CIVIL MILITARY RELATIONS DA
Borders Addendum
CDI 2007
NEGATIVE
2Link Sub Saharan Africa
3Link Humanitarian Issues
4Link Cultural Governance
5Link Poor Countries
6Link Development Focus
7Link Third World
8Link Western Objectivism
9Link Western Objectivism
10Link Benign Governance
11Link Knowledge Production
12Link Social Science
13Link Method
14Link Ignore Culture
15Internal Link Colonialism
16Impact Single Focus
17Impact Masking
18Impact Conflict
20ImpactSystemic Violence
21Impact Universal politics
22Biopower Module
23Impact Biopower
25Impact Securitization
26Distopia Impact Module
27Alternative Solvency
28Alternative Solvency
34A New Alternative
36A2: Perm
39A2: Borders Stop Wars
AFFIRAMTIVE
40Infinite Crises
42Link U.S. is a tool
43Link Alt is Complacent
44Implications Extensions
46Borders Good
49Perm Solvency
Link Sub Saharan AfricaSub Saharan Africa is an Arbitrary
Boundary
G.N Uzoigwe, 00 [Uzoigwe, G.N. The Imperial Experience of Sub
Saharan Africa. JSTOR (2000)]
Link Humanitarian Issues
Humanitarian issues are about administering life and to exclude
those not worthy from politics. The political border is drawn,
resulting in violence.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link Cultural Governance
Cultural governance is aimed at taking control through defining
of borders and territories.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link Poor Countries
Richer versus poorer country dichotomies allow the line to be
drawn between us and them.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Link Development
FocusFocusing on issues of development reproduce mapping structures
and hierarchies.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link Third World
Third World models allow for justifies political and economical
intervention into states, This intervention groups populations
based on economic or political indicators, further drawing the
border
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link Western ObjectivismThe current modern American state
political system allows for continued control over the nation state
building system, influencing the way we cartographize the world,
ultimately allowing politics to look like the professional that
doesnt make mistakes and the course of action is justified no
matter what.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Link Western
Objectivism
Western authors advocating the plan is formed on the basis of
free thinking individuals, that they can see the issues and solve
them. This autonomy is key to excluding African societies from the
west drawing the line between us and them.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link Benign Governance
Link discourse of good governance and comparative politics
reproduces white dominance and racism further drawing the line
between us and them.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link Knowledge Production
Western views and interpretations of other nations are used to
benefit us in order to justify political action.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link Social ScienceSocial science specifically American politics
practice of comparative politics, legitimizes the violence and
cognition of inequality towards indigenous populations.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Link MethodEngaging in comparative politics changes how we
relate to knowledge and representation of the Third World
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. Xi xii.
Link Ignore Culture
Borders ignore ethno-cultural groups in Africa
Jeffery Herbst, International Organization, 1989. [Herbst,
Jeffery. International Organization (MIT Press), Vol. 43, No.4,
1989. The Creation and Maintenance of National Boundaries in Africa
The African frontiers "have been decided upon in complete
disregard
of local needs and circumstance." Equally important for many
writers is the fact that the borders ignored any well-defined
criteria and did not take into account what Adu Boahen calls the
"ethno cultural, geographical, and ecological realities of Africa":
Because of the artificiality of these boundaries, each independent
African state is made up of a whole host of different ethno
cultural groups and nations having different historical traditions
and cultures and speaking different languages. One can imagine,
then, how stupendous the problem of developing the independent
states of Africa into true nation states is.
Borders in Africa are not specific to any pre-existing social or
political groups
Jeffery Herbst, International Organization, 1989. [Herbst,
Jeffery. International Organization (MIT Press), Vol. 43, No.4,
1989. The Creation and Maintenance of National Boundaries in Africa
The arbitrary division of the continent by the European powers,
with little or no respect for preexisting social and political
groupings or even, sometimes. for "natural" geographical features,
has immensely complicated the tasks of nation and state building
faced by African governments."' The Organization of African Unity
(OAU) has also long recognized the arbitrariness of African
borders. For instance, in its 1964 resolution on border disputes,
the organization noted that the current borders "constitute a grave
and permanent factor of dissension."Internal Link Colonialism
Current Borders Perpetuate Colonialism
Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad
Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, 2006. ]Africa's borders are particularly intriguing.
Despite the arbitrariness with which many state borders in Africa
were drawn, they have remained largely fixed.25 From its inception
in 1963, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has endorsed the
norm in accordance with the principle of preserving the colonial
territorial status quo.26 In practice, as Jeffery Herbst notes,
"the vast majority of [African borders] have remained virtually
untouched since the late 1800s, when they were first demarcated."
