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VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010
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VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

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Page 1: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

VOT + Suprasegmentals

April 8, 2010

Page 2: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Announcements• Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting.

• Any order preferences?

• I may have a few things to say afterwards.

• Next Thursday: Rhonda, Steph, Sue.

• I am planning on putting together a final exam over the weekend…

• You will have a week to complete it.

• Final project reports will be due on Friday, April 30th, at 5 pm.

Page 3: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

English Stop Contrasts• The phonetic implementation of “voicing” contrasts may

also vary by syllabic context.

1. For example, in English, In onset position:

• /p/ is voiceless aspirated

• /b/ is voiceless unaspirated

2. In medial position (between voiced segments):

• /p/ is voiceless unaspirated

• /b/ is voiced

3. After /s/, in the same syllable:

• only voiceless unaspirated stops (no contrast)

Page 4: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

English Stop Contrasts4. In syllable-final position:

• vowels preceding /p/ are short

• vowels preceding /b/ are longer

• /p/ closure tends to be longer than /b/ closure

• Moral of the story:

• Phonological voiced vs. voiceless contrast in English is abstract

• It has different phonetic manifestations in different contexts.

• Lisker & Abramson suggested describing the contrast as “fortis” vs. “lenis”, rather than “voiced” vs. “voiceless”.

Page 5: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Monolingual VOT• Caramazza et al. (1973) looked at VOT in productions by (Canadian) French and English monolingual and bilingual speakers…

• VOT tends to be higher for backer places of articulation.

• Any ideas why?

Page 6: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Bilingual VOT• Bilinguals speaking French showed similar VOT to monolingual French speakers.

• In English, bilingual VOT was skewed somewhat more to pre-voicing…

Page 7: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Bilingual VOT Perception• Bilingual listener identifications of a VOT continuum were midway between the monolingual listener groups.

• Knowledge of different languages is easier to separate in production than in perception…

Page 8: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

By the way…• There is no a priori reason why stops can’t be pre-aspirated.

• In fact, Icelandic does this all the time:

Page 9: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

More Icelandica• Lots of languages devoice obstruents in final position…

• Icelandic devoices sonorants, too.

Page 10: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Another Complication

• Fricatives and affricates may also be aspirated

• In these cases, VOT must be calculated beginning from the offset of sibilance.

Page 11: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.
Page 12: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

The Four-Way• Another problem with the VOT analysis is that it cannot straightforwardly account for the four-way voicing distinctions found in languages like Hindi.

• These languages distinguish between (breathy) voiced aspirated and voiceless aspirated stops and affricates.

Page 13: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

[phal]

Page 14: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Hindi

Bengali

[dhol]

voiced + breathy aspirated

voiced + aspirated

Page 15: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Zhu|hoasi Stop Contrasts

• Zhu|hoasi is spoken in northern Namibia.

Page 16: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Suprasegmentals• Suprasegmentals are phonetic features of speech

which are “above the segment”

• …although, in a very real (phonetic) sense, they actually provide the underlying foundation for segmental articulations.

1. Quantity

2. Tone

3. Stress

4. Accent

• Suprasegmental features are always defined in a relative manner.

Page 17: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Length Distinctions• Suprasegmental feature #1: quantity.

• Note:

• Quantity = Linguistic

• Length = Perceptual

• Duration = Acoustic

• Quantity distinctions are relative.

• depend on speaker

• depend on speaking rate

• Normal speaking rate (in English) = 4-6 syllables / second

• Also note: phrase-final lengthening

Page 18: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Danish Vowels

Page 19: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

= 150 milliseconds

= 275 milliseconds

• Differences in quantity between segments translates to relative differences in duration.

Page 20: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Estonian• Estonian is unique in that it contrasts between short, long, and extra-long segments.

Page 21: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

An Interesting Fact• Some vowels are inherently longer than others.

• Data from Swedish (Elert, 1964):

long short

high [i y u] 140 msec 95

mid 155 103

low 164 111

• Why?

Page 22: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Tone• Tone: suprasegmental feature #2

• = the linguistic use of fundamental frequency to signal important differences in meaning.

• Note:

• Acoustic = Fundamental Frequency

• Perceptual = Pitch

• Linguistic = Tone

• English is a tone language…

• Sort of. For one pair of words only.

Page 23: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

A Typology• F0 generally varies in three different ways in language:

1. Tone languages (Chinese, Navajo, Igbo)

• Lexically determined tone on every syllable or word

2. Accent languages (Japanese, Swedish)

• The location of an accent in a particular word is lexically marked.

3. Stress languages (English, Russian)

• It’s complicated.

• A general complication: F0 tends to drift downwards over the course of an utterance.

Page 24: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Mandarin Tone

ma1: mother

ma2: hemp

ma3: horse

ma4: to scold

• Mandarin (Chinese) is a classic example of a tone language.

Page 25: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Mandarin Sentences

ma1-ma0 ma4 ma3. “Mother scolds the horse.”

ma3 ma4 ma1-ma0. “The horse scolds mother.”

Page 26: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

• Tones are usually defined by the pattern they make through a speaker’s frequency range.

• In Mandarin, tones span a frequency range of 1-5

• Each tone is denoted by its (numerical) path through the frequency range

Tone

1

2

3

4

Page 27: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Relativity, in Reality• The same tones may be denoted by completely different frequencies, depending on the speaker.

