
Chinese political culture, loyalty and service were understood as directed not just to the
emperor, but also to the Great Yuan as a guo. For instance, the Ilkhan Arghun (r. 1284–91)
used a monolingual seal with the engraved text “Precious [seal] for Upholding the Guo and
Bringing Peace to the [Common] People” (fu guo an min zhi bao 輔國安民之寶).189 We
know that the guo mentioned in this seal referred to the Great Yuan and not to Arghun’s own
guo, since “upholding the guo” (輔國), with the word “to uphold” (輔) also meaning “to
assist,” was regarded as the role of a guo’s nobles and officers, and not that of its ruler.
Arghun’s son Ghazan Khan (r. 1295–1304) used a seal engraved as “Precious [seal] of the
Princely (wang)190 Office for Securing the Guo and Governing the [Common] People” (wang
fu ding guo li min zhi bao 王府定國理民之寶).191 “Securing the guo” (定國) was similarly
188 Buell, “Tribe, Qan and Ulus in Early Mongol China,” 227–28. 189 Arghun Khan used this seal on a 1289 letter to Philip IV of France and a 1290 letter to
Pope Nicholas IV. See colored images in Wikipedia Commons, s.v. “Arghun Letter to Philippe le Bel,”
accessed December 18, 2017, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:LetterOljeituToPhilipLeBel.
jpg, and s.v. “Letter Arghun to Nicholas IV,” https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:LetterArghun ToNicholasIV1290VaticanArchives.jpg. 189 Black and white images of the seal are available in
Antoine Mostaert and Francis Woodman Cleaves, “Trois Documents Mongols des Archives Secrètes
Vaticanes,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 15, nos. 3–4 (1952): Planche VI (six pages after 506, the official last page of the article); and in Vladimir A Belyaev and Sergey V. Sidorovich, “Juchid
Coin with Chinese Legend,” in Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, ed. T. Allsen, P. B. Golden, R. K.
Kovalev, and A. P. Martinez (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 2013), 16. 190 Soon after the fall of the Qin, wang (王) was instituted as the highest rank of nobility
under the emperor, and is thus commonly translated as “prince” rather than “king” in post-Qin
contexts. 191 For an image of the seal, which was used on a 1302 letter to Pope Boniface VIII, see
Mostaert, “Trois Documents Mongols des Archives Secrètes Vaticanes,” Planche VII (seven pages
106
understood as a role for a guo’s nobles and officers. The emperors of the Great Yuan not only
perpetuated the concept of guo, but allowed guo to be treated as the equivalent of ulus,
despite the fact that the former had a deeply rooted territorial connotation while the latter was
originally a mobile political community of (nomadic) people.
For the Ming-era Chinese, it would thus have been second nature to view the
Timurids as rulers of guos. The expulsion of the Yuan emperor and ruling class to the
Mongol steppes was carried out by a rebel movement under Zhu Yuanzhang (朱元璋, regnal
era name: Hongwu 洪武), who reigned from 1368–98 as the first Ming emperor. What was
officially proclaimed in 1368 as the “Great Ming” (Da Ming 大明),192 which entered Timurid
parlance as دای منك or 193,دای مینك was again the official “guo designation” (guohao 國號).194
after 506), or Michot, Ibn Taymiyya: Textes Spirituels I-XVI, 60, or Belyaev, “Juchid,” 16. William
Hung’s (洪業) translation of the seal’s inscription, 王府定國理民之寶, was quoted as “The seal [to
attest the authority] of the Headquarters of His Royal Highness to establish a country and to govern
[its] people” (Mostaert, “Trois Documents,” 483). Translating guo 國 as “country” is understandable,
but “to establish a country” is inaccurate, as ding guo (定國) in this context meant securing an
existing guo (國), rather than establishing a new one. Belyaev and Sidorovich noted that “to the
beginning of Ghazan Mahmud’s reign the Il-khan state already existed for over 30 years,” so they
offered the alternative translation “to bring calm to the state,” the spirit of which is reflected in my
translation (Belyaev, “Juchid,” 18–19n49). We should also keep in mind that every time a seal was used, it symbolized an act in performance of the function prescribed on the seal. So it would have
been bizarre to let the Ilkhan “establish a country” every time he ratified an instrument/document,
whereas “securing the guo” would have been applicable to a wide range of instruments/documents. If a special-use seal for establishing a guo was intended, it should not include the regular function of
“governing the [common] people” (理民). 192 There is no known primary source explanation as to why the guo designation “Great Ming”
was chosen. Modern scholarship has long accepted that “Great Ming” had its origins in the “Ming
Faith” (Ming Jiao 明教), a Manichean-inspired religion that had been adopted by the rebel group in
whose ranks Zhu Yuanzhang rose before becoming emperor in 1368. Du Hong-tao made a strong
argument that because the Ming officially viewed the Yuan as its legitimate predecessor, “Great Ming”
was taken from the same I Ching passage from which “Great Yuan” was derived: “… [Having] great
clarity (ming) of beginning and end (of cause and effect)…” (大明始終). See Du Hong-tao, “The
Title of Ming Dynasty and Legitimacy Connotation,” Historical Review, no. 2 (2014): 52–57. 193 See letter of Shāhrokh to the Ming emperor Yongle in Nawā’ī, Asnād, 134, which was
drawn from Samarqandī, Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn, 3:162; see also letter a from Shāhrokh’s grandson ʿAlā’
al-Dawla Mīrza b. Baysunghur in Nawā’ī, Asnād, 279.
107
Given guo’s long history and ubiquitous place in Chinese geopolitical thought and
organization, it formed an integral part of the Ming world view, whereby the Great Ming was
the “centrally-located guo” (zhongguo 中國) surrounded by various (inferior) foreign guos
(fanguo 蕃國, 番國).195 The Veritable Records logged that on what was October 4, 1394, “the
Fuma (駙馬 “royal son-in-law”) of Samarqand Temür dispatched the chieftain Darwīsh and
others to present a memorial and to offer before the Court two hundred horses as tribute.”196
Darwīsh’s status as a diplomat is questionable,197 and the entire content of the dubious
memorial (in Chinese) was to extol the emperor and express gratitude to him using highly
servile language. Tellingly, the memorial had Temür clearly referencing his own guo: “The
tribes within [your] servant’s guo, upon hearing the news of [Your Majesty’s] virtuous
194 See “Taizu,” Ming shilu, Chinese Text Project, http://ctext.org/wiki, last accessed
September 29, 2019, juans (js.) 27, 35, 40 (《大明太祖高皇帝實錄》卷之二十七
洪武元年正月乙亥, 卷之三十五 洪武元年十二月壬辰, 卷之四十 洪武二年五月甲午) . 195 The usage of these terms as described is well-attested throughout the Veritable Records.
From antiquity to the Ming, polities that self-identified as zhongguo (中國) had varying territorial
sizes and boundaries. 196“Taizu,” Ming shilu, juan (j.) 234 (“撒馬兒罕駙馬帖木兒遣酋長迭力必失等奉表來朝貢
馬二百匹” —《大明太祖高皇帝實錄》卷之二百三十四 洪武二十七年九月丙午). 197 Darwīsh was almost certainly a merchant, but the question remains as to whether or not he
actually received Temür’s commission as a diplomat. According to Morris Rossabi, the “early
embassies were not led by official emissaries, but consisted merely of Central Asian merchants who
represented themselves as Tamerlane’s envoys in order to gain access to China,” and Darwīsh’s
memorial “was undoubtedly forged” (Morris Rossabi, China and Inner Asia: From 1368 to the Present Day (New York: Pica Press, 1975), 27). I was unable to find reference to Darwīsh in Timurid
histories, but further cross-referencing work on Ming-Timurid exchanges in the 1380s–90s is
warranted. Concerning Darwīsh’s legitimacy as a diplomat, we should take into account the following: (1) Zhang Wende’s point that the memorial mentioned gratitude for a prior Ming mission that had
delivered an imperial decree (“…and [your servant] was honored with the beneficent comforting and
inquiring after by imperial decree” 又承敕書恩撫勞問)—a risky move for a fake envoy? See 张文德
著《明与帖木儿王朝关系史研究》(北京:中华书局, 2006 年), 33; (2) About ten months later, in
July–August 1395, Darwīsh came with another tribute, this time two hundred twelve horses (“Taizu,”
Ming shilu, j. 239 《大明太祖高皇帝實錄》二百三十九 洪武二十八年七月). Assuming this was
not a case of two persons named Darwīsh, how likely would it have been for him to be able to report
back to Temür, who was campaigning in Iraq and the Caucasus in 1393–96, and then return to
Nanjing (南京), all in less than a year?
108
[deeds], knew only to dance in jubilation with feelings of reverence.”198 In truth, over in
Samarqand, Temür and his fellow Chaghatays contemptuously called the emperor “Tanghuz
(‘Pig’) Khan.” 199 What the memorial reveals is that from the Ming perspective, it made sense
for there to be a guo called Samarqand, and for Temür to be “Fuma (‘royal son-in-law’) of
Samarqand.” 200 The Ming’s knowledge of Temür as a “royal son-in-law” based in
Samarqand shows that certain basic information was communicated correctly in this early
period of contact with distant foreigners. Yet the notion of Temür being a “Fuma of
Samarqand” also demonstrated a preconception of territorially-defined rulership—in this
sense comparable to Clavijo’s “Emperor of Samarqand.”
Darwīsh was not the first recorded visitor from Samarqand, but he and his sizeable
tribute may have increased Ming interest in Temür. In the following year, the emperor sent
an embassy led by Fu An (傅安), who appears to have later corrected the notion of Temür
being “Fuma of Samarqand.” Significantly, Fu and his colleagues did not return until July
198 “Taizu,” Ming Shilu, j. 234 (“臣國中部落聞茲德音惟知歡舞感戴”—
《大明太祖高皇帝實錄》卷之二百三十四 洪武二十七年九月丙午). 199 See e.g., Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:863, 2:1002. Clavijo, who was writing about events a
decade later in 1404, noted that Temür had in the past grudgingly sent tribute (trebuto) to the Ming
emperor, and explained why the Chaghatays call the emperor “Pig.” This is a clue suggesting that Temür sent embassies knowingly on an unequal footing, but it does not prove that servile messages
were sent. See Clavijo, Historia del Gran Tamorlan, 151–52; Markham, Narrative of the Embassy,
133–34. 200 Before Darwīsh’s visit in 1394, Temür had been mentioned in three additional entries and
called “the Fuma of Samarqand Temür” (撒馬兒罕駙馬帖木兒) each time. See “Taizu,” Ming shilu,
js. 185, 193, 197 (《大明太祖高皇帝實錄》卷之一百八十五, 一百九十三, 一百九十七). I
translated fuma as “royal son-in-law” rather than “imperial son-in-law” based on the assumption that
the Ming would not have implicitly recognized a foreign “emperor,” but in truth, I do not know how
the Ming perceived the rank and status of the Chaghatay khanship. In the Ming peerage, fuma (駙馬),
short for fuma duwei (駙馬都尉), was the title for the emperor’s sons-in-law. The sons-in-law of
Ming princes (wang 王) held the title yibin (儀賓), short for zhongrenfu yibin (宗人府儀賓), literally
“Ceremonial Guest of the Office for Imperial Clan Affairs.” However, it was presumably also
acceptable for the sons-in-law of foreign princes (wang 王) to hold the title fuma (駙馬), as was the
case for Chosŏn (Korea).
109
1407,201 and the emperor by then was Yongle (永樂, r. 1402–24, personal name: Zhu Di
朱棣). The diplomats had been detained for eleven years before they were released by
Khalīl-Sulṭān Mīrzā b. Amīrānshāh, who additionally sent a goodwill embassy.202 This would
have made them some of the foremost experts on the Timurids in Ming service. In the
Veritable Records’ entry on their return, they were recorded as having reported, “The Yuan
(元) Temür Fuma (“royal son-in-law”) has died and Khalīl succeeded him. He is Temür’s
grandson.” 203 The mentioning of “Yuan” in this context is odd, 204 but the entry clearly
delinked Temür from Samarqand. Moreover, the word order of the formulation “Yuan Temür
Fuma” (元帖木兒駙馬) now matched that of “Temür Kürägän,” whereas the earlier entries
had “Samarqand Fuma Temür” (撒馬兒罕駙馬帖木兒), which must be interpreted as
“Fuma of Samarqand Temür.” A later entry that mentions Temür also called him “the Yuan
(元) Temür Fuma”:
201 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 68 (《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之六十八 永樂五年六月癸卯).
The Veritable Records did not log the departure of Fu An in ca. 1395, but only his return in 1407. 202 The Veritable Records entry on Fu’s return confirmed his thirteen-year absence, but
without expressly mentioning detention. The Ẓafarnāma recorded the arrival of the envoys of “Tanghuz (‘Pig’) Khan” in 799/1396–97, though without naming any of the diplomats or mentioning
their detention (Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:863). The detention is known through an early seventeenth-
century Ming source, the Guo chao xian zheng lu (《國朝獻徵錄》) by Jiao Hong (焦竑); see
Morris Rossabi, “Two Ming Envoys to Inner Asia,” 15. The detention is known through an early
seventeenth-century Ming source, the Guo chao xian hui lu (《國朝獻徵錄》) by Jiao Hong (焦竑);
see Rossabi, “Two Ming Envoys to Inner Asia,” T’uong Pao, 2nd ser., 66, nos. 1–3 (1976): 15. 203 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 68 (“安等言元帖木兒駙馬已卒哈里嗣之乃帖木兒之孫”—
《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之六十八 永樂五年六月癸卯). 204 The simple explanation for “Yuan” is that Fu understood Temür to be a kürägän of the
Chinggisid dynasty, and thus a “royal son-in-law” of the Yuan. Indeed, the Yuan continued to officially exist in the Mongol steppes after the founding of the Ming, but from the Ming perspective
of having an exclusive “Mandate of Heaven” (天命), contemporary people still loyal to the Yuan had
to be referred to as being of the “former Yuan” (故元), a term well attested in the Veritable Records.
Whereas calling Temür “Yuan Temür Fuma” would have implied recognition that the Yuan still
existed. There are other definitions of the word yuan (元), but none seem appropriate for the context.
I leave this an unresolved question.
110
Shāhrokh Bahādur of Harāt sent the chieftain Mīr Jalāl and others to present local
products as tribute. They were varyingly bestowed rewards. Shāhrokh Bahādur, the
fourth son of the Yuan (元) Temür Fuma, often clashed militarily with his paternal
nephew Khalīl.205
Fu must have learned during his prolonged mission that the locals did not refer to Temür as
Samarqand Kürägäni in Turkic or Gūrakān-e Samarqand in Persian, and so “Fuma of
Samarqand” could not be justified. However, it does not seem that Fu brought home a
thorough understanding of how the Timurids represented their rulership vis-à-vis territory.
The Veritable Records went on to consistently represent Temür’s heirs as rulers of
territorial polities (and no longer mentions “Yuan”). Shāhrokh was recorded with varying
titles or no title, but he was always referred to as being “of Harāt” (Ch. Halie 哈烈 or Heilou
黑婁). In chronological order, Shāhrokh was initially called “Shāhrokh Bahadur of Harāt”
(哈烈沙哈魯把都兒),206 then “Shāhrokh of Harāt” (哈烈沙哈鲁),207 “Shāhrokh, the prince
(wang) of Harāt” (哈烈王沙哈鲁), 208 again “Shāhrokh of Harāt” (哈烈沙哈鲁), 209 then
“Shāhrokh Sulṭān[, chief (toumu)] of Harāt” (哈烈[頭目]沙哈盧鎖魯檀), 210 and finally
205 Entry is from March 14, 1410. “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 101
(“哈烈沙哈魯把都兒遣頭目迷兒即剌等貢方物賜賚有差沙哈魯把都兒元帖木兒駙馬第四子時與
侄哈里構兵”—《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之一百一 永樂八年二月丙午). Immediately
afterwards, the emperor sent a reciprocal embassy with a decree urging Shāhrokh to make peace with Khalīl-Sulṭān b. Amīrānshāh, not knowing that Shāhrokh had defeated Khalīl-Sulṭān and taken
Samarqand a year ago. On Khalīl-Sulṭān’s role in the succession struggle, see Manz, Rise and Rule of
Tamerlane, 129–37 and Beatrice Manz, Power Politics, and Religion in Timurid Iran (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2007), 16–21.
206 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 101 (《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之一百一). 207 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 169 (《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之一百六十九). 208 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 177 (《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之一百七十七). 209 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, js. 203, 204 (《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之二百三, 二百四). 210 “Xuanzong,” Ming shilu, js. 86, 100, 104 (《大明宣宗章皇帝實錄》卷之八十六, 一百,
一百四).
111
“Shāhrokh Mīrzā, the chief (toumu) of Harāt and other localities”
(烈等處頭目沙哈魯米兒咱). 211 References to Ulughbeg Mīrzā (d. 1449), 212 Sulṭān-Abū
Saʿīd Mīrzā (d. 1469),213 Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā (d. 1494),214 and Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad
Bābor (d. 1530),215 were similarly varied but always territorially linked.
