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4.6 Examine historical perspectives of Canada as a nation.
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What Are We Learning Today?

Jan 11, 2016

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What Are We Learning Today?. 4.6 Examine historical perspectives of Canada as a nation. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1P2y1F5PMjE. Canada & Self-Determination. - PowerPoint PPT Presentation
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Page 1: What Are We  Learning Today?

4.6 Examine historical perspectives of Canada as a nation.

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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1P2y1F5PMjE

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Canada has evolved from a desire for independence, freedom, and self-determination. Step by step, through rebellions, elections, skirmishes, and debates, Canada gained independence from Britain. As this happened, Canada’s citizens conceived many visions of what the country was – and what it could be.

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In the early decades of the 19th century, many colonists in British North America wanted a greater say in their own affairs, which were controlled by Britain.

In 1841, the British gov’t merged Upper Canada, which mostly Anglophone, and Lower Canada, which was mostly Francophone, into a single province called Canada. Upper Canada, which is today southern Ontario, was renamed Canada West, and Lower Canada, which was southern Quebec, was renamed Canada East.

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The British plan was to assimilate Francophones into Anglophone culture.

The new province had one legislative assembly, made up of an equal # of representatives from Canada West and Canada East. However, the population of Canada East was much higher than that of Canada West, and English was the only language allowed in the legislature.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Province_of_Canada

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In response, Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine, a political leader from Canada East, joined forces with Robert Baldwin of Canada West to demand responsible gov’t.

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Responsible gov’t: a gov’t that answers to the ppl rather than to British-appointed governors.

The two knew that they would need to set aside their cultural differences and find a way of cooperating. For example, LaFontaine wanted Francophone culture to survive and Baldwin supported this goal.

Baldwin and LaFontaine’s successful bicultural initiative and their vision of Canada as an Anglophone-Francophone partnership became a model for future generations.

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When the United States Civil War ended in 1865, some Americans believed that Canada should be annexed (incorporated into the US).

In 1866, the American House of Representatives even passed an act proposing that the US take over all Britain’s colonies in North America. (Figure 13-4, Figure 13-5)

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The economy of British North America was suffering as well due to restrictive trade laws put in place by Britain and the US.

Francophones in Canada East were also afraid that their voices were being drowned out by the flood of immigration to Canada West, which had grown so much that Francophones were outnumbered by Anglophones.

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In order to deal with these issues, a new coalition of political leaders emerged in the 1860s.

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Macdonald and Cartier had a common goal, to achieve independence and preserve Canada, including the French language and culture.

Macdonald and Cartier envisioned a union of Britain’s North American colonies and after long negotiations, a new country called Canada was created in 1867.

It compromised of the former province of Canada (which was divided into Ontario and Quebec), as well as Nova Scotia and New Brunswick.

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The British North America Act, which created Canada, defined two levels of representative and responsible gov’t.

The federal gov’t was to look after national affairs, and the 4 provincial gov’ts would manage their own regional affairs. This arrangement ensured that Quebec could affirm and promote the French language and culture of the province’s Francophones.

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As Canada’s territory and population expanded after Confederation, visions of the country began to evolve. John A. Macdonald’s dream of a country stretching from sea to sea became reality when the Canadian Pacific Railway opened Western Canada to settlement.

To pave the way, the federal gov’t negotiated treaties with the First Nations. Many traditional Aboriginal lands became gov’t property and First Nations ppls were moved to reserves.

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Nevertheless, only a trickle of immigrants arrived in the West before Wilfrid Laurier became PM in 1896. Laurier believed that an unsettled West meant an undefended West, and his Liberal gov’t decided to do more to attract settlers.

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At first, the Liberals only targeted British and American immigrants because they believed that they would make the best homesteaders. But the Prairie population was still not increasing fast, so they looked to non-English speaking European countries. Soon, communities of Poles, Germans, Ukrainians, Finns, Norwegians, and others began to appear.

