chinese communist party - Massline.org

August

h

THE

' vol. Iv

Supplement: Doatments on theCease-Fire Negotrations in Korea

CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTYAND THE PLA

Hsiao Hua

FRIENDSHIP WITH CHINADr. Hewlett Johnson

NEW PEKINGJack Chen

Peoples China41 Yang Shih Ta Chieh, Peking, China

This journal appears on the lst and 16th of each

month. Entered as first-class printed matter at the

General Post Office of China.

Editor: Chiao Kuan'hua

Vol. 4, No. 3

EDIT'ORIALS

CONTENTS August 1, 1951

The PlA-Defender of World Peace. 3

Old Poison in a New Bottle. 3

ARTICLESThe Chinese Communist Party and the PLA. .Hsiao Hua 4

Friendship with China. .....Dr. Heuslett Johnson IThe Just Struggle of the Iranian People. .Saifudin 11

Thirty Years of the Communist Party of China-IL... .Hu Chiao-mu 12

PrcTORIALSChairman Mao Lectures at Yenan. .Oil Painting by Lo Kung-liu L7

The PLA Today. 18

Peking, Heart of the Nation. .:.... 20

Chinese People's Volunteers Capture a Key '

Mountain Pass in Korea. .....Woodcut by Yen Han 36

FEATURDSNew Peking .Jack Chen 2lA Regiment of Heroes. .... .Pui Shilt' 24

How the Tillers Win Back Their Land-VIIThe First Taste of I{appiness . . . Hsiao Ch'ien 25

CULTURAL TRONTThe PLA's Cultural Troupes ....... 30

CT/RRENT CHINAJuly 11-25, 1951 31

Letters from Our Readers 32

SUPPLEMENTDocuments on the Cease-Fire Negotiations in Korea

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Vol. 4, No. 3 People's China August 1, 1951

The PLA-Ilefend,er of World PeueeThe Chinese people celebrate August 1, the

birthday of their People's Liberation Army, withunbounded pride in its role as defender of thepeople's rights and of world peace.

It was only after the Chinese people, led bythe Communist Party, created their own armidforces that the revolution was assured of victory.Today, after the achievement of that victory, thePLA, under Commander-in-Chief Chu Teh, closecomrade-in-arms of Chairman Mao Tse-tung, standsas the guardian of the borders of the People'sRepublic, as the guarantor of the people's independ-ence and democracy and the assurance that Taiwan,the last unliberated part of China, will be freed.

August 1 is a date of particular sigriflcance tothe oppressed peoples of the colonlal and semi-colonial countries, for it confirmed a vital revolu-tlonary truth. With brilliant foresight, in 1926

Stalin pointed out that the characverlstic of theChinese revolution was that of an armed peopleopposing an armed counter-revolution. On AugustL, 1927, the Chinese people recognised this trulEand acted on it with decisive effect. They createdand launched their young revolutionary anny ilthe arduous struggle against the brutal counter-revolutionary forces.

The birth of this mighty revolutionary armedforce sounded the death knell of the reactionaryregime. Though it started with only a,few ill-equipped ffghters, in a series of historic campaigns itdefeated immensely superior enemy forces andflnally routed the 8,000,000 U.S.-equipped KMT armvin the War of Liberation.

Old PoisonThe U.S. imperialists and their chief sateliite, the

Attlee government, have learnt nothing good fromtheir disastrous reverses in Korea.

\trhile the Kaisung talks for a cease-fire inI(orea are in progress, Washington and London havesimultaneously made known the text of their so-

called "revised draft peace treaty" with Japan andannounced that a "conference" will be held in SanFrancisco on September 4 for the signing of thisseparate peace treatY.

, No one need ponder long over the "reviseddraft": it is the same old poison-in a new bottle.AII the fatal ingredients are there. Like the originaldraft, it aims to perpetuate Vfall Street's enslave-ment of the Japanese people and streamline Japaninto a major base for further aggressions againstthe Asian peoples.

This separate peace treaty is a flagrant attackon the sovereign rights ofz the Chinese people. Itattempts to exclude from taking part in the Japanesepeace settlement that nation which was the first toresist Japanese aggression and made the greatest

This rvas achieved becatxe the PLA has beenguided by the revolutionary strategy and tactics ofMao Tse-tung, based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism.

During these 24 stormy years, the revolutionaryforces have always maintained their unshakableconfldence in the final victory. This is because theyhave a high politicaf consciousness and are closelyunited with the people. This is because they under-stood that the material advantage enjoyed by theenemy, such as a profusion of arnaments, wag atransient factor while the permanent and decisivefactor was the support of the arvakened masses ofthe people in a just cause.

The victory of the PLA is the living proof otthis fundamental law of war. Further proof of thaihas been af;orded by the defeat of the U.S. aggres-sors and their lackeys in Korea at the hands of theKorean People's Army aided by the Chinese people'svolunteers - men inspired by the spirit of the self-less heroes of the PLA,

Having suffered a century of ravages and des-truction by the feudal-imperialist forces, the Chi-ness people naturally and profoundly hate war-They have already given remarkable evidence olthe success of their peaceful efforts. In contrastto the monopoly-eapitalist system of the imperialistcountries based on exploitation for whom t'ar is aninherent need. The essence of the People's Demo-cracy is peace, for it is the expression of the willof the people whose primary need is peace.

The PLA is the army of the people, of thePeople's Democracy. The PLA is an army dedicatedto the cause of peace.

New Bottlecontribution to encompassing Japan's defeat. Itaims to legalise the U.S. seizure of the Chineseisiland of Taiwan.

It also constitutes a flagrant attack on the legi-timate interests of the Soviet people in the Japanesepeace settlement. It violates the true interests ofall natiorx which fought against fascist Japan inthe Iast war.

It must be stressed again that such a Japane3e"peace settlement," violating the genuine interestsof the Japanese people and without the participationof the Chinese People's Republic and the U.S.S.R.,will be neither viable nor valid.

This U.S.-British draft peace treaty is deadbefore it is born. It is condemned by all peace-loving peoples. Several "invited" governments havealready decided to boycott its signing at San Fran-cisco, and the opposition to it is growing as realisa-tion of its aggressive nature spreads. This U.S.-British plot of using the so-called Japanese peacetreaty to further their aggressive plans in Asia willundoubtedly be smashed.

al,l0 a

[,

4 PEOPLE'S CHINA

The Communist Party of China and theChinese People's Liberation Army

, HsiaoIt is exactly 30 years now since the birth of the

great Communist Party of China. In these 30 years,the Party and its leader of genius, Chairman MaoTse-tung, have led the people throughout Chinathrough four extremely difficult revolutionary wars

i (the First Revolutionary Civil War from 1925 to1927, the Second Revolutionary Civil War from 1927

to 1936, the War of Resistance to Japanese Aggres-sion from 1937 to 1945 and the Third RevolutionaryCivil War beginning from 1946), founding and build-ing up a powerful, unequalled People's LiberationArmy, overthrowing the dark rule of imperialism,feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism in China, andbringing into being the great and glorious NewChina. The history of the Party's 30 years' struggleis mainly the history of leading the Chinese.peopleand the PLA in revolutionary wars.

IIIn founding and building up the people's army.

and in leading the revolutionary wars, the Com-munist Party o{ China has traversed a difflcult andcircuitous road.

During the First Revolutionary Civil War, theParty began to see the importance of armed strug-gle. The Party gave active help to Dr. Sun Yat-sento organise the revolutionary military academy (inWhampoa, Canton-Editor), it led the work of re-moulding the I(uomintang troops, took the lead in therevolutionary war for the unification of KwangtungProvince as well as in the 7926-1927 Northern Expedi-tionary War. The Party also contrrolled a part of thearrned forces. Nevertheless, at that time the Party didnot yet fully understand the extreme importance ofarmed struggle in the Chinese revolution, and did notseriously prepare for battle or for the organising ofarmed forces. This lvas especially so in 1927 whenthe Right opportunists inside the Party, as repre-sented by Chen Tu-hsiu, followed a line of capitula-tion and refused to organise and develop the peo-ple's armed forces. Consequently, when the KMTreactionaries betrayed the revolution and, in col-lusion with imperialism and feudalism, launched a

surprise attack on the people, the Party and thepeople were unable to organise effective resistance.The Party learned a painful lesson. To lead thepeople throughout the country in revolutionarystruggle in semi-colonial and semi-feudal China, theproletariat's main method and main form of revolu-tion could not be peaceful; without armed struggleand without a people's army, the people would havelost everything.

When the First Revolutionary Civil War failed,the Party was neither frightened nor overwhelrned

IlsrAo .EIUA, Vice-Director of the Political,Departmentof ttre People's Revolutionary Military Council, wrote thisarticle in co;nmemoration of ttre 30th Anniversary of theCommunist Party of China.

Huain the face of ruthless massacre by the KMT reae-tionaries who would "rather kill a thousand in errorthan have one (Communist-Editor) escape." Inspite of enemy oppression, the Communist Party ofChina continued to hold high the great banner ofrevolution and continued to wage heroic struggles inthe cause of the Chinese people's liberation. OnAugust l, 1927, the Party led the Nanchang Uprising.On August 7, 1927, the Central Committee of theParty called an emergency meeting, which firm1ycorrected and put an end to Chen Tu-hsiu's line olcapitulation, decided on an over-all policy of agrarianrevolution and erryed resistance against the KMT re-actionaries' policy of massacre, and called on the Partyand the masses to continue revolutionary struggle.The Party also led one after another Autumn HarvestUprisings in various places, the Canton Uprisingand the South Hunan Uprising. Under the leader-ship of Chairman Mao Tse-tung and other comrades,the revolutionary troops, the workers' pickets andpeasants' self-defence corps which took part in theuprisings joined forces and formed a real people'sarmy such as had never been seen before in thehistory of China-the Workers' and Peasants' RedArmy.

The Party and Chairman Mao Tse-tung pains-takingly nurtured and cared for the young Red Army.They put great effort into building up the Red Armyideologically, politically and organisationally. Theycorrected the adventurism and putschism of a fewleaders within the Party in direeting the war. Theyensured that the Red Army, Ied by the Party andfully relying upon the strength of the masses, grewfrom being small and weak to being big and strong.In 1930, the Red Army grew to between 60,000 and70,000 men. Fifteen liberated aneas were establishedon the borders of Hupeh, Hunan, Kwangsi, Anhwei,Honan and Shansi Provinces, with the Kiangsi Baseas their centre.

As the Red Army waxed in strength, the KMTreactionaries became extremely panicky. In the twoyedis from 1930 to 1932, they assembled large andpowerful armed forces and launched four successive"encirclement and annihilation campaigns" againstthe Red Army. Pursuing Chairman Mao Tse-tung'sstrategy and tactics, the heroic Red Army crushedone offensive after another of the KMT reactionaryforces. And in the course of this fighting, the RedArmy grew still stronger, to 300,000 men. ChiangKai-shek became even more vicious after his failures.Disregarding the Japanese imperialists' invasion ofthe Northeast, Jehol Province and North China, heraised the treacherous clamour that .,domestic secu-rity must precede resistanee to foreign aggression."After long preparation, and assembling over a milliontroops with the support of imperialism, he startedhis flfth "encirclement and annihilation campaign,'in October 1933. This offensive, too, could have

PEOPLE'S CHINA 6

been crushed. However, victorywas not achieved on this occasionbecause of the serious "Leftist"mistakes of the then Party leaders,who refwed to acknowledge thefact that the enemy was strongwhile we were weak. ViolatingChairman Mao Tse-tung's militaryline, instead of the guerilla andrhobile warfare at which the RedArmy was expert, they resorted topositional $.rarfare which the RedArmy at the time was unable tosustain and they adopted so-called "regular" u'arf,are instead ofthe peopie's warfare which was thecorrect thing to do. In Octoberf934, the Red Army, to breakthrough Chiang Kai-shek's encir-clement, started its world-shaking25,000-li Long March.

In January 1935, the CentralCommittee of the Party,' uader the leadership ofChairman Mao Tse-tung, called a conference atTsunyi, Kweichow Province. Here the "Left" op-portunist line was ended, the correct line restoredand there began the new leadership of the CentralCommittee headed by Chairman Mao Tse-tung. Thisehange within the Party was of the greatest historicsignificaace. It saved the Party at its most criticalmornent, ensured success for the Red Army in carry-ing through the Long March under extremety dif-ficult conditions, overcame the defeatism of ChangKuo-tao, and preserved the backbone of the Chineserevolution. From theD on, the Party, under correctleadership headed by Chairman Mao Tse-tung, de-veloped not only the powerful political line ofMarxism-Leninism, but also the powerful militaryUne of Marxism-Leninism. The Party was able toapply Marxism-Leninism not only to the solutionof political problems but also to the solution ofmilitary problems.

In the course of the War of Resistance to Japa-nese Aggression, the Red Army was reorganised asthe Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army.Under the leadership of the Party and ChairmanMao Tse-tung, they made use of the experiencesof armed struggle which were gained during therevolutionary civil wars and they rbsolutely appliedthe strategy and tactics laid down by Chairman MaoTse-tung. They penetrated deep into the rear ofthe enemy, organised the people, armed the people,establidhed political power and unfolded the greatpeople's war. In the eight years of the War ofResistance, they engaged 64 per cent of the Japa-nese troops in China and 95 per cent of the puppettroops; and cn countless occasions crushed the crueland ruthless "mopping-up operations" and "securitystrengthening movements" of the Japanese in.zadels.Ttrey struggled victoriously against the utterl",* bar-baric "buln-all, kill-all, Ioot-all poliey," "the boxing-in policy," ."the blockade policy" and "the eating-in policy" of the Japanese invaders. Three timesthey repulsed the anti-Communist onslaughts of iheIIMT an<i all the attacks against the liberated areasmade by the KMT in collaboration u'ith the Japa-Dese invaders. They liberated over 100,000,000 peo-

ple in the enemy-occupied areas,established l9 liberated areas anal

built up a people's militia of over2,200,000. The Eighth Route ArmYand the New Fourth Army whichgrew to over one million weresteeled in the crucible of war intoan invincible and ever-victoriousiron force. FinallY, in co-ordina-tion rvith the Army of the SovietUnion, they defeatecl Japanese im-perialism and won the great victoryof the War of Resistance to JaPan-ese Aggression.

Firmiy applying the poli.tical andmilitary policy of the Party led bYChairman Mao Tse-tung, in theThird Revolutionary Civil Warbeginning from 1946, the PLArallied the people and, relYing onthem and on the basis of itsrich flghting experiences, put out

of action in less than four years over 8,000,000

of Chiang I(ai-shek's bandit troops who were aidedby American imperialism, overthrew the rule ofimperialism, feudaiism and bureaucratic capitalismin China and paved the way for the People's Republicof China. It did all this on the foundation of itsrich war experience. The PLA has now grown toan invincible army of over 5,000,000. On top of itspowerful land forces, it has built up a powerful peo-ple's air force and a people's navy and has madeNew China a world military power and a bulwarkof peace in the East and the whole world.

History has proved that only with the brilliantleadership of the Communist Party of China and ofChairman Mao Tse-tung could the PLA come intobeing and the victory of the Chinese revolutionarywar and the freedom and emancipation of the Chi-nese people be attained.

IIIThe most important reason why the Communist

Party of China was able to create and build thePLA under extremely difficult conditions and to leadChina's revolutionary war to victory was that it wasguided by Mao Tse-tung's illuminating theory of theChinese revolution. Chairman Mao Tse-tung, by theguiding principle of integrating the universal trutbof Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice olChina's revolution, brilliantly solved the strategicproblems of the Chinese revolutionary war andcreated a masterly military theory. This was theideological weapon that armed the PLA.

An army of people's liberation must be sub-c4dinated to the ideological leadership of the pro-letariat, serving the people's struggle and setting uprevolutionary bases. Chairman Mao Tse-tung taughtus that it was not and could not be an army of auyother type.

Because the characteristic of the Chinese revolu-tion was an armed people opposing armed counter-revolution, the Chinese people had to build up theiro\^rn revolutionary army before they could achievefreedom and liberation and. had to rely upon thisrevolutionary army to gain victory. Thus the peo-ple's army, corning from the people, must serve the

Gen. Chu Teh, Commander-in-Chiefof the PLA.

6 PEOPLE'S CHINApeople's struggle. This was why Chairman Mao Tse-tu:rg said, when he laid down the aims for the build-ing up of the PLA:

"All those who join it...are fighting a righteouspeople's war, in the interests of the masses and ofthe entire nation. The sole aim ot fJris army is tostand firmly on the people's side and to serve themu'hole-heartedly." (On Cod.lLtion Gouernrnent.)Because the Chinese revolutionary war had to

be led by the proletariat and the Communist Party,it would certainly have failed if this principle hadbeen ignored or violated. Thus, the PLA was alsonecessarily the armed force for carrying out classpolitical tasks under the leadership of the CommunistParty. Moreover, the armed struggle of the Chinesepeople grew up in the special circumstances of avast semi-colonial country, rich in resources butunbalanced in its political and economic develop-ment, a country in which the enemy was powerfuland the people's army weak, where the people'sarmed struggle was linked with the peasants' strug-gle in agrarian revolution. Consequently, to carrythe revolutionary war to victory, the people's armyhad to rely on the peasants and build the armywith the peasants as its main constituent part; buildrevolutionary bases in a countryside populated bythe peasant masses and use these as the strategicbases for protecting and developing itself and fordriving away and wiping out the enemy; developwidespread popular guerilla war so as to conserveits strength and gradually organise mobile and.-regular warfare; co-ordinate the armed strugglewith other forms of struggles directly and indirectlyin an "all for the front" effort for the carrying out ofthe general policy of the people's war.

The revolutionary war would have been iticon-ceivable if it had departed from the peasants andthe agrarian revolution, from guerilla warfare, fromthe revolutionary bases. For this reason ChairmanMao Tse-tung defined the tasks of the pLA as:

"...by no means confined to fighting. Besides fight-ing, the Red Army should bear the great responsibilityof educating, organising and arming the masses andhelping them tb build up political .power." (Resolrr-ti,ons of the Ninth Congress ol the Fourth Red Armaof the Cllinese Comnaunist PantA.\

It had to oppose flrmly the purelymilitary viewpoint that the armyshould not engage in mass work, thatit should oppose the warlordism thatcharacterised the mercenary armiesand the ideology of the roving banditsthat was reflected in the old peasantwars.