The variants are due to the fact that while the Ming treated the Timurids as inferiors
and considered their gifts to be tribute (gong 貢), the emperors did not invest the Timurids
with official titles since the latter never actually submitted to the former. The titles of foreign
rulers who had formally submitted were granted or confirmed by the emperor, and
thenceforth written consistently as a matter of protocol. In Inner Asia, for example, one of the
most long-standing Ming vassal polities was Hami (哈密; a.k.a. Qāmil, modern Uyghur:
Qumul), the easternmost oasis just outside the Chinese-speaking region. In 1404, after a
211 “Xuanzong,” Ming shilu, j. 93 (《大明宣宗章皇帝實錄》卷之九十三). 212 Ulughbeg Mīrzā’s name was transliterated as 兀魯伯 (e.g., “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 177
《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之一百七十七). 213 Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā’s name was transliterated as 卜撒因, 速魯檀母撒亦, and 母塞亦
(e.g. “Yingzong,” Ming shilu, js. 267, 282, 352《大明英宗睿皇帝實錄》卷之二百六十七,
二百八十二, 三百五十二). 214 Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā’s name was transliterated as 阿哈麻 and 阿黑麻 (e.g., “Xianzong,”
Ming shilu, js. 239, 249《大明憲宗純皇帝實錄》卷之二百三十九, 二百四十九). 215 The entry on the reception of Bābor’s embassy is from March 1, 1515. Curiously, Bābor
had been completely ousted from Māwarā al-Nahr by late 1512, and one year should have been enough for travel from Samarqand to Beijing. See also Kauz, Politik und Handel, 244–45. Their
“tribute” of pack horses is also a rather miserly one. (We might again suspect that this was a
merchant-led embassy, one that tarried along the way to trade, and then dumped the least precious of
their goods as “tribute”?) The entry states: “Sulṭān(-)Bāyazīd, the Loyal and Submissive Prince of Hami, dispatched diplomatic officer(s) to escort Khwāja-Hāxīn (Ḥasan or Qāsim?) and others, whom
the foreign prince(s) and chief(s) of Samarqand and elsewhere, Sulṭān Bābor and others, had sent to
offer before the Court pack horse(s) and local products as tribute. They were bestowed banquet and
Ming-Timurid diplomatic relations were most active under Yongle’s reign, during
which time Samarqand and Harāt were regularly referred to as guos. Yongle pursued a policy
of vigorous exploration and engagement abroad, which included dispatching the famous
“treasure fleet” led by Zheng He (鄭和) that reached East Africa. As part of this policy, a
“Muslim Institute” (Huihui Guan 回回館) was set up for Perso-Chinese translation work.
The institute used a teaching text called the Zai zi (《雜字》[Miscellaneous Glossary]).220 In
it, pādeshāh was defined—perfectly in my opinion—as jun (君), or “ruler” in the general
sense, and not as the Chinese term for “emperor” (huangdi 皇帝) or for “king/prince”
(wang 王) (See Figure 3).221 Mamlakat was defined as guo (國) (see Figure 4). 222 The
unresolved question then is
whether or not officials in the
Muslim Institute understood that
pādeshāhs in the Perso-Islamic
world ruled mamlakat(s) in a
two-tiered sense, as discussed in
Chapter One. Mamlakat, in the
220 The Zai zi (《雜字》[Miscellaneous Glossary]) can be sourced to as early as a ca. 1371–
72 work entitled Yi yu (《譯語》[Translation]), which was commissioned under Biligtü Qa’an (r.
1370–78, regnal era name “Xuanguang” 宣光), emperor of the Yuan in-exile on the Mongol steppe;
see Zhenhua Hu and Runhua Huang, “Mingdai wenxian weiwuer yi yu,” in Minzu wenhua yanjiu wenji,” ed. Zhenhua Hu (Beijing: Minzu University of China Press, 2006), 289. A copy of the
Miscellaneous Glossary was published in facsimile form in Yingsheng Liu, Huihui guan zai zi yu
huihui guan yu yi (Bejing: China Remin University Press, 2007), 29–172. That copy, held by the Bibliothèque nationale de France, had been scribbled upon by a Frenchman, as visible in Figures 3
and 4. See also the unpaginated Persian volumes of Hua yi yi yu (《華夷譯語》[Sino-Barbarian
Translation]), MS, Peking University Library. 221 Figure 3 is from Liu, Huihui guan, 85. (Respectfully reproduced for fair use.) 222 Figure 4 is from Liu, Huihui guan, 48. (Respectfully reproduced for fair use.)
114
sense of a ruler’s realm as a whole, could have been reasonably translated as guo, since guo
was an East Asian ruler’s realm as a whole; but a mamlakat in this sense did not bear a
territorial name, whereas a guo always bore such a name. Mamlakat, in the sense of a lower-
tier named territorial unit (e.g., mamlakat-e Khorāsān), of which kind a ruler may possess
many, was not equivalent to guo, since an East Asian monarch did not rule multiple guos. A
lower-tier mamlakat would have been equivalent to a xingsheng (行省 “province”) of the
Yuan or Ming. At present, I am unable to determine if the Muslim Institute even considered
this issue. What is evident is that during the Yongle period, Ming scholar-officials outside the
Muslim Institute regarded the Timurids as rulers of guos, but these so-called guos
corresponded to the lower-tier mamlakats of the Perso-Islamic world.
A pronounced example of superimposing guo and its underlying assumption of a
named territorial unit onto Timurid rulership can be found in the Xiyu fanguo zhi
(《西域番國志》[Gazetteer of the Foreign Realms (Guos) in the Western Region]) by Chen
Cheng (陳誠), an envoy in the embassy that Yongle dispatched on October 12, 1413.223
Chen’s gazetteer is the only extant Chinese eye-witness account of the Timurid world. The
so-called guos mentioned in the gazetteer’s title were none other than cities, the names of
which formed the titles of entries. The first entry is “Harāt” (哈烈) and contains a description
of the city’s political, social, economic, cultural, and religious life that is fairly detailed for a
223 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 143 (《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之一百四十三
永樂十一年九月甲午). The embassy reached Samarqand on August 6, 1414 and Harāt the following
September 27. For studies of Chen and his mission, see Rossabi, “Two Ming Envoys to Inner Asia,” 15–29; and Felicia J. Hecker, “A Fifteenth-Century Chinese Diplomat in Herat.” Journal of the Royal
Xiyu fanguo zhi (《西域番國志》) as “Hsi-Yü Fan-Kuo Chih” using the Wade-Giles system. 225 For a chart of twenty-three local words that Chen used in his Xiyu fanguo zhi, see Hecker,
92. Chen did not note that two languages, Turkic and Persian, were spoken, or that there was a dual
society of Türks and Tājīks. With the exception of aqa (royal lady) and tanka (silver coin), the words
are Perso-Arabic, but all ones that have been borrowed into Turkic prose (at least by the time Ẕahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābor’s early sixteenth-century autobiography can attest).
means “also,” but in context, the secondary meaning “only” fits better. 233 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 169 (《大明太宗孝文皇帝實錄》卷之一百六十九
永樂十三年十月癸巳). Some details differed from what was written in the full gazetteer. 234 “Taizong,” Ming shilu, j. 195 (“哈烈撒馬兒罕諸國各遣使隨中官魯安郎中陳誠等來朝
貢馬及方物賜文綺紗羅襲衣有差”—《大明太宗文皇帝實錄》卷之一百九十五 永樂十五年十二
月丙申).
117
the Ming regarded Harāt and Samarqand as guos and the Timurids as “masters” ([guo] zhu
[國]主), “princes” (wang 王), or “chiefs” (toumu頭目) of those guos.
The Ming court never changed its mind about the Timurids being rulers of territorial
polities, though there was one change in terminology. From 1435 onwards, Samarqand and
Harāt were regularly referred to as dimian (地面), literally “land surface” or “area.”235
According to the explanation in the Ming shi (History of the Ming《明史》), “those with
large territory were called guo, while those with small [territory] were only called dimian.”236
I do not know the reason behind the decision to start regarding Samarqand and Harāt as
dimians, but it did coincide with the post-Yongle policy to scale down outside contacts. The
titles for the Timurids, however, did not seem to have been downgraded. Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd
Mīrzā, for example, was referred to as “Prince (wang) Abū Saʿīd of the Harāt area (dimian)”
in a 1463 entry,237 and Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā was called “Prince (wang) Sulṭān-Aḥmad of the
Samarqand area (dimian)” in a 1488 entry. 238 “Prince” was the highest title the Ming
recognized for a foreign ruler. In any case, dimian, like guo, distinctly denoted a named
territorial polity. The switch in terminology arguably demonstrated a further gap in politico-
235 For the first references to Samarqand and Harāt as dimian, see “Yingzong,” Ming shilu, js.
4, 84 (《大明英宗睿皇帝實錄》卷之四 宣德十年四月壬戌, 卷之八十四 正統六年十月辛卯). 236 Zhang Tingyu, “Zhuanlie 220 Xiyu 4,” in Ming shi, Chinese Text Project, http://ctext.org/.
(“地大者稱國,小者止稱地面”—《明史》列傳第二百二十 西域四). The Ming shi was an official
history commissioned by the Qing (清) court in the eighteenth century, and used the Ming’s Veritable
Records as a primary source. The explanation of the difference between guo and dimian was in direct
reference to the powers in the “Western Region” (Xiyu 西域, i.e., Central and Inner Asia). The use of
the term dimian for non-Timurid powers in Central and Inner Asia preceded 1435. See Mu Wu and
Zhizhen Dong, “The Relations between the Ming Dynasty and the “Small States” in the Western Regions in China During Hongwu and Yongle Rei[g]ns,” Journal of Yantai University (Philosophy
and Social Science Edition) 25, no. 2 (2012): 89–93. (武沐 董知珍 著《洪武永乐时期明朝与西域
诸“地面”的关系》《烟台大学学报》( 哲学社会科学版) 2012 年 4 月 第 25 卷 第 2 期。) 237 “Yingzong,” Ming shilu, j. 352 (“黑婁地面母塞亦王”—《大明英宗睿皇帝實錄》卷之
三百五十二 天順七年五月庚寅). 238 “Xiaozong,” Ming shilu, j. 15 (“撒馬兒罕地面速魯壇阿黑麻王”—
cultural communication with the Timurid world. Had Shāhrokh been told that the elchi Chen
Cheng called him the ṣāḥib (“master”) of the mamlakat (=guo) of Harāt, it might have been
forgivable given that Chen was an unknowing foreigner from distant Khitāy. But had any
Timurid learned that he was considered the ruler of a mere “area” (e.g., maḥall) too small to
even qualify as a mamlakat, there would have been an unpleasant diplomatic fallout.
Chapter Conclusion
Under Mongolian and Turkic conventions in chancellery/diplomatic documents, the
Chaghatayids, Ilkhanids, and Timurids did not see a need to express the object of their
rulership, and preferred to use simple personal titulature. In Persian-language documents,
elaborate Arabo-Persian honorifics were exchanged with Muslim counterparts. While these
honorifics often contained spatial/territorial references, they hardly expressed claims of rule
over real-world politico-administrative territories. The Europeans and Chinese encountered
the Timurids, probably scratched their heads over what the Timurids were rulers of, and
reacted with some hint of understanding, but also with considerable misunderstanding. The
authors of the Aragonese response letters and the scholar-officials who composed the Ming’s
Veritable Records were educated men of their era. Ruy González de Clavijo and Chen Cheng
were not only educated, but well-travelled and observant. Their misunderstandings are
testament to just how alien the Chinggisid-Timurid representation of rulership was to people
coming from political cultures in which unambiguous territorially-defined rulership and
political community constituted the norm.
Having made such claims, I must now deal with a fact that could pose a challenge to
them: beyond titles and honorifics, the Timurids (and their Muslim counterparts) have been
119
referred to as pādeshāhs of actual politico-administrative territories in native sources, many
of which were works of history written under Timurid patronage, or even by a Timurid in the
case of the Bābor-nāma. What does this reflect about Chinggisid-Timurid conceptions of
political community and rulership? I address this question in the next chapter.
120
CHAPTER THREE
PĀDESHĀHS OF WILĀYATS:
THE MID-LATE TIMURID PERIOD AND NUANCES IN CONCEPTION OF
RULERSHIP VIS-À-VIS TERRITORY AS REVEALED BY HISTORIES
This chapter examines nuances in the Timurid conception of rulership in relation to
territory from 1451–1530 as revealed by the use of language in works of history. It will
particularly focus on accounts concerning 1470–94, that is, when the fifth-generation
Timurids held contiguous territories in Central Asia and Khorāsān with generally stable
borders.239 Chapter Two demonstrated that in Chinggisid-Timurid chancellery/diplomatic
documents, simple Mongol-style titulature did not indicate the object of rulership, while
elaborate Arabo-Persian honorifics did not define rulership by real-world politico-
administrative territories; altogether, this reflected a confident set of politico-cultural
traditions that was distinct in contemporaneous Eurasia. Yet there is an elephant in the room
that I have not addressed, namely the fact that from time to time, the histories referred to
Timurid rulers as pādeshāhs of named territories, using the construction “pādeshāh-e
[wilāyat-e/mamlakat-e] (name of certain territory).” This was particularly true in primary-
source accounts concerning the mid-late Timurid period, when the dynasty’s geopolitical
landscape was more fragmented than ever before. So how then can I maintain the assertion of
Chapter Two? Was pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr, for instance, not essentially “King (or
Emperor) of Transoxiana,” and therefore akin to “King of England” or “Emperor of the Great
Ming”?
239 Counting Temür as constituting the dynasty’s first generation, I refer to his great-great-
grandchildren as the “fifth-generation Timurids.” If counting in terms of generation of descent, then
this generation is descended from Temür in the fourth generation.
121
My answer is that what the use of language in Timurid histories actually reveals is
that a pādeshāh possesses, controls, and administers named territorial units called wilāyat(s)
(pl. wilāyāt), a term used interchangeably with mamlakat (pl. mamālik) or mulk (pl. amlāk) in
the lower-tier sense, but not a formal conception of the Timurids as pādeshāhs of the
wilāyat(s) they possess. What I mean by “formal” is having a widely acknowledged fixed
special meaning that goes beyond the literal meaning(s) of the component word(s). Amīr al-
mu’minīn (“Commander of the Faithful”), for example, was a formal title, carrying special
meanings with wide acknowledgment. Thus, one could not become Amīr al-mu’minīn merely
by being an amīr (“commander”) while exercising leadership over a number of the mu’minīn
(“faithful believers”). Similarly, Shaykh al-islām was a formal title. One could not have
become a Shaykh al-islām merely by being a shaykh (“elder” or “leader”) who professed
Islam. Whereas an appellation like pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr that appears in Timurid
histories, for instance, was not a formal title (khiṭāb), but rather an informal description of the
ruler in question; pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr should hence not be translated in the manner
of “King of Transoxiana,” but as “ruler of Transoxiana,” as in “the person who happens to
exercise rule over Transoxiana.” This point will be demonstrated in later parts of this chapter
by analyzing a number of examples from primary sources.
Moreover, though the construction “pādeshāh-e [wilāyat-e] (name of certain
territory),” or its Turkic equivalent “(name of certain territory) [wilāyatı] pādeshāhı,” was
used in the histories, it was not used regularly. The Timurid rulers were more commonly
mentioned as becoming pādeshāh “in” a territory, having “taken” or “given” a territory, or
using other, more flowery language, such as having “raised the banner of authority” (ʿalam-e
salṭanat bar afrāsht) in a territory. This shows that a Timurid ruler’s existence as ruler was
122
not fundamentally defined by the territory in his possession, e.g., in the way of “King of
England” or a would-be “Pādeshāh of Farghāna.” A wilāyat bearing the name of a territory
certainly belonged to the ruler, but the ruler did not belong to the wilāyat in the sense of
occupying an “office” (naturally the highest political office) in the wilāyat. Such a wilāyat
was hence not imparted an existential political importance on par with that of the ruler, and
therefore could not have served as an object of loyalty and service. Overall, the use of
language in the histories suggests that a Timurid ruler, while possessing wilāyat(s), was not
conceived of as being ruler of wilāyat(s) on a formal level. At the same time, however, the
fact that the construction “pādeshāh-e [wilāyat-e] (name of certain territory)” was used
across multiple histories is evidence that it was, at least on a literal level, conceivable for a
Timurid to be ruler of a territory—a conceptual building block perhaps for the potential
formation of territorial polities. As this chapter will feature many pādeshāhs and many
wilāyats, it would be hazardous to proceed without a geopolitical overview supplemented by
historical backdrop.
1470–94: The Period of High Fragmentation and General Geopolitical Stability
The period 1470–94 uniquely witnessed a combination of high political fragmentation
and general geopolitical stability. I present here a brief overview of how this situation came
about and what the geopolitical map looked like in the said period.240 In the heyday of his
reign (c. 1459–68), Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā, a fourth-generation Timurid of Amīrānshāh’s
240 Two maps of the Timurid world in 1469–99 and an overview of the geopolitical situation
can be found in Bregel, An Historical Atlas of Central Asia, 47–49. Another overview is given in
Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises, 74–75. For a broader discussion of the geography of
medieval Khorāsān and Transoxiana, see G. Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate: Mesopotamia, Persia, and Central Asia from the Moslem Conquest to the Time of Timur (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1905), 421–45.
123
line, was the dynasty’s paramount ruler and on a trajectory of expansion. He had under his
control two heartland territories, Khorāsān and Māwarā al-Nahr, as well as a number of
outlying areas such as Türkestān, Farghānah, and Kābol in the east, and Māzandarān and
Jorjān in the west. 241 In early 1468, he launched an expedition toward Āẕarbāyjān
(Azerbaijan), but was thoroughly defeated and captured by Uzun Ḥasan (d. 1478) of the Aq
Qoyunlu at the Battle of Qarabāgh in early 1469. Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd was handed over to and
then executed by Yādgār-Muḥammad Mīrzā, a fifth-generation Timurid of Shāhrokh’s line
who was effectively under Uzun Ḥasan’s patronage. At the time of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s death,
his sons Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā, ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā, and Ulughbeg Mīrzā were governing
Māwarā al-Nahr, Farghānah, and Kābol, respectively. Another son, Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā,
was a participant in the doomed Āẕarbāyjān expedition, but managed to retreat back to
Khorāsān with an army. Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā, a fifth-generation Timurid of ʿUmar-Shaykh b.
Temür’s line, had been leading the life of a qazaq, or political vagabond, for about twelve
years, mostly in Khwārazm. 242 Throughout the 1460s, Sulṭān-Ḥusayn had continuously
defied Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s authority and raided into Khorāsān, though militarily, the qazaq
and his small band of followers posed a minor threat. However, what Sulṭān-Ḥusayn lacked
in fighting men, he made up for in ambition and perseverance.