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As more ppl arrived in the West, new provinces were created and joined Confederation. The Prairies grew from 1.3 million ppl in 1911 to 2 million by 1921. (Figure 13-12)

This dramatic population increase changed the identity of Canada. As the country became more multicultural, ppl of British background were no longer the dominant cultural group. Francophones were also affected since most non-English-speaking immigrants chose to learn English rather than French. The Francophones became even a smaller minority.

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As the ratio of Francophones in the Canadian population shrank during the early 20th century and as new, largely English-speaking provinces joined Confederation, the power and influence of Quebecois began to decline. (Figure 13-6)

As a result of their status as a shrinking minority, many Quebec Francophones came to believe that they had 3 options:•Accept their new position within Canada•Promote a vision of Quebec as a strong, independent province within Canada

•Promote a vision of a sovereign Quebec

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In the decades after Confederation, many Quebecois were suspicious of gov’t policies that encouraged immigration.

They believed that most immigrants would integrate into Anglophone society and that Francophones would be outnumbered. This possibly threatened their positions as equal partners in Confederation.

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Though some Anglophones and allophones (ppl whose first language is neither English nor French) were against conscription in WW I & II, opposition was strongest among Francophone Quebecois. Many felt that they should not have to fight in “Britain’s wars.”

This drove a wedge between many Quebec Francophones and must of the rest of Canada. Many Francophones believed that their interests were being ignored.

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Many Francophone Quebecois were ready to embrace what came to be called the Quiet Revolution. They wanted to modernize Quebec by improving social programs and the education system – but they also wanted to affirm and promote the French language and the culture of the province’s Francophones.

To achieve their goals, many believed that Quebec must control immigration, social programs, industry, job creation, language laws, and some aspects of foreign policy.

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For some Quebecois, sovereignty was the only solution and in 1968, Rene Levesque and others founded the Parti Quebecois to promote independence.

In the same year, Pierre Trudeau was elected prime minister. Trudeau was Quebecois, but his vision of the country was federalist. He believed in “two official languages and a pluralist society” and in 1969, his gov’t passed the Official Languages Act, which protected the language rights of all Francophones in Canada. (13-8)

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Until the 1960s, Canadian policies favoured immigrants from Northern Europe and the US.

The experiences of immigrants from other places, such as China, Caribbean countries, and Italy, were often difficult and sometimes traumatic. Many of these immigrants felt as if they were excluded from visions of Canada and were not regarded as Canadians, even when they had been born in Canada or had lived in Canada for many years.

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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oqRWQa0rIso&feature=related

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When unskilled workers were needed to build the Canadian Pacific Railway, Chinese immigrants were welcomed to Canada.

In 1885, however, the federal gov’t introduced the Chinese Immigration Act, which imposed a head tax of $50 on Chinese ppl who wanted to come to Canada. By 1904, this head tax had grown to $500 until 1923, when the gov’t banned almost all immigration from China. (Voices pg. 311)

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Black immigrants from the US suffered similar discrimination. Many came to the Canadian prairies to escape racism in their home states but this alarmed some Canadians, and the gov’t tried to discourage these black immigrants. For example, they were subjected to stricter medical tests than other immigrants.

Even PM Wilfrid Laurier banned immigration of blacks for a year in 1911. He said the “Negro race…is deemed unsuitable to the climate and requirements of Canada.”

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Discrimination in Canadian immigration occurred for decades until 1962, when changes to the Immigration Act opened Canada’s doors to ppl from all over the world.

In 1971, the federal gov’t adopted a policy of “multiculturalism within a bilingual framework,” which once again altered Canada’s identity.

Despite this official policy, many immigrants and Canadians continue to believe that their needs are not being met.

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4.5 Analyze methods used by individuals, groups and governments in Canada to

promote a national identity.

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An institution is an organization established for and united by a specific purpose.

Institutions often use national symbols and stories in a variety of ways to define an identity and promote a sense of belonging.

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Ppl and gov’ts often use symbols to portray what they think is important about their country’s history, nationhood, and role in the world.

What are some Canadian symbols? Why?

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The beaver, for example, is Canada’s national animal. As a symbol, it appears on the five-cent piece to represent Canada’s history, as well as qualities ppl have come to associate with Canada and Canadians. And the loon is the source of the name “loonie,” the nickname for Canada’s $1 coin. (Figure 14-2)

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Ppl in Canada and around the world associate a # of symbols with Canada: the Rocky Mountains, hockey, the Canada goose, and the maple leaf.

When a symbol triggers an association (the maple leaf means Canada) then it is successful. Sometimes, however, symbols succeed in more limited ways. The loon, for example, is not widely known as a symbol of Canada, and the Canada goose can be considered a nuisance.

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According to French political thinker Ernest Renan, a nation is unified by 2 things: shared memories of the past and its ppl’s consent in the present – their desire to live together and affirm their heritage.

Shared memories of a common history help unite ppls, but ppls also select the myths they want included in their national memory.

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An early chapter of Canada’s national myth tells the story of mostly European pioneers who triumphed over nature. The gov’t used this story to create symbols and advertising that attracted settlers to Canada.

But in the 21st century, the reality is that more than 80% of Canadians live in urban areas and few live completely off the land.

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Are we really a peacekeeping nation? Although many Canadians, as well as members of the int’l community, view Canada as a nation of peacekeepers, the numbers tell a different story.

In 1991, Canada contributed more than 10% of all UN peacekeeping forces. 16 years later, this contribution amounted to less than 0.1%.

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Some ppl believe that as long as myths serve a valid purpose, such as promoting national unity, facts are not important.

But others say that national myths may sometimes be based on lies that promote the dominance of one social group over another. (Voices pg. 324)

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When citizens believe they are treated fairly and equally, they are more likely to feel a sense of belonging to their country or nation.

In a country as large and diverse as Canada, ensuring that all citizens feel as if they are treated fairly and equally presents many challenges and can affect ppl’s sense of national unity.

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Canada is huge. It stretches from the Arctic and Pacific Sea coasts, over tundra and mountains, across prairies, past the Canadian Shield and the St. Lawrence lowlands, to the Appalachian region and the Atlantic coast. The geography of these regions is drastically different. (FYI pg. 347)

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As a result, ppls in various regions have differing needs that are often dictated by the geography of the area where they live. These differences often create inter-regional tensions.

Explosive economic growth in Alberta, for example, has generated prosperity for many Albertans, but this has affected the Maritimes by persuading skilled workers to move west. And the effects of climate change cause difficulties in the North, but they may benefit farmers in southern Saskatchewan.

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Regional needs often dictate how the federal gov’t allocates money for federally funded programs. In addition, the federal gov’ts objectives do not always match the goals of ppl in specific regions.

These realities can foster the belief that Confederation has not benefitted all Canadians equally. In Alberta and other Western provinces, this belief has sometimes led to feelings of alienation.

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Feelings of alienation in western Canada led to the creation of the Western Canada Concept party, which advocated creating a new country in the territory west of the Ontario-Manitoba border.

Gordon Kesler, a party member, even won a by-election in the Alberta provincial riding of Olds-Didsbury. He lost the seat in a general election a few months later, but the win showed the depth of some Westerners’ feelings of alienation.

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Today the Western Canada Concept Party continues to exist, but its extreme policies, such as ending immigration, have kept it on the margins. Since the party’s creation, other parties supporting Western separation have also sprung up.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aAJQrAONt00

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The most successful movement to emerge from Alberta led to the founding of the Reform Party (now part of the Conservative Party of Canada) in 1986.

With deep roots in rural Alberta, this party was formed under the leadership of Preston Manning. In the 1993 federal election, the party’s slogan was “The West wants in.” Rather than separation, Reformers wanted a greater voice and more control over decision making in Ottawa.

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Pg. 348. Pg. 349.

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Since 1957, the Canadian gov’t has used a system of equalization payments to ensure that public services are available equally to all Canadians.

Under its equalization program, the federal gov’t collects taxes from individuals and businesses across the country. These revenues are then pooled and redistributed to less prosperous provinces, which decide how to spend the money.

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The formula for calculating equalization payments is complex and causes frequent squabbles. Prosperous provinces often claim that their taxpayers contribute too much, while less prosperous provinces say that they do not receive enough. Ontario is the only province that has never received equalization payments.

Figure 15-6: How might equalization payments help or hurt the cause of national unity?

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In the 2nd half of the 20th century, the federal gov’t changed Canada’s immigration policies and began to welcome immigrants from many different parts of the world. This changed the character of the country and in 1971, Canada became the first country to adopt multiculturalism as official gov’t policy.

The changes to immigration policies meant that, by 2006, an estimated 1 in 6 Canadians was a member of a visible minority group.

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Canada’s population is spread unevenly across the country, and ensuring that all Canadians are represented fairly in Parliament presents another challenge to national unity.

If representation by population were the sole basis for electing members of Parliament, Ontario and Quebec, (where two-thirds of Canadians live), would easily dominate. The voices of ppl in smaller provinces, such as PEI, and sparsely populated territories would rarely be heard.

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As a result, at Confederation, a compromise was built into the formula for allocating federal seats, and this formula has changed several times over the years to reflect the changing nature of the country. In 1915, for example, PEI was guaranteed a minimum of 4 seats in Parliament.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Canadian_provinces_and_territories_by_population

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One of the greatest challenges to Canadian national unity has been the rise of Quebec nationalism.

One of the greatest challenges to Quebec nationalism has been the power of the federal gov’t to convince Quebecois that Canada is their country. The tension created by these challenges shapes the “Quebec issue.”

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The debate over affirming and promoting the French language and culture often focused on Quebec and ignored the struggle of Francophones outside that province. But many provinces have significant French-speaking communities.

Since 1867, each of these provinces has ruled against the French language at some point. In 1871, the teaching of French in New Brunswick schools was outlawed. And in 1930, Saskatchewan barred the teaching of French, even outside school hours.

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In response to growing agitation in Quebec, the federal gov’t established the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism in 1963. It’s mission was to explore and recommend ways of maintaining national unity while enhancing the dual nature of Canada.

Commissions’ findings pg. 351. Voices

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The Commission’s findings aroused suspicions in parts of the country. Some ppl in the West viewed it as a gov’t ploy to force them to learn French. Many in Quebec believed that it was designed to divert attention from the province’s social and economic problems.

Despite these criticisms, the federal gov’t acted quickly to implement many of the commissioners’ recommendations. Federal funds were offered to the provinces to encourage them to increase the availability of French-language education.

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1 of the most important outcomes of the B and B Commission was the Official Languages Act, which was passed in 1969. Its goals were to•Affirm equal status of English and French

•Preserve & develop official language communities in Canada

•Guarantee the federal services available in both official languages

•Ensure that Ang. and Franc. have equal opportunities to participate in Parliament and federal institutions

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Since then, this act has been changed and strengthened. Official languages were, for example, enshrined (preserved) in the Constitution Act of 1982.

But as immigration began to increase in the last half of the 20th century, the # of languages spoken in Canada also increased. A 2006 census, for example, revealed that 20% of the population speaks at least 1 non-official language at home. (Figure 15-10)

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The Bloc Quebecois is a political party at the federal level that was founded in 1990 by future PQ leader Lucien Bouchard.

It holds close ties to the Parti Quebecois (a provincial party), and shares its principle objective: sovereignty. The two parties frequently share political candidates, and support each other during election campaigns.

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The fleur-de-lis is a stylized lily that is used as a decorative design or symbol. On Quebec’s flag it is seen as a symbol of purity, which originally represented the Virgin Mary. It is often associated with French Canadians and sometimes the sovereignty movement.

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In recent years, Quebec sovereignists have lost support among Quebecois voters. In the 2007 provincial election, the sovereignist Parti Quebecois placed 3rd and formed neither the gov’t nor the official opposition for the first time since 1973.

A year later, the PQ announced that it was abandoning its plan to hold another sovereignty referendum as soon as possible if the party regains power. Instead, it pledged to engage the ppl of Quebec in debate about sovereignty issues and the meaning of citizenship in the province.