Therefore, the PLA must strivewhole-heartedly for the Party's line,programme and policy, that is, for theinterests of the whole Chinese peoplein every respect. The PLA is notonly a flghting force, able to wipe outthe enemy on the battlefield, but alsoa working force, able to act as pro-pagandists and organisers of the Partyand the people's regime and able to"administer a state and ensure its do-mestic security." (An old Chinesesaying-Editor.)

History has proved that the principle of Chair-man Mao Tse-tung on the building up of the armywas absolutely correct. The PLA carried out thisprinciple and in each revolutionary war foughtheroically, did mass work, established politicalpower, helped to buitd up Party organisations invarious localities and consolidated and expanded itsbases. Therefore, the Army was able to copnt on

the help of the masses and the support of the politicalpower and had bases to rely on, all of which createdconditions making up for its deficiency in arms andother things and the prerequisites for overcomingall the dfficulties of war. As a result, it was dbleto resist attacks by an enemy which outnumberetlit ten or even several scores to one, persist in thewar, develop itself and transform the unfavourablesituation in which the enemy was strong and it wasweak, until finally it won victory.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung taught us that the PLAshouid not only be daring in battle and courageousin overwhelming all our enemies, but should also beskilled in battle and capable of coping with all thechanges and developments in the whole war situation.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung said:

"Undoubtedly the success or failure in a war ismainly determined by the military, political, econo-mic and natural conditions of both sides. But theseare not all, the subjective factor of ability of direc-tion is also a determining factor-" (The Strategic@lProblems in China's ReDolutiondry Wdr.)

This subjective factor of ability in direction is whatis meant by strategy and tactics.

In each period of the revolutionary war, Chair-man Mao Tse-tung, weighing up the relative strengthof our troops and that of the enemy and the political,economic and natural conditions, worked out a bril-liant scientific strategy and tactics with which toarm the PLA. During the Second RevolutionaryCivil War, Chairman Mao Tse-tung correctly work-ed out the following strategical and tactical prin-ciples: the strategy of protracted war combined withthe tactics of rapid decision in each operation; thestrategy of defeating a numerically superior enemywith smaller forces combined with the tactics ofdeleating a small number of enemy troops in each

PLA fighters take part in group tliscussions, sports aud stutly.Woodcut bg Ku Yuan

PEOPLE'S CHINA T

operation with large forces; "spread out the troops tomobilise the masses and concentrate them to dealwith the enemy"; "when the enemy advances, weretreati rvhen the enemy stays, we harass; when theenemy tires, r,e attack; when the enemy retreats.rve pursue"; "concentrate superior forces, select theenemy's weak points and make sur-e to wipe out apart or major part of the ,enemy so as to beat himbit by bit."

During the War of Resistance to Japanese Ag-gression, Chairman Mac Tse-tung, in his trvo ttis-toric documents, On Protracted War and. The Pro-bl,em of Strategy i.tt the GuerLlla War Against Japan,correctly defined the lVar of Resistance as a pro-tracted one and that it mu'st pass through the threestages of defence, stalemate and counter-offensive.He lai<i down the strategical and tactical'principleo,f waging guerilla warfare in enemy-occupied areasr,"'ithout giving up mobile warfare under favoura-Dleconditions; of establishing guerilla bases everywhereand of consolidating and developing these bases forattack against the enemy and. for strengthening our-selves by relying on the masses behind the enemyIines. During the Third Revolutionary Civil War,Chairman Mao Tse-tung summed up the rich militaryexperiences gained. In his report on the PresentSituation and, Our ?ask inrDecember 1947, he laiddorvn the ten famous rnilitary principles. The PLAfirmly applied the strategy and tactics of ChairmanMao Tse-tung, and in each period of revolutionarl'war achieved the goal of "preserving itself andeliminating the enemy" and it defeated the powerfulforeign and domestic enemies.

That Chairman Mao Tse-tung's strategy andtactics was the factor that rnade the PLA invincibleis because this was the art of war born of the in-tegration of Marxism-Leninism with the concretepractice of China's revolution, and the scientificsumming-up of the rich experiences of the PLA.which it gained in the course of long-term ightinqagainst the foreign and domestic enemies. Thisstrategy and tactics lt,as a true expression of theover-all -laws governing the war situation in eachperiod of the revolutionary war. Therefore, it w-as

only by mastering these laws that the people's warcould be directed, the enemy annihilated and thewar carried to victory. Chairman Mao Tse-tungibnstantty maintained that: "The |<ind of warfareyou wage depends on the kind of weapons you have,the kind of enemy you face and on the time andplace." He was resolutely oppbsed to the empiricismand conservatism which mechanically directed war-fare on the basis of partial and narrow experienceregardless of time, place and conditions. He was *

also opposed to doctrinairism and adventurism whichdirected warfare rigidly from book knowledge.Thus the fundamental principle which ChairmanMao Tse-tung strictly enjoined us to observe in ourstudy and application of strategy and tactics was toproceed from the actual conditions, correctly graspthe over-all laws and only then to direct the 'ivar.Chairman Mao Tse-tung repeatedly instructed us thatevery commander of the PLA must get to know thenatule of his own troops (the commanders, flghtingtrnen, arrrls, supplies, etc., and the sum total of allthese); get to know the nature of the enemy troops(similarly: the commanders, fighting men, arms, sup-

plies, etc.) as well as all other relevant factors(politicat, economic, geographic and climatic).He taught us to pay great attention to the study ofr.,,arfare in the actual practice of lvar and to sumup our practical experiences by scientiflc methodsand to become courageous and wise heroes, not rashand foolhardy adventurers.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung taught us that the PLAmust carry out solid political work and struggle tounite our army, the friendly armies and the people,and to demoralise the enemy troops and ensure vic-tory in battle.

In the very flr'st period. of building up the army,the Party and Chairman Mao Tse-tung set ttp thepolitical comrniSsar system and the political worlrsystem in the Red Almy. In 1929, at the Conferenceheld in Kutien, Fukien Province, Chairman Mao Tse-tu-ng personatly drafted the historically Signif,cantResolutiot'rs of the Ninth Congress of the Fourtfu Red"

Army of the Commutlist Party of China, which rverea perfect outline of the basic principles of politicalwork in the people's army. These basic principles,were: to educate the troops in the programme andpolicy of the Party; to educate the troops in therevolutionary spirit so as to achieve unity in theranks of the peopie's army; to aihieve unitybetween the people's army and the people as rvellas the people's government; to bring the army entire-ly under the leadership of the Party; io raise theflghting capacity of the artrry; to carry out the rvorkof demoralising the enemy troops and attain the goalof unity within our ou,n ranks, defeating the enemyand securing the freedom and emancipation of thepeople. Thus revolutionary political work becamethe life blood of the people's army.

Proceeding from this basic principle, the re-lationship between officers and men in the people's.army had to be one of unity and solidarity. Thehigher ranks must take good care of and educatethe ]ower ranks and must not beat, abuse or insultthe lower ranks; the lower ranks must withoutexception strictly obey the commadd, support theupper ranks, and have the right to submit sugges-tions and criticisms to the upper ranks. Officers andmen share with each other pleasures and hardships.The relationship between the army and the peoplemust also be that of untty. The people's army muststrictly observe the "Three Disciplines," the "EightFoints for Attention," must carry out propagandaamong the masses, organise the masses, arm themasses and help the masses to emancipate them-selves politically, economically and culturally. Therelationship between the army and the politicalauthorities must also be one of unity. The arrny isrisponsible fot establishing political power, but mustrespect and support the government, carry out thelaws and decrees of the people's government andsafeguard the security of the people's government.The relationship between our army and the friendlyarmies must also be one of unity: to learn modestlyfrom each other and to be forbearing and polite toeach other; not to scramble for trophies but to giveone another active support. The policy of winningqver enemy officers and men and the treatment ofthe prisoners of rn'ar must be correct. AII enemyofficers and men who revolt and cross over, or whoIay down their arms and wish to take part in fighting

I

I PEOPLE'S CHINAthe common enemy, are welcome and given appro-priate education, It is forbidden to kill, maltreator insult prisoners of war, As a result of strict ia_tegration of revolutionary political work with revo-lutionary military work in the army, the people,s,army has become an army that thoroughly defends'the people's interests and is invincible.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung taught us that it is of.:pecial importance to strengthen the Party leader-ship in the PLA and make the Party the core ofthe w'hole leadership aDd unity of the troops.

In the early period of building up the army, theParty set up its organisations at all Ievels in thearmy. A Party branch was set up in each cornpany.Under the unifled leadership of the Party, the miii-tary, political and rear service organisations wereestablished and the Party's leadership in the armyrl,as consolidated.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung constantly instructed usthat the proletarian ideological education of Marx-ism-Leninism must be ceaselessly improved in thearmy, as the starting point of all its Work, in orderto consolidate and heighten the Party's leading role.-.4.s most of our army was founded on thb peasantryand petty bourgeoisie, these constituted its mainIorce in the revolutionary wars. But coming fromthe petty bourgeois class, they retained in their mindsnarrowness, conservatism, selfishness, self-indulgenceand other weaknesses when they flist joined thearmy. If such non-proletarian ideology were noteliminated, it would seriously hamper the carryingout of the Party's line and policies. Therefore, asearly as 1929, at the Kutien Conference, ChairmanMao Tse-tung sternly opposed warlordism and thevarious other petty bourgeois ideological deviationsthen elisting in the Red Army. During the Anti-Japanese War and the People's Liberation War, thearmy under the Ieadership of the Party and Chair-.man Mao Tse-tung carried out the great ideologicalremoulding movement directed against subjectivism,,sectarianism, liberalism, Iack of organisational prin-'ciple, lack of discipline and other forms of non-proletarian ideology. Thus, the ideological and thepolitical level of the troops was greatly raised, thesolidarity and unity within the army was consoli-dated as never before, and the tinks with the massesbeearne closer than ever, thus ensuring the comple-tion of the great historical tasks.

The Party in the army, therefore, must strength-en the collective leadership of the Party committeesat all levels and develop its main role as the nucleusof leadership and unity in the army. It must payconstant attention to ideological progress in thearmy, carry on education in Mao Tse-tung's theoryof the Chinese revolution both inside and outside theParty, develop the method of integrating theory withpractice, of building close links with the masses andof self-criticism, and eliminate non-proletarian waysof thought. Only in this way can the standard ofrnilitary, political and rear service work be raisedand unity in both thought anC action of the armedforces be guaranteed.

lVith the guidance of Mao Tse-tung's theory ofthe Chinese revolution, the PLA, in the face of apowerful enemy, was able to attack skilfully and re-treat skilfully in order to make gains and achievevictory; it was able to build itself into a highlydisciplined and powerfql army, with noble ideals,

possessing complete and excellent principles forbuilding the army, and of strategy and tactics; itwas abie to build up a fine flghting style, a glorioustradition of hard struggle and its unique revolution-ary heroism; it was able to rely closely on thepeople and become the backbone of the people's warand the decisive force ensuring victory in the Chi-nese revolution.

The victory of the PLA and the victory of thepeople's revolutionary war signify the victory of thegreat military theories of Chairman Mao Tse-tung.The brilliant art of war as evolved by Chairman MaoTse-tung is a precious part of Marxist-Leninist mili-tary theory. The people throughout the country willdraw inexhaustible wisdom and strength from thetreasury of Chairman Mao Tse-tung's militarytheory.

IVFor 24 years, under the leadership of the Party

and our great leader Chairman Mao Tse-tung, thepeople's forces have heroically and unflinchingly beeuin the forefront of the struggle in the cause of theChinese people's liberation. Many flne members ofthe Communist Party have shed their last drop ofbiood for the people. The victory of the greatChinese people's r€volution has at least been won.A heroic army has been created and built up, whichis loved by the people: throughout China and theworld. The glory belongs to the Party and to Chair-man Mao Tse-tung. It belongs to thei people through-out China and the world and also to every commanderand fighter, and every Communist Party member inthe PLA.

Today, China's revolution has entered a netvera. The PLA has shouldered new, great historictasks, namely: resolute opposition to imperialistaggression, the safeguarding of the national defencesof the people's Motherland, the defence of peace inthe East and throughout the world, the consolidationof '.the people's democratic dictatorship within theiouhtry, maintenance of public security and safe-guarding of all construction, so as to usher in thegreat period of people's democratic construction andstrive towards the splendid future of Socialism. Inthese conditions, the building of the PLA has alsoentered a new era, that of building itself up on itspresent foundations into a powerful, modernised andregular national defence army.

In celebrating the Party's 30th anniversary, allParty members in the PLA should make the Party'sleadership in the army even stronger, study Marx-ism-Leninism and Mao Tse-tung's theory of the Chi-nese revolution conscientiously and flrmly applyChairman Mao Tse-tung's principles of army build-ing. They shor.rJ'l develop to the maximum our finetradition of army building and study modestly thehighly developed military science of the SovietUnion. Every Party member and flghter should betrained not to be arrogant, not to be rash and tostrive for progress. He should aim to become a goodCommunist and a good fighter of Chairman MaoTse-tung. We are convinced that, under the bril-liant leadership of the Party and of Chairman MaoTse-tung, and supported by the people throughoutthe country, we are certain to cornplete our great,new historical tasks.

Long live the Communist Party of China!Long Iive Chairman Mao Tse-tung!

PEOPLE'S CHINA I

Friendship with ChinaDr. Hewlett Johnson

Dean of Canterbury, International Stalin Peace Pri,ze Laureate

Dr. Johnson at the meeting of the Worltl PeaceCouncil, Berlin, February 1951.

During this twgntieth century two supremelysignificant steps in man's upward progress stand outvi-vidly above all the ebb and flow of minor mattersand events. The first was the Russian October Re-volution and the Second, following logically from it,was the Chinese Revolution. Here the oldest civili-sation in the world and the greatest country in theEast steps forth in one giant stride from mediaevalbackwardness and mediaeval exploitation into thevery forefront of progressive nations.

China pursues the line traced out by the SovietUnion with its whole-hearted Socialist economy.Following that line, and taking what happened inthe Soviet Union as a standard, it is safe to say thatra,ithin a decade, perhaps less, the centuries ofChina's misery and hopeless poverty will give placeto an era of unparalleled progress and abundance.China can benefit by Russia's experiments, also byRussia's powerful aid.

Already, famine, China's perennial and age-lcngplague, has yielded to the attacks of good farming,improved transport, better organisation and abolitionof squeeze. Within one year of the victory of theRevolution, and despite the desolation of the fightingrvith the warlords, the eight-year invasion by theJapanese and the war launched by Chiang Kai-shekagainst the people, the threatened famine of 1949'lvas averted and now China holds out a helpinghand to her great famine-stricken Eastern neighbcur.India; over half a million tons of Chinese grainhave been despatched to that country. What states-man, or what sane person could have imaginecl sovast a change in so short a time!

Britain, bound by close ties to China for a cen-tury, no small part of her wealth and strdngth com-

ing from China-alas, from the exploitation of Chinafrom the years of the opium wars and onwards-has great present-day interests still in China, hugecapital investments and extensive trade. If we con-sider the size of China, the immensity of lts mainlyagricultural population, its ttade possibilities and ifwe remember the smallness of our own island withits overcrowded industrial population, we see howdependent we are upon mutually beneflcial connec-tions with China. The recognition of this inter-dependence is essential to our future well-being.

The British Government realised these facts anda0ted on this n'ecessity when it recognised the nervChinese Governmeht. The popular demand for thisrecognition showed itself in the formation of theChina-Britain Friendship Association and the various,and growingly numerous, "Hands Off China" Com-mittees.

This friendship is no new thing. It would behard to name any major country for whom the massof the British people entertain warmer feelings thanfor China. Her art, her ancient culture, her kindly,friendly people win universal praise. Few mer-chants returning to England but speak highly of thefair dealing Chinese trader, whose word is as goodas his bond. Our porcelain, our furniture, ourfabrics, as well as from earlier times our paper,printing and gunpowder all bear the marks ofChinese influence....- . The Chinese are a proud, patient. industrious andintelligent people. And China's people are readyfor. a renewal of friendship with us. They rvouldbe ready to forgive and forget the past. We needtheir friendship and they need ours. Friendshipnow would lay the foundations of future prosperityfor both nations, as well as make reparation for thepast. Good business and good. ethics go hand inhand. We need China's goodwill and she needs ours.We need her good ideas and she needs ours. Eachcan make a powerful contribution to the worJd'sdevelopment but only if we meet as eguals. Themass of the British people and, I beiieve, the BritishGovernment would welcome this. But alas we areno longer free agents.

Britain is being dragged step by step by theU.S.A. from hostility to hostility. We approach thebrink of war with China. This, while being a blorvat China, would be disastrous for Great Britain. Inrecognition of this and to avoid the crime andpenality of such a war numerous meetings are beingheld in Great Britain demanding a truce in Korea.

And what we do here flnds its echo across theAtlantic. Despite U.S.A. propaganda, despite thosewho would sell out to the U.S.A., the forces of peacegrow ever more strongly in this land and elsewhere.The real peril lies in the fact that the virus of im-

10 PEOPLE'S CHINAperialism has crossed from us to capitalistic, U.S.A.,the last stronghold of monopoly big business andcapitalist degeneration.

Capitalism in decay is ferocious, willing in itsblindness to pull down the pillar on which its ownsafety depends. America of the warmongers and themonopolists still seeks to push back the hands oftime and reverse the vast changes that China'speople have wrought; it seeks to overthrow thePeople's Republic and prop up the corrupt puppetChiang Kai-shek on his former throne.

But history has spoken. The hand of time issubject to no reversal. The forces released by thepeople's democracy in China cannot be overthrown.I know enough of China to realise this.'I am notwithout personal knowledge of China and theChinese. I have travelled north, south, east andwest in China, even into Inner Mongolia in the northand to Tibet in the west. I am well acquaintedwith the potentialities of the land and its agricul-ture, its minerals, its varied climate, its rich soi]s.'WelI acquainted too rvith the quality of its people,their industry, their skill,their honesty, their trust-worthiness, their humanity.

I have also observed-wh6'could help it?-their need forus and our need for them.Could- needs be more com-plementary? China needs ma-chinery, heavy and iight, andu,ill need them for years tocome. We can supply them.We need China's rice, cotton,silks, hides, bristles, tuttg oilfor paints and food of allkinds, processed or semi-processed.

'We need China's culture, aculture already high and dis-tinguished when we werepainted savages. Britain, atthis moment, as part of hergreat Festival, is showing, asone of our esteemed treasures,a special exposition of ourTang Dynasty possessions. Deep in my memory arethe splendours of that dynasty as I saw its marksin Sian and elsewhere. But how difEcult was thctransport from place to place when I saw it!