241 For a map of the territories in Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā’s possession, see Bregel, An
Historical Atlas of Central Asia, 45. The map also shows the Qıpchaq Steppe under Abū al-Khayr
Khan (r. 1428–68) of the Uzbeks, whose geopolitical history was interconnected with that of the
Timurids. Abū al-Khayr Khan militarily supported Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā in taking Māwarā al-Nahr in 1451, thus playing an important role in the mīrzā’s rise to power. Abū al-Khayr Khan’s death,
coincidentally very close to Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s death, resulted in political fragmentation among the
Uzbeks. The resurgence of Uzbek power under Abū al-Khayr’s grandson Muḥammad Shıbanī Khan (d. 1510) in the first decade of the sixteenth century was achieved in great part through the conquest
of Timurid territories in Māwarā al-Nahr and Khorāsān. 242 On Sulṭān-Ḥusayn as a qazaq, see Subtelny, Timurids in Transition, 43–73. For the most
comprehensive study on the qazaq experience as a socio-political phenomenon and its role in state formation, see Joo-Yup Lee, Qazaqlïq, or Ambitious Brigandage, and the Formation of the Qazaqs
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s death resulted in a power vacuum in Khorāsān, and from 1469–70,
the brothers Sulṭān-Aḥmad and Sulṭān-Maḥmud in alliance, Yādgār-Muḥammad (backed by
Uzun Ḥasan’s troops), and Sulṭān-Ḥusayn vied for control of this territory. Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
turned out as the ultimate victor, executing Yādgār-Muḥammad and securing Khorāsān for
himself until his death in 1506. Sulṭān-Aḥmad and Sulṭān-Maḥmud retreated to Māwarā al-
Nahr, where Sulṭān-Aḥmad would continue to rule until his death in 1494. Sulṭān-Maḥmud
soon went off to Ḥiṣār, where he received the allegiance of local amīrs and took over a
region that also included Termeẕ, Chaghāniyān, Baghlān, Khuttalān, Qondūz, and
Badakhshān to the Hindu Kush. In Ḥiṣār, he reigned until 1494, when he moved to
Samarqand to succeed the recently deceased Sulṭān-Aḥmad, but he died just half a year later.
ʿUmar-Shaykh (d. 1494) and Ulughbeg (d. 1502) continued to rule in Farghānah and Kābol,
respectively, until their deaths. This general geopolitical stability from 1470–94 is
remarkable in that the death of Temür in 1405 and the death of Shāhrokh in 1447 were each
followed by a period of fragmentation and intensive internecine wars, out of which rose a
paramount Timurid ruler who reinstated general order.243 The death of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd in
1469, in contrast, was followed by a period of fragmentation, but not the rise of a comparably
paramount ruler. Rather, fragmentation under the five less powerful but relatively long-
reigning rulers—Sulṭān-Ḥusayn in Khorāsān, Sulṭān-Aḥmad in Māwarā al-Nahr, Sulṭān-
Maḥmud in Ḥiṣār, ʿUmar-Shaykh in Farghānah, and Ulughbeg in Kābol—became the new
norm.
243 On the crises and succession struggles following the death of Temür, see Manz, The Rise
and Rule of Tamerlane, 128–47; and Manz, Power, Politics and Religion in Timurid Iran, 16–33. On
the crises and succession struggles following the death of Shāhrokh, see Manz, Power, Politics and
Religion in Timurid Iran, 245–74. For a briefer overview of these two crisis periods, see Maria
Subtelny, “Tamerlane and His Descendants: From Paladins to Patrons,” in The New Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 3, The Eastern Islamic World, Eleventh to Eighteenth Centuries, ed. David O.
Morgan and Anthony Reid (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 180–85.
oshbu nawbat buyurdum kim meni pādeshāh degäylär).244
Thus, although Bābor referred to his father as a pādeshāh, he consistently called him
“ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā,” not “Umar-Shaykh Pādeshāh.”245 Similarly, although Bābor referred
to his paternal uncle Sulṭān-Aḥmad and his more distant uncle (third cousin once removed)
Sulṭān-Ḥusayn as pādeshāhs, 246 he consistently called them “Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā” and
“Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā,” respectively. It was also no contradiction that Bābor said “I became
pādeshāh at the age of twelve” (on iki yashta pādeshāh boldum),247 an event that took place
upon the death of his father in 1494, but ordered his followers to start calling him “Bābor
244 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 215a. The coinage of Bābor, his son Humāyūn, and his grandson
Akbar also features pādeshāh as a title. E.g., see Henry Nelson Wright, Catalogue of the Coins in the
Indian Museum Calcutta, vol. 3, Mughal Emperors of India (Oxford: Clarendon, 1908), 1, 3, 9. To my knowledge, this was not the case for the coinage of earlier Timurids, e.g., in Lane-Poole,
Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. 7, 3–53. 245 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 5b. 246 References to Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā as pādeshāh: Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 15b–16a.
References to Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā as pādeshāh: Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 21a, 85a. 247 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 1b.
regularly refer to Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd as “Mīrzā Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd” and not “Pādeshāh Sulṭān-
Abū Saʿīd,” when it does refer to him as pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr wa Khorāsān?249 By
way of comparison for example, Richard III’s (r. 1483–85) being the “King of England”
made him “King Richard,” but Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s being pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr wa
Khorāsān did not make him “Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Pādeshāh.” This was because pādeshāh was
248 Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, who respected and acknowledged Bābor and Bābor’s son and
successor Humāyun, consistently called them “Bābor Pādeshāh” and “Humāyūn Pādeshāh,”
respectively, in the Tārīkh-e rashīdī (Mirza Haydar Dughlat, Tarikh-i-Rashidi: A History of the
Khans of Moghulistan, ed. and trans. W. M. Thackston, 2 vols (Cambridge, MA: Department of Near
Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1996); and Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. ʿAbbās Qulī Ghaffārī Fard (Tehrān: Mīrās-e Maktūb, 1383/2004)). The Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar refers to
Bābor in many variations, such as “… Bābor Mīrzā” (without pādeshāh or pādeshāhī in any part of
saʿdayn wa majmaʿ-e baḥrayn referred to the Jochid ruler Muḥammad Khan as “pādeshāh of
the Özbäk (Uzbek) wilāyat”:
In this year, [in] the month of Ramażān [825] (August–September 1422)… from the
direction of the Dasht-e Qıpchaq, the envoys ʿĀlim-Shaykh Oghlan and Fūlād arrived
from Muḥammad Khan, pādeshāh of the Özbäk wilāyat… (dar īn sāl māh-e
Ramażān… az aṭrāf-e Dasht-e Qebchāq az pīsh-e Muḥammad Khān pādeshāh-e
wilāyat-e Ūzbak īlchīyān ʿĀlim-Shaykh Oghlān wa Fūlād rasīda…).252
Also for example, Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat’s Tārīkh-e rashīdī, in mentioning Yūnus Khan’s
return to Moghulestān (ca. 1454), states that “at the age of forty-one he again became
250 In Chinggisid-Timurid parlance, sulṭān was a generic term for “ruler” (e.g., al-Sulṭān al-
Aʿẓam, as often seen inscribed on coins). It was also a formal title attached to the names of Chinggisid scions who were not khan. These uses of sulṭān should not be confused with “Sulṭān” as part of a
name, e.g., “Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā.” When the Timurids were referred to as pādeshāh, sulṭān, or
khaqan in the generic sense of “ruler,” it did not necessarily imply equality with or substitution of Chinggisid khanship, which entailed the adoption of khan as a formal title attached after a personal
name (e.g., “Yūnus Khan”). 251 Shāmī, Ẓafarnāma, 10. Tughluq-Temür (r. 1347–63) will be further discussed in Chapter
253 Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 26a. 254 Mirza Haydar Dughlat, Tarikh-i-Rashidi: A History of the Khans of Moghulistan, trans. W.
M. Thackston, vol. 2, Sources of Oriental Languages and Literatures, 38, 42n2. 255 Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 33a–33b.
130
Bābor made a statement that similarly associates wilāyat (along with pādeshāh) with the
Timurid-held settled region in contrast to Moghūlestān:
Beg Telbä, who was in Moghulestān since he was born and grew up among Moghuls,
had never entered wilāyat and never served pādeshāhs of wilāyat, and had only
served khans (Beg Telbä kim tā tughup edi Moghulestānda edi moghul arasıda
ulghayıp edi wilāyatqa kirmäydür edi wilāyat pādeshāhlarıgha khidmat qılmaydur
edi khanlargha oq khidmat qılıp edi).256
In this passage, Bābor meant that Beg Telbä had never gone to a settled region. However,
when not used in this sedentary versus nomadic context, the term wilāyat was regularly
paired with the name of specific territory (e.g., wilāyat-e Farghāna, wilāyat-e Astarābād),
and Moghulestān too was referred to as a wilāyat.257 This arguably lends some justification
for translating wilāyat as “province.”258 However, this translation has its inadequacies.
Whereas “province” in modern English conjures up the sense of a precise
category/tier of sub-sovereign territorial-administrative division (e.g., the provinces of
Canada), in the Timurid world, there appears to be ambiguity as to what counted as a wilāyat
and what did not. Take Māwarā al-Nahr, for example. Was Māwarā al-Nahr a wilāyat or a
collection of wilāyats (pl. wilāyāt)? According to Bābor,
4:358. 258 Today, wilāyat is the official term for “province” in four Persian and/or Turkic-speaking
Central Asian states, namely Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. In China,
Kāshghar, Aqsu, Khotan, Altay, and Tarbagatay are also officially called wilāyats in Uyghur, though these are sub-provincial “prefectures” (two tiers below the central government). While modern uses
of wilāyat should not be read back upon history, the fact that this term has evolved to mean “province”
or “prefecture” across Afghanistan, China, and the former Soviet Union, three states with
interconnecting but divergent modern histories, suggests that the pairing of the term wilāyat with specific place names in pre-modern times had a lasting impact, leading later people to determine that
wilāyat is, after all, the closest equivalent to “province.”
131
Shāhrokh Mīrzā had given all the wilāyāt of Māwarā al-Nahr to his eldest son,
Similarly, there is the case of Farghāna in relation to Andijān. Let us compare the following
two passages. In the first, Bābor stated:
There are seven towns: …one is Andijān, which is in the middle; it is the capital of
the wilāyat of Farghāna (yeti pāra qaṣabası bar… bir andijān dur kim wasaṭta vāqiʿ
boluptur Farghāna wilāyatınıng pāytākhtı dur).261
259 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 50b. There are other references to the wilāyāt of Māwarā al-Nahr.
See for example, Samarqandī, Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn, 4:1010; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar, 4:102, 223, 384.
260 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 36a. There are other references to the wilāyat of Māwarā al-Nahr.
See e.g., Samarqandī, Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn, 4:741, 890, 895, 927, 1012, 1047; Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar, 4:21. I had difficulty determining the translation for Māwarā al-Nahr wilāyatı
maṣlaḥatı in this passage. I defer to Wheeler Thackston’s translation of “in the interests of
Transoxiana” (Baburnama, ed. and trans. W. M. Thackston, 72). In context, however, we know that
Māwarā al-Nahr never belonged to Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā, who had just concluded an incursion into the territories of the late Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Mīrzā. It is probable that Māwarā al-Nahr wilāyatı
maṣlaḥatı üchün meant “for the affair of [launching potential future attacks into, and/or defending
against potential attacks coming from,] Māwarā al-Nahr.” In the British Library manuscript of ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Khan-e Khanān’s Persian translation of
the Bābor-nāma, the text reads: داده یرزاالزامن م یعبجهت ماورالنهر بلخ را به بد یدبه بلخ رس یرزام ینان حسسلط ,
with مصلحت evidently added later, above بجهت ماورالنهر ([Bābor-nāma], MS, British Library, Or. 3714, fol. 46r). Unlike the main text, مصلحت is not in Nastaʿlīq, but a rather unaesthetic handwriting. All this
suggests that during or before the production of the manuscript, someone already found maṣlaḥat to
be confusing, and decided to leave it out. In future investigation, we might consider the possibility
that maṣlaḥatı was a misspelling of maslaḥatı (Māwarā al-Nahr wilāyatı maslaḥatı üchün- “to garrison, or fortify, against the wilāyat of Māwarā al-Nahr”).
261 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 2a.
132
In the second, he stated:
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā at first gave Kābol to ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā, made Bābā
Kābolī [his] beg atäkä, 262 and granted [him] permission to depart… After the
[circumcision] feast, in keeping with Temür Beg’s having given the wilāyat of
Farghāna to ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā the Elder (i.e., ʿUmar-Shaykh b. Temür), he
(Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd) gave the wilāyat of Andijān [to ʿUmar-Shaykh b. Sulṭān-Abū
Saʿīd], made Khodāberdi Tughchı Temür-Tash the beg atäkä, and sent [him] off.
(Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā awwal Kābolnı berip ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzāgha Bābā
Kābolīnı beg atäkä qılıp rukhṣat berip edi… toydın songra ol munāsabat bilä kim
Temür Beg ulugh ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzāgha Farghāna wilāyatını bergändür Andijān
wilāyatını berip Khodāberdi Tughchı Temürtashni beg ätäkä qılıp yibärdi).263
From these two passages, it would appear that Andijān, while clearly being part of the
wilāyat of Farghāna, was itself a wilāyat. How might we explain this phenomenon? One
explanation is that wilāyat was an informal term, akin to “region” in modern English; so for
example, something as big as the “Central Eurasian region” can include something as small
as “the Aral Sea region.” This might explain why a territory like Māwarā al-Nahr or
Farghāna could be both a wilāyat and contain wilāyāt.
At the same time, however, when specifically named wilāyats were granted to
Timurid mīrzās, there needed to be official borders to demarcate the mīrzās’ jurisdictions;
262 A beg atäkä, literary “lord-little father,” fulfilled the role of a guardian. 263 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 6b. Switching his sons’ appanages was a practice that Temür
used to maintain personal concentration of power. For more on appanages and princely power under
Temür, see Beatrice Manz’s discussion of “the armies of the princes” in Manz, The Rise and Rule of
Tamerlane, 84–89. See also Manz, “Administration and Delegation of Authority.” Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s
death in 1469 meant that for his sons, there was no longer a sovereign-father who may change their appanages. This arguably contributed to ruler-territory permanency as part of the new geo-political
norm till 1494.
133
and within each mīrzā’s territory, official subdivisional borders would have been necessary
for administration. In Rajab 905/February 1500, for example, Bābor had to accept an
agreement to divide Farghāna between himself and his brother Jahāngīr, who was under the
control of a rebellious beg referred to as Sulṭān-Aḥmad “Tanbal” (pronounced Tambal—a
pejorative meaning “the Lazy”). As Bābor recounted,
It was a peace in this manner: the wilāyats on the Akhsī side of the Khojand River
would fall under Jahāngīr. The wilāyats on the Andijān side would fall under me.
Uzkan would also be placed under our administration after [the rebellious begs’]
families are evacuated. (bu yosunlugh ṣulḥ boldı kim Khojand Suyınıng Akhsī ṭarafı
wilāyatlar Jahāngīrgha ta‘alluq bolghay Andijān ṭarafı wilāyatlar manga ta‘alluq
bolghay Uzkandnı ham köchlärini chıqarghandın song bizing dīwāngha
qoyghaylar)264
This passage shows that in dividing up the wilāyat of Farghāna, which itself consisted of
multiple wilāyats, the question of where the border between the two brothers’ territories
would lay was well on the minds of the begs who negotiated this agreement. Also, at least in
Bābor’s later recollection, delineating the border was understood in conjunction with fiscal
administration (dīwān). Therefore, when a named place is called a wilāyat (e.g., the wilāyat
of Farghāna), it usually denoted a formal and administratively precise territorial unit; and it
was also normal that the subdivisions within such a wilāyat were also called wilāyats. While
perhaps semantically confusing, there is no logical contradiction in this; in our own times,
there is the example of the autonomous Republic of Karakalpakstan being part of the
Republic of Uzbekistan. Having reviewed pādeshāh and wilāyat as individual terms, I turn to
بود و یافتهقرار یرزام یندر عراق مرده بود و پادشاهت خراسان به سلطان حس یرزام یددر آن زمان سلطان ابو سعسلطان یرزامقرر شده بود و حصار و قندوز و بدخشان به م یرزام ید ابن سلطان ابو سع یرزاپادشاهت سمرقند به سلطان احمد م
بود ید سلطان ابو سع یرزاابن م یخعمر ش یرزافرغانه به م یت اندجان و وال اهت بود و پادش یرزام ید محمود ابن سلطان ابو سع
sākht wa Jānī-Bek Dūldāy barādar-e khūrdtar-e Sulṭān-Bek Kāshgharī rā be-atabekī-
e shāhzāda muqarrar karda).275
273 Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 94b. This reference to Sulṭān-
Aḥmad Mīrzā as the pādeshāh-e samarqand appears in a section mainly surveying Mīrzā Ḥaydar’s
kinsmen; Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā is not the main subject. 274 An atabek (also atabeg), literarily “father-lord,” fulfilled the role of a mīrzā’s guardian. 275 Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar, 4:94. While I translate iyālat here as “governance,”
iyālat can also denote independent rule. There is, for example, a reference to the iyālat of Sulṭān-Abū
Saʿīd (one of whose sons is Sulṭān-Murād Mīrzā): “Mīrzā-Sulṭān Murād, in the time of his father’s
rule, stepped onto the seat of governance in the province[s] of Garmsēr and Qandahār (Mīrzā-Sulṭān Murād dar zamān-e iyālat-e pedar dar wilāyat-e Garmsēr wa Qandahār qadam bar masnad-e
Māwarā al-Nahr. So why did he not assume the “title” “pādeshāh of Māwarā al-Nahr,”
which the Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn and Tārīkh-e rashīdī attribute to his father?
