Female migration in Greece and Domestic Work
Dr Laura Alipranti- Maratou
Research Director , National Centre for Social Research EKKE- Athens
Female immigration
An important feature of the immigration process in Greece is the large proportion of women who migrate alone in search of employment and do not follow the traditional pattern of accompanying male family members.
The feminization of labour migration has become a common phenomenon in E.U. countries as well as in Southern Europe especially due to changing global economic trends.
Women usually migrate for work mainly in personal and domestic service and in the sex trade, the so-called trafficking.
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1951 0,4
1961 0,7
1971 1,1
1981 1,8
1991 1,6
2001 7,3
Foreign population
Population of Greece by citizenship 1951-2001
Source: NSSG, 1951-2001 Censuses
Country of origin
Most of the women are of Albanian citizenship (52,2%), while 10% are from Balkan countries (Romanian, Bulgarian citizenship) and about 12% originate from the countries of the former Soviet Union (U.S.S.R.). The rest are nationals of the Philippines and Poland and other Third World countries.
The proportion of women in each ethnic group, ranges from 0,4% (Pakistan) to 75% (Ukraine) is characteristic and is related to the country of origin
Foreigners by gender and citizenship, 2001
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Albania
Bulgaria
Georgia
Romania
U.S.
Russia
Cyprus
Ukraine
U.K.
Poland
Germany
Pakistan
Other Women
Men
Proportion ofwomen in total
78,60%
27,20%
75,70%
32,10%
82,90%
20,70%
Total Male Female
Urban areas
Rural areas
Source: NSSG, Population census, 2001
Foreign population by region, 2001 Foreign population by region, 2001
Region of settlement
As it is easier to find a job in services and also to avoid police controls in a city, 80% of all women and 70% of men are concentrated in urban areas, mainly in Greater Athens and Thessaloniki.
Only 1/3 one third (32%) of men and 20% of women have settled in rural areas.
Motivating factors
Among the strongest motivating factors for women immigrants to leave their countries of origin are: low living standards, poverty and unemployment, economic restructuring, political repression and environmental problems.
These women usually come in search of access to economic improvement or for family reunification and draw their origin from Eastern European countries.
Women from the Balkan countries and the former Soviet Union migrate more usually alone while Albanian women move en famille.
Source: NSSG, Population Census 18.05. 2001, unpublished data
Foreigners by citizenship and main reason for settling in Greece,2001
Foreigners by citizenship and main reason for settling in Greece,2001
0,00%
10,00%
20,00%
30,00%
40,00%
50,00%
60,00%
70,00%
80,00%
TotalAlbaniansBulgarians
The way in which they have settled in
Greece About 60% of the immigrants
arrived in Greece “with their family” and 40% of them entered the country alone.
However, women immigrants, as it was expected, arrived more frequently with “other family members” 73% compared to about 50% of the men (half of them).
Foreigners by gender and way of settlement
Foreigners by gender and way of settlement
Source: NSSG, 2001 Census
60,30%
51,40%
73,10%
39,70%
48,60%
26,90%
With family Without family
Total
Male
Female
marital status
Regarding the marital status, as expected, there are more married women than men (62,7% and 51,3% respectively).
The proportion of divorcees seems to be low for both men and women (6% and 9%).
As immigrants are relatively young, we found out that more than one third are unmarried (35% in total).
However, fewer women are unmarried (22%)
55,9
51,3
62,7
35,1
43,9
22,2
5,5
3,2
8,8
3,5 1,6
6,3
Married Single Divorced Widow
Total
Male
Female
Source: NSSG, 2001 Census
Foreigners by gender and family status, 2001 Foreigners by gender and family status, 2001
8 8
42
4749
45
1 year 1-5 years 5 and more
Male Female
Source: NSSG, 2001 Census
Foreigners by origin and years of stay in Greece, 2001*
Foreigners by origin and years of stay in Greece, 2001*
*those who answered that they settled in Greece to work
Albanians
18 17
57,6 60
2423
1 year 1-5 years 5 and more
Male Female
Bulgarians
High educational level
The educ. level is different from the post-Second World War immigration flows to the developed overseas countries. At that time, the majority of the immigrants were peasants and mostly illiterate
Differences between the native population and the foreigners are not important.
Foreign women have higher levels of education compared to those of men.
87,489,9
84,4
12,6 10,115,6
Up to Secodary level More than secondary
Total Male Female
Source: NSSG, 2001 Census
Foreigners aged more than 6 years by gender and educational level, 2001
Foreigners aged more than 6 years by gender and educational level, 2001
Employment Working female migrants constitute
30,9% (120.903) of the foreign labour force
Foreign male migrants are in construction (42%) agriculture (23%), industry and tourism (12%).
Female employment is quite different: the majority of women are found in services“housekeeping (52%), in tourism (19%), agriculture (15%) and the least percentage (9%) in industry.
occupational status
The great majority of immigrant women has a dependent occupation and are employees (87%) and few are employers (2.6%) or self-employed (6.4%).