China is changing rapidly. Roads, railways,machines, heavy and light, machines for the fac-tories-to supplement. I hope, not to replace, China'smagniflcent handicraftsmanship-and machines forthe land, to replace the mattock and the stone ram,

-bulldozers and concrete mixers for land clearanceand road construction. and steamers which can doin a day what the hand-drawn river boats takeweeks to do. In all these things that China is build-ing and doing, we too could help.

China's rivers can be harnessed for transport.More important still, they can be harnessed forpower and irrigation. What mighty potential powerlies locked up in the rapids of the Yangtse alone!And what work here for our electrical engineeringskill!

China needs electrical generating plants, Chinaneeds cotton goods and textile machinery. MustLancashire factories and mills stand idle whileChina's trade departs to other channels, never toreturn; and while prices rise and unemploymentmounts and all because Britain follows the insanelead of American imperialism?

Can rve not learn from the bitter experience ofpast years? After the Revolution of 191? we set outto do to Russia precisely what the American As-sistant Secretary of State Rusk urges us to do todaywhen he bids us " destroy China" and "smash Com-munism"-blunt, unguarded words which came asa salutary shock to many in Britain, who hadthought it was for the freedom of oppressed Koreansthat the United Nations troops were asked to re-inforce the U.S.A. attacks. Now we know that be-hind that excuse were hidden far laid plans tosmash China. As futile the "smash Russia" plansafter World War Mf we pursue the U.S.A. policywe shall not destroy China. We shall incur thehostility of all Asia. We shall destroy ourselves. Isit to be that? Is it not rather to be a bright future

for us and China?If so, we must forsake the

U.S.A. lead or redirect it Wemust withdraw the Britishrepresentative who is stillmaintained in Taiwan. Wemust vote for the admissicnof Chinese delegates. to theU.N. Council and committees.W'e must back any feasiblepeace proposals from anysource, We must remove theembargo on Chinese trade.We must reverse the passportpolicy which refuses admis-sion to a leader of a Chinesedelegation for friendship andgrants one to an Ex-Ministerof Education in the ChiangKai-shek Government. Hereare sorae steps. And therear'e' many more.

One thing is sure. TheAn ink drawing by Yu Fei-an .:"". "'^:?. '.' -- * - victorious Chinese Revolutionhas come to stay as the Russian Revolution of 1917came to stay.

Another thing is sure. The great World Island,the Heartland of which Sir HolJord Mackinder spokeduring World War I, that great tract of land which,being possessed of illimitable manpower and un-limited supplies of raw material and fighting on in-terior lines, was invulnerable to attack-is a hun-dredfold invulnerable now. United in a commonpurpose with the U.S.S.R. and the People's Demo-clacies, that reinforced world island, stretching fromPrague to Peking and mustering some 800 millionsouls, stands foursquare against all attack. Andbehind it stands the sympathy and will of hundredsof millions more in other lands.

Shall Britain smash herself and endanger allthat is precious in her splendid civilisation in thevain attempt to crush herself against this great andnew and beneflcent world force? Millions in mycountry say, "No!"

Peace doves.

PEOPLE'S CHINA 11

The Just Struggle of the Iranian PeopleSaifudin

The press of New China carriecl, on Julg 8, 1951 the follotoing staternent by Saifuilin, notedMoslem leader and Chairman of the Sinlcr,ang People's Democratic League, on the present eoentsin lran.

The Iranian people, fighting to nationalise theiroil industry, are in the midst of a heroic struggle fortheir national independence and sovereignty. Weextend our deep sympathy to the Iranian people inthis just struggle of theirs.

The Iranian people's demand for the nationalisa-tion of the oil industry is perfectly reasonable andjust. It is essential for the achievement of nationalindependence. For many long years, British im-perialism has been using the Anglo-Iranian OiI Com-pany to control the economy and politics of Iran.This is the main cause of the extreme pauperisationof the Iranian people. Over several decades, theAnglo-Iranian Oil Company has sucked wealthamounting to at least four to flve billion U.S. dollarsfrom Iran. Iranian oil workers of the Anglo-IranianOil Company are treated inhumanly. They work 12

to 16 hours a day for a wage of one to three toman(Iranian currency), which is hardly sufficient for asemi-starvation subsistence. At present, there areover a million unemployed Iranians. These arecalamities brought about by British imperialist eco-nomic exploitation.

The Iranian people certainly cannot endure suchconditions passively. They are firmly opposed tothis ruthless colonial policy of British imperialism inIran. Their struggle against British exploitation andfor oil nationalisation has gained momentum sinceMarch of this year, and precisely because it was thedemand of the broad masses of the people, theMajlis and the Government of Iran passed legislationnationalising the oil industry at the end of last April.

Since the oil nationalisation act was passed, Brit-ish imperialism has used devious, contemptible andshameless threats as well as persuasion with a viewto maintaining its aggressive interests in lran. Iteven threatened armed intervention to suppress theIranian people's just action. The U.S. Governmenthas openly helped the British Government in its at-tempts to threaten and bait the Government of Iraninto abandoning the Oil Nationalisation Act. But atthe same time, the U.S. Government is secretly try-ing to take advantage of the situation to get controlover Iran's oil. These disgusting acts of interventionon the part of the British and American imperialistsonce again reveal to the Iranian people and to peoplethroughout the world the ugly, aggressive face ofBritish and American imperialism. The Iranianpeople have not been scared by imperialist threats.

By bolcl demonstrations of tens of thorxands of peopleand by large-scale strike action, they have dealtcounter-blows to the imperialist attacks. The Gov-ernment of Iran vacillated and wavered for a timebut urged on by the masses of the people, on June20 it finally decided on the immediate enforcementof the Oil Nationalisation Act and announced thedissolution of the Anglo-Iranian OiI Company.

However, the British and American imperialistshave not as yet abandoned their intervention policy.They are still actively pursuing their plans to un-dermine Iran's Oil Nationalisation Act. On June 21,Herbert Morrison, British Foreign Minister, speakingin the House of Commons, openly discussed inthreatening tones the inilitary action that might pos-sibly be taken. Dean Acheson, U.S. Secretary ofState, also issued a statement in Washington on June27 calling upon the Government of Iran to "recon-sider its present actions." Under the manipulatio-nof the British and American imperialists, the Inter-national Court of Justice is also actively interven-ing against Iran's oil nationalisation, in an attemptto forbid the Government of Iran to take over theAnglo-Iranian Oil Company before it renders a"decision" on the question. These facts prove thatimperialism will not tolerate the Iranian peoplecarrying out their nationalisation act smoothly. Forthis reason, the Iranian people must make strenuousefforts to achieve their objective of oil nationalisa-tion. We believe that the Iranian people will un-animously unite and guard against the imperiallstintrigues and treachery and the danger of compro-mise, and will persist to the end in their patrioticstruggle.

The Iranian people's struggle has the support ofall progressive people throughout the world. Thesympathy of aII the people of Asia and the Moslemmasses is with the Iranian people. At the presenttime, the aggressive policy. of the American and Brit-ish imperialists has met with the heroic counter'attack in Korea. The struggle of the peoplesthroughout the world for peace and democracy issteadily rising to full strength. The internationalsi.tuation is favourable to the Iranian people in theirfight for national independence and oil nationalisa-tion. We, the Chinese peopl,e and the millions ofMoslems of China, fully support the Iranian people'sjust struggle and oppose the unwarranted interven-tion of the imperialists. We consider that the Iranianpeople absolutely have the right to settle their owninternal problems which involve the Lifu of theirown country.

72 PEOPLE'S CHINA

Thirty Years of the Communisr Party of ChinaII-The Second Revolutionary Civil W'ar

' Hu Chiao-muVice-Director of the Propaganda Department, Central Committee, Communist parta oJ China

In 1927, during the rapidly developing revolution,the young Communist Party of China was assailedby powerful enemies both from within and outsidethe ranks of the revolution. The Party failed, toresist these assaults in a proper way becatxe oferrors committed by its leading organisations and,as a result, suffered extremely serious blows. TheParty tried to save the revolution from defeat. OnAugust 1, Chou En-Iai, Chu Teh, Yeh Ting, Ho Lungand other comrades led over 30,000 troops of theNorthern Expeditionary Army, who were under theinfluence of the Party, in an armed uprising at Nan-chang, Kiangsi Province. But instead of joining withthe peasant movement in Kiangsi they marchedsouthward to Kwangtung Province. Later, thoughthey preserved a small part of their strength, themajor part was defeated in battles against the enemyin the eastern part of I(wangtung Province. Afterthat, the situation pointed to the inevitable defeatof the revolution. From April 12, when Chiang Kai-shek began his massacre, until after the defeat ofthe revolution, many brilliant leaders of the Partyand many revolutionary workers, peasants and intel-lectuals were savagely slaughtered throughout thecountry. The whole country was suddenly plungedinto darkness. Not only the national bourgeoisie,but many of the upper strata of the petty bourgeoisiedeserted the revolution. Many intellectuals of pettybourgeois origin, who had joined the Party but wholacked resolution, announced their withdrawal fromthe Party. But the heroic Communist Party andthe revolutionary people of China, as Comrade MaoTse-tung said in }:is Coalition GoDernnlent, "wetenot frightened, not conqdered, and not annihilated.They stood up again, wiped off the bloodstains, buriedtheir fallen comrades, and went on fighting."

Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang, the be-trayers of the revolution, did not and could not solveany of the problems that gave rise to the Chineserevolution. On the contrary, China's national crisiswas aggravated by Chiang Kai-shek and the KMTwho were even more thoroughly dependent uponimperialism and suppressed the revolutionary peopleeven more ruthlessly than the previous reactionaryrulers. The imperialists made certain formal c9n-cessions to Chiang Kai-shek (such as giving up theright of consular jurisdiction and conventionalcustoms tariffs), for they knerv it made no differencewhether these rights were vested in Chiang Kai-shekor retained by themselves. But in reality, theiraggression penetrated ever deeper into China.Especially conspicuous was the ascendancy of Ameri-can imperialist economic and political influence inChina.

Manipulated as in the past by imperialism andfeudalism, the new warlords of the KMT engaged

in unceasing internecine wars with each other.Workers and peasants were subjected. to heavierexploitation and oppression than before. Especiallyin the cities, KMT rule was even more brutal thanthat of the old-style warlords. After his betrayal ofthe revolution, Chiang Kai-shek no longer represent-ed the interests of the national bourgeoisie, but theinterests of imperialism, feudalism and the com-prador-bourgeoisie. Chiang Kai-shek developedwhat was later termed bureaucratic capitalism-com-prador, feudal, military, monopoly capitalism. Con-sequently, the national bourgeoisie suffered greateroppression under Chiang Kai-shek,s rule than before.Comrade Mao Tse-tung in summing up the situationat that time stated, in 1928:

"The workers, peasants, the common people throirgh-out the country and even the bourgeoisie still remainunder the counter-revolutionary rule without beingliberated at all politically or economicalty.,, (WhA ttfs Possible Jor China's Red Stote pouer to Erist)

Herein lies the fundamental reason why Japaneseimperialism dared to launch large-scale militaryoffensives against China in 1931 and. 193?.

Although the rule of Chiang Kai-shek was morebrutal than the previous warlord rule, it had itsweaknesses, which fundamentally r,vere its separationfrom the people and its internal conflicts. ChiangKai-shek's reactionary state apparatus was streng-thened in order to suppress the people. But, itsmain force could be put only in the cities. As aresult, it was not easy for the people in the citiesto resume or develop their struggles rapidly. How-ever, it was impossible for Chiang Kai-shek toestablish a powerful reactionary rule everywhereover the extremely vast rural districts throughoutthe country. The continuous wars waged among thevarious factions of the KMT warlords ad.ded toChiang Kai-shek's difficulties in this respect.Especially in the rural districts which had beeninfluenced by the revolution, the peasants urgenflywanted land and had experience in organising them-selves to fight the landlord class. This was favour-able to the revolution and unfavourable to thecounter-revolution. If the defeat of the First Re-volutiohary Civil War re"ulted from the failure tolead the peasants correctly to solve the agrarianproblem, then the hope of reviving the revolutionarymovement lay precisely in correctly leading the pea-sants' struggle for land in the new conditions.

In the situation where the revolution had beendefeated and Chiang Kai-shek had established hisout-and-out reactionary rule, the task of the partywas to make clear to the people the necessity ofcontinuing the revolutionary struggle, and to leadthem along the correct path of reviving that struggle.

PEOPLE'S CHINA 'ioIO

To do so, the Party had to sum up the experiencesof the First Revolutionary Civil War, correct themistakes of the Party's leadership, and quicklyassemble the revolutionary forces in order to organisean orderly retreat and defence in face of the enemy'soffensive. In effect, it was necessary: for some ofthe Party's orgahisations to move to the rural dis-tricts where the counter-revolutionary forces wererelatively weak and where the revolution wasrelatively rvell entrenched in order to lead the pea-sants in carrying out agrarian reform and guerilla'v.,-arfare; for another part of the Party's organisationsto remain in the cities, go underground, and carryon rvork under cover in order to preserve the cadresand Party organisations and preserve and build upthe revolutionary forces of the masses; and after this,for these two contingents to co-ordinate their strug-gles and taking advantage of the enemy's internalcontradictions and weaknesses, flght for the revivalof the revolutionary movement.

Immediately after the I(MT at Wuhan turnedagainst the Communist Party in July 1927, the Partycalled an emergency conference on August 7. Thisconference thoroughly rectifled Chen Tu-hsiu'scapitulationism au-d removed him from leadership.Chen Tu-hsiu's rnistakes were again examined ingreater detail at the Sixth Party Congress in July1928. Chen Tu-hsiu did not admit his mistakes. Heand his supporters stated at that time that, withthe victory of the bourgeoisie, the Chinese bourgeois-democratic revolution was ended, that the bourgeoisiehad already established and would consolidate itsrule, and that the Chinese proletariat should giveup the revolutionary struggle, turn to legal activitiesand wait for a Socialist revolution to be launchedin the futule. Since then, Chen Tu-hsiu and hissupporters took the counter-revolutionary path ofcollaborating with the Trotskyites in carrying onanti-Party activities. Therefore, the Party expelledthem in 1929.

In order to save the revolution the Party at itsAugust 7th Conference (1927) issued a call to thepeasants to launch autumn harvest uprisings. Afterthe conference Comrade Mao Tse-tung went tovarious places in the west of Kiangsi Province andthe east of Hunan Province where he led a part ofthe peasants, workers and troops of the NorthernExpeditionary Army in carrying out uprisings,founded the workers' and peasants' revolutionaryarmy at the border of Hunan and Kiangsi Provincesand fought against the enemy.

In addition, from the autumn and rvinter of 1927to the spri.ng of 1928, the Party organised armeduprisings in eastern Hupeh, in eastern and southernIfunan, in the city of Canton, in eastern Kwangtung,on Hainan Island, in western Kwangsi and in otherplaces. The uprisings in southern Hunan were head-ed by Comraded Chu Teh, Chen Yi, Lin Piao andothers, r,vho Ied scme of the troops that had parti-cipated in the Nanchang Uprising and v/ere pre-served after th'e defeat in Kwangtung, into southernIlunan. Soon after, they took their troops, togetheru,ith the peasant army that was formed in the courseof the uprisings, to join forces with the troops underComrade Mao Tse-tung. Part of the armed forceswhich were created in the course of the uprisingsin other places was also maintained intact.

In those places where these armed forces werecorrectly Ied, the revolutionary armed struggle de-veloped. After this the Second Revolutionary CivilWar began. These troops were the embryo of theChinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, the pre-sent-day Chinese People's Liberation Army.

But in the situationwhere the revolution hadbeen defeated, what wasrequired of the Partyorganisations as a wholewas to conduct an appro-priate retreat instead ofcontinuing the offensive.For the time being localarmed struggles could con-stitute nothing but a spe-cial form of defence. Asa result of incorrectly ap-praising the situation atthe time as though the

revolution were still on the ascendant, and by refusingto admit that the revolution had failed, the Party,from the winter of 7927 to the spring of 1928, underthe leadership,of Comrade Chu Chiu-pai, fell into"Left" putschism, opposed retreat and wanted tocontinue the offensive, thus continuously causing nosmall losses to the remaining revolutionary forces.

The Sixth Party Congress, held in JuIy 1928,

liquidate<i Chen Tu-hsiu's capitulationism and at thesame time criticised the error of "Left" putschism.This Congress re-amrmed that the Chinese revolu-tion was a democratic revolution in character andthat the general task was to establish a workers' andpeasants' anti-imperialist and anti-feudal democraticdictatorship. The Congress also worked out thevarious aspects of the pro,gramme for the workers'and peasants' democratic dictatorship. The Congressput forward the task of founding a Red Army, estab-lishing revolutionary bases in the countryside andcarrying out land distribution. The Congress point-ed out that the revolutionary upsurge was bound tocome, but that the political situation then was onebetween two revolutionary upsurges; therefore thegeneral task of the Party at that time was not totake the offensive or organise uprisings everywhere,but rather to vt'in over the masses. These were theaccomplishments of the Sixth Party Congress. Theshortcomings of this Congress were: it lacked a cor-rect appraisal of the protracted nature of the demo-cratic revolution, the role of the intermediate class-es and the contradictions within the reactionaryforces; nor did it correctly understand that tacticallythe Party should conduct a retreat, and especiallythat the key question was the necessity of shiftingthe centre of the Party's activity from the cities,where the enemy was comparatively strong, to therural districts, where the enemy was comparativelyweak. The leadership of the Party was still in thehands of the "Left" elements. These shortcomingsof the Sixth Party Congress militated against thethorough rectiflcation of the "Left" deviations inthe Party.

Comrade Mao Tse-tung was not present at theSixth Congress. The congress elected him to theCentral Comrnittee of the Party.

The problems that had not been correctly solvedby the Sixth Congress were solved later by Com-

!4 PEOPLE'S CHINArade Mao Tse-tung both in practice and in theory.In October 7927, Comrade Mao Tse-tung led acontingent of the newly founded workers, andpeasants' revolutionary army in a withdrawal to theChingkang Mountain area, on the borders of Kiangsiand Hunan Provinces, established there the Hunan-Kiangsi Border Region Workers, and peasants, Gov-ernment, repulsed repeated attacks by the eDemyand started to lead the peasants in distributing theland.