Secondly, Bābor’s use of language overall shows that rulers possess and control
territory (e.g., “his wilāyats were,” “he took,” “in his control”), but not that rulership itself
was defined by territory. The following passage is from the biographical section devoted to
Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā, and it represents the typical way Bābor related Timurid rulers vis-à-vis
their territories:
His wilāyats were Samarqand and Bokhārā, which his father had given him. After
ʿAbd al-Quddūs killed Shaykh-Jamāl he took Tashkand, Shāhrokhiyya, and Sayrām,
[which] were in his control for some time. Later, he gave Tashkand along with
Sayrām to his younger brother ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā. Khojand and Ura Tepä were
also for some time Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā’s. (wilāyātı Samarqand wa Bokhārā erdi kim
atası berip edi Shaykh Jamālnı ‘Abd al-Quddūs öltürgändin song Tashkand wa
Shāhrokhiyya wa Sayrāmnı alıp edi nechä maḥall taṣarrufıda edi songra Tashkand
bilä Sayrāmnı inisi ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzāgha berip edi Khojand wa ura tepä ham
nechä maḥall Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzāda edi).281
Bābor related Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā to his territories using similar language:
His wilāyats: Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā had given him Astarābād… Since then, the
wilāyāt south of the Iron Gate and the Kohtan Mountain such as Termez,
Chaghāniyān, Ḥiṣār, Khuttalān, Qondūz, Badakhshān to the Hindu Kush Mountain
were under Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā’s control. After his older brother Sulṭān-Aḥmad
281 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 19b. ʿAbd al-Quddūs was an amīr of Yūnus Khan. Shaykh Jamāl
was the Chaghatay governor of Tashkand who had taken Yūnus Khan captive in collusion with a number of Yūnus Khan’s amīrs when the khan led his followers toward Tashkand, seeking a settled
life. See Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 32a–33b.
(wilāyātı atası Farghāna wilāyatını berip edi nechä maḥall Tashkand wa Sayrām
ham mīrzānıng taṣarrufıda edi kim aqhası Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā berip edi
Shāhrokhiyyanı farīb bilä alılıp nechä maḥall mutaṣarrif edi ākhir chaghlarda
Tashkand wa Shāhrokhiyya eligtin chıqıp edi).286
Plus, given the details Bābor put into recounting his life and world,287 we should reasonably
expect him to have mentioned the time he himself became “Pādeshāh of Farghāna,” had this
in fact been a formal title held by ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā. Instead, however, this was Bābor’s
account of himself becoming pādeshāh, written at the very beginning of his memoirs:
In the month of Ramażān in the year 899[/1494], in the wilāyat of Farghāna, at the
age of twelve, I became pādeshāh (Ramażān ayı tārīkh sekiz yüz toqsan toquzda
Farghāna wilāyatıda on iki yashta pādeshāh boldum).288
In a sentence accounting for his becoming a pādeshāh and mentioning Farghāna, Bābor’s
phraseology is strong inductive indication that there was not a formal title of “Pādeshāh of
Farghāna” passed down from father to son. The Tārīkh-e rashīdī chose a variant phraseology
in accounting for Bābor succeeding his father:
And the amīrs of ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā did manly (brave) deeds (i.e., securing
Farghāna against an invasion by Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā) and elevated to rulership the
son of ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā, Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Bābor Pādeshāh, who was
286 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 8a. 287 For discussions on the Bābor-nāma itself, see Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises,
23–27 and Wheeler Thackston trans., The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor (New
York: Modern Library, 2002), xvii-xxix.. 288 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 1b. While the Turkic locative case (da/de) can be used as
substitute for the possessive, making a construction like Farghāna wilāyātıda pādeshāh potentially
interchangeable with Farghāna wilāyātı pādeshāhı, this is almost certainly not the case here given
that on iki yashta is written between wilāyatıda and pādeshāh. ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Khan-e Khanān
certainly determined it to be a real locative case, hence translating as dar wilāyat-e Farghāna ([Bābor-nāma], MS, British Library, Or. 3714, fol.1v; Baburnama, ed. and trans. W. M. Thackston,
siyar uses similar wording: “the amīrs and pillars of regal fortune elevated that Royal Highness to rulership” (umārā wa arkān-e dawlat wa akābir wa aʿyān-e wilāyat ān hażrat rā ba pādeshāhī bar
dāshtand) (Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar, 4:226). 290 Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 32b. The word pādeshāhī
does not precede ḥiṣār wa qondūz wa badkhshān. This may be because Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā had the khuṭba read in the name of Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā before that of his own (Samarqandī, Maṭlaʿ-e
saʿdayn, 4:998; and Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar, 4:97).
For nearly forty years when he was pādeshāh in Khorāsān, there was not a day when
he did not drink after the midday prayer, but he never drank in the morning (qırq
yılgha yavuq kim Khorāsānda pādeshāh edi, hīch kün yoq edi kim namāz-e peshīndın
song ichmägäy walī hargiz ṣabūhī qılmas edi).291
His wilāyat: Khorāsān was his wilāyat. Its eastern [boundary] is Balkh, its western
[boundary] Bisṭām and Dāmghān, its northern [boundary] Khwārazm, its southern
[boundary] Qandahār and Sīstān. When a city like Harī (Harāt, Herat) fell to his hand,
day and night he did nothing except indulge in luxury and pleasure. (wilāyatı
Khorāsān wilāyatı edi sharqı Balkh gharbı Bisṭām wa Dāmghān shimālı Khwārazm
janūbı Qandahār wa Sīstān chūn Harī dek shahr eligigä tüshti tün wa kün ʿaysh wa
ʿisharttın özgä ishi yoq edi).292
Regarding Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā as a pādeshāh, Bābor also referred to him this way:
For a grand pādeshāh like Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā, the pādeshāh of a city of Islam like
Harī (i.e., Harāt, Herat), it is incredible that of these fourteen sons, only three were
not illegitimate children (Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā dek ulugh pādeshāh Harī dek Islām
shahrınıng pādeshāhı bu ʿajab tur kim bu on tört oghlıdın üchi walad al-zinā emäs
edi).293
Though in no sense could “the pādeshāh of a city of Islam like Harī” be a formal title of any
sort, and we know that Sulṭān-Ḥusayn was ruler of Khorāsān, not just the city of Harī. If one
referred to the King of England as “the king of a city of Christendom like London,” this
would have been regarded as inaccurate language, as London was not a kingdom. Whereas
291 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 164b. 292 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 165b–66a. For an overview of the geography of Khorāsān under
Timurid rule, see V. V. Barthold, An Historical Geography of Iran, ed., C. E. Bosworth, trans. Svat Soucek (Princeton: Princeton, University Press, 1984), 55–58.
293 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 169b.
150
Bābor could call Sulṭān-Ḥusayn “the pādeshāh of an Islamic city like Harī” because Sulṭān-
Ḥusayn’s being pādeshāh was not formally defined by Khorāsān in the first place.
Moreover, though Bābor called Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā “pādeshāh of Samarqand”
(Samarqand pādeshāhı), he did not use this construction for four of his paternal cousins or
for himself. Badīʿ al-Zamān Mīrzā and Muẓaffar-Ḥusayn Mīrzā, for example, were sons of
Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā, and this was how Bābor related them to the territories they held:
When Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Mīrzā reached Balkh, he gave Balkh to Badīʿ al-Zamān Mīrzā
in the interests of the wilāyat of Māwarā al-Nahr, and he gave his (i.e., Badīʿ al-
Zamān’s) wilāyat of Astarābād to Muẓaffar-Ḥusayn Mīrzā. They were made to
genuflect for Balkh and Astarābād respectively in the same assembly (Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
al-zamān Mīrzāgha berip anıng wilāyatı Astarābādnı Muẓaffar-Ḥusayn Mīrzāgha
berdi har ikäläsini Balkhgha wa Astarābādgha bir majlista yükündürdi).294
On these occasions, when the elder and younger brothers (i.e., Badīʿ al-Zamān Mīrzā
and Muẓaffar-Ḥusayn Mīrzā) were co-rulers in Harī, he (i.e., Ẕū al-Nūn Arghun) was
in the service of Badīʿ al-Zamān Mīrzā as lord plenipotentiary (bu furṣatlarda kim
Harīdä agha ini shirkat bilä pādeshāh edilär Badīʿ al-Zamān Mīrzā qashıda bu ṣāḥib
ikhtiyār edi).295
The first passage mentioning the assembly in which the two mīrzās genuflected for receiving
their appanages is a reminder that such an occasion was viewed with importance, and called
for ceremonial formalities. So had Timurid mīrzās received formal titles defined by their
294 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 36a. The ritual of genuflection involved the bending of the right
knee to the ground as a show of respect and obedience. 295 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 205a.
151
appanages, it is reasonable to assume that such titles would show up regularly in the sources,
but this is not the case.
Two other cousins of Bābor—Sulṭān-Masʿūd Mīrzā and Baysunghur Mīrzā—were
the sons of Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā. How Baysunghur Mīrzā is related to the territory he ruled
is of particular importance, as he succeeded to the “throne of Samarqand” after his father’s
death. In this capacity, he should have been viewed as successor to Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd as
pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr and to Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā as pādeshāh-e Samarqand. While
Bābor fought against Baysunghur Mīrzā and seized Samarqand from him in 1498, his
assessment of Baysunghur Mīrzā in the Bābor-nāma was largely laudatory,296 and in fact
starkly contrasted with the profound contempt he showed for Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā.297 Thus,
had pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr or pādeshāh-e Samarqand been formal titles, or even just
important representations of rulership, Bābor would have had no reason to leave them out.
Yet this was how Bābor accounted for Baysunghur Mīrzā’s rulership vis-à-vis territory:
During his lifetime, Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā gave Ḥiṣār to his eldest son Sulṭān-
Masʿūd Mīrzā and Bokhārā to Baysunghur Mīrzā, and granted his sons permission to
depart. At his death, neither [son] was present. After Khosraw-Shāh departed
Samarqand, the begs of Samarqand and Ḥiṣār reached an agreement to send a person
to Bokhārā to have Baysunghur Mīrzā come and be seated on the throne of
Samarqand. When Baysunghur Mīrzā became pādeshāh he was eighteen years old.
(Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā hayātıda ulugh oghlı Sulṭān-Masʿūd Mīrzāgha Ḥiṣārnı berip
296 Bābor says that Baysunghur Mīrzā “was justice-dispensing, humane, good-natured, and
learned prince” (ʿadālatpēsha wa ādamī wa khushṭabʿ wa fażīlatlıqh pādeshāhzāda edi) (Bābor,
Bābor-nāma, fol. 68b). 297 About his uncle Sulṭān-Maḥmud Mīrzā, father of Baysunghur Mīrzā, Bābor says that
“…he was by nature inclined to tyranny and vice… Moreover, Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Mīrzā’s begs and retainers were all tyrants and men of vice” (ṭabʿī ẓulm wa fisqqa māyil edi… beg wa begchä wa nökär
südäri tamām ẓālim wa fāsiq edilär) (Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 23b).
Mīrzā in Khorāsān during the fall-winter of 1506.300 (Bābor again occupied Samarqand from
autumn 1511 to summer 1512, but we do not know his perspective on his third reign in the
city due to the incompleteness of his memoirs.301) Hence, as far as the 1498 takeover was
concerned, Bābor would have had no reason to deny himself the “title” pādeshāh-e Māwarā
al-Nahr or pādeshāh-e Samarqand had they been formally important. He certainly did not
overlook adding ghazī (“holy warrior”) to his title after his defeat of Rānā Sangā in 1527.302
Yet Bābor referred to his takeover of Samarqand in 1498 in the following ways:
As soon as I sat on the throne of Samarqand, I favored the begs of Samarqand as they
had been before (Samarqand takhtıgha olturgach Samarqand beglärini burunqı dek
oq riʿāyat wa ʿināyat qıldım).303
This time I exercised padeshahship in Samarqand city for one hundred days (bu
nawbat Samarqand sharıda yüz kün pādeshāhlıq qıldım).304
Bābor’s lack of a pronounced sense of becoming the “ruler of” a territory he had acquired is
also seen in his account of the two other watershed events in his reign, i.e., his takeover of
Kābol in 1504, and his entrance into former Lōdī territory after the Battle of Pānīpat in 1526:
Toward the end of the month of Rabīʿ al-awwal, by God’s grace and generosity, the
mulk and wilāyat of Kābol and Ghaznī were subdued without fighting (Rabīʿ al-
awwal ayınıng ākhiride Tengri taʿālā fażl wa karamı bilä Kābol wa Ghaznī mulk wa
wilāyatını bī-jang wa jadal muyassar wa musakhkhar qıldı).305
300 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 187a. 301 For an account of Bābor’s third reign in Samarqand, see Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e
rashīdī, fols. 121–26.
302 See Wright, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum Calcutta, vol. 3, 1. 303 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 50b. 304 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 53a–53b. 305 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 128a.
154
Up until this date, on which I conquered Hindustān, five Muslim and two infidel
rulers have ruled in Hindustān (bu tārīkhda kim men Hindustān fatḥ qıldım besh
musalmān pādeshāh wa iki kāfir Hindustānda salṭanant qılurlar erdi).306
Of further note is that while Bābor formalized pādeshāh as a title for himself in 913/1507–8,
he did not mention elevating the wilāyat of Kābol to a “padeshahdom” to reflect his new
status.
While Bābor appears to have minimally used the construction “pādeshāh-e (name of
certain territory),” his recollections elsewhere in the Bābor-nāma reveal some of the closest
associations between being pādeshāh and having wilāyat. The following is a recollection of
how he felt after losing not only Samarqand in the spring of 1498, but also his original
territory of Farghāna due to the rebellion of a number of his begs:
Ever since I became pādeshāh, I had not been separated in such a way from nökär[s]
and wilāyat (tā pādeshāh bolup edim bu nawʿ nökärdin wa wilāyattın ayrılmaydur
edim).307
From this, we sense that while not defining his rulership by territory, Bābor saw the
importance of having wilāyat as being on par with that of having nökärs, or liegemen.308 It
306 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 270b. 307 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 54a. 308 It is noteworthy that in this case, the people to whom Bābor attached importance were
nökärs rather than the whole community of his subjects of steppe heritage (el wa ulus) or the
sedentary common people (raʿiyyat). The institution of nökär (Mo. nökör) was of early Mongol
origin. A nökär owed to his lord a personal allegiance that transcended tribal allegiance. Chinggis Qan relied on his nökörs as one of the most important sources of his politico-military power. Nökörs
served as bodyguards and members of his retinue, enjoying physical proximity to the ruler. Chinggis
Qan later appointed some of his most trusted nökörs as field commanders and viceroys of conquered regions. See Urgunge Onon, The Secret History of the Mongols, 7–8.
Elsewhere in the Bābor-nāma, there are a number of instances in which Bābor attached
importance to his bond with common people, especially those of Samarqand. It was in relation to
Samarqand that Bābor tended to emphasize the idea of “justice” (ʿadl, ʿadālat, dād) and portray himself as a “just” ruler. For examples of Bābor claiming to protect the people of Samarqand from
plunder, see Bābor-nāma, fols. 39b, 40, 51. See also Bābor’s account of how the people of
155
was as if to say that human political bonds alone were not sufficient for rulership. Wilāyat
had value to Bābor beyond being mere land or property. Bābor did not lament being deprived
of palaces, treasures, cash, livestock, arms and equipment, or any other material possession
that a ruler would be expected to have. His words in this one sentence arguably showed a
stronger sense of bond between ruler and territory than all the mentions of “pādeshāh-e
(name of certain territory)” seen elsewhere in the sources, which while literally referring to a
pādeshāh as being “of” a territory, did not emphasize a territory’s importance to being
pādeshāh at an existential level.
Chapter Conclusion
When a historian like Khwāndamīr penned the words pādeshāh-e Māwarā al-Nahr
wa Khorāsān, did he think of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s being a pādeshāh as fundamentally defined
by those very territories, or was this construction just one of the ways he found suitable for
providing information about Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd in using the Persian language? Through this
chapter’s analyses, I conclude the latter. “Pādeshāh-e [wilāyat] (name of certain territory)”
did not constitute a formal title, and neither was its use in the histories very pronounced.
Rather, it was an informal appellation used to give facts about a ruler and the territories he
ruled. At the same time, however, the idea of a Timurid being the pādeshāh of a territory was
clearly conceivable at a literal level. Moreover, given other evidences of close association
between pādeshāh, territory, and subjects (e.g., Bābor’s lamentation “ever since I became
pādeshāh I had not been separated in such a way from my nökär[s] and wilāyat”), we can say
that the fifth and sixth-generation Timurids had conceptual building blocks for potentially
Samarqand welcomed him upon ousting the Uzbeks in 1500 in Bābor-nāma, fol. 54. Another expression of people and territory being on par can be seen in the construction mulk wa millat (e.g.,
Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar, 3:48).
156
developing formal territorial polities. For the mid-fifteenth to early sixteenth century,
however, the construction “pādeshāh-e [wilāyat-e/mamlakat-e] (name of certain territory)”
cannot be viewed as a formal conception of rulership based on territory. I hope the elephant
in the room has been fed an adequate meal, but may this not be its last.
157
CHAPTER FOUR
TOWARDS A FULLER EXPLANATION:
THE LEGACY OF ULUS AND KHANSHIP AND THE TIMURIDS’ INDECISIVE
PATH TO FORMAL INDEPENDENCE
Chapter One discussed how the notion of the mobile ulus was still prevalent in the
Timurid era, but the major uluses, including the ulus of Chaghatay, was attributed certain
territorial characteristics. Chapter Two demonstrated that in Chinggisid-Timurid politico-
diplomatic culture, the representation of rulership lacked a clear object in Mongol-style
titulature, while Arabo-Persian honorifics artistically and irregularly applied spatial/territorial
references to Muslim rulers, altogether distinguishing itself from the corresponding
conventions in European and East Asian politico-diplomatic cultures. Chapter Three showed
that while Timurid political culture had literal expressions of rulership “of” territories, it did
not have a formal or pronounced notion of the same. Taking all these phenomena together,
how do we explain the lack of an officially named political community—be it an ulus,
mamlakat, or wilāyat—unambiguously expressed as the object of rulership by the end of
Timurid rule in Central Asia? Why was there no straightforward expression of a concept of
“king and country”? Chapters One and Two have already provided a partial answer to this
question by demonstrating the weight of tradition in Chinggisid-Timurid political culture.
Since ulus was the original Mongol concept of political community as well as the object of
khanship, then perhaps no wonder the Timurids did not formally regard themselves as the
pādeshāhs of their wilāyats, for they were the amīr and amīrzādas of the ulus of Chaghatay.