The OAU's determination to uphold the norm was demonstrated, for
instance, in the 196770 civil war in Nigeria, when the organization
sought to prevent Biafra's attempts to secede.27
Borders are Colonialistic
Jeffery Herbst, International Organization, 1989. [Herbst,
Jeffery. International Organization (MIT Press), Vol. 43, No.4,
1989. The Creation and Maintenance of National Boundaries in Africa
A paradox is central to the nature of political boundaries in
Africa: there is widespread agreement that the boundaries are
arbitrary, yet the vast majority of them have remained virtually
untouched since the late 1800s, when they were first demarcated.
The stability of boundaries in the world's most partitioned
continent,' where few other political institutions have survived
for
very long. is often seen as particularly surprising because the
borders were initially drawn without respect for social and
linguistic groupings and because the colonial and postcolonial
political authorities charged with maintaining the borders have
been weak or absent.
Impact Single FocusFocusing on state or Eurocentric models of
politics eliminates knowledge production because a lack of multiple
perspectives at different level of thought. This straight turns
your aff.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Impact Masking
Social science allows for economic, political, and social
control of people, all while masking the true intent.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Impact Conflict
BORDERS ARE IMPERICALLY PROVEN TO CAUSE WARS
Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad
Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, 2006. ]Since the end of World War II, the norm of fixed
bordersthe proscription against foreign conquest and annexation of
homeland territoryhas gained prevalence in world politics. But have
fixed borders made international conflict less frequent? Observers
might assume they have, given that territorial issues have
historically been a major cause of war.1 However, among
sociopolitically weak states (i.e., states that lack legitimate and
effective governmental institutions), fixed borders can actually
increase instability and conflict. Good fences can make bad
neighbors.
FIXED BORDERS LEADS TO INTERNATIONAL COLFLICTS
Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad
Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, 2006. ]Until the late 1980s, the scholarly literature
had devoted little attention to theories regarding the role of
territory and borders in international relations.2 Since then,
however, a growing body of work on this subject has emerged.3 One
promising line of inquiry has focused on international norms
concerning changes in borders. Mark Zacher and Tanisha Fazal, for
example, have found that postWorld War II cases of foreign conquest
and annexation are a rarity and that the norm of fixed borders has
grown stronger over the years.4 The effects of this norm on
interstate relations, however, have yet to be analyzedan omission
this article aims to address. The article posits that, in many
regions of the world, adherence to the norm of fixed borders has
led to international conflicts and growing instability by
perpetuating and exacerbating state weakness. Three factors account
for these negative effects. First, an international system of
states with fixed borders deprives states of what were historically
their greatest incentives to develop strong institutions: external
threats to their territorial integrity and opportunities for
territorial expansion. Second, without such territorial threats, a
coherent in-group identity and loyalty to the state are difficult
to establish. Third, without a mechanism through which weak states
can be overtaken by stronger ones, the former may persist and
perhaps become even weaker.
Impact - ConflictBorders Precipitate International Wars
Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad
Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, 2006. ]Scholars widely agree that state weakness can
lead to internal strife and civil conflicts. What is less often
acknowledged is that such weakness, especially when borders are
unchangeable, can also precipitate international wars. This article
explored two paths leading from state weakness to international
conflict. In the first, weak states create conditions that are rife
for internal conflict by giving way to emerging anarchy and by
allowing leaders to exploit ethnic divisions to compensate for
their own lack of legitimacy. Civil conflicts in weak states under
the norm of fixed borders, in turn, are more likely to spill over
and involve neighboring states than are other kinds of civil
conflicts because of both the inability of the state to prevent
insurgencies and the existence of the kin-country syndrome. In the
second path, the weakness of the state creates opportunities for
its neighbors to engage in political or economic (though not
territorial) predation.
Boundaries create place-based identities which lead to
conflicts
Rajaram and Soguk 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar and Soguk, Nevzat.
Introduction: Geography Reconceptualization of Politics. Academic
Search Premier. 2006] The boundarying of a piece of space and its
internal ordering rest on acts of exclusion, differentiation, and
identification. The occupation of a piece of space initiates a
concept of the political as place-based. It thus initiates a
political vocabulary of break, rupture and disjunction where
internally ordered and boundaried places of the political are
distinguished from other ordered and boundaried places. These
places of politics become the starting point, Gupta and Ferguson
continue, from which to theorize contact, conflict and
contradiction between cultures and societies.3 The transformative
process by which unhinged and fluid spatiality comes to be
pockmarked by stable political places gives us a political
vocabulary or a structure of recognition through which identities
and encounters, and the conflicts and contradictions that emanate
from them, are rendered intelligible.