After the troops under Comrades Chu Teh andPeng Teh-huai one after the other joined forces withthe troops under Comrade Mao Tse.-tung, the revolu-tionary bases with the Chingkang Mountail as theircentre, gradually expanded. During this period,peasant guerilla warfare and the struggles for theIand under the leadership of the party also develop-ed in Kiangsi, Hunan, Hupeh, Kwangsi and otherprovinces. Several contingents, of the Red Armyand several revolutionary bases were founded oneafter another. In 1929, the Red Army, led by Com-rades Mao Tse-tung and Chu Teh, advanced to thesouth of Kiangsi and the west of Fukien province,and founded the Central Revolutionary Bases withJuichin, in Kiangsi, as their centre.

The revolutionary bases first founded by Com_rade Mao Tse-tung in the winter ot tg27 ind therevolutionary war led by him, as well as the revolu-tionary bases and the revolutionary wars foundedand led elsewhere by other comrades, became themain content of the Chinese revolutionary strugglein the new period. They constituted the main factorin the nation's political 1ite, presented the greatestthreat to Chiang Kai-shek,s reactionary rule and re_presented the greatest hope of the labouring peoplethroughout the country.

Why were the developmentfare and the creation of ruralpossible? Why were they theChinese revolutionary struggle

cle, Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out that therewere five main conditions which made the existenceof Red State Power possible at that time:

(1) China's locatised agricultural economy togetherwith the imperialists, policy of carving up andexploiting China by dividing the country upamong themselves into spheres of influencecreated gaps in the reactionary rule, of whichadvantage could be taken by the revolutionaryforces.

(2) The influence of the First Revolutionary CivilWar still remained among the people in ,.it

"."."of the country.(3) The revolutionary situation throughout the coun-try continued to develop,(4) There existed the Red Army to support the Red

State Power.(5) There existed the Communist party, whose or-ganisation was powerful and whose policy was

correct, to Euide the Red State power.In the second art o Tse_tung ap-

praised in detail the he war wagedby the Chinese Red Mao Tse_tungpointed out that Red nd the revolu-

tionary bases were "the highest as well as the neces-sary form which peasant struggles in a semi-colonymust adopt," and were "important factors in ac-celerating the forthcoming nation-rvide revolution-ary upsurge." Comrade Mao Tse-tung was of theopinion that the war waged by the Red Army,the agrarian revolution and the building up of revo-Iutionary state power should be developed to themaximum extent. "Only by so doing can we winthe confidence and respect of the revolutionary mass-es throughout the country as the Soviet Union hasdone throughout the world. Only by so doing canwe create great difficulties for the ruling classes,shake their foundations and accelerate their disin-tegration. And only by so doing can we really createa Red Army that will be one of the important in-struments in the forthcoming great revolution. Inshort, only thus can we accelerate the oncomingrevolutionary tide." Thus, Comrade Mao Tse-tungdiscovered the only correct law of the developmentof the Chinese revolution in the situation wherethe Chinese revolution had been defeated in thecities by po,r,erful enemies and where for the timebeing there was no way to win victory in the cities.This law was to encircle and subsequently to seizethe cities occupied by the counter-revolution, bymeans of armed, revolutionary rural districts. Thedevelopment of the Chinese revolution in the ensuing20 years fully bore out Comrade Mao Tse-tung'sforesight.

In this period, ComraoeMao Tse-tung not onlymapped out for the Partythe general course of de-velopment of the revolu-tion in the period of theSecond RevolutionaryCivi.l War, but also madeimportant creative contri-butions in various aspectsof concrete policies, suchas policies regarding theagrarian revolution, theintermediate classes, mili-

tary strategy and tactics to defeat superior enemyforces, work among the troops and the work of build-ing the Party in the rural districts and under warconditions. In view of the facts that the poor pea-sants and the farm labourers were the most revolu-tionary forces in the rural districts, that the middlepeasants were an important force which flrmly sup-ported the revolution, that in the stage of the bour-geois-democratic revolution, the rich peasant eco-nomy still needed to be preserved and medium andsmall scale industry and commerce needed to be pro-tected and developed, Comrade Mao Tse-tung cor-rectly laid down and resolutely followed the line inthe agrarian revolution of rel),ing upon the poorpeasants and farm labourers, uniting with the middlepeasants, protecting the rich peasants and themedium and small industrialists and businessmenand liquidating only the landlord class. Since wdrwas the main form of struggle and the army wasthe main form of organisation in the Chinese revolu-tion, and since the characteristic of the revolution-ary war at that time was that the enemy was strongwhile we were weak, the enemy was big vrhile wewere small, and that ttre ene-y was divorced from

PEOPLE'S CHINA 15

the masses while we were closely united with themasses, Comrade Mao Tse-tung correctly laid downsuch basic principles as that the Red Army mustbe propagandists and organisers in the work of theParty, of the people's state power, of the agrarianreform and of all other local work; the Red Armymust develop strong political work and strict massdiscipline among its rank and flIe; the war wagedby the Red Army must be a people's war relyingon the masses with guerilla warfare or mobile war-fare having the character of guerilla warfare as itsmain form of flghting at that time; strategically itmust carry on a protracted war but tactically itmust flght battles of quick decision; it must at ordin-ary times send troops to mobilise the masses and atthe time of battle concentrate superior forces toencircle and annihilate the enemy. AII these basicprinciples and certain other military principles con-stitute the military line of the Chinese revolution-ary war. In view of all this, it can be said that thework Comrade Mao Tse-tun! did in this difficuLtperiod of the Chinese revolution laid the mainfoundations for leading the Chinese revolutiontowards victory.

In 1930, the Red Army throughout the countrygrelv to about 60,000 men, of whom over 30,000 werein the Central Area in Kiangsi Province. In 1930and a little later, revolutionary bases were extend-ed to Fukien, Anhwei, Honan, Shensi, Kansu andother provinces as well as to Hainan Island, Kwang-tung Province. I'he rapid development of the RedArmy caused a very great shock to Chiang Kai-shek.Towards the end of 1930, Chiang Kai-shek sentseven divisions, totalling about 100,000 men, in anencirclement campaign against the F,ed Army in theCentlal Area with the result that one and a halfdivisions were wiped out by the Red Army andChiang Kai-shek's lield commander was captured. InFebr-uary 1931, Chiang Kai-shek sent 200,000 men,with Ho Ying-chin as commander, in a second en-circlement campaign against the Red Army in theCentral Area. It was again crushed. Over 30,000men and over 20,000 small arms were captured bythe Red Army. In JuIy of the same year, ChiangKai-shek started the third campaign. Himself com-manding and accompanied by British, Japanese andGerman military advisers, he led 300,000 men, pene-trated from three directions deep into the bases ofthe Red Army in the Central Area. But again theattack 'nvas crushed. At the same time, many im-portant victories were won by the Army led byComrade Hsu Hsiang-chien which was flrst station-ed at the Hupeh-Honan-Anhwei Base and later shift-ed to the Northern Szechuan Base, and by the RedArmy of the Western-Ilunan and Western HupehBases led by Comrade Ho Lung.

Influenced by the victories of the Red ArmJ,,over 10,000 troops of the KMT 26th Route Armywhich '"vas sent to attack the Red Army mutiniedat Ningtu, Kiangsi Province, in December 1931 underthe leadership of Comrades Chao Po-sheng, TungChen-tang and others and . joined the Red Army.Through such victories, the strength of the RedArmy continued to grow, and a new revolutionarysituation thus gradually approached fruition.

It was just at this time, that the large-scaleinvasion of Northeast China was started by Japanese

imperialism on September 18, 1931. The Japaneseimperialists, who had been determined to invadeChina ever since the Sino-Japanese War of 1894, sawthat following the economic crisis which had struckthe capitalist world by the end of 1929, Britain, theUnited States and other countries were much toopreoccupied with their domestic affairs to competewith Japan in the seizure of China. They also sawthat Chiang Kai-shek's government had completelycapitulated to the imperialists, relying on the helpof the British and American imperialists to wagecivil war among the counter-revolutionaries them-selves, and the civil war against the Workers' andPeasants' Red Army, and dared not resist the Japa-nese invasion of China.

The Japanese imperialists decided to start byinvading the Northeast and then gradually to ex-pand their aggression to embrace the whole ofChina. Because the Chiang Kai-shek governmentpersisted in carrying out its policy of offering noresistance to Japan, stepping up the "suppression ofCommunists" and intensifying the fascist terror, theJapanese quickly occupied the whole of the North-east in 1931. In January 1932, they invaded Shanghai.In 1933, they occupied Jehol and the northern partof Chahar. In 1933, they occupied the eastern partof Hopei.

The Japanese imperialist invasion brought abouta fundamental change in the politicat situation inChina. To resist Japanese invasion became theurgent task and the universal ilemand of the wholeChinese people. Movements conducted by workers,peasants and students against Japanese imperialismgained momentum in aII parts of the country. Theupper strata of the petty bourgeoisie and the na-tional bourgeoisie, which withdrew from the revolu-tion in 1927, now changed their political attitude,began to be politically active and demanded thatChiang Kai-shek's government change its policy.Political disintegration began, even in the ranks ofthe KMT and the KMT troops. In January 1932,

the KMT 19th Route Arm-v, under the influence ofthe anti-Japanese movement of the Shanghai peo-ple, heroically resisted the Japanese troops invadingShanghai. In November 1933 the leaders of thisarmy, together u.,ith other KMT members, foundeda people's government in Fukien Province whichopposed Chiang Kai-shek and sought to unite rviththe Communists. In May 1933 Feng Yu-hsiang inco-operation with the Communists, organised theAnti-Japanese People's A1lied Army at Kalgan,Chahar Province.

After the Japanese invaders attacked China, theChinese Communist Party was the flrst to call forarmed resistance. It also led or took an active partin the nation--*,ide people's anti-Japanese movementand the anti-Japanese gueriila war waged by thepeople of the Noltheast. In January 1933, the Chi-nese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army declaredthat, on the three conditions of ceasing the attackson the Red Army, safeguarding the people's demo-cratic rights and arming the masses, the Red Armywas willing to stop flghting and make peace withall other troops in the country for the purpose ofjointly resisting Japanese aggression. But in spiteof this, the leadership of the Party, between 1931

16 PEOPLE'S CHINA

and 1934 committed new, serious "Left" mistakes.As a result, the revolution not only failed to advancein the favourable conditions created by the RedArmy's victories and the rising popular struggleagainst Japan and Chiang Kai-shek, but it evensuffered new setbacks.

In spite of the lessons of the failure of the FirstRevolutionary Civil War and the various eventswhich ensued, the Ieading organs of the Party afterthe Sixth Party Congress were still located in Shang-hai-the centre of counter-revolution, and theleadership of the Party still was not focused onRed Army warfare and did not have Comrade MaoTse-tung as its centre. Imbued rvith petty bour-geois impetuosity and ignorant of the significanceand lar,vs of Red Army warfare, the "Left" oppor-tunists, who held illusions of organising uprisingsin cities which were under counter-revolutionarywhite terror, continued to occupy leadurg positionsin the central organs of the Party. Headed by Com-rade Li Li-san, the Central Committee of the Party,from June to October of 1930, demanded that ageneral uprising be organised in the key citiesand a general offensive against key cities belaunched by all Red Army forces., This erroneousplan had caused serious losses to the undergroundorganisations of the Party in the KMT-controlledareas, but it did not produce serious effects in theRed Army, where Comrade Mao Tse-tung led theresolute opposition to it. In October 1930, ComradeLi Li-san's mistakes were corrected at the IhirdPlenary Session of the Central Committee electedby the Sixth Party Congress. However, in January1931, a new "Left" faction headed by ComradesWang Ming (Chen Shao-yu) and Po Ku (Chin Pang-hsien) and characterised by its doctrinairism, madeuse of the cloak of Marxist-Leninist "theories" toattack the Third Plenary Session from the "Left.',The members of this faction held the view thatthe chief mistake committed by Comrade Li Li-san,and the chief danger within the Chinese CommunistParty at that time, were Right deviations and not"Left" deviations. They charged that the ThirdPlenary Session "had not done anything to exposeand attack the Right-opportunist theory and prac-tice rvhich the Li Li-san line had consistently fol-lowed." They finally secured the leading positionsin the central organs at the fourth plenary sessionof the Central Committee elected at the Sixth PartyCongress. This new "Left" faction headed by rvVang

Ming and Po Ku completely denied the important ...

changes which the Japanese invasion had brought ,'about in China's domestic political situation aDdregarded the various cliques and the middle groupsin the KMT as equally counter-revolutionary; there-fore they demanded that the Party should wage alife-and-death struggle against all of them withoutdistinction.

As to the question of Red Army warfare, this"Left" group opposed Comrade Mao Tse-tung's ideasof guerilla warfare and mobile warfare and persist-ed in demanding that the Red Army seize all thekey cities. On the question of Party work in thecities in the KMT-controlled areas, they opposed theviervs of utilising legal forms and accumulatingrevolutionary strength, as firmly held by ComradeLiu Shao-chi and continued to carry out the adven-turist policies which isolated them from the majority

of the masses. Under this erroneous leadership,almost all Party organisations in the KMT-control-led areas were destroyed. The provisional CentralIeading organs formed by the "Left" elements weremoved to the Central Red Army bases in 1933. Theprovisional Central leading organs, following theirarrival in the Red Army hases, joined up with UreCentral Committee members, such as Comrade MaoTse-tnng and others who had been working in theRed Army and the revolutionary bases, and laterbecame the formally established official Central lead-ing organs. But Comrade Mao Tse-tung's leadership,especially hls leadership of the Red Army was thrustaside, and thus the revival of the revolution demon-strated by thg victories of the Red Army and theupsurg€ of the mass moverrrent in the KMT-controlledareas was undermined.

Fr-om June 1932 to February 1933, Chiang Kai-shek, immediately after selling out the War ofResistance to Japanese Imperialism in Shanghai,employed 90 divisions totalling 500,000 men in thefourth all-out enbirclement campaign against theChinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. Guidedby Comrade Mao Tse-tung's strategy, the Red Armyagain won great victories in this counter-encircle-ment campaign. But in October 1933, Chiang Kai-shek unleashed the fifth encirclement campaignagainst the Red Army, with a force of 1,000,000 menand sent 500,000 troops to attack the Central RedArmy. During this campaign, the Red Army failedto smash the enemy's encircleme:rt, owlng to thecompletely wrong military line of remaining solelyon the defensive and other wrong policies pursuedby the Central leading organs of the Party.

In October 1934, the Central Red Army withdrervfrom bases in Kiangsi Province and began the LongMarch which was unparalleled in world history.Meanw'hile, other revolutionary bases and Red Armyforces throughout the country.su-ftered similar lossesat the hands of the "Left" elements. With theexception of the Red Army units led by ComradesLiu Tse-tan, Kao Kang and others in NorthernShensi, the Red Army units in various places $'ith-drew from their original bases one after anotherand joined the Long March.

During the Long March of the Central RedArmy, the Central Ieading organs of the Party con-tinued to commit military blunders which severaltimes put the Red Army in dangerous predicamentsand caused extremely great losses with the enemyblocking the route of advance and pursuing fromthe rear. In order to save the imperilled Red Armyand China's revolutionary cause, Comrade Mao Tse-tung and other comrades conducted a resolutestruggle and secured the calling of an enlarged con-ference of the Political Bureau of the Central Com-mittee of the Party in January 1935, at Tsunyi,Kweichow Province. With the majority of thecomrades conscious of the issues and with theirsupport, the Tsunyi Conference removed the "Left"opportunists from the Party leadership and establish-ed Comrade Mao Tse-tung's leading position in theCentral organs and in the Party as a whole. Fromthat time on, the Communist Party of China andthe Chinese Revolution have been continuously

(Continue(I on page 33)

The PLAFounded and taugh

Tse-tung, steeled in 24 yr

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in the leailership of the

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protect their peaceful

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defend lasting worlil

Fighters of the People's NavYSome of ihe famous PLA Infantry.

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lars of revolutionaryreration Army today

med force, invincible

Chinese Communist

I all lovers of peace.

artl the fruits of the

Planes of the People's Air Force.

{I

The dem".T9orkers

irnperial anccstral shrine.At the Working Pcople's Palace of Cultrre, the former

dem".nd for books is insatiable.at an open-air bookstall.

Girl students performing group fynnastics in a recent psking athletlc meet.

Peking, Heart of the NationPeking, magnificent ancient capital of China, has returned to its

rightful owners, its builders-the working people. They have takenover the former imperial palaces and parks, They are making theircity a model of people's municipal constructlon. The old charms ofthe city have been preserved and enhanced, and new public workshave been completed for the welfare of the working people.

#i+

One of the many new municipal construction projects-spacious, nodera swlmmlng pools bullt overthe former site of a neglected lake.

PEOPLE'S CHINA 2l

Seen from above, from a planein the middle distance, frorn thefavourite viewpoint of the classicallandscapists, set .lvhere the Hopeiplain meets the Western Hills,Peking lives up tc a1I one's expecta-tion-s of one of the most historicof China's cities: the crenellatedwalls within watls with their bas-tions and gate buildings, themagniflcent spacing of the old For-bidden Clty and the Temple ofIfeaven, the green clusters andribands of squares and avenuesamid gently tapering..roofs. A thinmist heightens the picturesqueness.It rises fronr the necklace of brightlakes stretching frbm north tosouth in a graceful curve throughthe pleasure gardens,of the people.

This essenrial beauty remainsand will be eternall5r nbw. But itis by the transformdtion of its peo-ple, a transformation wrought byliberation, that pekiirg today at-tracts the eyes of the world-offriends as well as foes.

Old Peking lived with a skeletonin its cupboard. I knew it in thedays of its degradation. It was acity of ostentatious wealth andsickening poverty; a servile puppetcapital of a warlord glique; a cityof slowly crumbling ruins of amighty past, in whiqh the restau-rant parties, the feasts on pekingDuck, the sing-song'girls, the boat-ing of the rich on the reed chokedlakes was like ghoulish roisteringby a grave.

A Great World .Capital

Now its life is a iivid,. sviifilymoving round of creative activitywith all the cxcitement of the ever-new-! The dark shadow has beenlifted. The faces of the peoplervear the look of iiberation. It isunforgettable to see them in thbirJoyous hundreds of tholrsands atthe great demonstrations on theTien An 1\llen Square. Thousandsof children throwing their festivalbouquets to the stands of theheroes of the liberation war andof labour, covering them with flow-ers. While from the rostrum,Chairman Mao Tse-tung in his greycadre's uniform, flanked by LiuShao-chi, Chou En-Iai, Chu Teh-veterans of world shaking battles,historic victories-applaud.

Once again it is the diPlomaticcapital of China, with embassiesand missions f rorrr the fraternalIands, the Socialist Soviet Union,the People's Democracies and fromthose capitalist and other countrieswho have accepted the princiPleof "equality, mutual benefit andmutual respect." The "LegationQuarter" is dead. With its grey,embrasured walls and barracks itwas the supreme symbol of foreignimperialist domination of China.

.p Traale Booms

The people are preoccupied withthe works of peace: manufacture,trade, education, art..,..This is a

unique aspect of their attitudethroughout the war in Korea.Every effort to aid the volunteershas strengthened the peaceful con-solidation of the country.

Business booms healthily in themain shopping centres-the W-anf-fuchin Street and outside the ChienMen Gate. Never has business

I\ euu P ekin gJack Chen

Once the centre of the Eastern Now its grey wall is being pulledworld, flnally reduced to the status dou,n. Its embassies are inter-of a provincial town by the KMT, sperse<i with the national organisa-Peking today is again one of the tions of the new China. Here aremodern world's great capitals, it the busy headquarters of the Sino-takes its role naturally and in an Soviet Friendship Association, theunexampled way as. the leader of China Peace Committee, the Youththe country, politically, economical- League, the people's banks.ty, socially and culturally-. This The delegates of the people pass

seat 5f the Central People's Gov-. through this national centre of theernment is the scene of great country as through a great heartevents; great movemerits spi'ead Pglsing with the rich flow of tife.from here throughout the vast ter- " They crowd its streets at theritory of China and have repercus- magnificent revolutionary. holidayssions far beyond, throughout the' and festivals. Representatives ofglobe and on into world history. the national minorities from the

of Students, the Asian 'sections of trade unions, of the women' youth'

the Women,s International Demo- students, Pioneers, scientists, artists

victory for a billion Asian people various nationalities.in the struggle for liberation.

22 PEOPLE'S CHINA

been so good or economic develop-ment so steady. Clothes, householdgoods, small ]uxuries find a readysale at cheap prices. With the bigstate-owned department stores set-ting the pace for service, the shopsare also going to the masses. Co-operative trading is taking asteadily rising share of the marketr.vith branches conveniently placedin every big factory and institution.

Peking trade shows all the marksof an expanding economy. Lastyear, in addition to new state-owned and public enterprises, thenumber of private industrial fac-tories and workshops increased by3,629, the number of commercialflrms by 715 over 1949. In the firsthalf of this year, another 2,207 newprj.vate firms were established.

The character of private trade toohas changed. There are big ban_ners outside many shops: ,,Facingthe villages and selling much atlow profltSilk Storerelying onclusive Jui"Clock Store,,, Dever advertised.Now they have sent leaflets to thefactories and taken their name tothe viilages. They converted theluxury textile goods on their

ir worth of goodBusiness leaped.

March 1949, theirin October and

September 1gb0 was ten timesgreater. And 40 per cent of theircustomers were peasants. The bigchange came after the land reformand the currency stabilisation.

?his story of expansion is thesame in every useful sphere of in_dustry or trade. Former second_hand booksellers clubbed together.tul'ned thcir faccs to the ,rill"g""and workers, invested in new masseditions on politics and currentaffairs and sold out their stocks.Peking will probably never be agreat industrial centre, but it hasalready become the economiq cap_ital of the country as the s&t ofeconomic planning organisations,the majcr state trading mart andthe financial hub of New China.

Cultural Renaissance

Peking has always prided itselfon its heritage as a cultural centre.But never before has its culturallife flowed so freely and abundant_ly. Cultural discussion has broad_ened out far beyond ,,intellectual,,

circles to include all strata of thepeople-the workers, the peasants,the people's armJrrnen, the women,formerly considered quite beyondthe pale of such discussions-andthis extension has given it a newreality, depth and vitality. Thetalk now is not of the influence ofa work of art on some small cliqueor distant generations, but of theimmediate impact of thought andartistic expression on millions nowmoving forward in unity to com-plete a mighty revolution and builda new society for nearly a quarterof the human race.

And this discussion is effectivebecause it is inforrned. Art andculture have gone to the people.Tens of thousands were enabled toenjoy the festival of the dancersand music of the national minori-ties. A series of great internation-al exhibitions from the SocialistSoviet Union, Czechoslovakia, Ru-mania and other People's Demo-cr:acies brought fresh currents intothe intellectual and artistic life ofthe capita)., and from thence spreadthrough the land. Never has thetheatre, the cinema, the dance,literature and art enjoyed suchpopular acclaim and patronage.The classical Peking opera is onthe threshold of a brilliant renais-sance of all its unique forms. Theurge for knowledge seems in-satiable. On every shopping streetthe nervest, most crowded shopsare those selling books. The Peo-ple's Houses of Culture send roundtheir mobile lending libraries andart exhibitions to factories andneighbourhood centres. Study cir-cles are ubiquitous. It is perhapsnot surprising that in addition tothe schools, universities and specialcourses, every factory, governmentdepartment or institution shouldhaye its classe$ for literacy andteclinical training, but these arefound too in the hutungs (lanes)embracing whole groups of houses,kindling interests in current eventsof every significant kind. In thebig open air Tungtan lVlarket nearthe Peking Hotel, when the goodsare packed away, you can see thestall-holders, youngsters and oncehard-bitten hagglers, take out theirbooks and pencils to study.

The more formal methods of edu-cation are of course belng steadilyexpanded. In 1949, over 143,600child-ren were in primary schools.By 1950 this figure had grown to171,700 and this year it is 181,200.

And the schools too are improvingin equipment and all-round care forthe children. New schools arebeing opened for the masses. Ilereis the flrst People's University forthe training of new cadres fromamong the workers and peasants.Peking, like China today, is a greatmass school.

It is also the centre of Marxistthought and research in China.With the Marxist-Leninist Academyhere and institutes of the AcademiaSinica, with primacy in the theatre,with the leading writers of thecountry and most of the foremostpainters, engravers, dancers andmusicians congregated here, Pekinghas established its undisputedleadership in the intellectual andartistic life of the country.

Civic Improveurent

Peking is civically conscious ofits new Cignity. It is boldlyadvancing to new forms ol demo-cratic municipal lif e rvith its in-creasingly weIl-knit organisationsof political parties, trade unions, ofbusinessmen, intellectuals. . . and asystem of life built up on col-lective principles and mutual aidable to mobilise its people effec-tively for big, concentrated efforts,

Peking is still in process ofbeing transformed into an entirelymodernly built city. This is verymuch as Moscow was some 25 yearsago, but the transformation pro-mises to be hardly less swift. Onlytwo years ago a mouldering ruinruled by warlords, the most abjecttype of comprador an<i arrogantU.S. colonialists, it is toriay a cityruled by its citizens thrcugh itselected delegates to the People'sRepresentative Confer:ence of allstrata of the populaiion. And thebrief activity of its municipal gov-ernment is the best proof of r-hoseinterests it serves.

Peking has becorne a irrodel ofmunicipal construction. First ofChina's major cities it has carriedthrough the complete iiquidation ofprostitution. The streets of formerbrothels have been turned into cen-tres of co-operatives and -workshopsfor the expansion of Feking's famedhandicrafts. This is a measure ofPeking s swif t, determine<i energyand humanity.

Hardly less remarkable has beenthe transf ormation of the policeforce that had been corupted bythe KMT. Today the oJ.d police,merged with progressive cadresfrom among the workers and demo-

PEOPLE'S CHINA 23

bilised PLA men, are fully ihbuedwith the idea of service to the peo-ple. A11 the petty crimes andracketeering with which they wereassociated have been done awaywith. Reformed themselves, theyhave prevailed on and helped theirformer accomplices in the pettyunderworld of crime to reform.And so Peking today is a city with-out prostitution, without beggary,without organised crime.

These spectacular reforms haveproceeded on a background ofsteady improvements in publicplaces, with a great programme ofpublid works-the laying of newand the cleaning of old drains, andprovision of other amenities main-ly in the former slums. Particular-ly dramatic was the covering of theold eyesore and cesspool-theDragon Beard Ditch-that polluteda whole neighbourhood.

One of the most notable accom-plishments has been the dredgingof 1,500,000 cubic metres of silt fromthe famous Peking "seas"-thesystem of rivers and lakes that helpdrain Peking and keep down thedust in the dry spring and summerdays. This 1950 project typifiedthe practical approach of themunicipal people's government.Peking's vegetable supplies havebeen improved by using the richsilt, the city's health and amenitieshave been much enhanced, notoriousmosquito breeding grounds havebeen eliminated and many thousandsof men have been re-made, re-train-ed and educated.

In every part of the city andparticularly in the workers' quar-ters, the new city constructiongoes on. The paved roads are beingexpanded-337,000 square metres ofroadway have been newly surfaced

-new modern buildings are risingover the rubble of single storiedcourtyard dwellings; modern drain-age is banishing the night soil cartsand the water carts of the outerdistricts and suburbs. Now 1,220,-000 of Peking's 1,350,000 dwellershave fresh piped water as good asin any modern city, an increase ol600.000 since 1949. Plans are goingahead to turn the wide and uselessramparts into a raised avenue andhanging gardens for the people.New libraries, dwellings and peo-ple's clubs are being opened. Stepby step all the grand monuments ofthe past are re-emerging in theglory that is uniquely theirs.Splendid new open-air swimming

pools and boating lakes have beenbuilt in the north of the city.

Health care has been improvedout of all recognition. The "usuai"spring epidemics are a thing ofthe past. Nearly half a millionpersons were vaccinated againstsmallpox this year; 25,000 weregiven special anti-TB treatment; amajor health clinic is being estab-lished in each district. First rateattention is available to all in thebig hospitals such as the famousPeking Union Medical College fora nominal fee. A feature of tirestreets are the telling posters onhealth and hygiene.

The PhoenixPeking retains the essence of.its

olden charm: the traditional polite-

people revelling in the glorioussunshine, the blue sky, the sceneryof the Western Hills, the risingbalustrades and towers of the CloudPavilion-one of the most gloriousbathing sites in the world.

The pigeons wheel overhead, thewhistles attached to their legsshrilling in the surrlight. The oldmen take their birds for a quiettvalk along the banks of the canals.From a neighbourhood square comethe strains of some gaily dresseditinerant band. There are jolousshouts and some tears shed arounda briliiantly coloured bridal carcovered in dazzling artiflcial flow-ers from fender to fender. Fromamid the trees of a park come lhevaliant beats of a Aangko truuqe

A Peking subut'b celebrates the establishment of the People's R,epublic.A New Year picture by Chiang Yen

re-enacting the heroism cf thepeople's war in Korea. At a curb-side newspaper board, a group ofworkers read the news of NewChina, of the whole modern world.In the many offices, the adrninis-trative wor-k of the national capitalgoes on apace. The dust raised bya new constluction job hangssparkling in Peking's golden air..

Emerging from the old like aphoenix, the capital is rising inoutlines that show the greaterthings to come. This is the capitalof a free people who, under theguidance of the greatest of China'sIeaders, are joining the most ad-vanced techniques and thought totheir enormous native talents.

ness of its citizens; their love oftrees, of flowers; their intense en-joyment of the small things of life:a good talk, a stroll in the parksor along the banks of the willorv-Iined moats; wine from the lotusnear the Summer Palace; a well-cooked meal or delicacies at thefamous sidewalk stalls. What isadded is that the charm is broad-ened. It had an air of evanescence

-of something sinking into thepast. Now it is growing, blossom-ing. More and more of the peopleare enjoying them and hugely.'Where the Empress Dowager re-clined in lonely state on the shoresof the Summer Palace, today thereis a plage fllled with happy young

24 PEOPLE'S CHINA

From the Korean Front

Outside the spring rain of Koreadrizzled persistently. I\rside theschool hall it was comfortablydry. Somehow it had missed theattention of the bombers. Peoplewere in festive mood. The walls'were covered with posters andcartoons: "Down with the Ameri-can Invadersl" "For the Peace ofthe World!" Colourful flags gndbannels had been sent by variousgroups and popular organisationsin the Motherland, saying: ,,Gloryto the People's Defenders!', A tre-mendous shout of greeting poured'from the crowd outside and rolledin a great wave into the packed hall,when more than 400 volunteers-all combat heroes and model fight-ers-arrived. They marched indown the centre aisle. Straightahead of them on a backgiound ofpine branches was a portrait ofChairman Mao Tse-tung. Azaleas,peach and pear blossoms decoratedthe frame. The presidium rose andclapped thetu. The band playedthe stirring "March of the Volun-teers" for them. Women comradespresented them with bouquets.

These 400 all belonged to thesame regiment. They had foughtin four battles after crossing theYalu River, dealing one deadlyblow after another against the U.S.invaders and their puppets.

For 13 successive days and nights,they held the hill of Hwangtsoryengand checked the enemy advancetowards the Yalu. Then they thrustthemselves like the btade of aknife deep into the enemy lines atNyengwon and Mangsan. Theenemy fled and they pursued himacross the 38th Parallel. Therethey gripped him in a deadly vicefor 48 days on the Han River.

After their fourth battle the re-giment was awarded a collectivecitation. On the red poster at theentrance of the school house theregiment had put up a list of itsmerits: five of its members hadbqen awarded three major merits;three had won two major merits;55----one major merit. Two hadbeen awarded flve secondary mer-its; l9-four secondary merits; Z6-three secondary merits; and, 227-two secondary merits. The gth

A Regimerut of HeroesPai Shih

Company was nominated a HeroicCompany. The 2nd and 6th com-panies, flve platoons and ten squads'were each awarded collective cita-tions. Those who hid been award-ed minor merits were not evenlisted, for there were too many ofthem, over a thousand. And thereare many, such regiments anddivisions'ion the Korean front.

aaa

Mulunyun, northwest of Hoeng-sung, is a hill 41b mqtres high,which commands the t highwaystrom Hoengsung westwards andfrom Ryuchu to the north. TheU.S. 2nd Army sent some 800 mento take it. They began to climbit from three different directionsonly to find the volunteers fromthis regiment's vanguard alreadyin occupation.

Next day at early dawn, enemyartillery laid down a barrage topgepare a fresh attack. The gunsroared. But, the defenders-only12 of them-'lvere not ones to letnoise disturb them. They improvedtheir entrenchments and even man-aged to snatch a rest. Enemy shellsfell harmlessly until daybreak.The volunteers crouched in theirdugouts. An observation plane flewover, then returned with four jetsszhich strafed the hill. The volun-teers, knowing the routine, took upmore advantageous positions.

How Mulunyun vyas HetdEnemy trench mortars sent up a

smokescreen. The attack was com-ing. About 200 GI's preceded byfour tanks began climbing the -hitl.

At that moment the RegimentalCommander who was watching thescene attentively from his postnearby ordered his artillery intoaction. Shells exploded right be-hind the tanks and killed a scoreof the enemy. This cheered thesquad. Wu Shih-pao, the combat-team Ieader shouted: "The hill'stoo steep for the tanks. Usegrenades! Aim at the infantry!,,

Tension was high. Firing open-ed up on all sides as the enemyrushed towards the volunteers,position. But their flrst assaultwas repulsed instantly. A dozenenemy dead littered the approach

to the trenches. The oUrer attack-ers fled. The volunteers had suf-fered flve casualties. The medicscame to fetch them away.

The bombardment that followedbecame more and more intense.Snow fell from the pine branchesand bits and pieces of jagged rockflew about as in a whirlwind. Thetelephone lines were cut. The squadlost contact with Headquarters.

At 10 a.m. five planes,came overagain and this time they droppedbombs. But our flghters had dugin deep and well. They waitedcalinly for the second assault and,whsYr it took place, downed anotherdozen of the enemy with handgrenades and forced the rest to fleein confusion. But five more of thesquad were badly wounded andhad to leave the position.

Only one slightly wounded com-rade remained With Wu Shih-pao,the eombat-team leader. Their am-munition was exhausted. Whatnow? They crawled out and tookwhatever they could from thebodies of the enemy dead. Withthis fresh stock of grenades theydrove back a third assault.

Wu's fellowbadly wound-ed. He askedWu whether hethought th atthey should re-tire. W'u,thoughhe himselJ wasslightly wouncl-

flghtelwas now

ed, answered shortly: "So long asa single man remains, this positionholds."

It was almost dark. He bore thefourth assault alone and drove offa dispirited enemy with handgrenades. By nightfall, the rein-forcements arrived. Wu, by thencompletely exhausted, was takenback to the regimental post. Mu-lunyun haE[ been held, and 'Wu waslater decorated for outstandingbravery. The whole squad wasgiven a collective citation.

Such is the heroism which, add-ed to that of the l(bnean People'sArmy, has brought victory to thepeople's cause in Koreal

PEOPLE'S CHINA z5

How the Tillers Win Back Their Land-Vll

In the newly emanciJated PengChu Homestead a tender undulat-ing sound could be heard, regular,rhythmic, like the beat of the heart.It was Hsin-wu's twins crYing.

The two babies lay in a Pair ofwicker baskets, Yelling at the toPof their lungs, sometimes alternate-ly, sometimes in unison. Then theYwould kick up their heels and throwtheir arms about, as though doingtheir best tq announce to the worldthe good news: there won't be anymore feudal exploitation in the newChina-the new China is ours!.

Peasants kePt going in and outof the room. Some brought foodand delicacies. Some just wantedto "lend a hand." And some came

out of a curiositY to see what thoseclever babies were like. Cleverthey certainly were, because theyhad chosen a most oPPortune mo-ment to be born.

Instead of enjoYing a bit moreIeisure, now that the land had bbendistributed, Ilsin-wq was, if any-thing, busier than before. He wouldlssvs his home earlY in the morn-ing, buttoning uP his coat as hewent. After dashing from one smallgroup to the other all day, he wouldcome back very late at night.

Enriched with the fruits of Strug-gle, both Chun-hsing and Yueh-lienstarted thinking about their "trous-seaux." The romance between Chun-hsing and Fu-chuan had long beena matter of common knowledge,and people had gradua1lY stoppedteasing them. But the first inklingpeople had that there was "some-thing" between Yueh-Iien and LiSu-ming, a young farmhand fromthe Li Garden and a member ofthe rnilitia, only came on the daY ofthe Emancipation Meeting, whenthe two partnered in a long harvest-dance, totally oblivious of theothers. The two young couPles allbelonged to the militia. It was thisthat drew forth from Hsin-wu thejocose remark that the joint wed-

This is the concluding section ofour seven-part reportage-novelette onIand reform in Hunan Province.

The First Taste of HappinessHsiao Ch'ien

ding ought to be officiated throughthe Militia Headquarters.

Grandma Li's first reaction toher daughter's coming marriagewas one of undiluted joy. She wasproud of Fu-chuan. He workedhard and was dePendable. As shewas talking, however, tears beganto trickle down her cheeks' Yes,

she'd be very lonelY once Chun-hsing left.

Chun-hqlng understood perfectlywhat was troubling her mother andreassured her bY telling her thatFu-chuan had promised that the oldwoman would not be deserted.He'd personallY see to readjust-ing the rooms, so that motherand daughter needn't be seParated.

On f,he evening of the daY of theEmancipation Meeting, an "Ex-change of Opinions" was held inthe temple, attended bY the WorkTeam cadres and various Peasants'Association offrcers. The PurPosewas to get the peasants to Pointout to the land reform cadres mis-takes and deviations in their work-ing methods and attitude during theperiod of the land reform. Thenext day, all the Work Tearncomrades, scattered throughout theHuilung hsiarzg villages, met toge-ther ffrst in the District Office andfrom there were led bY Chao Chieh-min to the county seat to attendan enlarged cadres' meeting. Therethey were to sum uP the ex-periences they had obtained andexchange opinions. Then they wouldgo on to some other hsiong to takepart in further land reform work.

Thus, the imPortant job of con-solidating the success of Peasantemancipation devolved on theshoulders of people like Peng Hsin-wu-activists who rose from amongthe ranks of the peasants.

On the morning of JanuarY 26,

when Lu Yang was scheduled tostart off, all of the Hsinlu Villagepeasants gathered together, amidstthe music of gongs and drums, togive him a warm send-off. Therewere the militia men and women,harvest dancers, Pioneers wearingred ties and bearing flowers and,

way up in front, Fu-chuan carry-ing a red banner on which wereembroidered the characters, "Vic-tory in Land Reform." This strong,well-organised and disciplined pro-cession of peasants picked its wayalong the paths planted with tele-plrone poles and went towards theSeven Star Slope.

With Shuang-chuan punting, theboat slowly glided towards Shihmahsiang on the other side of the'Pigeon River. Standing near thehelm, Lu Yang pointed at the dykeand then formed a trumpet with hishands, through which he shouted tothe peasants who had come to seehim oft: "Work on those dykes andhave a good year. Remember, thisyear you're bringing in your ownharvest!"

At this, many of the peasantsstanding on the dyke shouted backthat they would do what he said,and Lo Shu-min certainly ex-pressed the sentirhent of the major-ity when she shouted in a shrillvoice: "Come back at the AutumnFestival, Comrade Lu, and taste ournew rice!"

The same evening, a meeting ofHsinlu Village Peasants' Associa-tion officers and activists was call-ed by Hsin-wu and Village Chair-man Peng Yu-tang. One topic cameup to which Uncle Kuang-lin, TuYu-chen and Lo Yung-nien all con-tributed f actual details-the evilsbrought by water. Uncle I{uang-lin recalled eloquently how hiswhole family had suffered from the"tyranny of water" all through theyears. The crops would have justbegun to display tassels when alongwould come a huge flood. Thedyke would collapse and everythingsink under water. Lo Yung-nien'sland was situated on a high ridgeto .,1'hich the water supply was con-tlolled by the landlord, Lo Pei-jung,his uncle. During drought year's,he had to buy water from the lat-ter, using the "green sprouts" ashis security. 'What frequently hap-pened was that the interest piledup, with the result that whenautumn came along, his entire har-vest. over which he had sweated

26 PEOPLE'S CHINA

for a year, lvould go into Lo Pei-jung's barn.

The Village Chairman then re-ported on winter production plansfor the whole countY. The central'work was to be the rePairing ofdams and dykes, and getting it donebefore spring cultivation began. Healso explained how, in the otherdistricts which had gone throughIand reform alreadY, every famil!-rnade out its or,vn production plan.Then discussion began as to hoivthey shculd make a production planof their own.

Everyone agreed that two sub-committees should be set up underthe Production Committee of thePeasants' Association, on the basisof the four small groups of thevillage, one on dyke-repairingand one on the repairing ofthe reservoirs. Seventy per centof the expenses involved wereto be met by the peasants them-selves, the amount being deter-mined by the degree of benefitsenjoyed by individual plots ofland. Farmhands and poorpeasantscould pay with physical labour.For the 30 per cent deficit, theycould apply for a government loan.

The work had already beendrafted by the County Committeeon Dyke Repairing. The sectionthat Hsinlu Village was given theresponsibility extended from theSeven Star Slope to the ShahoRiver, altogether 12 Ii in length.The width was to be increased fromthe original 4.5 feet to 20 feet, andthe height from the original 10 feetto 33 8 feet. The local sub-commit-tee u'ould take care of the divisionof labour among the four smallgroups and the driving in of stakes.

There were 33 reservoirs ofvarious size in the village and mostof them badly needed repairing. Itwas decided that for 'this year re-pair work would be done on a

selective basis, repairing only themost dilapidated and those withthe greatest capacity. If there weretime and labour to spare, new re-servoirs would be opened. For in-stance. the reservoir that wateredthe largest area in this village rvasthe "Horseneck Reservoir" near theBig Graveyard, but it had longbeen leaking like a sieve. Thecorner-stones were out of positionand on the verge of breaking andthe main pillar had already top-pled dbwn in the flood last year.The plank to keep the water back

with carrying bas-

had also fallen down. That wasrvhere they needed to put in somegood hard work without delay.

Early the next morning, whenthe fields were still wrapped in ahaze, the Hsinlu Village peasants,old and young, under the leada-ship of small group officers, beganto journey torvards the dyke nearthe slope. Some carried hoes orshovels, some basketS for carryingthe earth and some pushed hand-carts. The winter sun was smilinglvarmly on a Huilung hsiozg deck-ed in silver. Along the way, theycould see nail-shaped prints madeby the magpies in the snow. Tread-ing lightly on the path, the peasantschattered, laughed and sang as theyi,l.ent on their way.

"Granddra Lil Surely at gourage you could stay behind and letChun-hsing go alonel"

The remark was made in obviousadmiration of her "activeness" andnot intended to dissuade her fromgolng.

Grandma Li. with a meal-basketdangling loosely from one arm,turned around: "Chun-hsing's gother land and I've got mine, haven'tI? How can she go' in my placethen? I've lived for over 50 yearsand this is the first time I repairthe dyke 'for my own good."'

On the dyke the ConstructionTeam from town had already mark-ed out with chalk and willow bran-ches the projecteil height and widthof the dyke, according to the AIl-County Plan. The moment the pea-sants arrived, Hsin-wu summonedtogether the small group leadersand divided up the work into"zones." Some of the peasantsstarted digging earth at the foot ofthe dyke. Some busied themselves

ketfuls of earth upthe terrace-shapedslope. Above andbelow, you couldsee the energeticpeasants at work,perspiring freelY inspite of the bittercold weather. Asthe "squares" ofvarious size gotdeeper, shovels ofsolid, hard, wintrYearth were added onto the dyke. Thusslowly, against a

cold blue skY, the

That went on until the sun hadgone down behind the hills. Thesmall group leaders had to beattheir gongs three times before thepeasants reluctantly left off'

"Now that the local tYrants aredown, it seems to be Pretty easy

to tackle the water tYrant."This came from Uncle Kuang-lin,

as he jauntily swung his hoe on tohis shoulder. Each then went backto the group he belonged to andthe peasants started on their horne-ward journey. In the deePeningtwilight, more than one head turnedfrom time to time to look at thevisibly heightened dyke with prideand elation.

On the rvay, the grouPs also dis-cussed launching an emulationdrive to increase efficiencY.

*t*

That evening the classroom inthe Lo Primary School was evenmore crowded than ever. Childrenof seven or eight rubbed elbowswith their elders. His mlnd busYwith the practical problems in-volved, Peng Kuo-chang rvas fuIIYaware that it was going to be a

red-letter day in the cultural eman-cipation of the local peasants.

When Li Su-ming complainedthat no more copies of the "EIe-mentary Reader for Workers andPeasants" were available at thelocal Hsinhua Bookstore, he nod-ded sympathetically, but there wasa suggestion in his manner that"everything would come out flne."

"Peasant comrades!" At thesewords of Peng Kuo-chang's thenoise quieted down. "You haveworked hard the whole day at thedyke and you must be very tired.Can anyone tell me why you're stillso enthusiastic about studying?"

t.

l

The emancipated peasants hurried to repair the tlyke. dyke grew.

PEOPLE'S CHINA 27

They could think of a lot of rea-sons. One said in the past he hadbeen cheated and he didn't wantanything like it to happen again.Another said he would like to beable to read the "Blackboard News."

Other peasants also told aboutwhat they had suffered through"having no education." Some gotswindled when the landlords madeout contracts which they could notread. Some could not even readthe lots they drer,l- and werepressganged into the KMT militaryservice. Fu-chuan also spoke up:"If we can't read, we can't look atthe newspapers and can't teII thetruth from the rumours!"

Seeing that the mass feeling wasso high, Peng Kuo-chang said:"Peasant comrades! Your demandfor literacy is natural and legJti-mate. The difficulty, however, is inthe shcrtage of classrooms andteachers. Ours is a fairly big vi1-lage, seven or eight hundred peo-ple, and we have only two primaryschools. Of course free educationwill be provided for all by the statebefore very long. But the problemis: What are we to do norv?"

There was temporary lull andeverybody began to think.

"I'm '..villing to contribute fivetou of grain out of what I've re-ceived in land distribution, so thatwe may also have a school in thePeng Chu Homestead!"

The one that spoke r",'as Tu Yu-chen, nursing her baby as usualShe turned her head slightly andglanced meaningfully at her ex-ferryman husband, who promptlyraised his hand in support of themotion, as he, too, had suffeled frombeing illiterate. The ball startedrolling. One tan from UncleKuang-lin, some from Grandma Liand some from Fu-chuan. Twenty-odd ,or1 was got together in no timeat all by the peasants of the PengChu Homestead. Those of the LiGarden followed.

At Lo Yung-nien's suggestion, thepeasants of the Big House Lo andthe Seven Star Slope, u'ho alreadyhad schools of their ou'n, also chip-ped in and helped with smallamounts of grain.

At this point, Head of theWomen's Small Group Lo Shu-minhad a brainwave. There used to bea good deal of "school land" inthe villages, but the landlordsusurped it a1l. They collected rentbut didr,'t build any school. Inland distribution all "public land"

had gone into the pool but the Asso-ciation reierved 2 per cent of the"public land," and further con-fiscated a whole lot of lumber andcoffins Irom the landlords. TtreYhad carpenters and builders right inthe village. Why couJ.dn't the Asso-ciation contribute the land and thebuilding material and the peasantscontribute labour power? Theycould then build a school house.

Everybody applauded the brilliantidea.

Going home in the starlight, thepeasants from the two homesteadscarried on heated discussions aboutthe architecture and set-up of theirfuture school. It seemed as thoughthe building had already risen uPbefore their eyes and was no Iongeronly in their dreams.

aia

When the future marriage of Fu-chuan and Chun-hsing, of Li Su-ming and Yueh-lien were taken uPduring a militia meeting, everyoneagreed that these two couples sYm-bolised the true emancipation of thepeasants of Hsinlu Village. Thedouble wedding was set for the 29thof the Twelfth Moon, according tothe lunar calendar,' and it was totake place in the office of the hsiongGovernment. The militia body wasprepared to pool its strength andresources and make it a big event.

The two couples were moved be-yond words when the meeting dis-persed. In the old society all theyhad to expect was to be spat andtrampled upon, and now a new lifewas open before them. They knewthat this would not have been pos-sible without Chairman NIao andthe Communist Party. Hence theyplanned to write a Ietter to theirbenefactor - Chairman Mao, inwhich, besides thanking him forhelping them in their struggle, theywould teII him the future plans thefour of them had made. It wasnaturally a bold thing to do, butthey felt they ought to do it.

On the "Kitchen-God Day," theAssociation decided to give the twocouples a day off so that they couldgo shopping for the things theywould need in the "bridal cham-bers." Chun-hsing and Fu-chuanhad already converted some of the"fruits" they got from land dis-tribution into cash, and they wentforth happily towards the SevenStar Slope.

The street certainly looked differ-ent. Formerly, the peasants were

only there to sell, but now scoresof them could be seen, with basketson their arms, negotiating to buyffsh and ham for the New Year.The restaurant "Home of Spring"which only catered to the landlordsin the past now advertised its "eco-nomic meals" to appeal to thepeasants. Newly-made implementspiled up in the blacksmith shops,with name tags pasted on themof the people who had sentin the orders. Six new cotton-bowing machines from HsiangtanCounty were being operated in thefour cotton stores. An atmosphereof prosperity enveloped the wholeStreet. 'When Fu-chuan and Chun-hsing entered Chou Jui-hsiang'sdepartment store to buy sometowels and a washbasin, they sawquite a number of people frornother villages who s.eemed also tobe on the lookout for various things.Thought Chun-hsing, "Strange, iseverybody getting ma.rried?"

At the west end of the street anew store had just opened. Aplacard told the passers-by that itwas the "Mobile Section of theHunan Trade Company." The at-tendants of this state-owned enter-prise had on light-blue uniforms.In the past the peasants hadto sell their by-products at animpossibly low price to the mer-chants, from whom again theyhad to buy manufactured pro-ducts at a high price. The MobileSection bought pig bristles, eggs,tea and tobacco leaves from thepeasants. Being free from middle-men's exploitation it was in a posi-tion to offer better prices. Atthe same time it sold all kinds ofequipment for production to thepeasants, including things like new-model implements, reflned cottonand chemical fertilisers at a lowprice.

What pleased Fu-chuan andChun-hsing most was a copy ofthe eagerly-awaited "ElementaryReader," which they picked up ata Rural Branch Office of theHsinhua Bookstore. Among otherthings they also bought some copybooks and a pencil for each of them,and then the crowning touch-acoloured portrait of Chairman Mao.

Li Su-ming and Yueh-lien, whohad gbne to the Shihchiao VillageCo-operative Store instead, alsocame back with armfuls of pack-ages. From them, the peas-ants learnt that already over 2,000farmhands, poor and middle peas-

28 PEOPLE'S CHINAants had joined the co-op, and thatwith the conclusion of land reformthey would develop further andtake in all the nine villages of thehsiang. Yueh-lien then mentionedhow much things like soap, candles,oil, homespun cloth and salt costthere, and the prices were reallycheap.

..*\At the general call sent out by

the hsiong Association to make re-doubled efforts at hoeing, fertilisingand threshing, the Hsinlu VillageProduction Committee also gotbusy organising Mutual-Aid SmallGroups, thus solving the problemof the shortage of implements,draught animals and labour power.

The Blackboard News announcedthe "production plans" made by thevarious families in Hsinlu Village.Young people who were strongworftd repair the dyke and culti-vate their own land. If there wasstill time left, they would go farinto the hills to work at reclaim-ing wasteland. Older men wouldweed, sweep leaves and sift andstore up fertiliser, and older womencould spin yarn, make shoes andsandals and feed chickens and pigs.

One thing had caused a good dealof comment among the villagers:so far there had been no trace ofproduction plans for Fu-chuan andLi Su-ming, two of the most gen-erally admired activists.

An idea had occurred to lots ofpeasants while pondering over theirproduction plans. Why couldn't wealso write to Chairman Mao andtell him about our emancipationjust as the two couples were doing?Our improved livelihood, our plansfor tomorrow-surely these werethings we should let him know.

Schoolmaster Peng Kuo-charfgwas the one to whom most peopleturned, Everyday ov.er a dozen"letters" would be handed tc him,

HOW THE TILLERS WINBACK THEIR, LAND

Hsrao Cr'mtThis reportage-novelette aboutland reform in Hunan Pro-vince, serialised in an ab-ridged form in People's China,will shortly be publishedin full as a book by thc

Foreign Languages Press,Peking.

many of which were actually scrapsof paper with a barely intelligiblesentence or two, the stationery aswell as the handwriting showed atremendous variety. Some of themcontained very detailed homely in-formation like what they wouldplant on their newly-acquired landand how family discord (especiallyamong in-laws) was smoothed outafter ]and distribution.

It was Uncle Kuang-lin who re-marked wisely that they should askPeng Kuo-chang to incorporateeverybody's ideas into one com-posite whole. Eyeing the sheavesahd sheaves of letters on the table,he said, "We have hundreds ofthousands of villages like ours inChina, don't we? If you write aletter and I write a letter andeveryone writes a letter, won'tChairman Mao get tired out?"

His idea met with general ap-proval, Thus, in th€ literacy classof the night school, collaboration inletter-writing became an item ofuniversal interest.

Each peasant stood up and toldwhat he wanted to have put inand Peng I(uo-chang took every-thing down swiftly.

"Say that in the past those whocould read in our village could becounted off on one hand and nowmany of us know over 100 words.

"Say this year on 'I(itchen-GodDay' we had glutinous rice. Wealso bought two new- coverlets. Inthe past dried potato was all wehad even on New Year's Day, andour clothes were in tatters andthere was only one quilt for thewhole family!"

Fu-chuan said, "Be sure to letChairman Mao know that I wouldn'thave got a 'dife if it hadn't beenfor land reform!"

"And Chun-hsing," yelled thepeasants in great glee. ."You mustsay something too, Chun-hsingl"

When they flnally got the remarkout of her, Chun-hsing was alreadyin tears. "I-I'd be a widow norvif it hadn't been for Chairman Mao."The consumptive boy to whomChun-hsing was originally promisedhad recently died.

On the morning of February 4(the 28th of the Twelfth Moon, ac-cording to the old calendar), thetwo couples, accompanied by theVillage Chairman Peng Yu-tang,went to the District Government toapply Ior their marriage licenses.

A charcoal fire was burning inthe District Chairman Shao Tsu-chang's office. Portraits of Chair'-man Mao, Commander-in-Chief Chu,Vice-Chairman Liu Shao-chi andPremier Chou decorated the walls.Since the District Chairman washaving a meeting inside, Peng Yu-tang used the opportunity to intt'o-duce these national leaders to thefour young people, who stood fora long time gaping with undis-guised interest and admiration.

At Iast the District Chairmancame out and listened,to Peng Yu-tang describe the miserable past ofthe young couples and the couragethey showed in struggling. PengYu-tang also took care to point outthat it was during land reform thattheir love for each other grew..

Shao Tsu-chang then asked a fewquestions about their personal back-grounds and made sure that theywere getting married of their ownfree will. Then he pr,oduced ap-plication forms from a drawer,and the young pgople filled in theirnames, ages and home town. Theforms were subsequently passed onto the Clerical Section where {helicenses were issued.

At this point, Hsiung Peng, theSecretary of the Comrnunist Party'sDistrict Branch, also ar-rived on thescene. He congratulated the twocouples and the conversation turnedto their plans after marriage.

"Chun-hsing and I have alreadydecided," Fu-chuan was the firdtto speak up. "We're both young.I have no family and she has onlyher mother. The trvo of themcould easily support themselves bylabouring. Therefore I request tobe allowed to join the People'sLiberation Army."

"We too have decided," said LiSu-ming, rising from his seat. "Ifthe PLA want5 me, as a soldier, asa cook or as anything, I'm readyto go!"

"Aren't aII four of you alreadymembers of the militia?" askedHsiung Peng.

"Yes," replied Fu-chuan. "Wejoined the militia to watch thelandlords. Now that land reformis compldted, the Peasants' Asso-ciation caF take care of them. Weknow Chiang Kai-shek is themaster of the landlords, andAmerican imperialism is the masterof Chiang Kai-shek. Until theirmasters are overthrown, the land-l'ords will never really behave!"

PEOPLE'S CHINA 29'When Shao Tsu-chang and Hsiung

Peng heard this, they both shookhands with each of the four youngpeople. Hsiung remarked, "I'meonvinced what the PLA needs isjust such emancipated peasantstrike yourselves, courageous, Ioyal,with a high leve). of political con-sciousness."

When the young couples returned,they were met, at the ferry placeby the entire miLitia body. Thedyhe-repairers also quit early and,tcarrying implements on theirphoulders, they trailed behind. theftwo couples to -the Peng ChulHomestead. On the way everybodySang song..! In frcnt of the temple, once moreh platform was put up. Red scrollson either side read: "Freedom inMarriagel" and "Companions inRevoiutionl" Even the old trees onthe open ground had red silkstrearneLs tied around them. Theslanting sun threw a shaft of lightover Chairman Mao's portrait.

Amidst the music of gongs anddrusrs and the rising and fallingof harvest songs, the two couplesmounted the stage. Chun-hsing andYueh-lien had on newly-madegowns with bright patterns. Grand-ma Li wore a blue silk gown wiUrfur li:ring which was handed in bysome landlord i.u lieu of surplusgrain. And Fu-chuan and Li Su-ming, too, were in new, blue rrni-forms.

Under the supervision of PengYu-tang, the young people put theirseals on the marriage certiflcates.Scattered shouts came from thepeasants below. "Come on, bride-

. grooms! Speech!"

i Fu-chuan and Li Su-ming stoodi. up and[other, thItne ar*land that

In the midst of the loud applausethat greeted this announcement LiChen-nan's voice lvas heard."Chairman, I want to join too!" Aforest of arms were raised to ex-press tJre same intention.

Here, Hsin-wu felt an explana-tion was needed, hence he rvent upto the stage, and the people quieteddown. "Peasant comradesl It'sgoo<i that so many of you shouldwant to join the PLA after youhave been emancipated throughland refo::m. This shows that notonly has land reform broken theeconomic chains of us peasants butit has also stinulated our pa-

The next one to go up was PengKuo-chang. After he had care-fully unrolled a sheet of paper, headdressed the audience: "Duringthe last ten days or so, Iots ofpeople in or.r village, the old aswell as the young, have offered towrite to Chairman Mao. Now Ihave collected a1I of your ideasand have put them together in oneletter. I have tried to keep youroriginal remarks but avoided re-petitions. Let me take this goodopportunity to read it aloud to you.If there are things you don't ap-prove, say so and we'Il changethem. If everything is all right,we'Il stamp and address the en-velope and in about flve days, Chair-man Mao will have it in Pekingl"

triotism. It has made us see that Immediately everybody becamethe Motherland belongs to us all quiet and attentive. This wasand it is up to us to defend it. their letter, therefore of the ut-

"Yet, joining the PLA impulsively most importance. In a clear andwithout careful deliberation before- resonant voice, Peng l(uo-changhand isn't right either. I would started to read, articulating eachlike to ask those who demand to word clearly:enlist in the PLA to study the ex- "Our Beloved Chairman I\Iao,amples of these two newly-married Saviour of the Chinese People:couples. They have been discus- "We are peasants of Hsinlu ViI-sing this since the day of the Eman- lage, Huilung hs'zng. We arecipation Meeting and have got writing to you to express oureverything flnally settled. They thanks for the emancipation youknow how to carry on productiol helped us obtain and also to re-alongside with their enlistment, port to you on our future plans.

since for us now production is the "There are still in our villagemain task. people who can remember the

"After you have thoroughly con- 'year 1927 when you led us in a

sidered this matter, if you still bitter struggle against the reac-think you should join, then the tionary warlords and landlords'Association and the Village Gov- Later on, you were forced to leaveernment will certainly recommend because the dirty swine, Chiangyou, provided you're in good health Kai-shek, betrayed the revolution,and have the consent of your and a period of utter darknessfamiIy." began to come upon us. On the

There was another wave of ap- one hand, the landlords took stag-plause. gering rents from us, on the other,

The letter to Chairman Mao was reail.

we had to pay taxesand provide man-power to meet allkinds of impossibledemands from areactionary g o v-ernment. For over20 years, we rice-growers had notbeen able to tasteone grain of rice.'We subsisted en-tirely on dr i e dpotato strips. Ourclothes were shotthrough with holesand a pair ofsandals rn"as a greatIuxury to us. Inthe night, we slepttogether with

draught animals in damp and fllthybarns, Our life was not even equalto that of some kinds of animals,and aII the time we lived und.er thethreat of Chiang Kai-shek.

"In August 1949, you came back.That is to say, the PLA and cadresyou led and trained came back.To us peasants, that was like find-ing water in a desert or seeing awithered tree bursting forth inbloom.

"For the last 30 years, you andthose under your leadership haveled the Chinese people in theirdetermined struggle to free Chinafrom its semi-colonial fetters andnow we have our first taste ofhappiness. We owe all this to you.

(Contr,nueil on page 35)

30 PEOPLE'S CHINA

THE PLA'S CULTURAL TROUPES

Cultural Front

At the height of the famousHuaihai Battle that sealed the fateof the I(MT north of the YangtseRiver, a young girl in battle dressmade her rvay cautiously, yet withthe calmness of a veteran, up tothe front line trenches. She car-ried a violin. It seemed rncon-gruous in a landscape of explosive-ly churned up earth, smoking ruinsdominated by the chatter ofmachine-guns and the heavy thun-der of field artillery. Crouchingfor a moment in a dugout, sheanswered the query of a tyro neu'sreporter merely by pointing to herbadge: "The PLA 3rd Field ArmyCultural Troupe," and adding:"Flont line awards are going to begiven and we're to perform!"

It is routine for the PLA culturaltroupes to work under flre. Theygrew up on the battlefleld with thepeople's army. They are part ofthe army and live with it under itscommand. Where the Army is,there they are. Part of their workeven is to help win over the enemytroops. Under the direct super-vision of the army political com-missars, they are responsible for allkinds of cultural activities in theranks. They put on their own per-formances, plays, playlets, concerts,but they also take care of the cul-tural development of the fightesthemselves, helping them in theirdrive for literacy, to compose theirown literary works, poems, essays,articles for unit wall-newspapers, orplays and sketches, closely integrat-ing these activities with the politicaltasks of the moment. Their's is affghting art of the people's Ubera-tion with a glorious tradition.

There 'were propaganda teamsin the Workers' and Peasants'Red Army. They cheered the troopson the Long March. But they gotmajor attention and settled or-ganisational status only after thefamous Kutien Conference back in1929 when Chairman Mao Tse-tungpginted out their great importaneeas the propaganda arm, the morale

builder and educator of the armedforces in the spirit of revolutionaryservice to the people.

This conference gave the funda-mental direction oI 'u,ork to thecultural troupes. Later during theAnti-Japanese War they were join-ed in front line service work bycultural teams organised by theprogressive students and the Left-Wing Writers' Federation which,despite bitter persecution, had con-tinued its activities in the KMTareas. This fresh talent for the cul-tural troupes of the 8th Route andNerv 4th Armies was retnforced bythe graduates of training schoolsIike the famous Lu IIsun ArtAcademy in Yenan, which combin-ed art teaching with instruction inthe arts of guerilla flghting. :

These cadres did yeoman serviceat the front and in the guerillabases behind the enemy linesthroughout the Anti-Japanese War.They expanded steadily to keep inpace with the needs of the grog,ingpeople's army during the War afLiberation. Now they number 100,-000 men and wornen of the PLA.

Artistic IngenuityThey have shown the utmost in-

genuity in carrying out their tasksunder the most varied conditioas ofbattle against home reactionaries orforeign invaders. Music and storytelling, hallad singing, comedy crosschat, dancing, lantern slide talks,"living newspaper" performancesand stage plays both classic andmodern 'tlone to the light of themoon or on improvised stages withscenery and lighting and orchestralaccompaniment-these are the "setpieces" of cultural troupe work.

. But when there was little timefor a full performance, the teamsused the "wave system," going insuccession in small teams or in-dividually into the front lines tolead songs, tell the latest news andpropagandise the slogans of theday. They bring the cultural worldto the PLA, but their characteristicwork is composed of the stuff ofarmy life. Every worker of thecultural teams is expected to "gointo the army," to share the life

of the flghters fully. By assistingthe men in their olvn cultural ac-tivities, they enrich their ov''n art,as when in 1947 they launched theslogan of "Soldiers act soldiersl" Atfirst the fighters thought it strangeto act the part of someone theY'

duced more than 2,000 such play-wrights. The 4th Field Army hasbeen proud to hear that one- of itsplays rvill be performed at the com-ing Berlin Youth Festival-thestory of Tung Tsun-jui, a Com-munist who sacrificed his life tosave his comrades at the liberationof Changteh.

"Rifle poems"-couplets, epigrams,simple expressions of the faith ofa people's soldier, militant pledges,jotted do*'n on the Uutt of a rifle,for remembrance or dedication-countless articles for papers, paint-ings, drawings, sculptures.. . .theseare only some of the activities cul-tivated among.the troops. Many ofthem have a supremely practicaland urgent significance. In thedays of the Liberation War, whenthe PLA fighters came up againstmassed tanks for the f;rst time, thecultural troupes composed a tellingpoem on "Ten Ways to Attack q

American "Sherman" and demolishit with a well-placed grenade.

In May thls year, the 3rd FieldArmy helcl one of the first formalreviews of its artistic activities. Itstaged a programme of 80 selected.items as well as exhibitions of itsliterary work, models of battlescencs, paintings, hand-made music-al instruments-a display of artistietalent of every description, that wasat the same a tribute to the work'of the cultural troupes.

With its mor,6 than 500 culturaltroupes, the People's Army is aoarmy of liberation and culture. ,

PEOPLE'S CHINA 31

CURRENT CHINA JuIy 11-25, l95l

Triunnphant Peace DriveThe China Peace Committee an-

nounces that the nation-wide twincampaign for signatures to supporta 5-Power Peace Pact and votingon the question of Japanese rearma-ment was concluded successfully onJuly 18. In less than three months,

population respectively.

Bumper Wheat HarvestChina's wheat harvest was com-

pleted by the end of June. Reportsfrom all parts of the country sholvthat yields this year averaged about10 per cent higher than last year.East China had the best results ofany of the great wheat areas. Itsharvests of wheat and barley were30% higher than last year.

Grand Reservoir Completedthe Shihmantan Reservoir, one

of the most important installationsof the Huai River project, was com-pleted in early July after threemonths' work. The Reservoir islocated on the upper reaches of theHung River, a tributary of the Huaiin Honan Province. Capable ofholding as much as 47,000,000 cubicmetres of the water that rushes inspate down the neighbouring moun-tains, it will harness this supply toirrigate 90,000 rnou of farmland.

Another major construction job isthe Junhochi Dam on the middlereaches. Its completion on Jily 20gnarked the conclusion of the flrstStage of the Huai River project.

Rail Workers AgreementA further rise in living standards

is assured the 40,000 workers andstaff of the Shanghai Railway Bu-feau by their new collective agree-ment. The management under thisagrieement undertakes to providethree mcre sanatoria, a nerv hos-pital, special care for workingmothers, schools f or the u,orkers'children, etc. In return, the work-ers pledge themselves to overfulfiithe year's transport plan and to putforward at least 100 innovations ancirationalisation proposals.

PLA Day Preparations IThroughout the country

preparations are being madeto celebrate August 1, thePeople's Liberation Army's24th anniversary. At Nan-chang, birthplac.e of the PLA,a special committee is arrang-ing the celebrations. Peoplefrom all circles in Peking andother cities have drarvn uppacts or plans to extend thebenefits given to dependentsof revolutionary martyrs andPLA fighters. The ChinaPeace Committee has sent aspecial letter of greetings tothe PLA.

I

A Creche per FactoryEvery factory and mine where

women workers have infants inNortheast China must set up acreche or a kindergarten or both,states a directive issued by theNortheast People's Government.AII costs will be borne by the man-agement.

Labour Insurance Benefits

Labour insurance benefits cover-ing sickness, injury and old age aswell as death insurance have beenextended to over 417,000 workersand staff in 1,006 factories and minesin East China, states a reeentHsinhua News Agency report.

Youth Delegation for BerlinThe Chinese Delegation, headed

by Feng Wen-pin, Secretary of theCentral Committee of the YouthLeague, left Peking'for Berlin onJuly 16 to attend the 3rd WorldFestival of Youth and Students forPeace. It is composed of 300 mem-bers, including a cultural troupeand basket and volley ball teams.

Jen Pi-shih BuriedJen Pi-shih, member of the Secre-

tariat of the Central Committee ofthe Chinese Communist Party, whodied on Oct. 27,1950, rvas buried inthe People's Cemetery, Peking, onJuIy 18. The funeral service wasattended by his comrades-in-armsLiu Shao-chi, Chou En-lai, Chu Tehand others.

Korean FrontCease-Fire Talks: T'he Korean

cease-fire negotiation teams on July21 held their 8th meeting since thetalks began on July 10. In viervof the U.N. delegation's consistentrefusal to place on the agenda thequestion of withdralval of all for-eign troops from Korea, the talks,on the proposal of the delegation ofthe KPA and Chinese people'svolunteers, were adjourned forthree days until July 25 "to giveboth sides adequate time to con-sider the question carefully."

U.S. Hostile Activities: Whilecease-flre talks are being held inKaisung, the U.S. and its satellitetroops have launched a series ofattacks along almost the entire front.

Meanwhile, U.S. planes havemade repeated intrusions intoChina's territorial air over North-east China. On July 21, at 08:29hours, seven of eight U.S. F-94 jetflghters, while flying in the direc-tion of Mukden and then turningtowards Liaoyang and Fengcheng,lvere brought down by the Chineseair force which rose to defend itsMotherland. In a statement pro-testing against this act of aggres-sion, Chang Han-fu, Vice-Ministerof Foreign Affairs, pointed out thatthis provocation was the "mostflagrant" of its kind and that it wascommitted even during the presentKorean cease-fire talks. He con-cluded by stating that the U.S. Gov-ernment must be held fully respon-sible for the consequences causedthereby.

Enemy's Casualties: The U.S. andsatellite troops sustained a loss of19,000 men in Korea dtring the 20days' flghting ending JuIy 10.

Soviet Challenge Accepted

Dairen's all-women crew of the"March 8" locomotive, headed bymodel worker Tien I(uei-ying, haswritten to B. A. Ivanova, rvomandeputy captain of the Soviet Union'ssteamer, "Minin," taking up thelatter's challenge to fulfll work tar-gets in honour of the 34th anniver-sary of the October Revolution andthe 2nd anniversary of the ChinesePeople's Republic.

t

I

32 PEOPLE'S CHINA

Viet-Nam Delegation ArrivesA Viet-Nam People's Delegation,

whose mission is to strengthen thealready flrm friendship between thepeoples of the two neighbouringcountries, arrived in Peking onJuly 23. Its 16 members, led byHoang Quoc Viet, Vice-Chairman ofthe National United Front, werewelcomed at the station by Li Chi-shen, Shen Chun-ju, Kuo Mo-jo andChen Shu-tung, Vice-Chairrnen ofthe National Committee of the Chi-nese PPCC. The Committee gave adinner party the following eveningat which Cornrade Liu Shao-ihi,representing the Chinese Com-munist Party, delivered a '"1'elcom-irlg address.

Film \Yorkers HonouredStalin Prizes were awarded to

eight Chinese film workers on July

13 by Soviet Ambassador Roshchinfor their outstanding work in flIm-ing The VictorA af the ChinesePeople and Liberate(l China, jointSoviet-Chinese productions. Win-ners included Liu Pai-yu, Chou Li-po and Li Hua.

Cultural ExchangeA cultural co-operation agree-

ment between China and Hungarywas concluded on July 12. It wassigned by Shen Yen-ping, Ministerof Cultural Affairs, for China andby Erik Nlolnar for Hungary.

Polish National Day PlarkedDodin, Charge d'Affaires ad

interim of the PoDsh Embassy gar,'e

a reception on July 21 in Peking tomark the Polish National Day. .Ovel300 people u'ere present, amongwhom were Li Chi.shen, Vice-

Chairman of the Central People'sGovernmeut, and other leaders.

Swedish Ambassador PresentsCredentials

Staffan Soderblom, the newlY-appointed Swedish Ambassador toChina, presented his credentials toVice-Chairman Chang Lan of theCentral People's Government onJuly 21.

Requisition of U.S. Oil FirmsThe properties other than the ,

sites of their head offibes and 'il

branches and sales agencies ol iithree U.S.-controlled firms - the *Standard Vacuum, Texas Co. ItChina) and Cathay Oil Companies t- are to be taken over and theiroil stocks requisitioned by cashpayment by order of the ShanghaiMilitary Control Committee.

I-etters fr:om (Dur RearlersSino-Indian Friendship

To the Editor:Though we are all non-Commu-

nists, we want to stand by ftrepeople's China because it is Chinawhich has come forward with asympathetic heart to save us fromstarvation by sending food. Ofcourse there are many in our coun-try who don't like this friendlyattitude. They want to sell ourcountry to the American imperial-ists. I have studied in a U.S. in-stitution and been closely associatedwith Americans for the last tenyears, and I know what they are.V/e cannot be deceived by theirWalI Street p::opaganda. We arereceiving American Reporter andwe know how they try to poison theminds of Indian3. W'e want peace,but the American imperialists don't.

G. D. IlrishnaswamyDevakapuram, IndiaJune 15, 1951

Indian Protests U.S. SlanderTo the Editor:

In these days of the people'srising consciousness, Asia welcomesChina as the torch bearer of NewDemocracy. It is shocking whatthe American imperialists are do-ing; their puppets are engaged inthrowing mud on the new bornRepublic of China. One shamefularticle against China was publishedin the Hindi American Reporter ofMay 2, 195f. I wish that in futurePeopl,e's China would, too, expose

the misdeeds of the imperialists andtheir lackeys.

ShtrmaBihar, India

Australian Workers HailNew China

To the Editor:The Australian workers demons-

trated flercely against John FopterDulles' presence in this country.They demanded that the people'sChina be consulted on the PeaceTreaty with Japan. Thousands ofletters and telegrams flooded theParliament demanding that trverecognise the Central People'sGovernment of China and stopfostering Chiang Kai-shek's regimein Taiwan.

Much is being done, even morehas to be done before we can ex-tend the hand of a Socialist Aus-tralia to New Democratic China.The working class warmly welcomeChina's freedom from the age-oldfeudal system.

F. H. MillerSydney, AustraliaApril 20, 1951

Canadian Youth for PeaceTo the Editor:

I am writing you on behalf ofprogressive, Canadian youths whorvant to let you know that theyare with you in fighting againstthose Yankee imperialists who aretrying to cleate a new war. The5outh of Canada do not want tc

be conscripted, and we will fightuntil our last breath against con-scription. The Yankee imperialistsare also trying to rebuild a Ger-man arrny in Europe and a Japa-nese army in the Far East-armieswhich were our enemies duringWorld War II.

We are all with you in defeatingimperialist powers in Asia. Mostof my comrades wish they couldgo as volunteers to help drive theimperialists out of Asia, but weare so far away. Our main tasktoday is the overthrow of the capi-talist system and the establishmentof a new life.

F. MonkOntario, CanadaMay 2, 1951

Greetings from Canada ITo the Editor:

I find People's Chi,na very in-teresting. I wouldn't miss qne copy,

Unfortunately the Canadian Gov-ernment is! completely under theinfluence of the warmongeringimperialists in W'ashington. If theCanadian people were given thetruth about China you would havemany millions of friends here.Your great liberation army encour-aged millions of people in allcapitalist and colonial c.ountries tothrow off their imperialist masters.

Scott Mclean(A Worker)

Tolonto, CanadaJune 27, 1951

PEOPLE'S CHINA 33

THIRTY YEARS OF THE C.P.C.(Continued lrom page 76)

uuder the Marxist-Leninist leadership of this out-standiDg, great and completely reliable leader-andthis was the most important guarantee for the victoryof the revolution.

With incomparable tenacity, after overcomi-nginnumerable military and political difficulties as wellas other natural obstacles, and after completing theLong March of 25,000 li (over 8,000 miles) andcrossing almost impassable snow-clad moultains andsteppes, the Central Red Army reached North Shensi

. ,in October 1935, one year after the beginning of

Ied by Comrade HsuHsiang-chien also joinedforces *'ith the CentrdlRed Army in October 1936in the Shensi-Kansu rarea.

Chang Kuo-tao, whoworked in the Red Armyunits led by Comrade HsuHsiang-chien, Iost faith in

the future of the revolution and engaged iu activi-ties to split and betray the' Party. He refusedto go northward from northwestern Szechuan incompany rvith the Central Red Army, coerced partof the troops into retreat towards Sikang Provinceand unconstitutionally set up another Central lead-ing organ. Thanks to the correct policy on inter-Party struggle adopted by Comrade Mao Tse-tungand thanks to the persevering efforts o? ComradesChu Teh, Jen Pi-shih, Ho Lung, Kuan Hsiang-yingand others, the splitting intrigues of the traitorChang Kuo-tao quickly met with complete failure, ,

but not before they had caused further great lossesto the Red Army. Before the fifth KMT encircle-ment compaign, the Red Army had expanded intoa force of 300,000 troops, but after reaching NorthernShensi at the end of the Long March, owing to themany setbacks caused by erroneous Ieadership withinthe Party, the Red Army totalled less than 30,000troops. These were the most precious flower of theRed Army and the Party.

The victorious Long March of the Chinese 'W'ork-

ers' and Peasants' Red Army marked the turn fromdanger to security in the Chinese revolution. Itgave the Chinese people hope in the future of therevolution and in the future of the anti-Japanesenational salvation movement. It convinced Chinaand the whole rvorld of the invincible strength ofthe Communist Party of China and of the ChineseRed Army and forced them to see that, in orderto defeat Japanese imperialism whose ambitions ofencroachments on China were insatiable, China hadto rely upon the Communist Party and had to putan end to the civil war against the Communists.

In November 1935, immediately after joiningforces, the Central Red Army, the Red Army unitsin North Shensi and the Red Army units which haclmarched northward from Hupeh, Honan and Anhwei

Provinces, jointly smashed the third encirclementcampaign of the KMT troops against the revolution-ary bases in Northern Shensi, thus greatly consoUdat-ing these bases and raising the prestige of the RedArmy. Later, owing to further attacks on NorthChina by Japanese imperialism, the "December 9"movement, beginning with the great Resist-Japan-and-Save-China Demonstration by students in Pekingon December 9, 1935, spread to the whole of thecountry. During this movement, the broad massesof the people unanimously adopted the slogan ot"Stop the Civil War; unite to resist Japan" formul-ated by the Communist Party of China. The tideof the revolution was once more on the rise. Mean-while, there was an urgent need to make an ac-curate analysis of the internal situation since theJapanese invasion of China, to decide the policy ofthe Party and to correct the "Left," "closed-door"tendency prevalent within the Party. This workcould not have been accomplished by the Centralleading organs of the Party between 1931 and 1934and, similarly, it could not have been accomplishedby Comrade Mao Tse-tung in 1935, during the LongMarch. This need was met when, aided by thecorrect policy of the united front against fascismadopted by the Communist International, the Com-munist Party of China issued a declaration on Augustf, 1935, calling for a united front and, in particular,when the Po]itical Bureau of the Central Committeeof the Party on December 25 passed a resolutionon the current political situation and the tasks olthe Party and when Comrade Mao Tse-tung madea report entitled The Policg of Fighting JapaneseIrnperLalism on Decembet 27, at a conferencb ofParty activists.

The problem of establishing a national unitedfront against Japanese imperialism was systematical-ly expounded in Comrade Mao Tse-tung's report.After pointing out the possibilities that the Leftwing of the national bourgeoisie might join in thefight against Japanese imperialism, that the rest ofthe national bourgeoisie might move from vacilla-tion to neutrality, that the KMT camp might split,that the clique of pro-Anglo-American compradorswithin it might, under given conditions, be com-pelled to take part in the fight against Japan andafter pointing out the great signiflcance of the LongMarch, Comrade Mao Tse-tung summarised theParty's tasks as follows:

"The task before the Party is to integrate theactivities of the Red Army with all the activities ofthe workers, peasants, students, the petty bourgeoisie,and the national bourgeoisie of the whole country andto form out of this integration a united nationalrevolutionary front."

Comrade Mao Tse-tung vigorously rebutted allthe arguments of the "Left" elements in the Partyagainst a united front. Comrade Mao Tse-tungraised the slogan of a people's republic to replacethat of a republic of workers and peasants, andformulated an accurate policy towards the nationalbourgeoisie both politically and economically. Com-rade Mao Tse-tung pointed out that, during thebourgeois-democratic revolutionary period, the Peo-ple's Republic would protect those members of thenational bourgeoisie who did uot support imperialism

ffa Loxo ianifr oF 8,@ Mr!E!

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34 PEOPLE'S CHINAand its lackeys, together with their industry andbusinesses and that the People's Republic, with theworkers and peasants as its foundation representedthe interests of all strata of the people who opposedimperialism and feudalism.

Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out that thedifference between the present united front and thatof 1924 to L927 lay in the participation of the resoluteand powerful Communist Party and the revolution-ary Army. Comparing tb.e differences between thetwo periods, Comrade NIao Tse-tung said:

"But the situation is changed now. Not only arethere a resolute and powerful Communist Party anda strong Red Army, but there are also bases for theRed Army. They are not only initiators of the na-tional anti-Japanese united front but will inevitablybecome the strong supporting pillar in the futureanti-Japanese government and army, thus ensuringthe final frustration of the plots of the Japanese andChiang Kai-shek to disruFt the anti-Japanese nationalunited front and spread defeatism among us.". ,.,,

Comrade Mao Tse-tung's report nbt o;ry Uiddown the Party's policy at that time and foretoldthe future development of the Chinesi: pdlitical

.

situation, but also summarised the fundamental e*-periences of the two periods of revolutionary civilwars and deflned the basic line of .the Peirty in theperiod of democratic revolution.

The correct political line of the Central Com-'mittee of the Communist Party of China, Epidlyachieved great results and quickly brought into exist-ence the War of Resistance to Japanese Aggression.After driving into Shansi Province in February 1936by advancing east and u'inning many victories, the :

Red Army issued an open message to the KMT in'May proposing cessation of hostilities, negotiationsfor peace and concerted action against Japanese im-perialism, and first of all secured a truce ,withChang llsueh-liang, Yang Hu-cheng, and others inShensi Province. In the KMT-controlled areas, theParty work and the national salvation movementsagainst Japan carried out by people of all stratawere similarly resumed and were spreading underthe correct leadership of Comrade Liu Shao-chi.But Chiang Kai-shek sti1l clung to the reactionarypolicy of opposing the Communist Party of Chinaand the Chinese people, and continued to attack theRed Army. On December 12, 1936, Chang Hsueh-'liang and Yang Hu-cheng, who demanded an alliancewith the Communist Party of China in resistingJapan, detained Chiang Kai-shek in Sian, forcinghim to put an end to the anti-Communist civil war'which rvas ruining the nation. In this situation, theCommunist Party of China considered it necessaryto secure a peaceful solution of the Sian Incident inorder to resist Japanese imperialist aggression, andChiang Kai-shek was therefore released and internalpeace achieved.

After the peaceful solution of the Sian Incident,to assist in maintaining internal peace and to winthe landlord class over to joint resistance to Japaneseimperialism, the Communist Party of China decidedtemporarily to suspend carrying out the policy ofconfiseating and redistributing the land of the land-lords. Thanks to the achievement of internal peace,vrhen the Japanese imperialists used the pretext ofthe Lukouchiao (Marco PoIo Bridge) incident ofJuIy 7, 1937, to launch a new offensive against China,Chinese troops, including Chiang Kai-shek's army,

resisted Japanese aggression and the national Warof Eesistance broke out. The realisation of internalpeace and of the War of Resistance, which resultedfrom the correct views and work of the CommunistParty of China during and after the Sian Incident,greatly raised the prestige of the Communist Partyamong the masses of the people throughout thecountry.

In May, 1937, the Central Committee convened aParty Conference which discussed and ratifled thepolitical line of the Party since 1935 and made politi-cal and organisational preparations for the War ofResistance.

During the years in rvhich the revolution emerg-ed from danger and lvas approaching a new upsurge, .Comrade Mao Tse-tung devoted great efforts. :

to theoretical experi- '.-.

ences and tr of 1936,.$he wrote ?he Reuolu-rEtionarg Wars, ences of 4

the revok+tionary wars between 1927 and 1936, ex-plained tJte . characteristics of China's revolution-dy urars and systematically criticised the mistakenmilitary Iines of the "Leftists" and the Rightists.This was one of the most britliant Marxist works ofthe world Communist movement on military science.N[ore than that, this book was an important politicatand philosophical rvork, because it made a penetrat-ing analysis of the laws of the Chinese revolutionas a whole, of the causes of victory and defeat in war,of t-he laws of war as well as the process of under-standing the laws of war.

In the summer of 1937, Comrade Mao Tse-tungwrote his renowned philosophical treatise entitledOn Practice. In this book, Comrade Mao Tse-tungmade a comprehensive, profound and popular exposi-tion of the Marxist-Leninist theory ot knowledge. It

rs of the utmost importanceand value in the historyof Chinese thought and inthe ideological work of theParty. It is the best text-book for teaching the peo-ple how to think, act andstudy correctly. It analy-sed the philosophical na-ture of the inner-Partycontroversies during the .

Second Revolutionary Civil'War and by means of the ,

irrefutable principles ofmaterialism, exposed the docttinaire and empiricisterrors in the theory of knowledge of the "Leftists"and Rightists. It not only laid the foundation forthe education of the Communist Party of China inMarxism-Leninism but also made a splendid contri-bution to the rvorld's philosophical treasury ofMarxism-Leninism.

The period ot the Second'Revolutionary CivilWar was a period in which the Communist Party ofChina, in extremely difficult circumstances, reachedpolitical maturity and advanced the revolution tonew heights. During this period, mainly owing tothe efforts of Comrade Mao Tse-tung, the Party pro-foundly recognised the importance of military workand rural work, cleated the revolutionary army and'the revolutionary bases in the countrylide, and learn-ed horv to lead the levolutionary war, Iand reform

PEOPLE'S CHINA 35

and various kinds of work involved in state power.During this period, the Communist Party of Chinarecognised Comrade Mao Tse-tung as its own realMarxist-Leninist leader and at the same time alsorecognised the danger and the harmfulness of thevarious types of "Left" petty bourgeois ideology.

In the struggle against various erroneous pettybourgeois ideologies, the Party established its leader-ship with Comrade Mao Tse-tung at the head. Justas Rightism caused the main damage during theKMT-Communist coalition ,in the period of the FirstRevolutionary Civil War, "Left" deviations constitut-ed the chief mistake of the Party's Leadership duringthis period. "LeftiSt" mistakes caused the Party andthe Red Army to suffer serious setbacks, retardingthe advance of the revolution to new heights. Never-theless, the Party and the Army which emerged withrich experience from many tribulations and complexordeals, later on constituted the main force thatsubsequently ied the War of Resistance , and thePeople's Liberation War. In the light of .thege facts,it may be stated that it was during the Second Revo-lutionary Civil War that the most important politicaipreparations and nurturing of cadres 1r/as made forthe victory of the Chinese revolution today.

The Party tided over the extremely reactionaryperiod between 1927 and 1937. During this period,on the one hand, the enemy attempted to annihilate

our Party completely and our Party conducted mostdifficult, intricate and brave strugglesagainstthem; onthe other hand, having overcome thc Right oppor-tunism of Chen Tu-hsiu, the Party was assailedseveral times by "Left" opportunism, which broughtit into t,Le greatest danger. Ilowever, thanks to thecorrect creative Marxist-Leninist leadership of Com-rade Mao Tse-tung, his unusual patience and hisspirit of observing discipline, the Party finally suc-ceeded in overcoming the opportunist errors withperfectly satisfactoly results and in extricating itselffrom an extremely dangerous situation. Thus, dur-ing the lO-year period of reaction, the Party, in spiteof being assailed by enemies, from both within andwithout, was able to educate the vast masses of thepeople throughout the country in ihe revolutionaryspirit, uphold the revolutionary banner of the Partyamong the masses of the people, preserve the essen-tial main foree of the Red Army and part of the revo-lutionary bases, pteserve a large number of theoutstanding cadres of the Party and tens of thou-sands of Party members and amass a wealth of revo-lutionary experience, especially regarding warfareand revolutionary bases, to meet the new revolu-ti,onary tide-the nation-wide patriotic War of Resis-tance and the npw co-operation between the KMTand the Communist Party of China.

, (To be continued,)

THE FIRST TASTE OFTIAPPINESS

(Continued, frotn page 29)

With your shining example andthe example of the CommunistParty befclre us, \,ve have come tosee that aII the talk about 'fate'and 'horoscope'has no truth at all.

"Your instruction has helped usto change our fate. Our villagehas now carried through land re-form, wiped out the feudal systemof exploitation and cut apart thechains of slavery. '[Ve can nowstand up erect and be the mastersof our village.

"We want esl:ecially to teII youabout two man'iages: between Fr,r-chuan and Chun-hsing, Li Su-ming and Yueh-Iien. AII Iour aremembers of the militia. Thcbrideglooms both used to befarmhands without a sheng of Iandor a root above them that theycould call their olrrn. Now eachhas got some land, a house and awifc. Chun-hsing used to be achild-bride, and Yueh-lien a maid-servant. Both were direct victimsof feudal society. And now bothhave got land and houses of theirown and have chosen their lifecompanions of their own free wiII.

"There are altogether 192 fami-Iies in our village, of u'hich 115were lamilies of landless or almostlandless farmhands or poor peas-ants before land reform. After we

carried out land reform, we gotfrom the landlords 82 ton and sevenfou of marshy land, 12 toa and fivetou of dry land, 45 farm imple-ments, six oxen, 52 rooms both biganQ small, and over 4,000 cattiesof-surplus foodstuffs. In the past,botb the land beneath our feet andlthe .poof over our heads belongedto others; we dared not complainor shed tears. Now we have ourown houses and our orvn land, anda prosperous future is in sight.

"We understand that thesechanges have only become possiblervith the liberation of the rvholenation. OnIy. with a governmentof our orvn could rte have obtain-ed the prescnt conditions. Werealise that the futule success ofthe nation lests largely on oureffolts at production and in pro-tecting the people's democratic dic-tatorship in the rural areas.

"Thercfore wc have decided todetotc all our power to repairingdykes and water-gates and culti-vating and fertilising the land, sothat in the coming autrlmn vie canbring in a bumper harvest to re-pay your goodness and helpstrengthen our nation economically.

"There is a lot else we mightteII you. We are planning tobuild a school of our own. WewiII soon have our own co-op. Amedical clinic will soon be estab-lished near the Seven Star Slope.

"Aftcr the autumn harvest the

women in the village plan to opena weaving factory with the helpof the co-op. We are convincedour days will becon:e steadilybetter and better. Today is butthe beginning of a yet more glori-ous tomorrow.

"We know if we really cherishour happiness, we should persist inthe Resist-America-and-Aid-KoreaCampaign until we have complete-ly overthrow-n the enemies-Amer-ican aggressors and their lackey,Chiang Kai-shek.

"Hence. wc peasants of HsinluVillage have solemnly undertakento do the following things:

"(1) repair all dykes and water-gates, step up spring cultivationand increase foodstuff production.

"(2) enlarge and strengthen theorganisation of the Pcasants' Asso-ciation and the militia. Heightenour vigilance against counter-revo-Iutionary elements and strengthenpublic security.

"(3) support u'hole-heartedly thecampaign to resist U.S. aggressionand aid Korea with material andmanpower and carry on the revolu-tion to a victorious end.

"We wish you"Unbreakable health like the

rock's and"Eternal brightness like the sun's.

(Signed)The whole body of Hsinlu

Village peasants

February 4, 1951."

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