And since Mongol-style titulature and Arabo-Persian honorifics constituted the pre-existing
convention, the Timurids were merely perpetuating the same. The Timurids’ observance of
158
traditions, however, does not serve as a complete answer, for we know that the Timurids
actively sought to express their sovereignty independent of Chinggisid khanship.
Modern historians, observing the puppet roles of Soyurghatmısh Khan (r. 1370–84)
and his son Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan (r. 1384–1402) and the fact that Temür did not even
elevate a new khan after Sulṭān-Maḥmūd’s death, have understandably not paid much heed to
the institution of Chinggisid khanship in Timurid politics.309 We should appreciate, however,
that when the two puppet khans reigned, they provided clarity to the conception of political
community: Soyurghatmısh Khan and Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan, though Ogodayids by
bloodline, were khans of the ulus of Chaghatay, and Temür was the chief amīr of the same.
Recounting the initiation of hostilities between Temür and the Jochid Urus Khan in 777/1376,
Sharaf al-Dīn ʿAlī Yazdī understood Temür as having led none other than the army of the
ulus of Chaghatay:
His Highness the Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction (i.e., Temür)… assembled the
entirety of the ulus of Chaghatay, and late in the Year of Dragon, he marched against
dar awākhir-e lū yīl mutawajjih-e Urūs Khān shod).310
309 An exception is the relatively in-depth treatment of Temür’s legitimation through
Chinggisid khanship in John E. Woods, “Timur’s Genealogy,” in Intellectual Studies on Islam: Essays Written in Honor of Martin B. Dickson, edited by Michel M. Mazzaoui and Vera B. Moreen
(Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990), 98–109. Woods view Shāhrokh as one who “began
to carry out the definitive break with the Mongol past. Indeed, throughout the course of his long reign, a number of sources attest to his intentions to Islamize the ideology and the conduct of his
administration” (ibid., 115–16). I do not deny Shāhrokh’s Islamization policies, but I question
whether such policies necessarily implied break with the Mongol past, particularly in regards to the
institutions of ulus and khanship. This chapter treats not only the case of Shāhrokh, but also those of other fifteenth-century Timurid rulers.
310 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:464–65.
159
Yet once Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s reign ended and there was no successor khan, to what
political community did the Timurids belong? Was the ulus of Chaghatay considered to have
ended, and if so, what political community was understood to have taken its place?
This chapter examines the extent to which the institution of khanship and the ulus of
Chaghatay as a political community did or did not have a place in Timurid political culture
through the fifteenth century. While the extant historical sources generally portrayed an
image of the Timurids as independent rulers not in need of khanship, thereby allowing the
ulus of Chaghatay to essentially fade from relevance, the same sources also indicated that the
fifteenth-century Timurids never found a comprehensive alternative to the formal sovereignty
of Chinggisid khanship. There are evidences to suggest that after Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s
death in 1402, Temür deliberately instituted an indefinite “interregnum,” whereby in theory,
sovereignty still rested in khanship. In the subsequent decades, different Timurid rulers
implicitly or explicitly adopted different approaches to khanship and ulus. In Khorāsān,
Shāhrokh, Abū al-Qāsim Bābor, Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Bayqara, half-heartedly experimented with
exercising khanship themselves. Ulughbeg b. Shāhrokh and Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd appeared to
emphasize the institution of kuraganship, while ʿAbd al-Laṭīf b. Ulughbeg elevated a
Chinggisid khan, though for a particularly sinister purpose. In Central Asia, the entrance of
Yūnus Khan (d. 1487) and his son Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan (r. 1487–1508) into Timurid
politics turned the normative notion of Chinggisid sovereignty into more of an actuality
during the 1480s–90s, reinstating a version of the original Chinggisid-Timurid political order
in the region. Altogether, this chapter offers a critical reassessment of formal Timurid
independence from Chinggisid khanship, and demonstrates that from Temür to Bābor, the
Timurids in varying ways treated the ulus of Chaghatay as a zombie institution—
160
simultaneously dead and alive—resulting in trouble articulating an unambiguous official
conception of political community. This ambiguity, stemming from the Timurids’ indecisive
path to formal independence, is in turn a key reason why we should not expect a clear
conception of “king and country” for at least the first six generations of their rule, even
though they had conceptual building blocks for formal territorial polities, as previously
discussed.
Reassessing Timurid Independence from 1402–49: Kürägäns, Timurid Khans in
Khorāsan, and a Deliberate “Interregnum”?
While I do not dispute that Temür and his ruling descendants held de facto power
independent of Chinggisid khans, or that the Timurids adopted various symbols of
sovereignty to express their independence, I argue that formal Timurid independence from
Chinggisid khanship after 1402 needs to be reassessed. Changes and continuities in
conceptions of rulership and political community have a close interactive relationship with de
facto political power, but conceptions themselves fall squarely in the realm of the abstract,
i.e., in the minds of people. Therefore, the de facto absence of khans as nominal overlords
may or may not have led to changes in the fifteenth-century Timurids’ and the wider ruling
class’s perspectives on the questions of (1) what are the Timurids rulers of, now that there are
no reigning khans, and (2) do the Chaghatays still belong to the ulus of Chaghatay—does this
ulus still exist? Modern historians basically discount the ulus of Chaghatay as a political
community after the deaths of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan and Temür in 1402 and 1405,
respectively. Few if any would consider labelling “ulus of Chaghatay” (or “Chaghatay
Khanate”) on a map of fifteenth-century Central Asia and Iran, for the history from Shāhrokh
161
to Bābor is considered “Timurid history” in its own right, not “Chinggisid history” or
“Chaghatayid history.” However, if we could for a moment examine conceptions of rulership
and political community separate from de facto power, we might find that Timurid
independence from Chinggisid/Chaghatayid khanship and the end of the ulus of Chaghatay
are not so clear-cut.
One fact that stands to question formal Timurid independence from Chinggisid
khanship is the continuation of Timurid kuraganship after the death of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan
b. Soyurghatmısh. Temür and several of his ruling descendants, e.g., his grandson Ulughbeg,
his great-grandson Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd, and Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s sons Sulṭān-Aḥmad, Sulṭān-
Maḥmūd, and ʿUmar-Shaykh became kürägäns on account of their marriages to daughters of
Chinggisid khans.311 During the reigns of Soyurghatmısh Khan and Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan,
coins were minted with the name of the reigning khan followed by that of Temür.312 On these
coins, the subordination of Temür as kürägän was expressed as his name followed that of the
khan, for instance, Soyurghatmısh yarlıghı Amīr Tīmūr Kūrakhān (“By the edict of
Soyurghatmısh, Amīr Temür Kürägän”), or Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khān Amīr Tīmūr Kūrakān.313
By 806/1402–3, which was soon after Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s death, coins were minted in
Temür’s name only, for instance, Tīmūr Kūrakān Amīr […].”314 On the one hand, the minting
of such coins bearing only Temür’s name could certainly have been read as an assertion of
independence from Chinggisid khanship. On the other hand, could someone bearing the titles
kürägän and amīr have been understood as occupying a status other than of subordination
311 For a discussion of “The Timurids as an In-Law Dynasty,” see Manz, “Women in Timurid
Dynastic Politics,” in Women in Iran: From the Rise of Islam to 1800, ed. Guity Nashat and Lois
Beck (Urbana: University of Illinois Press 2003), 122–24. 312 Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. 7, 4–18. 313 Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. 7, 7, 11. 314 Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. 7, 19.
162
vis-à-vis khanship? This question must especially be asked regarding the title kürägän, which
since the time of Chinggis Qan had been applied to the sons-in-law of Chinggisid rulers. Any
notion that a kürägän was somehow not inferior to a khan would have run smack in the face
of common sense. Even if the khanship was to be forgotten, a coin minted in the name of a
kürägän would still have left the question “kürägän in which political community?”.
After Temür’s death, Shāhrokh eventually emerged as the paramount Timurid ruler,
and Harāt, Khorāsān, became the new political center. Shāhrokh and two later Harāt-based
1469, 1470–1506), claimed the title of khan. It is noted among researchers that the Timurids
were often hesitant to adopt khan as a title (khitāb) following their names, though they sought
opportunities to encroach upon the regal prerogatives of khanship.315 In Shāhrokh’s case, he
commissioned certain coins with the inscription “The Great Sulṭān, Shāhrokh Bahadur Khan”
(al-Sulṭān al-Aʿẓam Shāhrokh Bahādur Khān).316Abū al-Qāsim Bābor and Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
Bayqara commissioned coins with similar inscriptions.317 These Timurid khans, however,
ultimately represented an encroachment rather than advancement for the dynasty.
315 See Manz, “Tamerlane and the Symbolism of Sovereignty,” 105–7, Manz, “Temür and the
Problem of a Conqueror’s Legacy,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd ser., 8, no. 1 (1998): 34–
40, and Subtelny, “Bābur’s Rival Relations: A Study of Kinship and Conflict in 15th–16th Century
Central Asia.” Der Islam 66, no. 1 (1989): 115–16. 316 Stanley Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum, vol. 10,
Additions to the Oriental Collection 1876–1888: Additions to Vols. V–VIII, pt. 2 (London: Gilbert and
Rivington, 1890), 151. 317 Al-Sulṭān al-ʿAẓam [A]bū al-Qāsim Bābor Bahādur Khān, as shown on a coin from
854/1450–51 (Lane-Poole, Catalogue of Oriental Coins, vol. 7, 45), and al-Sulṭan al-‘Azam Ḥusayn
Bahādur Kh[an], as shown on a coin from 785/1383–84 (ibid., 46). See also Sulṭān-Ḥusayn’s seal with the inscription Abū al-Ghāzī Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Bahādur Khān versus contemporaneous seals and
decrees without the title khan in Shivan Mahendrarajah, “Two Original Decrees by Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
Bayqarā in the National Archives in Kabul,” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 71,
no. 2 (2018): 161–78. The headers of the two documents did not contain pretension to khanship, containing only “Abū al-Ghāzī Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Bahadur, Our Word” (Abū al-Ghāzī Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
Bahādur sözümiz), but one of the seals used on the back of the decree from 896/1491 contains “Abū
163
For their pretensions were not universally recognized even within the dynasty. The
Bābor-nāma, for example, consistently referred to them only as mīrzā. The Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn
referred to Shāhrokh by name numerous times, but on two occasions, it called him “Shāhrokh
Bahadur Khan,” once in the context of his birth and once in a context when Temür was still
alive.318 As Prof. Maria Subtelny pointed out to me, these claims to khanship were possible
because Khorāsān did not historically belong to the ulus of Chaghatay. Indeed, distance from
the old Chaghatayid power base would have helped embolden such pretensions. At the same
time, the way the Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn sporadically and mimially refers to Shāhrokh with the title
khan suggests there was a limit to Shāhrokh’s willingness to invest political capital into his
khanship. Had he intensely promoted himself as khan, he would have undoubtedly faced the
question: “khan of what?” If khanship was still understood in terms of holding an ulus, he
would have needed to either claim the khanship of the ulus of Chaghatay or proclaim a new
ulus. The same question would have applied to Abū al-Qāsim Bābor and Sulṭān-Ḥusayn.
Also, if these Timurid khans intended to unequivocally appropriate the khanship of the
Chinggisids, why did they not entitle their sons oghlan, their daughters khanım, and their
sons-in-law kürägän? These limitations in articulating and propagandizing the significance
behind Timurid khanship is an indication that the fifteenth century was a time when the
Timurid dynasty was experimenting, and not always successfully, with ways to formulate
conceptions of rulership that brought greater prestige without raising awkward questions
about political heritage.
Following Shāhrokh’s death in 1447, his son Ulughbeg, who had been governing
Māwarā al-Nahr from the dynasty’s old capital of Samarqand, contended to be the next
al-Ghāzī Sulṭān-Ḥusayn Bahadur Khan” (ibid., 166, 169, 172–73). This shows that even within a single document, the pretension to khanship may not have been consistent.
318 Samarqandī, Maṭlaʿ-e saʿdayn, 2:497, 667.
164
paramount Timurid ruler. Ulughbeg bore the title kürägän thanks to his marriage to Aq
Sulṭān Khanika, daughter of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan.319 When he briefly took over Harāt in
852/1448, a coin was struck in the name of “Tīmūr Kūrakān… Ulughbeg Kūrakān…”320 It
was not a very common practice to feature the name of a deceased predecessor on coinage,
so this inscription appears to have been a pointed effort to draw upon Temür’s legacy to
legitimate Ulughbeg’s rule during a time of dynastic turmoil. Hence, nearly half a century
after Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s death, Ulughbeg was prominently promoting himself as a
kürägän whose grandfather was a kürägän. With Temür’s aforementioned 806/1403–2
coinage and Ulughbeg’s 852/1448 coinage, what happened was the official continuation of
kuraganship with a defunct khanship. Ulughbeg’s commissioning of coins bearing the
unmistakably subordinate title kürägän, rather than succeeding to the khanship his father had
(half-heartedly) claimed, should lead us to question just how far the Timurids were willing to
go to assert their formal independence from Chinggisid sovereignty.
ʿAbd al-Laṭīf b. Ulughbeg was recorded infamously in histories as having elevated a
khan in order to pronounce a judgment against his own father, who was then sent on a
pilgrimage to Mecca and murdered. According to ʿAbd al-Razzāq Samarqandī,
In the custom (yosun) of His Highness the Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction (i.e.,
Temür), Mīrzā ʿAbd al-Laṭīf elevated a khan. He commanded a group to genuflect
before the khan. They petitioned that “Mīrzā Ulughbeg has killed our people unjustly
and we seek retribution.” The khan commanded, “Do whatever is in accordance with
the religious law.” (Mīrzā ʿAbd al-Laṭīf be-yūsūn-e ḥażrat-e Ṣāḥib-Qirān khān bar
Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s death, the “ulus of Chaghatay” and its khanship largely faded from
the historical accounts of the Timurids. Take Yazdī’s Ẓafarnāma, for example. It records:
When the news of this event (i.e., the death of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan) reached His
Highness the Lordship of the Auspicious Conjunction, the fire of sorrow burned
inside the hearth of [his] body, and tears of sympathy followed from his royal eyes,
and he opened the divinely-assisted tongue with the recitation of the noble verse ‘We
are God’s, and to Him we return’ (Q 2:156)” (wa chūn khabar-e īn wāqiʿa be-hażrat-
e Ṣāhib-Qirānī rasīd ātesh-e ḥuzn dar kānūn andarūn ishtiʿāl yāfta āb-e riqqat az
dīda-e humāyūn rawān shod wa zabān-e tawfīq be-karīma-e inna lillahi wa inna
ilayhi rājiʿūna begoshād).323
Here, Temür was portrayed as devoted to his khan, but the Ẓafarnāma then proceeded to
other narratives, as if life just went on. Yet if the ulus of Chaghatay ended with the death of
Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan, what political community became the official successor? I propose
that what actually happened after the khan’s death was not the official establishment of a new
political community to replace the ulus of Chaghatay, but rather a deliberately drawn-out
“interregnum.”
The Chinggisid world was no stranger to interregnums. After both the death of
Chinggis Qan in 1227 and the death of Ögödei Qa’an in 1241, there was an approximately
two-year gap before the accession of the successor. While there was no qan (or qa’an) during
the interregnum, there would have been no doubt that the Great Mongol Ulus still existed,
and that the members of the ruling class, i.e., the queens, princes, and commanders, were still
legitimate holders of their titles and offices. Much closer to Temür’s time, there was the
precedent of Tughluq-Temür Khan. According to the Tarīkh-e rashīdī, the Moghuls
323 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 2:1165.
167
recognized no khan after the death of Esän-Buqa Khan (r. 1310–18) until Amīr Bolaji
Dughlat elevated Tughluq-Temür (r. 1347–63) to the throne.324 From Temür’s perspective in
1402, it would have made ample sense to let an “interregnum” happen. When he elevated
Soyurghatmısh Khan in 1370, it was an act to help legitimize his own authority as the
preeminent amīr in the ulus of Chaghatay, for the previous khan, Kābul-Shāh (r. 1364–70),
had been enthroned by Amīr Husayn of the Qara’unas, Temür’s ally-turned-chief rival. In the
following three decades, Soyurghatmısh Khan and Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan provided Temür
with the official mandate to build up his power to unprecedented levels. So by the time of
Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s death in 1402, a new khan could have done little to give Temür more
authority than he already had.
Yet a new khan would still have been his overlord, and therefore a potential center of
gravity for forming opposition. Should disaffected members of the ruling class, such as tribal
amīrs or perhaps one of Temür’s own sons had wished to rebel, going over to the khan and
attempting to override Temür’s authority in the khan’s name would have been a natural move.
The fact that the khan would be Temür’s puppet would not have been seen as a fail-safe. In a
political system heavily reliant on personal loyalties, a puppet khan could become powerful
overnight if members of the ruling class turned to him. Tughluq-Temür owed his khanship to
Amīr Bolaji, but turned out to be a powerful enough ruler to lead the conquest of Māwarā al-
Nahr. By letting an indefinite “interregnum” happen, Temür prevented his overlord from
turning against him and/or being used against him, while not having to contradict the
fundamental framework of political legitimacy under which he had operated for over thirty
years. The usurpation and ultimate failure of the Moghul amīr Qamar al-Dīn Dughlat,
324 Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 6a. The exact history of the
post-Esän-Buqa Khan interregnum should be treated cautiously, as the Tārīkh-e rashīdī tends to have
questionable accounts of reigns and dates.
168
moreover, would have served as a lesson to Temür. 325 If indeed Temür engineered an
“interregnum” as I suggest, then it was an ingenious ploy, as it allowed him and his heirs to
enjoy the new political order without having to pay the potential cost of tearing down the old.
In sum, if the “Timurid” period from 1402 till at least 1449 was formally understood as a
Chaghatayid “interregnum,” then the prominent displays of the title kürägän on Temür and
Ulughbeg’s coins as well as ʿAbd al-Latif’s elevation of a khan would have made total sense,
because after all, who said the ulus of Chaghatay had ended?
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā versus Yūnus Khan
In the internecine wars that followed the death of Shāhrokh, the ultimate winner was
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā. Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd had been a member of Ulughbeg’s retinue, but
during the time of turmoil he betrayed his patron and sought to seize Samarqand for himself.