• Tone is an abstract linguistic unit.

female speaker

male speaker

ma, tone 1 (55)

Page 28: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Even More Tones

level tones

contour tones

Page 29: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Modal vs. Tense Voice• The language of Mpi contrasts modal voice vowels with tense voice vowels.

• Mpi is spoken in northern Thailand.

Page 30: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Even More Relativity• The fundamental frequency of [i] is often slightly higher than that of [a], for the same tones

Page 31: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

“Intrinsic” Pitch• It’s been observed that F0 is usually higher for high vowels than for low vowels

•Data from Lehiste & Peterson (1961), for American English

[i] 183 Hz

[e] 169

[æ] 162

[a] 163

[o] 170

[u] 182

• Why?

Page 32: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

• The “Tongue Pull” Hypothesis (Honda, 2004):

• Raising the tongue for front vowels also raises the larynx

• The cricoid cartilage rises up and around the spine…

• Thus stretching the vocal folds

• and increasing longitudinal tension.

Page 33: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Accent Languages• In accent languages, there is only one pitch accent associated with each word.

• The pitch accent is realized on only one syllable in the word.

• The other syllables in the word can have no accent.

• Accent is lexically determined, so there can be minimal pairs.

• Japanese is a pitch accent language…

• for some, but not all, words

• for some, but not all, dialects

Page 34: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Japanese• Japanese words have one High accent

• it attaches to one mora in the word

• The first mora, if not accented, has a Low F0.

• Morae following the accent have Low F0.

asa ‘morning’ H-L asa ‘hemp’ L-H

It’s actually slightly more complicated than this; for more info, see: http://sp.cis.iwate-u.ac.jp/sp/lesson/j/doc/accent.html

Page 35: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

• “chopsticks” H-L-L

• “bridge” L-H-L

• “edge” L-H-H

Page 36: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Back to Stress• Stress is a suprasegmental property that applies to whole syllables.

• Stressed syllables are higher in pitch (usually)

• Stressed syllables are longer (usually)

• Stressed syllables are louder (usually)

• Stressed syllables reflect more phonetic effort.

• Ex. 1: Voiceless stops are more aspirated at the onset of stressed syllables in English

• Ex. 2: Vowels are often reduced to in unstressed syllables in English.

• The combination of these factors give stressed syllables more prominence than unstressed syllables.

Page 37: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Intensity• Intensity is usually measured in decibels (dB).

• Decibels = a(nother) relative measure based on a sound’s power.

• Power is just the square of a waveform’s amplitude.

• P = A2

• The intensity of a sound is its power relative to the power of some reference sound.

• For decibels, the reference sound = the quietest sound human ears can hear.

Page 38: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Some Numbers• The intensity of a sound x can be measured in bels, where a bel is defined as:

= log10 (x2 / r2)

• r2 is the power of the reference sound

• x2 is the power of sound x.

• A decibel is a tenth of a bel.

• Some typical decibel values:

30 dB Quiet library, soft whispers

60 dB Normal conversation

90 dB Subway, motorcycle, lawn mower

130 dB Pain threshold

Page 39: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Another Interesting Fact• Some vowels are louder than others

• dB of different vowels relative to (Fonagy, 1966):

: 0.0

[e] : -3.6

[o] : -7.2

[i] : -9.7

[u] : -12.3

• Why?

Page 40: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

An Intrinsic Summary High Vowels Low Vowels

Intensity Less More

Duration Shorter Longer

F0 Higher Lower

• A word of caution:

• All of these factors (intensity, duration, F0) factor into perceived prominence and stress.

Page 41: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Stress: Intensity

(N)

(V)

Perception of stress is highly correlated with the area under the intensity curve

Page 42: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Sonority

low vowels

high vowels

glides

liquids

nasals

voiced fricatives

voiceless fricatives

voiced stops

voiceless stops

high sonority

low sonority

• “The sonority of a sound is its loudness relative to that of other sounds with the same length, stress and pitch.”

Page 43: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Swedish• Swedish overlays pitch accents on top of stress distinctions.

• (The two are independent)

Source: http://www.bossethoren.se/prosodi_eng.html

• The first syllable is stressed in both pairs.

Page 44: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

The Next Level• English distinguishes between primary and secondary stress.

• In some accounts, primary stress = stress with an accent.

• Example: “exploitation”

vowel X X X X

full vowel X X X

stress X X

tonic accent X

Page 45: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Intonation• Languages superimpose pitch contours on top of word-based stress or tone distinctions.

• This is called intonation.

• It turns out that English:

• has word-based stress

• and phrase-based pitch accents (intonation)

• The pitch accents are pragmatically specified, rather than lexically specified

• They change according to discourse context.

• In English, pitch accents align with stressed syllables.

Page 46: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Pitch Accent Types• In English, pitch accents can be either high or low

• H* or L*

• Examples: High (H*) Low (L*)

Yes. Yes?

H* L*

Magnification. Magnification?

• As with tones in tone languages, “high” and “low” pitch accents are defined relative to a speaker’s pitch range.

• My pitch range: H* = 155 Hz L* = 100 Hz

• Mary Beckman: H* = 260 Hz L* = 130 Hz

Page 47: VOT + Suprasegmentals April 8, 2010 Announcements Next Tuesday--Silke and Jon will be presenting. Any order preferences? I may have a few things to say.

Whole Utterances• The same pitch pattern can apply to an entire sentence:

H*

H*: Manny came with Anna.

L*

L*: Manny came with Anna?

H*

H*: Marianna made the marmalade.

L*

L*: Marianna made the marmalade?