'A Genealogist's Paradise:' France, Québec, and the Genealogics of Race

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‘A genealogist’s paradise’:France, Québec and thegenealogics of raceDarryl LerouxPublished online: 14 Aug 2014.

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‘A genealogist’s paradise’: France, Québecand the genealogics of race

Darryl Leroux

(Received 2 November 2013; accepted 16 June 2014)

Genealogy, or the study of one’s ancestral patri-lineage, has a long andesteemed pedigree in French Canadian and Québécois history. From CyprienTanguay’s late-nineteenth-century encyclopedias to René Jetté’s updatedversions more than a century later, genealogy has been an importantcomponent of French Canadian nationalisms. Tracing one’s ancestry back tothe early St. Lawrence settlement in the seventeenth century has providedQuébécois subjects with opportune political and social capital with which tomake territorial and national claims legitimate. Through a case studyapproach, I explain how genealogy provides the grounds upon whichQuébécois and French subjects remember a shared past. Specifically, Iexamine a variety of sites of memory in the French countryside, including amuseum that relies on ‘genealogics’ to call the French Canadian Québécoisback to its roots. As such, I demonstrate how the biological, read as acontemporary articulation of Balibar’s notion of the racial supplémentnecessary to nation building, travels across the Atlantic.

Keywords: genealogics of race; French Atlantic; colonial nostalgia; Québec;France; nationalism

France, Québec and the post-1960s rapprochement

This paper examines how ideas of race travel across the Atlantic viagenealogical projects based in blood and biology. To begin, I study thehistory of genealogical nationalism in French Canada/Québec, in order toidentify the salience of race in Québécois research on family history.I subsequently demonstrate how genealogy forms the basis of importantdimensions of the recent rapprochement between France and Québecthrough examining a case study featuring a number of ‘sites of memory’ ina region of rural France that identifies its emigrants as being decisive inthe settlement of New France.

© 2014 Taylor & Francis

Ethnic and Racial Studies, 2014http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.939206

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I take as a starting point a number of recent studies in history and inpolitical science on France–Québec economic, diplomatic and culturalrelationships (Comeau and Fournier 2002; Joyal and Linteau 2008; Meren2012) reinvigorated by post-Second World War socio-economic andcultural transformations in both societies. While many of the argumentsin these studies have aided in the conceptualization of my own study,I veer into intellectual territory largely unexplored by scholars ofcontemporary France–Québec relations by probing how these renewedconnections are sustained through racialized logics (see Marshall 2009;Leroux 2011). One aspect of these studies, however, that remainsincontrovertible throughout mine is the blossoming of cultural exchanges,economic partnerships, political affiliations, commercial endeavours,intellectual debates and diplomatic overtures between France and Québecand between French and Québécois peoples since the mid-twentiethcentury, particularly beginning in the early 1960s and intensified sincethe 1990s with the emergence of several transnational public historyprojects.1 It is this period of rapprochement that provides the context formuch of the development of the sites of memory that I examine in mystudy. The next section provides background on the specifics of genealogyin French Canada and Québec.

Family history as national history: the beginnings of genealogy inQuébec

It is no coincidence that my original scholarly interest in French Canadianhistory and politics, developed well over a decade ago, was spurred on bygenealogical research that I conducted once I began my university studies.During a two-year period, I spent dozens of late nights pouring overancestor websites and a few afternoons consulting genealogical encyclo-pedias in library collections in major urban centres. I eventually pinpointedthe arrival of several of my direct ancestors to the mid-seventeenth centuryon l’Ile d’Orléans, just downstream from Québec City, and to the northshore of the St. Lawrence quite near the island. In doing so, I was able tocontribute to the rudimentary family history that my paternal aunt haddeveloped a few decades before, the same one I had dutifully brought toclass in elementary school during one of the many sessions focusing ongenealogy during my French-language, Catholic upbringing in urbanOntario. Since that intense research period during my undergraduate days,I have contributed to a published family history (paternal grandmother)written by an amateur genealogist who insisted on calling me ‘cousin’throughout our correspondence, and received another 200-page genealo-gical history of my paternal grandfather’s patri-lineage written by anequally distant ‘cousin’. Through this research, I have found out that myancestors include Belgian, English, German and of course, mostly French

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settlers, as well as indigenous peoples. This was not the ancestralhomogeneity that I had been expecting. My research, and that of similarbudding historians, is facilitated by the genealogical infrastructure in placein French Canada/Québec, including an impressive array of online andarchival sources at our disposal at the satisfying click of a button.

There is little doubt that the field of genealogy has a storied lineage inFrench Canada. Cyprien Tanguay, author of the monumental seven-volume, 4,400-page Dictionnaire généalogique des familles canadiennesdepuis la fondation de la colonie jusqu’à nos jours, published from 1871to 1890, is most often held up as the ‘father of genealogy’ in Québec and/or French Canada.2 In fact, it was while consulting his encyclopaedia that Ifirst got a glimpse of an ancestor’s rather direct involvement in theseventeenth-century colonization process, as Tanguay lists him as acaptain in the militia responsible for war against the ‘Iroquois’. Ironically,Tanguay’s passion for history and historical detail fuelled my own hungerfor understanding French (Canadian) colonialism, a presumably inadvert-ent by-product of contemporary anti-colonial concerns.

Due to his extensive experience in the field of family genealogy and hisinvolvement in the inaugural Dominion census, Tanguay helped todevelop what Bruce Curtis (2002, 249) has called a ‘statistical monu-mentalism [that] identified “the people” and placed it in a historicaltrajectory’, a project quite valuable to developing forms of FrenchCanadian nationalism in the late-nineteenth century. René Jetté, a historianand fellow genealogist, has argued:

Tanguay also subscribed to the values associated with a nationalist ideologythat prevailed in his time: a pride to be born of the French “race,” anenduring commitment to the Catholic religion, an exaltation of a pre-industrial way of life and family worship. (Jetté 1993, 15, original emphasis,my translation)

Curtis (2002, 250) concurs, arguing that Tanguay’s work posited that‘genealogy was central to the fabrication of French-Canadian nationality’.Tanguay’s oeuvre paved the way for what Jetté identifies as the ‘moral’project of genealogy that supported very conservative forms of nationalismuntil at least the 1950s.

In a recent study of Jacques Cartier, Alan Gordon (2010) demonstrateshow genealogy provided more ways than one to put a familiar face tonational history. In his analysis of Tanguay’s work and other nineteenth-century genealogical projects, he argues:

that, ‘Genealogy was part of a search to define the nation, a search givenurgency in the mid-nineteenth century. In the thinking of nineteenth-centuryCatholic nationalists, the family, not the individual, was the foundation ofthe nation, and, rhetorically, the nation was an extension of the family.’(Gordon 2010, 62)

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In other words, genealogy provided nineteenth-century nationalists,many of whom were articulating particularly conservative forms ofnationalism after the crushing defeat of the Rebellions of 1837−1838, ameans to show an unbroken chain of national survival all the way back tothe original seventeenth-century French settlers. Gordon goes on toexplain how to these early nationalists, French Canadians were like thedescendants of Abraham peopling a largely hostile, faraway land. As heexplains it: ‘Once again, the image is one of a few families becoming anation. National history, for the French of North America, is not solelypolitical and economic history: it is also family history’ (Gordon 2010,83). Not unlike the biblical story, French Canadians can now trace theirlineage back, not to one common ancestor per se, but to common foundingmale colonists in the seventeenth century, thanks largely in part to thegenealogical project. Genealogy, then, is not simply a search for one’sancestors; it also constructs the boundaries of the national family.

Québec is certainly not the only national community with a well-developed genealogical sector. Much of the literature on the rise ofgenealogy in Western countries post-1950s points to several interrelatedsocio-historical and economic factors leading to an increased interest ingenealogical research.3 Included among the most common are a generalincrease in recreational time and a subsequent search for pastimes; highereducational levels among the populace; and a search for distinctions insocieties increasingly based in liberal philosophical notions of equality.Besides these more general observations, in scholarly work on ‘rootstourism’ in the Scottish Highlands (Basu 2007) and in Armenia (Fourcade2010) or in the growing literature on what Wessendorf (2007) calls ‘rootsmigrants’ and Teerling (2011) calls ‘third-cultural spaces of belonging’(i.e. when one returns to live in their parents’ homelands in search ofnational belonging), the connections between nationalism and genealogyare well articulated.

Yet, it remains common for historians and genealogists to argue for theunique place of genealogy in Québec. For instance, Leslie Choquetteargues:

France… transformed the colony into a kind of laboratory of state-of-the-artsocial practices. Administrators and Catholic reform clerics extended theirauthority into every domain of social life; hence, the plethora of ecclesiast-ical, administrative, notarial, and judicial records that are such a boon todemographers and historians. (Choquette 1997, 5)

After twenty years of analysing data from the first university-basedgenealogy project in Québec (Programme de recherche en démographiehistorique), Hubert Charbonneau and his collaborators came to similarconclusions: ‘Whether in New England, Brazil, or Spanish America, noother pioneer population could undergo such a meticulous examination, at

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least not for such a remote time period’ (Charbonneau et al. 1987, 3, mytranslation). Finally, René Jetté, Québec’s most decorated twentieth-centurygenealogist,4 explains Québec’s position as a ‘genealogist’s paradise’:

The advent of a genealogy market in the first half of the twentieth century andespecially, its constant growth since the 1960s, are in reality symptoms of amuch deeper phenomenon: genealogy has become the pastime – or passion –of not only a few dozen scholars with legal or vaguely moralizing intentions,but for tens of thousands of fans who go hunting for their ancestors duringtheir leisure time… Without a doubt, the recent growth of genealogy inQuébec is… related to specific factors that ascribe to Québec the enviablequalifier of a “ genealogist’s paradise:” the quality of its sources, whether interms of content or preservation, as well as the production and distribution ofnumerous research instruments (marriage registries, encyclopaedias,archives, microfilming of parish records, deeds, and census records, andetc.). (Jetté 1993, 16, original emphasis, my translation)

Notably, in his significant work on the relationships among nationalism,racism and genealogy, Étienne Balibar explains that a focus on genealo-gical lineage relies on an idea of race:

The symbolic kernel of the idea of race (and of its demographic and culturalequivalents) is the schema of genealogy, that is, quite simply the idea thatthe filiation of individuals transmits from generation to generation asubstance both biological and spiritual and inscribes them in a temporalcommunity known as “kinship”. (Balibar 1991, 100)

As Balibar argues, genealogy is at the centre of race-making and theconsequent creation of a ‘people’, through interconnected biological(presumably ‘blood’) and spiritual (presumably culture, language, religion)elements. Once the biological connection is identified, I argue via Balibar,the discursive field is open to signify the precise ‘spiritual’ nature of theQuébécois. One of the ways that the family history narrative promoted byancestor research imaginatively reconstructs the French Canadian Québé-cois family is by homogenizing early French settlers.

Tanguay’s project, for instance, recreated the early settlers’ linguistic,ethnic, religious and national origins, and ‘homogenized the places ofEuropean origin’, as Curtis (2002, 251) argues, ‘conveniently neglectingthe fact that for many immigrants, “France” was an unstable entity at thetime of migration, and that French was a language not spoken by many“French” men [who were the origins of patrilineal descent]’.5 Thelinguistic diversity displayed by early settlers is almost entirely erasedfrom genealogical representations of seventeenth-century French settle-ment in the Americas.

As example, at the time of the French Revolution (in this case, inJune 1794), well over a century after the French settlements along the

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St. Lawrence began taking shape, Abbé Grégoire – a leading Jacobin andfounding member of the Société des amis des Noirs – wrote the highlyinfluential report to the revolutionary National Convention that led tocentralized efforts to eradicate minority languages in France. In the report,entitled Rapport sur la Nécessité et les Moyens d’anéantir les Patois etd’universaliser l’Usage de la Langue française, he claimed:

We can affirm, without any exaggeration, that at least six million Frenchpeople [out of a population of fifteen million], above all in the countryside,are completely ignorant of the national language; that a similar number ismore or less unable to hold a conversation; the end result is that the numberof people who can speak it is no more than three million, and no doubt thenumber of those who write it correctly is even less. (cited in Lodge1993, 199)

Grégoire’s report further legitimized Jacobin discourses that held thatregional languages were counter-revolutionary. His rebuke of the richlinguistic tapestry of Ancien Régime France has long stood to represent theRepublican ideological commitment to an ‘indivisible nation’, with Frenchas its only official language. The debate over the Republic’s officialsupport for minority languages once again erupted in the 1990s andcontinues today, following the development of the European Charter forRegional or Minority Languages in 1992 (Wright 2000; Oakes 2011).Consequently, by constructing such a seamless narrative of sameness,relying primarily as it does on kinship relations, Tanguay laid thegroundwork for a genealogical nationalism that in many ways flourishesin present-day Québec, including through dozens of grass-roots, publichistory associations.

The Fédération québécoise des sociétés de généalogie (FQSG) has beenthe voice of genealogical associations in Québec since 1984. With seventymember associations and over 20,000 active members in 2011, the FQSG‘[defends] the rights of member associations at diverse governmental andpara-governmental levels’ (Fédération 2013, my translation). In addition tobeing the principal lobbying group for the genealogy sector in Québec, theFQSG also regulates the industry. On its website it has published an EthicalCode for Genealogists that its member associations must demonstrablyfollow in all of their research. And as a quasi-professional organization, italso runs the Bureau québécois d’attestation de compétence en généalogie,which develops testing material in order to offer certification to researchersin three positions: certified family genealogist, certified research genealogistand certified master genealogist. The growing interest and availability ofresearch tools also launched several high-profile academic projects in the1960s and 1970s. Let us look at one specific project, the largest and longest-running university-based genealogical research project in Québec’s history,before turning to my case study in rural France.

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Genealogy and nationalism in Québec: the example of BALSAC

The BALSAC database was created in 1972 at the Université du Québec àChicoutimi (UQAC) by historian-sociologist Gérard Bouchard, in partner-ship with researchers at the Université de Montréal, McGill University andUniversité Laval. The project recreated the population of the Saguenay-Lac St-Jean region (e.g. Chicoutimi, Jonquière, La Baie) from 1838 to1971 using 660,000 records, such as birth, marriage and death certificates.Eventually, the objectives of the project broadened to include ‘theautomatic recreation of genealogical relations and kinship structures inthe Québec population over four centuries. BALSAC covers the entireterritory of Québec, from the beginning of European settlement in theseventeenth century to the contemporary period’ (BALSAC 2013a). Asone of the largest and most prolific university research projects basedprimarily in the social sciences and humanities in Canadian and Québécoishistory, the BALSAC project has received tens of millions of dollars ofresearch funding since its inception, including a very recent CA$2 millionaward from the Canada Foundation for Innovation (BALSAC 2013a).

As a way to consider some of the continuities in nineteenth- and twenty-first-century genealogical discourses, let us consider BALSAC’s descrip-tion of the Québec population, under the ‘Population Database’ tab on thehome page of its website:

Both by its history and its contemporary structure, the Quebec populationpresents characteristics that make it an ideal candidate for a populationdatabase with a focus on history, demography and genealogy. These featuresinclude, for example, the presence of a strong founder effect withimmigrants from France starting to settle along the St-Lawrence valley inthe early seventeenth century. In the second half of the eighteenth century,in the aftermath of the English conquest, non-francophone immigrantsbegan to settle in the new British colony.Finally, the twentieth century was characterized by a significant diversifica-tion of international immigration… Among eight million inhabitants, wefind a predominantly francophone population, heirs of the French regime,and a multiethnic population concentrated in the Montreal area withoffshoots in every corners (sic) of the province.Quebec has the advantage of an exceptional documentary resource… whichallows us to trace the history of the population. (BALSAC 2013b, emphasisadded)

The story that we learn about the Québécois through BALSAC’s promo-tional material mirrors the ideological underpinnings of the nationalisminherent in Tanguay’s early genealogical project by introducing anachron-istic social categories and homogenizing people in time and space. Thestatement above, for example, introduces three particular social categoriesof interest: eighteenth-century ‘non-francophone immigrants’, a twentieth-century ‘francophone’ population and a twentieth-century ‘multiethnic’

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population. In all cases, the categories tell us much more about present-daypolitical concerns than about historically relevant groupings. First, BAL-SAC begins its historical narrative about the ‘Québec population’ with thearrival of French settlers in the seventeenth century, leaving little doubt thatin their genealogical project, indigenous peoples are not part of what it callsthe ‘Québec population’. This type of absence-presence, whereby indigen-ous history lies dangling on the periphery of Québec history, is very muchconstitutive of white settler colonialism. As Laura Schaefli and AnneGodlewska (2013, 111) explain, in the context of Québec: ‘Settler ignoranceis willful in the sense that, regardless of intention or impact, it is sanctioned,explicitly taught, and rewarded.’ And as this example from BALSACattests, it is consistent across a range of sites.

Second, BALSAC introduces the concept of language in its narrativeonly to identify non-French-speaking immigrants post-conquest. Not onlywere there a significant proportion of non-French speakers from Franceduring the French regime, as I detailed above, but immigrants post-conquest were diverse linguistically, ethnically, religiously and in terms ofclass. They were also politically diverse, as evidenced in the well-documented participation of French- and English-speaking; Catholic andProtestant; Irish, Scottish, Polish and English insurrectionists during theRebellions of 1837–1838 (Greer 1993; Lamonde 2000). In BALSAC’ssearch for the genealogical origins of the Québec population, all Frenchsettlers become French-speaking, while all post-conquest immigrants arenon-French-speaking, constructing a tidy division that fits in nicely withcurrent national discourses in Québec that rely on language as the primarysocial division in Canada/Québec.

Finally, in the second paragraph of BALSAC’s description of the Québecpopulation, how to explain that language is used to identify the ‘heirs of theFrench regime’ (i.e. francophones), while ethnicity marks the ‘populationconcentrated in the Montréal area’ (i.e. multiethnic)? There are several waysto read this statement – all francophones are descendants of the originalFrench settlers; non-French ethnic groups do not speak French; thedescendants of the original French settlers are without ethnicity – all ofwhich point to the exclusion of non-francophones and/or ethnicized othersin BALSAC’s definition of the ‘Québec population’. Its vision of theQuébec population as a French-speaking, ethnically homogenous nationalcommunity descending from seventeenth-century settlers has a longpedigree in Québécois history, with at its basis a reading of national historyas family history, as Gordon (2010) explained previously. Given BALSAC’sfocus on kinship-based genealogical research, what exactly is the relevanceof the French language to its project?

BALSAC’s mission to reconstruct the Québécois population, despite itsmany nods to the diversity of the population, constructs what Balibar hascalled a ‘fictive ethnicity’:

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No nation possesses an ethnic base naturally, but as social formations arenationalized, the population included within them, divided up among themor dominated by them are ethnicized – that is, represented in the past or inthe future as if they formed a natural community. (Balibar 1991, 96, originalemphasis)

As he goes on to explain, there are two routes that are taken to constructsuch fictive ethnicities: language and race. Language is most often a first-order national characteristic, what Balibar (1991, 98) calls ‘the veryelement of a life of a people’. Yet, since it is ‘always possible toappropriate several languages and to turn oneself into a different kind ofbearer of discourse’ (98), as is the case with second- and third-generationimmigrants who may no longer speak their ‘mother’ tongue but thenational language, then the construction of a fictive ethnicity requires anextra order of exclusion. And it is here that genealogy, as in the case ofBALSAC’s work, offers the racial ‘supplément’ (100) or degree ofexclusion necessary to draw the boundaries around the French CanadianQuébécois. Contemporary genealogical projects need not speak explicitlyabout race – in fact, it is best if they do not at all – but their reliance onlineage situates their project in racial terms. Whatever the intentions of theproducers of genealogical tools and projects, the very basis for thegenealogical sector is in biological and interrelated ‘spiritual’ dimensionsthat construct a people, the French Canadian Québécois, as the rightfulnational population.

Let us now turn to my case study in the Perche region of north-centralFrance, which includes an analysis of the development of a new museum,several museum exhibits, monuments, buildings, bus tours, ‘memorymaps’, genealogical associations, contextual interviews with museum staffin the area, and the work of genealogical associations in Québec. What tiesall of the material together is an unabashed reliance on what I call‘genealogics’ that situate seventeenth-century emigrants from Perche asdecisive in the settlement of New France.

Genealogics of belonging: calling the French Canadian Québécoisback to its roots

The Musée de l’émigration française au Canada is located in the smalltown of Tourouvre (population 1,400) in the Ancien régime province ofPerche. Perhaps best known for its hard-working breed of horses (thePercherons), the tiny region near the northwest corner of France alsohappens to be the area from where nearly 300 settlers left for New Francein the seventeenth century. As we will see, Perche, and especially the smalltown of Tourouvre, is increasingly situated as the birthplace of Québécoisgenealogy. In fact, in genealogical and academic circles in Québec, it isquite common to read about the region’s unique contribution to Québec

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(Charbonneau 1970; Dickinson 2008). For instance, Bertrand Desjardins, along-time professor of historical genealogy at the Université de Montréal,has argued that:

a group from Perche that arrived at the very beginning of the colony…many of whom were married in France, settled with children themselvesready to be married, and thus played a role rarely equaled in the history ofhuman settlement. (Desjardins 2008, 78, my translation)

For several decades, and increasingly in the post-1960s era, groups ofFrench Canadian Québécois pilgrims have travelled to the small towns andvillages of the region in search of material signs of their ancestors’ livesprior to their Atlantic crossing hundreds of years earlier. Church records,town archives, farmhouses and ruins have all held unmistakable value assigns of Québec’s French heritage. Nowhere are the efforts to situateQuébec’s origins in France more apparent than in Perche and especially inTourouvre, the town from where nearly 20% of the Percherons settlersoriginated. No ancestral tour of France has ever been complete without astop in the region. The long tradition of Québécois visitors to Tourouvre isstill on ready display today in the Saint-Aubin Church, where QuébecPrime Minister Honoré Mercier (1887–1891) dedicated two large panes ofstained glass in May 1891: one depicting his ancestor Julien Mercier’sdeparture for New France from a French port around 1650 and oneshowing Mercier meeting townsfolk and priests during his visit to thechurch nearly 250 years later. In addition to this very visible sign ofQuébec’s connection to the area, a large plaque financed and placed by theAssociation Perche-Canada just inside the church doors, lists the birthdatesof Québécois settlers born in Tourouvre, including Julien Mercier and JeanGuyon, a local carpenter who worked on church renovations in 1615 andwho is perhaps best known as Céline Dion’s direct ancestor.

Partly on the strength of the continued tide of Québécois visitors insearch of their ancestors, and no doubt facilitated by the activity ofnumerous genealogical associations in Québec and in France, a localhistorical society undertook a feasibility study for an internationallysignificant museum in 1996. Although the study proved instrumental insolidifying support for a new museum, two key events pushed it into theimplementation phase. First, the new municipal charter signed in2000 empowered the local government to focus on attracting tourists tothe region as a source of revenue in the historically agriculturaldepartment. Besides its claim as an important site of Québécois pilgrim-tourism, the region also boasts an impressive forested landscape thatmakes it an attractive site for both ecotourists and hunters intent onescaping the city. The region has built a network of 2,000 km ofbackcountry trails for hikers and cyclists alike, making it an idealdestination for intrepid adventurers from the Parisian metropolitan area.

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The Forêt domaniale du Perche et de la Trappe, managed by the OfficeNational des Forêts, is only a few kilometres north of Tourouvre. It, alongwith the eight other national forests in the Department, is especiallypopular among big game hunters seeking wild boar and deer, as well asamong mushroom foragers.

Second, the Canadian government made a sizeable donation to themuseum project in its funding for the celebration of Acadia’s 400thanniversary in 2004. The funding package was the federal government’sefforts to neutralize more aggressively Québec’s sovereign political claimsby pouring monies into the celebration of the birth of Acadia.6 Both ofthese events conspired to ensure that the museum’s board of directorscould secure further funding from the European Union, the FrenchRepublic, the Région Basse-Normandie and the Département de l’Ornefor the building of a museum in the centre of Tourouvre.7

It was into this background that Claude Laverdure, Canada’s ambas-sador to France, and six regional officials inaugurated the Musée del’émigration française au Canada on 30 September 2006, with thefollowing words etched onto the plaque marking its inauguration:‘Dedicated to those who, on either side of the Atlantic, want to knowand understand their history’ (my translation). As the museum explainsfurther in its catalogue:

Our visitors’ motivations are many: a return to their roots, a pilgrimage onthe land of their ancestors or a family reunion. For the French, they comemostly to discover a page of history that has profoundly and lastinglymarked their spirits. (Musée de l’émigration française au Canada 2010, 2,my translation)

In its direct use of the language that Balibar outlines as fundamental tonational ideas of race (‘spirit’), the museum illustrates part of the post-1960s basis of the renewed Québec–France relationship: a genealogicalunderstanding that relies on ancestral lineage (‘biology’) and markers suchas history and language (‘spirit’). Who in France or in Québec is calledinto such a celebration of the spirit of colonialism? Surely, given the activedebate about France’s colonial heritage8 and the emerging critiques ofQuébécois forms of racial rule (Austin 2010; Salée 2010; Cornellier 2014),the outright celebration of a relationship forged in the cauldron ofcolonialism is anything but universal.9

Given the distance between Perche and Québec and the costs associatedwith travelling there, the museum’s recruitment has been quite successful.Over their first four years of operation, nearly 15% of the approximately32,000 visitors to the museum have been Québécois. On the afternoon thatI was browsing through the exhibit on my first research trip, I met a fewseparate groups of French Canadian Québécois, including one man wholived in Montréal and was on his second visit to the area, his first visit

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being in 1987, and a couple from the suburbs of Montréal who were ontheir first trip to France. I also learned about dozens of previous Québécoisvisitors to the region while staying on a farm about 20 km from Tourouvre.

The permanent exhibit, ‘Du Perche au Nouveau Monde, une aventurehumaine’, is the main attraction at the museum. Developed for its openingin 2006, the exhibit is divided into four large rooms. The first room tellsthe story of the Percheron migration to New France. Featuring poster-likepanels with text and images, the visitor is reminded of how the uniquemake-up of the Perche migration to New France was largely responsiblefor the St. Lawrence Valley settlement. The exhibit constantly evokespatri-lineage, since the fifty most common names in Québec are painted ona wall in the final room, ensuring that the visitor knows that among thesenames, Perche accounts for not only the two most common ones, but adisproportionate number for a region of its size and importance in theRepublic. As the exhibit puts it, the 282 Percherons who migrated to NewFrance were ‘a small, but decisive contingent’ (Musée de l’émigrationfrançaise au Canada 2012, my translation).

The exhibit uses the figure of Robert Drouin to illustrate this last point.Drouin, a Percheron, arrived in New France in 1636. The exhibit informsits audience that there are now 36,000 people in Québec carrying Robert’sname, out of an overall French Canadian population in Québec of fewerthan seven million. According to the Institut de la Statistique du Québec,Drouin was the 127th most common family name in Québec in 2006(Institut de la statistique 2013).10 In order to build links with Québec’sDrouin families, there is an Association des Amis Robert Drouin enFrance that shares information and pools resources with its sistergenealogical association in Québec. To bring this point home, the exhibitfeatures a photo of a large delegation of approximately 100 Drouins fromQuébec on the steps of the Saint-Aubin Church. A caption tells the visitorthat the Drouin delegation travelled to Tourouvre in 2007 to mark whatwould have been their shared ancestor’s 400th birthday.

A similar photo, this one in the church vestibule, depicts anotherQuébécois ‘family’ in Tourouvre. The caption to this second photo,featuring a large group of people cheering and waving Québécois flags,tells us that in 1988, over 400 Tremblays from Québec also visited the‘land of their ancestor’. Not only was it an occasion for prominentmembers of the Québécois Tremblay clan to visit France, but as in the caseof the Drouin reunion, it was also an opportunity for Tremblays in Franceto cement familial ties in the Americas. The Association des Tremblay deFrance was inaugurated following the visit in 1988 and continues tomaintain very close ties with its North American equivalent (Associationdes Tremblay d’Amérique). The two sister associations correspond oftenand organize regular visits. The last French trip took place in 2010 andinvolved nearly fifty members who visited the region where PierreTremblay settled near Baie-Saint-Paul, on the north shore of the

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St. Lawrence. There have actually been several Québécois Tremblay visitsto France – the first large-scale visit took place in spring 1957 (Associationdes Tremblay d’Amérique 2014). Whether in the example of the Drouin orTremblay families, we can see here the importance that large-scalepilgrimage plays in the establishment of the joint Québec–France ancestralproject.

The museum also plays a growing role as an institutional nexus in theFrance–Québec relationship, since it facilitates two other key features ofthe Québécois search for ancestral origins. The first takes place throughoutthe region and involves public history producers. In conjunction with themuseum, the Commission franco-québécoise de lieux de mémoirecommuns (CFQLMC) recently developed a driving route through therural region with multicoloured signage that facilitates visits to local sitesof memory. In addition, with the help of the regional government, it haserected a large map of the area between the church and the mayoralty inthe town square, with sites of memory, mostly churches, houses andmonuments, clearly marked alongside other features of the landscape.

The second also takes place throughout the region and involves a searchfor ancestral homes on specially organized bus tours that often begin inParis. The museum has two large coach buses emblazoned with its logothat it contracts out to tour operators who arrange for the pick-up ofpilgrims in Paris or upon arrival in Tourouvre. For example, the museumprovides tourists with maps and tours of local homes where the Gagnon,Tremblay, Leclerc or Drouin male ancestors lived before they left Perchein the early seventeenth century for New France. These pilgrimages tolocal homes, often organized in small hamlets on the edge of town, haveproven incredibly popular with Québécois tourists. I went on such a tour tothe Gagnon house in August 2010, having just discovered that Gagnonwas the second-most common name in Québec. The main house was inimpeccable shape, now inhabited by non-Gagnon residents who work in alocal administrative town. Decorated with colourful flowers and with alarge backyard garden, it was situated about 3 km from Tourouvre on theedge of some fields and a stand of large trees. The rough, narrow roadleading to it betrays its importance in local attempts to attract internationaltourists.

As I stood there staring at the house, I wondered what local residentsmight think at the sight of a large bus carrying up to fifty tourists fromQuébec inching down a small sixteenth-century laneway to a tiny hamlet,now largely inhabited by people who have little to do with the history ofNew France. From my discussion with local residents, it seems thatbemusement might be the most exact way to categorize their sentiments.One local resident told me a story of an elderly Québécois woman whoarrived at one of these houses (Gannonière) carrying an urn with herdeceased husband’s ashes. According to my source, the woman explainedto local residents and museum workers that it had long been her husband’s

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dream to visit his French ancestor’s home. He never had the good fortuneof undertaking the pilgrimage so as a way to honour his wishes she flew toFrance to scatter his ashes on the grounds of the ancestral Gagnon home,without realizing that spreading ashes in such a fashion is in fact illegal inFrance. Local residents turn their cheek to this and other indiscretions,such as busloads of people scooping up earth or picking flowers fromancestors’ yards to bring back to Québec, since they have come to acceptthe eccentricities of ancestor hunters. Québécois pilgrims will usually addat least one of these outings to their museum visit, compounding thesearch for origins. Above all, the exhibit, the museum, the CFQLMC andthe entire Perche region seem intent to situate its emigrants as the ancestralsource of the French Canadian Québécois. As such, the museum and itsmany corollaries rely rather openly on bio-racial understandings of family,lineage and kinship to foster the renewed Québec–France bond. Given thewell-developed genealogical infrastructure in Québec, the collaborationsbetween French and Québécois public history and genealogical organiza-tions, and the intensified development of sites of memory in the Frenchcountryside since the late 1990s, the efforts seem to be paying off.

The birthplace of Québec: genealogics and the French Atlantic

In this paper, I build on Balibar’s theorization of the links among racism-nationalism-genealogy and some previous work exploring the racial logicof the post-1960s Québec–France cultural and social rapprochement inorder to develop what I am calling the ‘genealogics’ of that transatlanticrelationship. I demonstrate how the long and esteemed history ofgenealogy and its relationship with nationalism in Québec have laid thegroundwork for the construction of the old Ancien Régime province ofPerche as the genealogical birthplace of the French Canadian Québécoispeople. Ideas of lineage, of kinship, of family and ultimately of blood aremobilized to call Québécois subjects to the region through a number ofsites of memory, including a major museum, several permanent exhibits,ancestral bus and walking tours, anniversary pilgrimages and drivingroutes. Most of these sites have been in development since the late 1990s,while some were created as recently as 2010, coinciding with severalmajor commemorative events in French Canada and in Québec (seeLeroux 2010).

It seems that for the time being, museum workers, artists, historians,curators, other cultural producers and public history workers will continueto use blood-based understandings of ‘biological’ connectedness in theirwork, providing the racial supplément that moves through and beyondlanguage. These bio-racial genealogics present the French CanadianQuébécois subject, understood narrowly as a descendant of seventeenth-century French settlers, with the possibility of ‘return’ to its territorial and

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ancestral roots, since these logics have a very particular resonance stillquite closely related to nationalist claims. For French subjects expressingforms of colonial nostalgia, capitalizing on the blood relationship with asettler population in the Americas helps resolve some public misgivingsabout the Republic’s role in recent global history. Through the empiricalmaterial that I analyse in this paper, race, in the sense of blood and lineage,binds the Québécois and French together.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to acknowledge comments made by Xiaobei Chen, AmyHintenberger, Roshan Jahangeer, Abby Lippman, Délice Mugabo, the twoanonymous reviewers and the editors at Ethnic and Racial Studies on previousversions of this paper.

Notes

1. The most notable being the Commission franco-québécoise de lieux demémoire communs (CFQLMC), founded in 1996 as a binational public historyassociation whose mission is to build sites of memory that contribute to a jointFrance–Québec identity. Relying exclusively on Pierre Nora’s (1989) notion ofsites of memory, the CFQLMC makes the case for its memory work:

The current context of globalization and media convergence… tends to standardizecultures and societies. Among the French and Québécois, the imbalance betweenglobalization and identity translates into a need and will to find one’s roots. Sharing along period of collective history, they seek to keep memory alive. (CFQLMC 2014, mytranslation)

2. Joseph-Arthur Leboeuf wrote a follow-up, the Complément à Tanguay, a 600-page encyclopedia that identifies errata in Tanguay’s original volumes. It was firstpublished in 1957 (200 pages) and then in 1977 (an additional 400 pages).3. The impressive growth in ancestral websites, such as Ancestry.com,Archives.com and Canadiana; popular cultural productions that rely on ancestrallogics, such as the television show Who Do You Think You Are? (UK 2004), whichhas spawned at least fifteen international adaptations; a series of television showsin the USA, including Family Tree, Genealogy Roadshow and Finding YourRoots; and the television show Sur les traces du passé in France and Germany allattest to the rise of genealogy, and especially, of genomics in the ‘West.’4. Besides publishing dozens of scholarly articles and two other books, Jettéfirst published an update to Tanguay’s original encyclopedia, the Dictionnairegénéalogique des familles du Québec, des origines jusqu’en 1730, in 1983. Itremains the most important twentieth-century genealogical encyclopedia publishedin Québec. In 2003, Jetté was awarded the American French GenealogicalSociety’s Award for Special Achievement in Genealogical Research and, in 2009,the Fédération québécoise des sociétés de généalogie, the national genealogicalassociation, inaugurated an annual award for the author of the genealogical bookof the year in his honour (Prix René-Jetté). His hometown, Ste-Hyacinthe(population 55,000), also named a street after him in 2010.

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5. This homogenization of the ‘French’ stood in contrast to the 1871 Census’scareful separation of Britain into England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland. Theimpact of breaking English-speaking peoples into categories of national origin wasthat French became the largest nationality in Canada (see Curtis 2002, 248–251).6. Ronald Rudin (2009) outlines the conflicting social, political and historicalissues at play in the Acadian commemorative events in 2004 and 2005, includingfederal-provincial wrangling and Acadia–Québec battles.7. Upon his visit to Tourouvre in June 2000 to confirm Canadian governmentsupport for the museum, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien said:

I came back here during my official visit to France because more than one out of fiveFrench-Canadians… are directly related to Perche. This figure makes sense if you thinkthat even though only 225 Percherons emigrated to Canada (sic), we now estimate thatthey have 1.5 million Canadian descendants. In addition, historians and demographersestimate that because the Percherons were among the first French settlers in Canada (sic),the majority of French-Canadians have Percheron blood. This means that Perche is one ofthe principal cradles of our ancestors. (Perche-Québec 2014, my translation)

8. For some examples, Sue Peabody and Tyler Stovall (2003), Nicolas Bancel andSandrine Lemaire (2005), Dominic Thomas (2007) and Pap Ndiyae (2008) have allraised questions about the specific ways in which the politics of colonialismcontinue to influence French political and social life (for overviews, see Stam andShohat 2012; Kellman 2013).9. Bancel et al. (2005, 15) argue that the many efforts to celebrate colonialism inFrance make it ‘practically the only European country to have deliberately sidedwith a “colonial nostalgia”… that has sought to dissociate national and colonialhistory’ (my translation).10. Among the top ten family names in Québec in 2006, six originated solely inthe Perche region (most with one common ancestor): Tremblay (ranked first),Gagnon (second), Côté (fourth, unconfirmed, but Jetté offers probable evidence),Bouchard (fifth), Fortin (ninth) and Gagné (tenth). The only other name in the topten with non-Percheron origins with less than twelve ancestors carrying the nameis Lavoie (eight), with two ancestors originating in Normandy.

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DARRYL LEROUX is Assistant Professor in the Department ofSociology and Criminology at Saint Mary’s University.ADDRESS: Department of Sociology and Criminology, Saint Mary’s Uni‐versity, Halifax, NS B3H 3C3, Canada. Email: [email protected]

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