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd was initially unsuccessful, but he ultimately succeeded in 1451 with the aid
of Abū al-Khayr Khan of the Uzbeks. Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd had been given the hand of the
khan’s daughter Khanzāda Begim.326 In 860/1456 (according to the Tarīkh-e rashīdī, but
likely 1459 or later),327 Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd formed an alliance with the Moghul Yūnus Khan,
and married Yūnus’s elder sister Qutlugh-Sulṭān Khanım.328 There is a coin (year obliterated)
325 For Temür’s expeditions against Qamar al-Dīn Dughlat, see, Hodong Kim, “The Early
History of the Moghul Nomads: The Legacy of The Chaghatai Khanate,” in The Mongol Empire and
Its Legacy, ed. Reuven Amitai-Preiss and David O. Morgan (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 299–307. 326 Muʿizz al-ansāb, fol. 154b. 327 This alliance was said to have been made when Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd met with Yūnus Khan in
occupied Harāt in 1457, and did not permanently take over Harāt until the final days of 1468 (Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-siyar, 4:67, 76).
328 In the list of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s wives, there is “Qutlugh-Sulṭān Khanım, from the khan”
(Qutlugh-Sulṭān Khanım az khān ast) (Muʿizz al-ansāb, fol. 154b). Bābor does not give the name of
this khanım, but wrote that Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd married Yūnus Khan’s elder sister (Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 10b). Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 29b gives the year of the
alliance as 860/1456.
169
minted in Samarqand featuring the inscription “The Great Sulṭān, Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Kürägän”
(al-Sulṭān al-Aʿẓam Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Kūrakān).329 I have been unable to determine whether
it was his marriage to the Jochid Khanzāda Begim or to the Chaghatayid Qutlugh-Sulṭān
Khanım that first allowed him to bear the title kürägän, but in any case, the inscription shows
that he was following in the tradition of Temür and Ulughbeg—albeit with a certain nuance.
If Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s kuraganship was based on marrying Khanzāda Begim, it would show
that even a Jochid khan was seen as affording Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd a legitimacy similar to that
held by Temür and Ulughbeg. So even though Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd swindled Abū al-Khayr
Khan upon capturing Samarqand, and thereby established himself as a de facto independent
ruler,330 he continued to base a certain part of his political status from his Jochid marriage. If,
on the other hand, Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s kuraganship was solely based on marriage to Qutlugh-
Sulṭān, then it would mean that he was recognizing the eastern (Moghul) line of Chaghatayid
khans. (The prerogative of the eastern Chaghatayids to be overlords of the Timurids will be
further discussed.) Either way, it shows that at the time the coin was minted, Chinggisid
khanship itself, and not necessarily through the western royal line of the ulus of Chaghatay,
continued to afford legitimacy to Timurid rule in the form of kuraganship.
Yet regarding Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s view of the Chinggisid-Timurid relationship, a
particular passage in the Tarīkh-e rashīdī must be examined at length. This passage has
gained the attention of modern scholars, and on the surface, it demonstrates Sulṭān-Abū
Saʿīd’s assertion of full formal independence from Chinggisid khanship:
[Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā] sat on the same throne with Yūnus Khan in a pavilion in
the Zāghān Garden in Khorāsān, gave the khan regal banquets, and they swore to
To be sure, anywhere from seventy to ninety years passed between the purported making of
this statement by Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd to the penning of this statement in the Tarīkh-e rashīdī.
The accuracy, if not authenticity, of this statement must therefore be treated with extra
caution. Assuming that this statement is authentic and the wording is basically accurate, then
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd clearly intended to use his support of Yūnus Khan as an opportunity to
formally claim Timurid independence from, and equality with, the Chinggisids once and for
all.
For Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd to have had this intention should not be too much of a surprise.
From Temür’s decision to not elevate a new khan in 1402, it was already obvious that the
Timurids felt no genuine loyalty to the Chinggisid house. If the Timurids had an endgame, it
was to continuously build up their own prestige so that they could one day realize precisely
the kind of independence that Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd purportedly asserted. The immediate context
of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s statement, however, may reveal another side to the narrative.
According to the Tarīkh-e rashīdī, Yūnus Khan was by then a forty-one year old (as with the
ed. Ghaffārī Fard, 110–11:
ند و قراردادها به خان کشید و عهد و شرط چ و در خراسان در کوشک باغ زاغان در یک تخت نشست و طویهای پادشاهانه
کردند. از جمله یکی آن بود سلطان ابوسعید میرزا به خان گفت که میر تیمور را در اول خروج امرا گردن اطاعت کما ینبغی
طاعت کنیم. نمینهادند و اگر جمع را استیصال میفرمود، موجب کسر قوت خود میشد. امرا گفتند، خانی باید نصب کرد تا خان را ا
غاتمیش خان را به خانی نشاند و امرا گردن اطاعت به خان نهادند. میر تیمور خان را نگاه میداشت و طغرا و میر تیمور سویور فرامین ترکی به نام او بود. چون او وفات یافت، پسرش سلطان محمود خان را به جای وی نصب فرمود، بعد از میر تیمور تا
انی جز اسمی بیش نبود در اواخر حال، خود خان اکثر در سمرقند بند میبود. ین امر مرعی میبود اما از خزمان میرزا الوغ بیگ ا
حالیا چون نوبت پادشاهی به من رسید، استقالل من به حدی شده است که مرا به خان احتیاج نمانده است. اکنون من شما را از لباس معهود و مشروط آن است که من بعد بر خالف یورت اصلی شما را فرستادم. فقر برون آوردم و خلعت پادشاهی پوشانیدم و با
اسالف و خوانین ماضی که دعوی میکردند که میر تیمور و دودمان میر تیمور نوکر مآند، ابا عن جد این دعوي نکنند، زیرا که
یباید شما نام دعوي نوکری من کند. اکنون ماگر چه در قدیم چنان بود، اما چنان نماند حالیا من پادشاه بسر خودم، دیگری چون خادم و مخدوم را برآرید و اسم دوستی را اطالق کنید و به طریق خوانین با میرزایان تیموري نژاد ننویسید بلکه کتابت دوستانه
د و یونس خان همه مرعی دارید و همچنین من بعد فرزند به فرزند میباید که این امر مرعی باشد. از این مقوالت قراردادها کردن
رد نمود و بر این عهد او شرطها را به سوگندان مغلظ مؤکد کردند و خان را رخصت داد. را قبول ک
whether there was in fact a ascertainI was unable to khan imprisoned in Samarqand by Ulughbeg. According to John E. Woods, the Tarīkh-e rashīdī is the only source that suggests this happened
(Woods, “Timur’s Genealogy,” 116, 124n129).
173
year 860/1456, there is possibly an inaccuracy here).332 He had left Moghulestān when he
was a teenager after losing a power struggle to the coalition that supported his brother Esän-
Buqa Khan (r. 1429–62).333 In the following decades, Yūnus Khan basically lived as a
politically powerless scholarly figure in the Timurid territories and ʿIrāq. Hence, what
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd was doing was setting up Yūnus Khan as a viable counterweight to Esän-
Buqa Khan, who had fought against Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd and continued to be a threat looming
in the east. For all intents and purposes then, Yūnus was at the time Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s
puppet, to be used in undermining Esän-Buqa. Yet from the purported statement, it would
appear that from Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s perspective, even this puppet khan to be sent off to rule
Moghuls had serious potential to one day assert sovereignty over him and his heirs based on
Chinggisid-Timurid historical precedent. Therefore, it was necessary to give a speech on how
times had changed, and to make Yūnus Khan solemnly acknowledge a relationship of
equality. Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s words and actions reveal an underlying lack of confidence and
suggest that even by the late 1450s, there was still broad consensus that Chinggisid khanship
was normatively superior to Timurid rulership.
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd may very well have been moving toward full, formal, and
permanent independence from Chinggisid sovereignty. However, his premature death in
1469 led to a massive redrawing of the Timurid geo-political map, and Yūnus Khan would
enter deep into the political affairs of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s sons. In the following section, I will
focus on Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s ruling heirs, and how they became absorbed back into a version
[Khan]” constituted a subgroup of Mongols assigned to Chaghatay Khan. Joo-Yup Lee
emphasized that the Mongol origin, heritage, and identity of Temür and the Chaghatays were
never lost upon Muslim historians, both Timurid and non-Timurid.335 Though by Temür’s
time, the “Moghul ulus” only meant a grouping of tribes in the eastern territories of the
original ulus of Chaghatay Khan. Despite Moghūl being but the Persianized variant of
“Mongol,” it is as if the eastern grouping were no longer part of a larger “ulus of Chaghatay,”
despite its khans being Chaghatayid, while the western grouping (i.e., the “Chaghatays”) was
no longer part of a larger “Mongol ulus” despite identifying by the name of Chaghatay Khan
(who was definitely a Mongol!).336 However ironic this may be, it is what the sources say,
and modern scholars have understandably studied late fourteenth and fifteenth-century
“Chaghatay” and “Moghul” identities based on the Timurid-era sources. 337 Importantly
335 Joo-Yup Lee, “The Historical Meaning,” 122–24 and Joo-Yup Lee, “Turkic Identity in
Mongol and Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Qipchaq Steppe,” in Oxford Research Encyclopedia:
Asian History. Oxford University Press, 2019, 9–11. https://oxfordre.com/asianhistory/view/10.1093/
acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277727-e-443. 336 Khwandamīr at one point referred to Tughluq-Temür Khan as “pādeshāh in the ulus of
Chaghatay of the Jätä” (dar ulūs-e Jaghatāy-e Jata pādeshāh būd) (Khwāndamīr, Tārīkh-e ḥabīb al-
siyar, 3:398). The context was Tughluq-Temür Khan about to invade Samarqand. This reference suggests that though “Chaghatay” and “Moghul” became separate neighboring identity groups, it was
never forgotten that the Moghul ulus was derived from the original ulus of Chaghatay Khan. In the
understanding of Ḥaydar Dughlat, Chinggis Qan divided the “world” amongst four sons, each with his ulus. “One of the four was ‘Moghul’ and the ‘Moghul’ became divided into two parts, one [being]
‘Moghul’ and the other ‘Chaghatay’ (az ulūs-e arbaʿa yakī Moghūl ast wa Moghūl be-do qism
Thackston, fol. 58; ed. Ghaffārī Fard, 190). So from this perspective, the “Moghul ulus” was equivalent to the original ulus of Chaghatay Khan, and the (western) Chaghatays separated from this
Moghul ulus. See also Lee, Qazaqlïq, 132–33. 337 See Beatrice Manz, “The Development and Meaning of Chaghatay Identity,” in Muslims
in Central Asia: Expressions of Identity and Change, ed. Jo-Ann Gross (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 1992), 36–44; and Ali Anooshahr. “Mughals, Mongols, and Mongrels: The
Challenge of Aristocracy and the Rise of the Mughal State in the Tarikh-i Rashidi,” Journal of Early Modern History 18 (2014): 571. Many scholars believe that the Moghuls referred to the Chaghatays
as “Qara’unas” with the meaning of “mongrel,” a definition based on Marco Polo (see Peter Jackson,
“The Mongols of Central Asia and the Qara’unas,” Iran 56 (2018): 92). Peter Jackson proposed that
“the relatively shortlived paramountcy of the Qara’unas amirs within the western khanate may itself have justified the application of the term to the western khanate by the Mughals in the east” (ibid.,
100). Since the Qara’unas was a real tribe in the Ulus of Chaghatay, it is unlikely that the sole
176
however, no one ever denied that the Moghul khans belonged to the dynasty of Chaghatay
Khan, and this fact alone would have legitimized the Moghul khans to rule the “Chaghatays”
in the west.
Despite the clearly articulated division between the Chaghatays and Moghuls, the
Timurids do not appear to have challenged, on the basis of this division, the legitimacy of
Moghul khans to extend their rule to the western half of the original ulus of Chaghatay Khan.
Kim Hodong argued that “our notion about the Chaghatai disintegration may have originated
from a post factum judgement made by later generations. People living in the old Chaghatai
realm do not seem to have thought in that way at least to the end of the fourteenth
century.”338 Indeed, as Kim noted, the Ẓafarnāma of Niẓām al-Dīn Shāmī acknowledged that
“thirty-one individuals have exercised rulership in the ulus of Chaghatay Khan” (wa-ammā
ānhā keh dar ūlūs-e Chaghatāy Khān pādeshāhī karda-and sī-o-yak tan and), and then listed
those individuals. 339 In the list, the twenty-fourth ruler is “Buyan-Qulı Khan, son of
Sorghatu,” the twenty-fifth is “Temür-Shāh, son of Yosun-Temür Khan,” the twenty-sixth is
“the pādeshāh Tughluq-Temür, son of Emil-Khwāja,” the twenty-seventh is “Ilyās-Khwāja,
son of Tughluq-Temür,” the twenty-eighth is Kābul-Sulṭān, son of Durchi,” the twenty-ninth
is “ʿĀdil-Sulṭān, son of Muḥammad,” the thirtieth is “Soyurghatmısh Khan,” and the thirty-
first is “Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan, son of Soyurghatmısh Khan.” This list clearly inserted
Tughluq-Temür and Ilyās-Khwāja into the same line as the western khans, including Temür’s
two puppet khans. By this reckoning, Tughluq-Temür and Ilyās-Khwāja were not khans of
prevalent definition of Qara’unas at the time was the derogatory “mongrel.” It is also plausible that
many Moghuls could have still considered themselves “Chaghatay” in the sense of belonging to the
ulus of Chaghatay Khan, and therefore it would have made sense to refer to their counterparts in the
west by another name. 338 Kim, “The Early History of the Moghul Nomads,” 317. 339 Shāmī, Ẓafarnāma, 13–14.
177
the Moghul ulus who happened to have subjugated the ulus of Chaghatay, but rather khans
who “have exercised rulership in the ulus of Chaghatay Khan.” The Ẓafarnāma of Yazdī
includes the same basic list, but with more biographical information. In Yazdī’s words,
“thirty-two individuals who are rulers of Chinggisid descent have sat upon the throne of
khanship in the ulus of Chaghatay” (pādeshāhān-e Chinggīz-nezhad keh dar ulūs-e Jaghatāy
bar takht-e khanī neshasta-and sī wa do tan-and).340 Tughluq-Temür and Ilyās-Khwāja’s
Chaghatayid lineage, backed by actual military conquest and the servitude of many western
amīrs (including Temür), evidently gave them their place in Timurid historiography as
legitimate rulers of the ulus of Chaghatay.
Another indication that the Timurids viewed Moghul Chaghatayids as potential khans
of the entire ulus of Chaghatay, both in the east and the west, may be inferred from the
Timurids’ apparent non-recognition of Khiżr-Khwāja b. Tughluq-Temür (r. 1390–99) as
khan. Khiżr-Khwāja restored khanship to his house after the demise of Qamar al-Dīn Dughlat.
However, Shāmī’s Ẓafarnāma always referred to Khiżr-Khwāja as “Khiżr-Khwāja Oghlan,”
never as “Khiżr-Khwāja Khan.”341 There is a section called “On the Amīr Lord of the
Auspicious Conjunction’s Sending Khiżr-Khwāja Oghlan’s Son Before the Father and the
Request for a Daughter” (Ẕikr-e ferestādan-e Amīr Ṣāhib-Qirān pesar-e Khiżr-Khwāja
Ūghlān rā pīsh-e pedar wa khwāstārī-e dokhtar kardan).342 In this episode, Temür sent
Khiżr-Khwāja’s son Shamʿ-e Jahān (later khan, r. 1399–1408) back to Khiżr-Khwāja with a
marriage request, and this resulted in Tükäl Khanım being married off to Temür. Later, when
recounting the news of Khiżr-Khwāja’s death reaching Temür, Shāmī mentioned the friendly
340 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:200. See similar list placing Tughluq-Temür and Ilyās-Khwāja
amongst the western Chaghayids (ibid., 219–20). 341 Shāmī, Ẓafarnāma, 116, 169, 171, 273. 342 Shāmī, Ẓafarnāma, 169.
178
relations that had been established, but again referred to the Moghul ruler as “Khiżr-Khwāja
Oghlan.” “Khiżr-Khwāja Oghlan” was also consistently mentioned throughout the
Ẓafarnāma of Yazdī, except in the title of the corresponding section on the marriage proposal:
“On His Highness the Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction’s Requesting a Daughter of
Khiżr-Khwāja Khan…” (Goftār dar khwāstārī namūdan-e hażrat-e Ṣāhib-Qirān Dokhtar-e
Khiżr-Khwāja Khān rā…). 343 In this one instance, the Moghul ruler was referred to as
“Khiżr-Khwāja Khan,” but in the very first sentence that followed the section title, Yazdī
reverted back to “Khiżr-Khwāja Oghlan.”344 This shows that the Timurids knew full well
Khiżr-Khwāja was a khan, and Yazdī’s single inconsistent reference might have been a slip
of the pen.
Malikat Agha, another daughter of Khiżr-Khwāja, was married to Temür’s son
ʿUmar-Shaykh, and then to Shāhrokh after her first husband’s death. The genealogical work
Muʿizz al-ansāb fī shajarat al-ansāb therefore recorded Malikat Agha’s name among ʿUmar-
Shaykh’s wives as well as among Shāhrokh’s, and in both instances referred to her as
“daughter of [Khiżr] Oghlan.”345 The Muʿizz al-ansāb’s non-recognition of Khiżr-Khwāja’s
khanship is likely why it referred to neither ʿUmar-Shaykh nor Shāhrokh as kürägän. (In
contrast, Amīrānshāh b. Temür and Ulughbeg b. Shāhrokh were both referred to as kürägän,
and they each had a wife listed explicitly as the daughter of a khan.346) So why did the two
Ẓafarnāmas and the Muʿizz al-ansāb not recognize Khiżr-Khwāja’s khanship? The only
reason I can suggest is that Khiżr-Khwāja’s khanship conflicted with Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s.