ImpactSystemic ViolenceDominant politics driven by economics or
political agendas causes forced dependence, justifying
assimilation, reconstructing the boundary and ignoring the
systematic violence.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Impact Universal politics
Universal view of politics allows the harm to be reproduced
turning the case.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Biopower Module
Boundary making is an aesthetic creation of a state of
exception
Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire.
Academic Search Premier. 2006]The economy of colonial power relayed
on bodies of colonized Iraqis shows a form of power that is
characterized by a process of boundary making through spectacular
aesthetic representations of the colonized as a form of subhuman
threat. This instantiates a visceral form of power relation. The
visceral power relation, an attempt at boundarying by clearing the
space, by a placing beyond of the object of that power, may be
understood as a demonstration of the contorted political space of
contemporary empire. Torture demonstrates the folding in of the
dystopic geography of colonialism on itself. The casting of those
in a state of exception outside the law is not and cannot be a
general disposal of thousands of bare lives.The impact is the move
to eradicate the threat cast into the state of exception
Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire.
Academic Search Premier. 2006]If the fundamental feature of the
colonial present is, then, an operative process of boundary making,
I find it feasible to put on the same analytical plane torture and
maltreatment of migrant workers in Malaysia and of suspected
terrorists at Abu Ghraib. Both point to the way in which a
desirable polity is distinguished and operatively created by a
dystopic imagination of threat. In Malaysia this desirable polity
underpinned by Malay hegemony and allowing for an orderly, but not
necessarily just, network of economic, political, and
social relations between groups is recognized as belonging, in a
graduated sense, to the polity. In the United States, an affective
community of belonging is the fulcrum around which a war on
terrorism is conducted and vindicated. Both these communities
undergo ongoing processes of boundarying against a declared
threat.
Impact Biopower
Bordering is used to control populations while being presented
as an emancipatory act
Rajaram and Soguk 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar and Soguk, Nevzat.
Introduction: Geography Reconceptualization of Politics. Academic
Search Premier. 2006] Herein lies the moment of opportunity for
taking seriously geography not as an extension of the natural
world, inescapably dominating human conditions, but as an
expression of political movements and struggles that human agents
condition in accordance with their desires and dreams. Geography is
about, among other things, boundarying; that is, place making.
However, seldom is place making seen as anything but place taking
and place controlling defined by notions of territoriality and the
political and economic relations that flow from such controls of
place and space. Taking hold of and controlling place this way
frequently cultivates, and is indeed cultivated in, spaces of
exception that capture and control large swaths of humanity while
presenting the task through liberatory discourses of the state,
nation, community, welfare, and security. In the process,
interrelating geographies of peoples and places take on content
that is relentlessly unequal and form that is deceptively
emancipatory.Borders help define populations as savages justifying
their eradication in the name of defense.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Impact BiopowerBiopolitics controls the populations through
systematic killing.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Impact
Securitization
Conceptualization of borders allow us to label such scenarios as
terrorism as a threat to security, justifying not only the
sovereign violence to them but to the domestic populations.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Distopia Impact Module
Drawing borders is a dystopic imagination of colonization
Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire.
Academic Search Premier. 2006]Dystopic imaginations are
fundamentally aesthetic forms of knowing. The aesthetic process of
knowing, following the Frankfurt school and particularly Theodor
Adorno, is imbued with affect: with a volatile and perhaps sensuous
investment of the self with and against its other.8 A dystopic
imagination of the colony, where the native and his space is
understood in terms of lack, imagines a relation of power centered
on extremes. Colonization may be read as a process that reduces the
colonized to a subhumanity, thus setting up a teleology or vision
of progress and change through a civilizing mission. It is
important to read and trace the contours of colonial power from
those disciplinary processes that create the colonial state down to
the intimacies of human bodies.9 If the process of colonization as
disciplinary procedure may be understood as a gradual process of
creating a governable space, and if that process hinges on a
dystopic imagination of the space as lack and its inhabitants as
occupying a lower niche on an evolutionary scale of humanity, then
the point at which the brutality underpinning representations of a
civil order of colonialism becomes evident is in bodies.
Dystopic imaginations of colonialism lead to violence
Rajaram 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar. Dystopic Geographies of Empire.
Academic Search Premier. 2006]The dystopic geography of colonialism
imagines putrid spaces. Such imaginations or representation allow
for the vindication of processes of order and discipline that
transform the space into governable and exploitable place.
Imaginations of dystopia contribute to theorizations of the
incidents of brutalization and violence. It does not however
account adequately for incidents of violence that appear to serve
no clearly identifiable disciplinary purpose. Cocky Hahns kick is
directed not at one who is simply marginalized but one, in Derek
Gregorys Agambenian terminology, placed beyond the margins. 22
Indeed the kick is operative; it is an act of placing
beyond.Alternative SolvencyState centric social science like
politics focus on intelligibility, oppressing and controlling the
populations, yet a historical analysis of politics can create
counter information and counter cognitive imperialism as defined
through spatial borders, and allowing for alternative modes of
thought to influence the realm of politics.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Alternative Solvency
Examining the intricacies of a culture allows us to deconstruct
borders and domination has no foothold.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Alternative Solvency The alternative is effective: modernity
resistant cultures exist to challenge the universal discourse and
historical view of culture and states.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Alternative Solvency
The multiplicities of African modernity allow a transversal of
power relations to a balance between the global and the local.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
Alternative Solvency
Alternative view specifically in the instance of language can
produce substantial change to our current system of comparative
politics.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Alternative
Solvency
Different view points exist; there are multiple scenarios for
resistance
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. Alternative
SolvencyRethinking geography with a different mindset is good
Rajaram and Soguk 06 [Rajaram, Prem Kumar and Soguk, Nevzat.
Introduction: Geography Reconceptualization of Politics. Academic
Search Premier. 2006] The normative intent of this new form of
politics energizing Another Geography is clearit shines a new light
on the contours of the landscape of the political, revealing sites
of social struggles obscured in dominant stories. In this case,
specifically, it highlights the indigenous popular social and
economic struggles that are at work, generating new spatial
relations and contesting old ones in established interscalar orders
of the state and global capitalism.18 A discrepant geography of
indigenous words and worlds grow increasingly visible within
dominant geographies, acquiring political force and legitimacy.
While not superior to other words and worlds, indigenous
expressions and experiences are uniquely enabling because they have
seldom been heard and registered before in the dance of the words
and the worlds. Their dance is enabled by and is further
cultivating of geography with radical ontopolitical knowledge about
the world. We use the word radical because, in Glissants words,
this knowledge is not just a specific knowledge, appetite,
suffering and delight of one particular people . . . but knowledge
of the Whole, greater from having been at the abyss [erasure] and
freeing knowledge of Relation within the Whole.19 The knowledge
reveals the political from dramatically different places, thus to
energize geographies of life hitherto held in thrall.20 What
follows is an exhilaration born in the inexorable openness of what
is called destiny. In the knowledge of the Relation within the
Whole, we know ourselves as part and as crowd, in an unknown that
does not terrify. It is a new geography.A New Alternative
AlternativeEmbrace Sub Saharan Africa as a Heterotopia. Fahy-
Bryceson and Bank in 2k1 (Deborah& Leslie, End of an Era:
Africas Development Policy Parallax Journal of Contemporary African
Studies, 19,1, 2001, accessed 7/20/2007, )Post-modern liberalism is
so far about vague calls for poverty alleviation and the
continuation of the neo-liberal momentum that is now well
entrenched in African economies. Clear policies and planning are
largely precluded. It could be said that the age of heterotopia has
gripped sub-Saharan Africa. Foucault (1980:xviii) defines
heterotopia as the converse of utopia since they dissolve our myths
and sterilise the lyricism of our sentences. And this has profound
meaning for sub-Saharan Africa in a grotesquely uneven world
economy: the plurality of difference is here to stay. Gone are the
days of catching up, and the innocence of questing for the utopia
of material improvement and modernisation. In short, post-modern
liberalism marks the end of the promise of African development.
The Alt Solves hetrotopias embrace the inherent multiplicity of
relationships preserves the groundwork for future imagination
Foucault in 86 (Michele, [Jay Miskowiec, trans.] Of Other Spaces
Diacritics, Vol. 16, No. 1. (Spring), pp. 22-27, )
A2: Perm
The Perm is co-opted by the political system, only by separating
world views can we reveal the violence that borders and the state
have done.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii. A2 Perm
Global level thinking that permeates into policy formation
prevents solvency of harms. The state will reproduce because the
text is still present. The text is final in the realm of global
thinking.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
A2 Perm
Perm doesnt solve Language is important, it allows for
convergence of real impacts and rejects cognitive imperialism,
still having a state center focus in terms of the current rhetoric
prevents changing the way the debate is framed now, impacts still
occur as populations are marginalized.
Shapiro, Michael. Methods and Nations: Cultural Governance and
the Indigenous Subject. 1st. 2004. pg. xi xii.
A2: Borders Stop WarsSome ev on the subject
Boaz Atzili, 2006 "Border Fixity: When Good Fences Make Bad
Neighbors," Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, 2006. ]The argument that a norm that seeks to make the
world a more peaceful place may instead cause it to become more
conflict prone is both counterintuitive and theoretically new. In
addition, given that the phenomenon of weak and failed states is
widespread, the argument potentially has important empirical
implications. In 2006 the Failed States Index listed twenty-eight
countries as being in a state of "alert" and seventy-eight more as
in a state of "warning" with regard to their prospects for becoming
failed states. These include countries in Africa, the Middle East,
Asia, the former Soviet Union, Latin America, and the Balkans.6
This article employs a single case studythe war in Congo, a country
that was known as Zaire from 1971 to 1997 and since then as the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)as a plausibility probe to
determine the theory's validity and applicability.7 The conflict
produced tremendous carnage: as many as 3.8 million dead and many
more injured or displaced. Both phases ofthe war (199697 and
19982002) involved domestic militias, a massive foreign invasion,
and shifting allianceswith Angola, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zimbabwe
playing major roles. Even though the war has officially ended,
peace remains elusive.
Infinite Crises
Or, the Disad to the AltA. The alternatives leftist agenda
ultimately is unable to stand up to transnational
capitalcorporations will run roughshod over areas with weak or no
borders.
Laxer Prof of Poli Sci @ University of Alberta, in 2k1 (Gordon,
The Movement That Dare Not Speak Its Name: The Return of Left
Nationalism/Internationalis, Alternatives: Global, Local,
Political, 03043754, Jan/Mar2001, Vol. 26, Issue 1 )
Neither left globalism nor left localism can mount effective
resistance on its own or in combination. Citizen-based democracy
requires the long-term mobilization of tens of millions, and this
is unlikely at the level of six billion people. Most mass
mobilizations remain national, subnational, or local. Even if we
achieved Held's model of global governance through a strengthened
United Nations and an international democratic assembly rather than
through US domination, it would be by representatives even farther
removed from the people than national governments. For more
democratic global governance, David Held and Kevin Danaher advocate
the use of global referenda, a formula the moneyed would surely use
to manipulate the divided and unorganized.[sup26] Left globalists
have yet to convincingly articulate how global citizens democracy
would work.
On the other hand, local governments and local economies are too
small to stand up to the massive blackmail power of the
transnational and speculators. As Hobsbawm notes, "the most
convenient world for multinational giants is one populated by dwarf
states or no states at all."[sup27] It may be possible to achieve a
partial move away from consumer culture, but it is farfetched to
hope that in isolation from other strategies a myriad of local
secessions will be so complete and widespread that they will break
down world capitalism.[sup28] It is a pipe dream that ignores state
capacity for repression or transformation.
B. The current crisis of capitalism has lead to violent
reactions by those who hold it most dearthe Bush Administrations
move to permanent war proves.
Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in
2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the
Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science &
Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) But there were others
from within and outside of the bloc that called for more radical
responses. Faced with the increasingly dim prospects of
constructing a viable transnational hegemony, in the Gramscian
sense of a stable system of consensual domination, the
transnational bourgeoisie has not collapsed back into the nation
state. Global elites have, instead, mustered up fragmented and at
times incoherent responses involving heightened military coercion,
the search for a postWashington Consensus, and acrimonious internal
disputes. In the post-9/11 period the military dimension appears to
exercise an overdetermining influence in the reconfiguration of
global politics. The Bush regime militarized social and economic
contradictions, launching a permanent war mobilization to try to
stabilize the system through direct coercion. Is this evidence for
a new U. S. bid for empire? We need to move beyond a conjunctural
focus on the Bush regime to grasp the current moment and the U. S.
role in it. The U. S. state is the point of condensation for
pressures from dominant groups around the world to resolve problems
of global capitalism and to secure the legitimacy of the system
overall. In this sense,
interventionism and militarized globalization are less a
campaign for U. S. hegemony than a contradictory political response
to the crisis of global capitalism to economic stagnation,
legitimationC. The current state of global capital is at a
crossroadsour next actions determine the future. The counter
alternative is to embrace a global anti-capitalist struggle.
Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in
2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the
Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science &
Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) It is clear we are
living through a moment of chaos. The contradictions of global
capitalism are indeed explosive. What solutions might there be to
the crisis of the system and the perils that it represents for
humanity, from never-ending wars, to mass immiseration and
ecological holocaust? In broad strokes, I can think of three
alternative futures: 1) a global reformism based on a global
Keynesianism; 2) a global fascism based on a new war order; 3) a
global anti-capitalist alternative, some sort of a democratic
socialist project. The current global crisis signals the end of Act
I and the opening scenes of Act II in the restructuring crisis of
world capitalism that began in the early 1970s. This Act II may end
in a reassertion of productive over financial capital in the global
economy and a global redistributive project. Perhaps the more
reformist (as opposed to radical) wing of the World Social Forum
will ally with the more reformist (as opposed to conservative) wing
of the World Economic Forum to push such a project. Or we could see
the rise of a global fascism founded on military spending and wars
to contain the downtrodden and unrepentant. Will there be a
predatory degeneration of civilization if neither forces from above
nor those from below are able to bring about a resolution of crises
and conflicts? Are we already seeing this? The future is not
predetermined and we are all its collective agents. As frightening
as the current course of things may seem, we should also recall
that the crisis opens up tremendous new possibilities for
progressive change. It is at times of crisis rather than stability
and equilibrium in a system that the power of collective agencies
to influence history is enhanced. Link U.S. is a toolThe crises of
capitalism has hindered the U.S. promotion of transnational
capital, but not stopped it Robinson Department of Sociology @
University of California, in 2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The
New Transnationalism and the Folly of Conventional Thinking,
SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science & Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July
2005, 316328, ) There is little disagreement among global elites,
regardless of t heir formal nationality, that U. S. power should be
rigorously applied (e.g., to impose IMF programs, to bomb the
former Yugoslavia, for peacekeeping and humanitarian interventions,
etc.) in order to sustain and defend global capitalism. Military
intervention has become a major instrument for forcibly opening up
new regions to global capital and sustaining a process of creative
destruction. It is in the objective interests of the transnational
corporations that drive the global economy. In this regard, U. S.
imperialism refers to the use by transnational elites of the U. S.
state apparatus to continue to attempt to expand, defend and
stabilize the global capitalist system. The question is, in what
ways, under what particular conditions, arrangements, and
strategies, should U. S. state power be wielded? We are witness
less to a U. S. imperialism per se than to a global capitalist
imperialism. We face an empire of global capital headquartered, for
evident historical reasons, in Washington. The U. S. state has
attempted to play a leadership role on behalf of transnational
capitalist interests. That it is increasingly unable to do so
points not to heightened national rivalry but to the impossibility
of the task at hand, given the crisis of global capitalism. The
opposition of France, Germany and other countries to the Iraq
invasion indicated sharp tactical and strategic differences over
how to respond to crisis, shore up the system, and keep it
expanding. That this is not about nationstate rivalry should be
obvious from the fact that a good portion of the U. S. elite came
out against the war not just Democrats but such Republican national
security doyens as Brent Scowcroft and Lawrence Eagleberger.3Link
Alt is Complacent
The alternative furthers the goals of transnational capital
Laxer Prof of Poli Sci @ University of Alberta, in 2k1 (Gordon, The
Movement That Dare Not Speak Its Name: The Return of Left
Nationalism/Internationalis, Alternatives: Global, Local,
Political, 03043754, Jan/Mar2001, Vol. 26, Issue 1 )
Corporate leaders and bankers were alarmed at the wave of
activities that were deglobalizing the transnationals. They
counterattacked, founding many New Right organizations, such as the
Trilateral Commission, set up in 1973 by David Rockefeller,
Zbigniew Brezinski, and other "eminent private citizens" drawn from
transnationals, banking, government, academia, media, and
conservative labor, to create ruling-class partnerships in North
America, Western Europe, and Japan.[sup37] Trilateralists decried
an "excess of democracy" in which "the democratic spirit is
egalitarian, individualistic, populist and impatient with the
distinctions of class and rank."[sup38] Nationalism was the other
target. Rockefeller called for "a massive public relations
campaign" to explain the necessity for the "withering of the
nation-state" exactly the phrase used by David Held two decades
later.[sup39] Peter Drucker wanted to "defang the nationalist
monster." George Ball, former US undersecretary of state, declared
the multinational corporation "ahead of, and in conflict with
existing political organizations represented by the nation
states."[sup40] Recent talk about the "borderless world," the "end
of nations and nationalisms," and the "inevitability of
globalization" shows the effects of these campaigns, even on the
Left. Nor have attacks on national sovereignty subsided. In 1996,
Lawrence Summers, US secretary of the treasury, disparaged all
critics of Washington's "globalist economic policy" as
"separatists.Implications Extensions
There are 3 crises within the current nature of capital
Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in
2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the
Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science &
Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) This crisis involves
three interrelated dimensions. First is a crisis of social
polarization. The system cannot meet the needs of a majority of
humanity, or even assure minimal social reproduction. Second is a
structural crisis of overaccumulation. The system cannot expand
because the marginalization of a significant portion of humanity
from direct productive participation, the downward pressure on
wages and popular consumption worldwide, and the polarization of
income have reduced the ability of the world market to absorb world
output. This is the structural underpinning to the series of crises
that began in Mexico in 1995 and then intensified with the Asian
financial meltdown of 199798, and the world recession that began in
2001. The problem of surplus absorption makes state-driven military
spending and the growth of militaryindustrial complexes an outlet
for surplus and gives the current global order a frightening
built-in war drive (more on this below). Third is a crisis of
legitimacy and authority. The legitimacy of the system has
increasingly been called into question by millions, perhaps even
billions, of people around the world, and is facing an expanded
counter-hegemonic challenge. At a certain point in the late 1990s
popular resistance forces worldwide formed a critical mass,
coalescing around an agenda for global social justice. A global
peace and justice movement emerged from the womb of a rapidly
expanding transnational civil society, representing, as The New
York Times acknowledged, the worlds other superpower. In opening up
the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos,
Switzerland, in early 2003, on the eve of the U. S. invasion of
Iraq, Klaus Schwab sounded the alarm for the transnational elite.
Never before in the 33 years of the Forum, he said, has the
situation in the world been as fragile, as complex, and as
dangerous as this year.Implication Extensions U.S. intervention is
fuels transnational capitalism which in turn fuels militarism
Robinson Department of Sociology @ University of California, in
2k5 ( William, Global Capitalism: The New Transnationalism and the
Folly of Conventional Thinking, SCIENCE & SOCIETY Science &
Society, Vol. 69, No. 3, July 2005, 316328, ) More generally, the
structural changes that have led to the transnationalization of
national capitals, finances, and markets, and the actual outcomes
of recent U. S.led political and military campaigns, suggest new
forms of global capitalist domination, whereby intervention creates
conditions favorable to the penetration of transnational capital
and the renewed integration of the intervened region into the
global system. U. S. intervention facilitates a shift in power from
locally and regionally oriented elites to new groups more favorable
to the transnational project. The result of U. S. military conquest
is not the creation of exclusive zones for U. S. exploitation, as
was the result of the Spanish conquest of Latin America, the
British of South Africa and India, the Dutch of Indonesia, and so
forth, in earlier moments of the world capitalist system. We see
not a reenactment of this old imperialism but the colonization and
recolonization of the vanquished for the new global capitalism and
its agents. The underlying class relation between the TCC and the
U. S. national state needs to be understood in these terms. For
evident historical reasons, the U. S. military apparatus is the
ministry of war in the cabinet of an organically integrated yet
politically divided global ruling bloc. This is a ministry with a
lot of autonomous powers. Militaries typically acquire tremendous
autonomous powers in times of escalating wars and conflict,
especially in undemocratic systems such as the global capitalist
system.Borders Good Borders help to constrain, so that areas of
legal, conflict, and trade can be accessed.
Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold
Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of
Political Science at the University of South Carolina International
Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care.
SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project
Muse. Borders matter. Even in todays post-Cold War world of growing
democracy, interdependence, and globalization, borders still serve
a wide variety of functions across the areas of security,
economics, politics, and social interactions. Despite contemporary
challenges to sovereignty, borders still delineate areas of legal
competence. Borders encompass the territoriality necessary to the
concept of the state. They provide a key element in the structure
of the global systemmapping the number and arrangement of the
territorial units upon which all humans live. Thus, borders are
central to a spatial approach to international politics, by setting
out the location and arrangement of states, and their distances
from one another. Borders both facilitate and constrain human
interaction in conflict and trade, in war and in peace.
Borders help to remain control of what political you have
control to and ward off external influence such as Western
intervention. NO impact to Western imperialism
Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold
Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of
Political Science at the University of South Carolina International
Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care.
SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project
Muse. International law and legal matters have never been key
concerns of realism. However, territoriality is a central component
of state security and is fundamental to the (more or less
deterministic) geopolitical setting that also affects the security
of states. The establishment of legal boundaries provided the
nation-states that emerged in the Westphalian system the
territoriality dimension that had been lacking in the previous
system of feudal organization. The Treaty of Westphalia, signed in
1648, gave the ultimate political authority to the prince of a
given territorial unit, rather than to the Pope or the Holy Roman
Emperor. This legal condition of sovereignty gave the princes
government complete control over the territory and people on that
territory, and established that no external authority had the legal
right to dictate the behavior of the state or its peoples. The
states boundaries determined the crucial legal distinction between
what was internal (or domestic) and external (or the realm of
foreign relations). One primary function of borders, therefore, was
to define and delineate the boundaries of statesto describe the
areas of legal jurisdiction and to indicate where states had rights
and responsibilities.
Borders Good Borders allow concrete defenses again security.
Real impacts happen without the conceptualization that the K cant
answer.
Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold
Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of
Political Science at the University of South Carolina International
Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care.
SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project
Muse.
Liberal and pluralist challenges to realist theory have
developed various models over the past 50 yearsmodels of
integration, international interaction, and economic
interdependence. Paired with the current attention to
globalization, these models question the existence or utility of
sovereignty, territoriality, and significant borders in this highly
interdependent, globalized world. Yet, as noted, borders continue
to play an important legal role in world politics. Given the
democratic peace theory, which observes that pairs of democracies
have not fought wars against each other, borders have far less to
do with conflict or militarized conflict than legal issues. Indeed,
for neighboring democracies, debates about borders revolve around
issues of legal jurisdiction regarding commerce, the movement of
people or ideas, and other ideas. That said, borders are intimately
related to the security of states, which is the primary concern of
realism. John Herz,3 for example, argued that humans choose their
form of self-organization based on how well it will protect them.
The sovereign territorial state provided a hard shell against
would-be aggressors, thus making the state the dominant form of
organization. The chief thesis of Herzs 1957 article was that for
centuries the characteristics of the basic political unit, the
nation-state, had been its territoriality, that is, its being
identified with an area which, surrounded by a wall of
defensibility, was relatively impermeable to outside penetration
and thus capable of satisfying one fundamental urge of
humansprotection.
Real boundaries help to combat conflict, the idea of critical
geography comes after the real world threat of war.
Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold
Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of
Political Science at the University of South Carolina International
Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care.
SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project
Muse.
We must also keep in mind Bouldings concept of a critical
boundary, which captures the defensive aspects of a border, but at
the same time moves away from the legal character of a border:
The legal boundary of a nation, however, is not always its most
significant boundary. We need to develop a concept of a critical
boundary, which may be the same as the legal boundary but which may
lie either inside it or outside it... The penetration of an alien
organization inside this critical boundary will produce grave
disorganization... War, therefore is only useful as a defense of
the national organism if it is carried on outside the critical
boundary (emphasis in original)
Borders Good Borders help to manage conflict.
Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold
Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of
Political Science at the University of South Carolina International
Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care.
SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project
Muse. Students of international relations have been concerned with
distance for two broad reasons, the concepts of opportunity and
willingness.12 States (or any other social units) that are close to
each other are better able to interacthave the possibility or
opportunity of interacting with one another. This is the
interaction opportunity argument or approach, deriving directly
from the work of the Sprouts on environmental possibilism.
One key aspect of borders is that they affect the interaction
opportunities of states, constraining or expanding the
possibilities of interaction that are available to them. States
that share borders will tend to have a greater ease of interaction
with one another, and thus will tend to have greater numbers of
interactions. The number of other countries with which any single
state has interaction opportunities might measure such opportunity.
The degree to which such opportunity exists between any particular
pair of states is another measurement option. For example, James
Wesley argues that the length of a common border between two
countries is a better measure of geographic opportunity than simply
the number of borders.13
In addition, states that are close to each other are perceived
as important or salient to each other, for a variety of reasons.
Greater perceptions of threat, gain, and interdependence are ways
in which proximity can generate salience. These perceptions affect
the willingness to interact and to manage subsequent conflicts. Any
combination of the opportunity and willingness generated by
proximity makes states that are close to one another relevant to
one another. Students of international relations have structured
research designs to include only relevant dyadspairs of states that
are able to interact with one another, are highly likely to
interact with one another, and/or perceive important stakes
involved in that interaction.Borders allow for a better examination
of cultures and social groups.
Mantovani, 00,[Guiseppe Mantovani, Exploring Borders:
Understanding culture and psychology, Routledge London and
Philedelphia, 2001, pg.78, CDI 07, MS.]
Perm Solvency
Perm solves at the very least we must include scenarios
predicated on time, real scenarios of war must be considered with
the K
Starr, 2006 [Harvey Starr .Harvey Starr is the Dag Hammarskjold
Professor in International Affairs and Chair of the Department of
Political Science at the University of South Carolina International
Borders: What They Are, What They Mean, and Why We Should Care.
SAIS Review vol. XXVI no. 1 (Winter-Spring 2006) Pg online Project
Muse.
As I have argued in earlier work, analysts of international
politics cannot ignore the spatial dimension of human relations.
For analysts, and policymakers, the temporal dimensiontimedominates
analytic frameworks. But focusing on time only tells half of the
story. All human phenomena exist simultaneously at some point in
space and time. The spatial dimension must be included, and we must
find better ways to integrate the temporal and the spatial. While
not the only element of spatiality, borders continue to be a
significant factor in the spatial analysis of human relations. It
is hoped that this article, and this issue of the SAIS Review will
encourage scholarly and policy interest in borders and promote
continued research in this important area.Djibouti City: Bringing
Sexy Backhttp://summerdebate.cord.edu
25