2,8 2,92,6 6,4 6,3 6,6
89,390,4
86,8
1,5 0,44,2
Employers Freelancers
Salariedemployees
Non-paidhouseholdmembers
Both sexes
Male
Female
Source: NSSG, 2001 Census, unpublished data
Foreigners employed by gender and occupational status, 2001
Foreigners employed by gender and occupational status, 2001
35,6 34,8
67,964,2
36,6
5449,1
55,6
15-24 25-49 50-64 Total
Greeks
Foreigners
Employment and unemployment rates by gender, age and nationality, 2001
Employment and unemployment rates by gender, age and nationality, 2001
Source: Bagavos, Papadopoulos, 2002:159
38,4 36
16,3 18
7,6 7,9
16,918,5
15-24 25-49 50-64 Total
Greeks
Foreigners
Employment Unemployment
Women
Greece: increased number of working married women and mothers
In Greece the new economic and social conditions have resulted in the increase of employment opportunities for Greek women, who acquire greater education and demand equal treatment with men in employment.
There is a continuous increased number of working married women and mothers.
Low-skilled labour demand for domestic and other services, increasing shortages are mostly met by immigrant women. The latter tend, as a rule, to take the low status jobs, irrespective of their real professional qualifications, which are, in many cases, considerable.
Domestic work and immigration Most of the immigrant women in Greece are
employed in “care-domestic services” and the domestic service is a major employment sector for immigrant women, thus leaving the gendered division of labour unchanged.
It has become permissible for a woman or a family to pay for the care done by another woman and this has contributed to “a demand based migration” .
The underdevelopment of the welfare state:
There are no sufficient services and regulations for “employment and family life reconciliation”.
Furthermore, the low level of gender equality in the distribution of household tasks has increased the demand for carers.
Immigrant women very often they are working uninsured and illegally.
The Institutionalized Policy Until recently there were no discussions about
migration policy from the point of view of a cohesive migration policy which not only regulates the conditions of entry, residence and labour of economic migrants, but also the conditions of their integration into the Greek society.
However, after a lot of pressure, three regulation programs have been undertaken by the Greek Government and have regulated the employment and residence of those who entered the country illegally
domestic work is not the object of state
policy State control is absent from this sector
because of its unofficial / private character. With the exception of the agreements with
the Philippines in the 80’s, there are no other examples of encouragement of woman immigration in order to cover the «domestic needs-services» once catered for by the wider family.
Because of the “family asylum” there is no mention at all of rules and relevant policies governing the relations of the two parts.
Lack of state policy
This situation enhances the dominant representations and the victimization of the female immigrant domestic workers and
At the same time it contributes to the impossibility of their treatment by the state as active political subjects.
In reality, there is a fluidity between irregularity and regularity, the public and the private, which encourages the further spread of gray work.
Even immigrant women with work permit may experience racial discrimination which confines them to low–paid jobs and an inferior position in the domestic sector of the local labour market.
Racialization of Domestic Workers Although racist attitudes are still
widespread in our country, it is the “Albanian” women who seem to be facing the more important problems of racism; this Albanophobia lies on stereotypes spread by the media discourse from of the 90’s, constructing the Albanians as the “dangerous others”
in the domestic sector
A recent study indicates the social status attached to having an “Alvaneza” (an Albanian woman); the latter has in recent years joined the term “Philippineza” (a Philippino woman) and the two terms function as generic terms for “domestic worker”.
However, a “Philippineza” carries more status than the “Alvaneza”. Domestic work keeps them at the bottom of social hierarchy but at the same time, movements back and forth from the country of destination to the country of origin contribute to the emergence of transnational identities.
Recent study findings….
Even though the employers’ discourse is not openly racist, it focuses on cultural differences, based on which the hierarchy of the immigrants living in our country is drawn out.
What makes the Albanian women ideal “household helpers” is the characteristics of an inferior civilization, a fact which strengthens the role of the boss.
On the other hand, Greek employers say about the Ukranian “household helpers” that although they work hard, they are not exceedingly fast and strong.
Immigrant women rely strongly on personal contacts and immigrant networks for obtaining information. Several ethnic organizations play an important role in helping them gain access to employment.
Their relationship with their female employers are characterized by contradictions, underlying conflicts and many are faced with racist situations.
Albanian women are described by Greek employers as oppressed by the traditional structures of their society and their oppression by the Albanian men is a recurring element.
All these highlight the cultural differences separating the Greek woman from the foreign woman, the employer from the house helper, the citizen from the immigrant, and bring to light the dominant trends in Greek society, which reproduce traditional patterns for gender roles and a racist conception of the “other”.
Immigrants women in Greece work
in a highly segmented labour market, with temporary, part-time, heavy work and mainly in the domestic sector.
The increasing number of legalized immigrants help to avoid discriminations and other employment complications and promotes their social integration.