343 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:855. 344 Yazdī, Ẓafarnāma, 1:855. 345 Under “Amīrzāda ʿUmar-Shaykh Bahadur,” she is recorded as “Malikat Agha, daughter of
an oghlan” (Malikat Āghā dokhar-e ūghlān) (Muʿizz al-ansāb, fol. 101b). Under “Amīrzāda Shāhrokh
Bahadur,” she is recorded as “Malikat Agha, daughter of Khiżr Oghlan” (Malikat Āghā dokhar-e Khiżr Ūghlān) (ibid., fol. 134a).
346 Muʿizz al-ansāb, fols. 123b, 140b.
179
As an additional note, the Muʿizz al-ansāb recognized Khiżr-Khwāja’s successor, Shamʿ-e
Jahān, as “Shamʿ-e Jahān Khan.”347 Since Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan died in 1402 and Shamʿ-e
Jahān reigned till 1408, recognizing the latter would not necessarily have contradicted the
legitimacy of the former. If my interpretation is correct, it would mean that the early
Timurids saw themselves and the Moghuls as still theoretically belonging to one overarching
ulus, and thus allowing for only one khan at a time. I now return to the protagonist of this
section, Yūnus Khan.
With historical memory of a unified ulus and the precedent of Tughluq-Temür and
Ilyās-Khwāja, it would have been entirely conceivable for Yūnus Khan to establish himself
as the khan of the entire ulus of Chaghatay, with overlordship over the Timurids. Again, if
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd’s statement recorded in the Tarīkh-e rashīdī is reliable, then we see that he
was very much concerned about Yūnus Khan stepping into the role of Chaghatayid overlord
based on historical precedent. Even if the passage was not authentic, it still reveals that when
Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat penned it, it was conceivable to the people of the time (1520s–60s)
that a Moghul khan had the potential to become overlord of the Timurids. Ironically for
Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd, Yūnus Khan headed very much in the direction of becoming such an
overlord. The sources did not say outright just what kind of formal political relationship
Yūnus Khan had with the heirs of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd. What the Tarīkh-e rashīdī, and to an
extent the Bābor-nama, presented was that Yūnus Khan was a benevolent father-in-law and
gentle political force, trying to keep Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā and ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā from
each other’s throats, and magnanimously forgiving ʿUmar-Shaykh when he turned against
347 Ulughbeg’s wife Ḥusn-Negār Khanika is noted as “daughter of Shamʿ-e Jahān Khan”
According to René Grousset’s interpretation, “On various occasions Yūnus had to protect
ʿUmar-Shaykh against [Sulṭān]-Aḥmad. As a result, the Timurid principality of Farghāna fell
into vassalage of the khan, who beat him when he revolted, and forgave him and came to
hold his court in Andijān” (“A diverses reprises Younous eut à protéger 'Omar-cheîkh contre
Ahmed. De ce fait le principauté timouride du Ferghâna tomba dans sa vassalité pour le khan
qui le battait quand il se révoltait, lui pardonnait et venait tenir sa cour chez lui à
Andidjân”).355 Grousset did not go into depth to demonstrate that the relationship between
Yūnus Khan and ʿUmar-Shaykh was indeed one between lord and vassal, rather than
between equal allies, and his interpretation does not appear to have gained traction in later
scholarship. Yet his interpretation is also not far-fetched if we consider the account of
ʿUmar-Shaykh’s “revolt” as related in the Tarīkh-e rashīdī:
Once, ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā, in fear of his elder brother Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā,
petitioned and brought over Yūnus Khan and gave the khan Akhsī. The khan set up
winter quarters in Akhsī. When this news reached Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā, Mīrzā
Sulṭān-Aḥmad ceased hostilities. Once ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā felt secure from Sulṭān-
Aḥmad’s hostile action he began to consider the khan in Akhsī a burden, as Akhsī is
one of the greatest towns of Farghāna. He therefore turned against the khan, and a
354 Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fol. 34a. This account is
confirmed by Bābor in briefer fashion in Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 5b. 355 René Grousset, L’empire des steppes: Attila, Gengis-Khan, Tamerlan (Paris: Payot, 1939),
544. Grousset also wrote that “On various occasions Yunus protected ‘Umar-Shaykh against [Sulṭān]-
Aḥmad’s attempts. As a result, the Timurid of Farghāna became a vassal for the khan, who beat him
when he rebelled, and forgave him and came to court at his home in Andijān” (“A diverses reprises
Younous protégea 'Omarcheîkh contre les tentatives d’Ahmed. De ce fait le Timouride du Ferghâna devint un véritable vassal pour le khan qui le battait quand il se révoltait, lui pardonnait et venait tenir
sa cour chez lui à Andidjân”) (ibid., 372).
184
battle was fought at the bridge at Täkkä Segritkü. No matter how much the khan
advised the mīrzā against it, it was of no use. In the end, battle was joined, and
ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā was defeated. They captured and brought the mīrzā bound
before the khan. The khan rose, went forward, and immediately released the mīrzā’s
hands, granted the mīrzā many favors, and sent him [away], saying “God forbid, your
men suffer destruction. Go quickly. I will follow you home.” As ʿUmar Shaykh Mīrzā
went to Andijān, the khan dismissed the Moghul ulus to Moghulestān, and came with
his household and a few others to Andijān. He spent two months as guest at ʿUmar-
Shaykh Mīrzā’s home without any rancor between them. (yakbarī Mīrzā ʿUmar-
The wording “granted the mīrzā many favors” (mīrzā inʿāmāt karda, or mīrzā rā ʿināyāt-e
besyār karda) strongly suggests a lord-vassal relationship. Moreover, if we think about this
inductively, even if ʿUmar-Shaykh had not formally sworn fealty to Yūnus Khan before the
Battle of Täkkä Segritkü, how likely would it have been for the mīrzā to have been brought
bound before the khan, released, and then act like a political equal to the khan in their
subsequent relations? Yūnus Khan would have had to be the most liberal father-in-law in the
whole history of the Orient to have spent those later two months in Andijān as ʿUmar-
Shaykh’s buddy.
Lastly, we should analyze how Yūnus obtained control of Tashkand in 1485, a geo-
political change with major consequences for the Timurids in the twenty years following.
According to Mīrzā Ḥaydar, fighting broke out when Sulṭān-Aḥmad tried to take Tashkand
from ʿUmar-Shaykh, and “the khan sent his elder son, Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan, against Sulṭān-
Aḥmad Mīrzā with thirty thousand men dripping in iron and steel” (khān nīz pesar-e kalān-e
khod Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khān rā dar muqābila-e Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā sī hazār kas dar gharq-e
āhan wa fūlād ferestād).357 Then, Khwāja ʿUbayd Allāh Aḥrār (d. 1490), the preeminent
Naqshbandī Sufi master based in Samarqand, brought Yūnus Khan, Sulṭān-Aḥmad, and
ʿUmar-Shaykh together to meet for peace talks, and decided upon giving Tashkand to the
be noted for the apparent evidence of a mobile “Moghul ulus,” distinct from Moghulestān (khān ulūs-
e Moghūl be-Moghūlestān rukhṣat (ijāzat) dād). See variant edition, ed. Ghaffārī Fard, 125:
عمر شیخ از جهت توهم برادر کالن میرزا سلطان احمد، یونس خان را طلبید و اخسی را به خان داد. یکبارگی میرزامر شیخ خان در اخسی قشالق انداخت. چون این خبر به سلطان احمد میرزا رسید، سلطان احمد میرزا فسخ تعرض کرد. چون ع
در اخسی گران میداشت، چه اخسی اعظم بالد فرغانه بلکه میرزا را خاطر از تعرض میرزا سلطان احمد جمع شد، بودن خان را
ام البالد فرغانه است. از این جهت به خان یاغی شد. در سر پل تکاسگروتکو جنگ شده خان هر چند نصیحت کرد به میرزا را بسته بودند خان شکست بر جانب میرزا افتاد. میرزا را گرفته پیش خان میآوردند، میرزا سودمند نبود. آخر جنگ در پیوستند.
برخاست و پیش و از آمده دست میرزا گشاده همان لحظه میرزا را عنایات بسیار کرده فرستاد، که مردم تو ویران نشوند زود برو
ندجان رفت، خان الوس مغول را اجازت داد که به مغولستان برآیند و من نیز متعاقب به خانه تو میروم. چون عمر شیخ میرزا به ا
مع کوچ و معدود چند به اندجان رفت. دو ماه در خانه میرزا عمر شیخ مهمان بود، هیچ کلفت در میان نشد اندجان رفت. دو و خود ماه در خانه میرزا عمر شیخ مهمان بود، هیچ کلفت در میان نشد.
chārdara üydä olturup edilar üydin kirgäc üç yükündüm khan ham taʿẓīm qılıp
362 To be sure, this is not to say that Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan simply inherited any and all
sovereignty Yūnus Khan enjoyed—we know better than to expect this of the Chinggisid-Timurid
political system by this point. After Yūnus Khan died in 1487, ʿUmar-Shaykh Mīrzā, followed by
Sulṭān-Aḥmad Mīrzā, each tried to take Tashkand, but both were repelled by Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan (Mīrzā Ḥaydar Dughlat, Tārīkh-e rashīdī, ed. Thackston, fols. 41b–42b). We also know that
hostilities/“revolt” did not preclude near-future reconciliation. It’s just a family matter, after all.
188
qoptılar körüshüp yanıp yükügändin song yanlarıgha tiläp qalın shafaqat wa
mehrbānlıqlar körsättilär).363
In subsequent years, there were occasions when Bābor went to Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan for aid,
and Bābor was at times completely dependent on the khan. In 1502, Bābor along with his
mother took refuge in Tashkand with the khan. As Bābor recollected,
During this period in Tashkand, I endured much hardship and misery. I had no
wilāyat and no hope of wilāyat. Most of my liegemen had departed. The few who
were left were too wretched to move about with me. If I went to my uncle the khan’s
gate, I went sometimes with one other person and sometimes with two—at least it
was a good thing that he was a kinsman and not a stranger. After meeting with my
uncle the khan, I used to go to see Shāh Begim, as though I were entering my own
house, bareheaded and barefoot. (Bu muddatta kim Tashkandta edim khaylī qallāshlıq
maʿdūdī kim qalıp edi qallāshlıqtın mening bilä yürüy almas edilar khan dadamning
eshikigä barsam gāhī bir kishi bilä gāhī iki kishi bilä barur edim walī yakhshılıq bu
edi kim yat emäs edilär, tughqan edilär khan dadamgha körünüsh qılıp Shāh Begim
qashıgha kelür edim öz üyüm dek bash yalang ayaq yalang kirär edim).364
Thus, even though Bābor claimed to have become a pādeshāh (pādeshāh boldum) in 1494
upon succeeding his father,365 which is credible in the sense that he was an appanage holder
with begs (or, amīrs) serving him, he was definitely not independent vis-à-vis Sulṭān-
Maḥmūd Khan.
363 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 31b–32a. 364 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 101a–101b. Shāh Begim was a wife of Yūnus Khan and the
mother of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan, but not Bābor’s maternal grandmother. Bābor’s mother was Qutlugh-Negār Khanım, daughter of Yūnus Khan and Esän-Dawlat Begim.
365 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 1b.
189
To my knowledge, there is no known Timurid coin minted in the name of Yūnus
Khan or Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan. If in fact no such coin was ever minted, it should not
necessarily be read as conclusive indication that vassalage did not exist. Rather, given the
aforementioned information in the Tārīkh-e Rashīdī and Bābor-nāma, not minting such coins
would most likely have been the result of the khans’ relative lack of administrative power
and/or attention to enforce this conventional symbolic act. None of the accounts of Yūnus
Khan or Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s overlordship over the Timurids suggested takeover of any
mīrzā’s administration. Of comparable note, according to the Tārīkh-e Rashīdī, Bābor sent
his cousin Mīrzā-Khan to the Safavid ruler Shāh Ismāʿīl (r. 1501–24) in 1511 with a message
offering “obedience and pleading for support” (iṭāʿat wa inqiyād wa iltimās-e kūmak wa
madad), which Ismāʿīl granted.366 Bābor then commissioned coins with Shīʿa inscriptions,
such as the names of the twelve imams and the declaration “ʿAlī is the friend of God” (ʿAlī
walī Allāh), but the only ruler’s name on the coins was “Sulṭān Bābor Bahādur.”367 This
shows that in practice, there was room for autonomy in minting coins under conditions of
vassalage; an overlord whose power had not reached into the administrative apparatus of his
vassal, particularly one with his own army and kingly ambitions, was in effect dependent on
his vassal to mint coins that adequately expressed submission.
Whereas Bābor’s allegiance to Ismāʿīl and pro-Shīʿa phase were not acknowledged in
the Bābor-nāma, Bābor did not shy away from recounting his relationship with Sulṭān-
Maḥmūd Khan. Even though Bābor expressed many misgivings about this uncle-khan of his,
as well as about Moghuls in general, he wished for his readers to know that he never
harbored any thought of disloyalty. With Bābor under his protection, Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan,
The most revealing term in this passage is perhaps nökärlik, or “state of being a nökär.”
Since the early Mongol period, nökärs were liegemen in close attendance on their lords, often
serving as trusted bodyguards. In Babor’s time as well, there could have been no mistake that
a nökär owed his lord fealty and service.
There is a separate matter that I have yet to discuss, namely Bābor’s account that he
genuflected three times during his first audience with Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan. To have only
genuflected three times instead of nine may indicate that the khan granted Bābor a special
favor, and perhaps recognized Bābor as holding an extraordinarily high rank. (Or perhaps the
khan’s audience with Bābor was not considered a formal enough occasion to warrant nine
genuflections). For when Sulṭān-Aḥmad Khan came with his army to aid Sulṭān-Maḥmūd
Khan, the younger khan genuflected nine times before his elder brother:
From there they set out in the direction of Tashkand. My uncle Ulugh Khan had also
come out three or four leagues from Tashkand in greeting. Canopies were set up in an
area, and Ulugh Khan sat there. As Kichik Khan came face-to-face, and as he got near,
he circled around behind the khan’s left, and stopped in front of him. When he
reached the place for the meeting, he genuflected nine times before proceeding for the
encounter. Ulugh Khan rose as Kichik Khan approached, and they met. They stood
embracing each other for a long time. Kichik Khan genuflected nine times as he
withdrew. He genuflected many times as the gifts were presented. After that he came
forward, and they sat down. (Ol yerdin Tashkand sarı mutawajjih boldılar Ulugh
Khan dädäm ham Tashkanddın üch-tört yıghach yol utru chıqıp keldi Bir yerdä
369 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 108a–108b.
192
shāmiyānalar tikip Ulugh Khan olturdı Kichik Khan rūbarūdın kelädür edi yavuq
yetkäch khannıng sol qolı bilä käyindin evrülüp kelip khannıng alıda tüshüp keldi
Körüshür yergä yetiship toquz qatla yükünüp kelip körüshti Ulugh Khan ham Kichik
Kan yaqın yetkäc qopup körüshtilär. Ghalaba quchushup turdılar. Yanghanda ham
Kichik Khan toquz qatla yükündi. Tartıgh tartqanda ham qalın yükündi. Andın song
kelip olturdılar).370
Moreover, just before this ceremonious meeting between the two khans, Bābor, who had
ridden out in front of the welcoming party, already greeted Sulṭān-Aḥmad Khan. On that
occasion, Bābor genuflected before Sulṭān-Aḥmad Khan, but Sulṭān-Aḥmad Khan’s sons
genuflected before Bābor:
I genuflected and went forward to meet him. Flustered and agitated, he ordered
Sulṭān-Saʿīd Khan and Bābā-Khan Sulṭān to dismount, genuflect, and meet me. Of
the khan’s sons only these two had come. They were thirteen or fourteen years old.
(Yükünüp barıp körüshtüm iżṭirāb wa infiʿālda bolup fī'l-ḥāl Sulṭān-Saʿīd Khān bilä
Bābā-Khan Sulṭānnı buyurdılar kim tüshüp mening bilä yükünüp körüshkäylär.
Khannıng oghlanlarıdın oshbu iki sulṭān oq kelip edi on üch-tört yashta bolghaylar
edi).371
Bābor was about twenty years old at the time, so by familial status he was an “older brother”
(aqa) to his two cousins. Nonetheless, genuflection was inherently political as well, and for
Bābor to have received such homage from Chaghatayid princes (sulṭāns) further suggests that
he was regarded as having a high rank. In sum, Bābor’s own words conclusively reveal that
370 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 102b–103a. Nine was considered an auspicious number and of
ritual importance, as shown in Sulṭān-Aḥmad Khan’s nine genuflections. Gifts, for example, were
also expected to be given in nines on important ceremonial occasions. 371 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 102b. The reference to Sulṭān-Saʿīd as “Sulṭān-Saʿīd Khan” (r.
1514–33) is retroactive.
193
he was a vassal of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan and was also inferior in rank to Sulṭān-Aḥmad
Khan, but with the above accounts regarding the number of times of genuflection, it is not
clear exactly how this relationship was understood. Interestingly perhaps, in the
approximately ten years that Bābor interacted closely with his two uncle-khans, he was not
made a kürägän, so the traditional khan-kürägän relationship was not replicated in this case.
(But admittedly, I have not found out whether there was a bachelorette khanım available for
Bābor at the time). This unclarity makes it difficult for us to determine the conception of
political community underlying Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan and Bābor’s relationship.
When Bābor was with Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan, was the khan recognized as the khan of
the ulus of Chaghatay [Khan]? Or was Bābor considered to have entered the Moghul ulus, of
which Sulṭān-Maḥmūd was khan? Or was it understood that Bābor was a sort of “foreign”
vassal to Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan of the Moghul ulus? Bābor explicitly wrote of Yūnus Khan
and Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan as possessing the khanship of the Moghul ulus.372 This stands in
contrast to when Shamī and Yazdī acknowledged Tughluq-Temür and Ilyās-Khwāja as ruling
the ulus of Chaghatay. In fact, in the Bābor-nāma, I have not found any reference to the “ulus
of Chaghatay [Khan].” From this fact, it would be hard to argue that Yūnus Khan and Sulṭān-
Maḥmūd Khan were formally recognized as khans of the ulus of Chaghatay [Khan] by the
Timurids. At the same time, however, there are two passages that might indicate that Bābor
considered the Chaghatays, or “Türks,” and the Moghuls to be part of a common ulus, but
neither of these passages is solid proof. One passage is from his description of Samarqand.
Bābor mentioned that Moghuls and Türks call Samarqand “Semīzkand,” meaning “Fat City.”
372 Bābor recounted that Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā “made him (i.e., Yūnus) khan in the Moghul
Ulus” (moghul ulusıda khan qılıp) (Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 10b). Bābor also mentioned that “on this
occasion, the khanship of the Moghul Ulus was held by Yūnus Khan’s eldest son, my maternal uncle Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan” (bu furṣatta Moghul ulusınıng khanlıghı Yūnus Khannıng uluq oghlı mening
The wording he used was Moghul wa Türk ulusı ‘Semīzkand’ derlär.373 Moghul wa Türk
ulusı could be read as “the (unified) ulus of Moghul and Türk,” but it might also have meant
“the Moghul ulus and the Türk ulus,” with ulus mentioned only once in order to not be wordy.
A unified ulus of Moghul and Türk would have been none other than the original ulus of
Chaghatay Khan,374 but if this was indeed what Bābor meant, why did he not simply refer to
this instead of Moghul wa Türk ulusı? It is possible that this Moghul wa Türk ulusı did not
imply an ulus in the strictest sense of political community, but rather “people” in a more
general sense. Elsewhere in his memoirs, Bābor referred to both the Moghuls under his
command in Samarqand during his first takeover of the city (1497–98), and the Moghuls
under Khosraw-Shāh in 1504, as “Moghul ulus” (Moghul ulusı).375 Bābor definitely knew
that there was the grand “Moghul ulus” ruled by khans like his maternal grandfather and
uncle,376 but in these two contexts, he was referring to smaller groupings of Moghuls as
“Moghul ulus” too. So if Moghul ulusı was not a strict term to Bābor, Moghul wa Türk ulusı
might not have been one either.
In another passage, Bābor referred to an ulus that appears to have meant a common
ulus to which Moghuls and Türks belonged. The backdrop was Bābor in Tashkand, and the
passage is as follows:
Through the intermediary of Khwāja Abū al-Makārim, I (i.e., Bābor) stated the
following case [to Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan]: an enemy like Shıbaq Khan (i.e.,
373 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 44b. 374 As Joo-Yup Lee clarifies, “Chinggisid and Timurid historians used Türk as a term
relational to Tajik, meaning the sedentary Iranian population, not as an antonym of Mongol” (Lee, “The Historical Meaning,” 121). Bābor subscribed to this broad notion of Türk, while also using Türk
in a narrower sense to mean the (western) Chaghatays under Timurid rule (ibid., 109n38, 123n122). 375 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 52a, 122b–23a. For more on Türk ulusı in the Bābor-nāma, see
Dale, The Garden of the Eight Paradises, 158, 161. Khosraw-Shāh was an amīr of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Mīrzā, but by 1504, he had become a virtually independent lord.
376 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fols. 5b–6a.
195
Muḥammad Shıbanī Khan of the Uzbeks) had appeared on the scene, and he posed a
threat to Türk and Moghul alike. He should be dealt with now while he had not yet
successfully defeated (attacked) the ulus or grown too strong. (Khwāja Abū al-
Makārimnıng tawassuṭı bilä bu sözni aragha saldım kim Shıbaq Khan dek ghanīm
paydā boluptur munıng żararı Türkkä wa Moghulgha musāwī dur munıng fikrini
ḥālālıqta kim ulusnı hanūz yakhshı basmaydur wa köp ulghaymaydur qılmaqlıq wājib
tur).377
Here, since “Türk and Moghul” were mentioned in the same category in the immediately
preceding sentence, it is reasonable that this ulus should be inclusive of both. It cannot be
ruled out, however, that ulus here referred only to Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan’s Moghul ulus. Alas,
because the Bābor-nāma never even mentioned the “ulus of Chaghatay [Khan],” I am not
willing to definitively claim that the relationship between the khan and Bābor was that
between the khan of the ulus of Chaghatay and a mīrzā of the same.
Nonetheless, we can conclude with ninety-nine percent certainty that Bābor was a
vassal of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan, and we know with absolute certainty that Sulṭān-Maḥmūd
Khan was regarded as a Chaghatayid. Bābor gave a genealogy of Yūnus Khan that traced
back to Chaghatay Khan, 378 and Bābor’s daughter Golbadan Begim literally called the
Moghul ruling family “Chaghatayid” (Chaghatayya).379 At the same time, maternal familial
ties notwithstanding, Bābor did not consider himself “Moghul.” So with a Chaghatayid khan
377 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 101b. 378 Bābor, Bābor-nāma, fol. 9b. 379 “For a period of full eleven years, in the land of Māwarā al-Nahr, he (i.e., Bābor) had
battled and struggled with the Chaghatayid, Timurid, and Uzbek rulers such that the tongue of pen is
too weak and feeble to recount” (muddat-e yāzdah sāla kamāl dar olka-e Māwarā al-Nahr bā salaṭīn-
e Chaghatayya wa Tīmūriyya wa Ūzbakiyya janghā wa tarradudāt namūda and keh zabān-e qalam az sharḥ-e taʿadād-e ān ʿājiz wa qāṣir ast) (Golbadan Begim, Humāyūn-nāma, in Three Memoirs of
Humáyun, ed. and trans. W. M. Thackston (Costa Mesa: Mazda Publishers, 2009), fol. 3a).
196
as overlord and a Timurid mīrzā as vassal, to what political community did they belong, if
not to the (unified) ulus of Chaghatay Khan? I pose this rather rhetorical question because for
Temür, Ulughbeg b. Shāhrokh, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf b. Ulughbeg, Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd, the ruling sons
of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd, and Bābor, if we are to ask regarding any one of them “what was he a
kürägän of?” or “what was he a mīrzā of?,” the evidences point back to the ulus of Chaghatay.
However, these very evidences raise another question: why should we have to read between
the lines to surmise that the ulus of Chaghatay was still the political community to which the
Timurids belonged? A political community and its official name should have been at the
center of political identity, unambiguously and ubiquitously appearing in the sources. Would
one studying the fifteenth century need to read between the lines to identify a king or
nobleman as belonging to the “Kingdom of France”?
The ulus of Chaghatay that appears in the sources as a shadowy entity arguably
reflects the Timurids’ indecisiveness in articulating an unambiguous official conception of
their political community. If indeed Temür deliberately started an “interregnum” for the
reasons I proposed, such a scheme could not have been propagandized and integrated into the
representations of Timurid rulership. Without solemnly declaring a new political community,
the ulus of Chaghatay did not officially end, but without reigning khans, actively promoting
the ulus of Chaghatay would have made the Timurids’ position awkward—“why does our
ulus of Chaghatay not have a Chaghatayid khan?”, people would have asked. When ʿAbd al-
Laṭīf Mīrzā did elevate a khan, the subsequent fratricide and the mīrzā’s own demise soon
afterwards meant that this episode was unflattering for all parties involved, Chinggisid and
Timurid, and thus hardly a foundation for clarifying political identity vis-à-vis the ulus.
Yūnus Khan and his son Sulṭān-Maḥmūd stepped into the role of overlord, especially for
197
ʿUmar-Shaykh and Bābor, respectively. Yet perhaps Yūnus Khan, being magnanimous as he
was, did not wish to pressure his sons-in-law over the status of the ulus, lest he appear as
insecure as their father. Offbeat speculation aside though, we know that Yūnus Khan, unlike
Tughluq-Temür over a century earlier, was not an all-out conqueror. Rather, he adopted a
mixed approach of hard and soft power, and only modestly expanded his territory by
acquiring Tashkand. Yūnus Khan was arguably not in a position to re-stamp “ulus of
Chaghatay” all over the Timurids—but his sons-in-law were not declaring an alternative
political community either, so the khan too could have acted as if the ulus of Chaghatay
needed no further emphasis. Bābor acknowledged Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan as his overlord, but
both dynasties were about to be uprooted by the Uzbeks, and neither party had both the real
power and the imperative to clarify the status of the ulus of Chaghatay.
Chapter Conclusion
Our notions of the “Timurid period,” “Timurid empire,” and “Timurid dynasty,”
terms so ubiquitous in the subfield, are implicitly premised upon Timurid independence from
the old Chinggisid/Chaghatayid political order. This chapter demonstrated that while the
Timurids certainly attained de facto independence, they were never fully independent from
the legacy of ulus and khanship. Temür, Ulughbeg, and Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd still actively
promoted themselves as kürägäns. Samarqandī and Khwāndamīr perceived ʿAbd al-Laṭīf’s
elevation of a khan as following tradition rather than breaking with existing norms. In
Khorāsān, at least three Timurid rulers—Shāhrokh, Abū al-Qāsim Bābor, Sulṭān-Ḥusayn—
claimed the title khan, but with neither the consistency nor the full articulation of the
Chinggisids’ claim to khanship. By the late fifteenth century, Yūnus Khan and Sulṭān-
198
Maḥmūd Khan were even able to restore a version of the old Chinggisid-Timurid political
relationship in Central Asia. This relationship, however, did not apply to Sulṭān-Ḥusayn
Mīrzā and his successors in Khorāsān, which should be treated more focally in future
examination of this topic.
The extant sources provide many anecdotes and hints, but I could not find a straight
answer to the following question: to what formal political community did the Timurids
belong after the death of Sulṭān-Maḥmūd Khan b. Soyurghatmısh in 1402? Or in other words,
what were the Timurids formally the rulers of after 1402? As shown in the analytical sections
of this chapter, the best answer is “ulus of Chaghatay,” but this is hardly the obvious answer.
It is not obvious because the fifteenth-century Timurids did not have the incentive to make it
obvious, and this had fundamental implications for the development of conceptions of
rulership and political community in relation to territory. Ulus, as discussed in Chapter One,
was originally a mobile demographic entity, but later acquired territorial characteristics in
Persian-language writings. The fact that the major Mongol uluses did not move about after ca.
1260 would have been conducive to the ulus of Chaghatay evolving more and more into a
territorial polity in the minds of people. As such, the ulus of Chaghatay stood a realistic
chance of becoming a “country” in the Chinggisid-Timurid world, a world which certainly
did not lack “kings.” Yet because the legacy of ulus and khanship put the Timurids on what
turned out to be a long indecisive path to formal independence, the ulus of Chaghatay ended
up as a zombie political institution.
199
GENERAL CONCLUSION
In the Introduction, the following question was raised: did the Chinggisid-Timurid
world have a concept of “king and country,” particularly the “country” component? In
keeping with the scientific method, I had my (evolving) hypothesis as I undertook each stage
of this project, but it was after the research of the four analytical chapters that the current
“overall thesis statement” in the Introduction was formulated. The said statement is therefore
my conclusion. Here, I will reiterate the central ideas of this work, and discuss potential ways
to build upon the present research.
The political culture of the Chinggisid-Timurid world included its own conceptions of
rulership and political community vis-à-vis territory. Without closely studying this
conception from the words of the people of the said world, we risk assumption and distortion.
In modern studies and maps of the Chinggisid-Timurid world, “empires” and “khanates,”
particularly the “Mongol empire,” “Chaghatay khanate,” “Ilkhanate, “Timurid empire,” and
“Mughal empire,” are omnipresent. Once terms like these become convention, even
researchers who are most conscientious about choice of words may decide to conform in
order to ease communication within the field. The problem, however, is whether these
“empires” and “khanates” actually existed to the people of the Chinggisid-Timurid world. If
not, then we are making them up. Like us, the people of the past lived with both the tangible
and the intangible/conceptual. Historians are unequivocally loath to make things up when it
comes to the historical tangible. Temür should not be feasting on a big sumptuous turkey in
his tent, no matter how much this image may appeal to us. At the same time, however, we
tend to give ourselves much leeway when it comes to the historical intangible/conceptual. I
undertook this project because of what I saw and feared as a general complacency about
200
“empires” and “khanates,” which are rooted in the European conception of rulership and
political community formally defined by territory, and largely similar to the East Asian
conception of the same.
This project demonstrated that before the “territorial state” became the global
standard, in a large swath of Eurasia, particularly Central Asia and Iran, the Chinggisids and
Timurids operated in a political culture—Mongol and Perso-Islamic in origin—that did not
necessitate a territorial conception of rulership or political community. The ulus of the early
thirteenth-century Mongol steppes was a mobile political community that did not require
specific territory to exist. Later, in the Perso-Islamic world, ulus was given certain territorial
attributes, but even by the early sixteenth century, the notion of the mobile ulus was still
evident. Even if the major uluses had in fact become understood as full-fledged territorial
polities, Chaghatayid, Ilkhanid, and Timurid politico-diplomatic culture eschewed formal
representations of rulership based on territory, as was common in Europe and East Asia.
During the fifteenth century, the Timurids were ruling from ornate capital cities, and by the
end of the century, appanages to mīrzās were usually recorded in the histories as taking the
form of wilāyat rather than ulus. However, despite their transition to higher intensity of
sedentary governance, and despite the general geopolitical stability of 1470–94, by the dusk
of their rule in Central Asia and Khorāsān, the Timurids still did not formally define rulership
according to politico-administrative territory.
If the territorial characteristics attributed to ulus and the informal expressions of
pādeshāhs being “of” territories are any indication, Timurid political culture might have been
on course to developing formal conceptions of territorial rulership and political community.
Moreover, the Timurids were definitely open to innovating political culture and institutions.
201
For Temür to have been called the “Lord of the Auspicious Conjunction” (Sāḥib-Qirān) was
an ingenious way to elevate his status beyond amirship and kuraganship. His leaving the
throne of the khan empty after 1402 was an institutional change that demonstrated a deep
desire for formal independence from the Chinggisids. Yet in the subsequent century, the
Timurids failed to clearly articulate such independence and a new political community. Then
in late fifteenth-century Central Asia, a particularly ironic story unfolded. Yūnus Khan, who
was pursuing the Timurid model of sedentary governance and eventually achieved it in
Tashkand, reinstated a version of the old Chinggisid-Timurid relationship. He thereby
diverted the descendants of Sulṭān-Abū Saʿīd Mīrzā from the path to independence—
something the old mīrzā had emphatically asked him not to do! There is still much room to
investigate the issues of Chapter Four, but future researchers may have to accept that the
Timurids were deliberately vague about the status of the ulus of Chaghatay as their political
community after 1402. In any case, the Uzbek conquests ended the development of Timurid
political culture in Central Asia and Khorāsān, so we cannot know for certain if in fact there
was an evolution underway towards formal territorial rulership and polities.
The temporal and geographical limits of this project are due to the limitations of my
training and abilities. I hope that future research may extend the research questions of this
project into (1) the pre-Mongol Islamic world; (2) the Jochids and Qubilaids in-depth; (3)
non-Mongol powers of pastoral nomadic heritage from the thirteenth through fifteenth
centuries, particularly the Turkmens; and (4) Central Asia, Iran, and South Asia from the
early sixteenth century to nineteenth century—did the Shibanids, Timurids (Baburids), non-
Chinggisid Uzbeks, Safavids, Afsharids, Qajars, etc. develop any conception of formal
territorial polity on their own during this three-century period, or was it definitively the West
202
that brought the “territorial state” model to these regions? There is also one thematic limit to
this project that I hope may be transcended in the near future: the tümens in the Chinggisid-
Timurid world vis-à-vis wilāyats. Tümens, as the largest military-administrative divisions in
Chinggis Qan’s new political order, were essentially the immediate building blocks of uluses.
Tümens were important in the ulus of Chaghatay when Temür rose to power, and by the time
Bābor wrote his memoirs, he still spoke of tümen begs. Attaining better understanding of the
tümens and their relationship to wilāyats, especially during the fifteenth century, would lead
to a fuller picture of Timurid geo-political organization.
This project was only able to preliminarily describe and explain the Chinggisid-
Timurid conceptions of rulership and political community in relation to territory. At the same
time, however, I hope that the following ideas have been adequately highlighted and may
lead to further reflections on late medieval and early modern geo-political history of Eurasia:
(1) even in Central Asia and Iran’s settled/urban regions, where administrative territorial
borders were indispensable, rulership and political community did not have to be defined by
territory; (2) before the European-style “territorial state” became the global standard,
Chinggisid-Timurid political culture had its own standard, one that turned out to be the
Neanderthal; there used to be a more diverse “landscape” of geo-political conceptions, one
that would require sustained research to uncover and understand; (3) when land is not made a
part of moral-political identity, no one could claim to act in the interest of the “fatherland” or
“motherland,” which unlike a real father or mother, cannot speak for him or herself. May
historians keep striving to resist projecting the present onto the past, and may present-day
people continue to mine history for inspiration.
203
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Arberry, A. J., trans. The Koran Interpreted. Repr. ed., New York: Touchstone, 1996.
Bābor, Ẓahīr al-Dīn Muḥammad. [Bābor-nāma] The Bábar-náma. Facsimile edition by
Annette S. Beveridge. E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, vol. 1. Repr. ed., London:
Luzac, 1971.
———. Bābur-nāma (Vaqāyiʿ): Critical Edition Based on Four Chaghatay Texts. Edited by
Eiji Mano. 2 vols. Kyoto: Syokado, 1995.
———. The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur). Translated by Annette Susannah
Beveridge. London: Luzac, 1922.
———. The Baburnama: Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor. Translated by Wheeler M.
Thackston. New York: Modern Library, 2002.
———. Baburnama. Edited and translated by W. M. Thackston, Jr. 3 pts. Sources of
Oriental Languages and Literatures, 18. Cambridge, MA: Department of Near Eastern
Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1993.
———. [Bābor-nāma] Translated by ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Khan-e Khanān. MS, British Library,
Or. 3714.
Bianco, Andrea. “Andrea Bianco World Map... Description…pdf file.” Index to Maps &
Monographs. Accessed November 15, 2018. http://www.myoldmaps.com/late-
medieval-maps-1300/241-andrea-bianco-world-map/
Cerensodom, Dalantai, and Manfred Taube. Die Mongolica der Berliner Turfansammlung.
Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1993.
204
Chen, Cheng. Xiyu xingcheng ji xiyu fanguo zhi. Edited by Zhou Liankuan. Beijing: