“Traces of loose prefixation in Old Chinese lento forms” 1 CEACL-2, Roma/La Sapienza, Sep. 6-8, 2001 2001-11-22, 01:13 <[email protected]> Traces of loose prefixation in Old Chinese lento forms Wolfgang Behr, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, F.R.G. 1. ‘Lento forms’: history of designations (cf. YÁN TÍNGDÉ 1989, ZHÔU FÃGÂO 1954) (1) Shìb n, Jû : . “The Wu and Man-Barbarians abound in ‘released sounds’ (i.e. non-semantic sylla- bles), so that several words form a single utterance together.” (ap. PÁN WÙYÚN 1998: 143) (2) SHN KUÒ (1031-1095), Yìwén , II (Mèngxî b t án , 15: 505, YYXZL 289 ): “ ... In fact, there were already cases of two syllables combined into one single word in the ancient language, i.e expressions of the type * b p[u] + * a [k]haj/ equals * a phaj/, * a ga[j] + * b p[u] equals * a xap, * b n[a] + b [d]e/ equals * b n«j/, * b t[«] + * a [œ]a equals * b ta, which are reminiscent of the “two sound-combinations” of the ‘Western Territo- ries’, and in all likelihood the origin of [the technique of] ‘cutting characters’.” (3) mànshçng “lento forms”, cf. “When allegro and lento forms correspond, lento forms consist in two, allegro forms in one [character], this is just like the “two sound-combinations” (ligatures) in Sanskrit wirting. For instance, if the lento form is * b ta= b /a-n, the allegro form is * b tan.” ZHÈNG QIÁO (1103-1162), ‘Lùn jí màn shçng xié ’, in: Liù shû gù (Tông zhì , 35) (4) qièjião y/z ì / “cut foot words”, cf. • HÓNG MÀI (1123-1202), Qiè jião y (Róngzhái sânb , 16) • YÚ WÉNBÀO (fl. 1167), ‘Súy qi èjião zì ’ (Chuî jiàn lù , 12) • FÂNG Y ZH Ì (1579-1671), Yísh (Tôngyã , 50) . (5) èr zì wéi y î “two words in one”, cf. • GÙ YÁNW (1613-1682), (Yînxué wshû , Yîn lùn , ZHÔU ZMÓ et al eds., 1982: 49-51; BEHR 1994)
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“Traces of loose prefixation in Old Chinese lento forms” 1CEACL-2, Roma/La Sapienza, Sep. 6-8, 2001
i. *-Cf C/ -* ii. *P-I-C0-I-V-* iii. *-(h)r-I-V-r-*
[-resonant]
iv. *-VCf -* v. *-C0(-I-)VCf-* vi. *-C0(-I-)VCf-*
[+round] [+labial] [+labial] [+labial] ´ [w,Wk]
1) It is presently not clear how this prosodic distinction, which eventually gave rise to the MiddleChinese “division” (děng )-distinction, is to be interpreted. Among the competeing proposals are:(a) tongue-root position, i.e. σσ = [±ATR] or [±tense], (b) yodization, i.e. I = *-y-/*-∅, (c) moraicprominence of the bimoraic nucleus, i.e. V = [µ @.µ]/[µ.µ @], (d) vowel length, i.e. V ìì/V, (e) tone, i.e. σσ= [± Hi].
2) Infixation postion in the skeleton depends on presence/absence of a prefix.3) It is likely, that OC had remnants of qualitative ablaut (PULLEYBLANK 1965, BEHR, forthcoming),
which might go back to infixation of *-a&- (PULLEYBLANK 1989) in pre-proto OC.4) It has sometimes been argued that post-final *-/ had a morphological function in OC (i.e. S= C//) as
well, marking familiarity in kinship terms body part terms (ZHÈNG-ZHÂNG 2000: 18). Here I pre-liminarily follow SAGART (1999), who found no good evidence for such an assumption.
“Traces of loose prefixation in Old Chinese lento forms” 4CEACL-2, Roma/La Sapienza, Sep. 6-8, 2001
[OC *bt s h r a jt s h r a j=bl r a jl r a j < *bsr-hlaj]MC* phje jH t syo t s h a wX m u w k , n g u t s y h u w H mjˆjH yQX, nyi ha kamX t s rh j et s rh j e d r j ed r j e?“They compared it [Jìn and us, Zhèng ] to grasses and trees, it [Jìn] was of ourfragrance and taste, why then, should they presume us to be unequal?”
cf. Shuowen, s.v.:
cf. Dù Yù (222-284): [OC *as-l´j]
cf. cçncî < *t s rh im=tsrhje < *bsr-hl´m=bsr-hlaj “uneven”
2.4.2 Cf. PÂN WÙYÚN (2000):
• [σσ [O (s-) C1 (C2)] [R V [E C3 (C4)]], where C2 = {l,r,j}, C1 = {s, /},
• C1 can appear as a ‘minor sylable’ (cìyào yînjié ) with anaptyctic
a. CVC=C’VC: i. simple R, ii. pre-, infixed, cluster R, iii. iambic Rb. CVC=C’VC’: i. feature, homorganic R, ii.-iii. subsequence Rc. CVC=C’V’C: ablaut R
(12) a. i. chóumóu < *dr j iw= mj iw < *bdriw=bmiw “be tied round” (Shi 118.1)
ii. páoxiâo < *bawe=x a e w < *abru=axru “brawling” (Shi 255.4)
c. wçishé < */ jwe=z y Q < *b/oj=bm-laj “relaxed, at ease” (Shi 18.1)
3.2.2 shuângshçng “alliterating compounds” (A)
a. C[RVC]=C[R’VC]: i. simple A, ii. pre-, infixed, cluster A, iii.iambic Ab. C[RVC]=C[R’VC’]: i. feature, homorganic A, ii.-iii. subsequence A.c. C[RVC]=C[R’V’C]: i. ablaut A, ii. prefixed ablaut A
(13) a. i. púfú < *bu=b j u w k < *aba=bb´k “crawling” (Shi 35.4)
miànmù < *mjienH=m j u w k < *bmen-s=bmuk “countenance and
eyes” (Shi 199.8)
ii. qíxìn < *dzej=sinH < *as-l´j=bs-nin-s “universal fidelity“ (Shu 43.43)
guânguã < *k w E n=k w QX < *akWr´n=akWra/ “widowers and widows“
(Shi 181.1)
jíjuân < *kji t =kwen < *bk-lit=kWen “auspicious and pure” (Shi 166.4)
iii. luànlí < *lwanH=lje < *a(C´-)ron-s=b(C´-)raj “dispersed” (Shi 204.4)
“In the mountains of *bdzuN=aNa lives a beast, its shape is similar to a monkey and itspatterned forelegs are like that of a leopard or tiger, ... it is called j�f ù.
j�f ù < *kjoX=bjuX < *bkk-lala=bbb(rr)a/a/ .
cf. Erya 18.40
“The juéfù [OC *bgW(r)a=bb(r)a/] is good at looking around.”
(further exx. in HUÁNG SHÙXIÂN 1993, JACQUES 2001, SÛN J�NGT ÂO 2001 )
4.2 *m´́-(documented in BEHR 1994, cf. SAGART 1999: 81-82), *N- ?, in verbs
(17) Shi (235.5)
[OC *bma-an e mn e m - ss]
MC * wang t s y i d z i nX dzyin, m j u n e mm j u n e m H nyeX tsuX, ywi t s j u w k j w o t t o k .
“Oh you promoted servants of the king, do think of your ancestors, and consequently
cultivate their authority.”
(18) Zuo (Xuan 9, SSJ 1874)
[OC *bma-bgraw-s]
MC* k u w n g k h j Q n g s j w e n y i m , mj in m j u hm j u h QQ wwH / j e n .
“When dukes and ministers display lewdness, the people will imitate them.
cf. YÚ M�N 1987: 182,
(19) Shi (274)
[OC* bt-nip bN-k raNk raN -ss ... bmama-bg r aNg r aN -ss]
MC* t sy ip g jQ n gH mjuX hjwang, m j u g jm j u g j QQ n gn gH ywij ljet.
“Terrifying and strong was king W�, strongly he is blazing.”
ch�n < *t s y h w i nX < *b(p´-)thun/ ⇔ bùxùn < *p j u w=s w o nH <
*bpu=as-(h)lun(/)-s, (parsed as *pu/-s=hlun(/)-s ??)
§ K�ng Y�ngdá (574-648) on Erya (3.87: 148)
(26) Shijing (235.1): [OC *bpu/pu/ -bN-tt´] MC * h juwX tsyuw phij xenX, tejH m j Q ngH pjuw dzyi.“These Zhôu are greatly illustrous, god appointed them.”
cf. Maozhuan
(27) Shijing (215.3): [OC *bpupu-ana jna j]MC * p j u w d z i o p j u w n a nX , d z y u wX pjuwk pjuw n an a .“They are [not] concordant, [not] respectful, but the happiness received will be rich.”
cf. Maozhuan
cf. Tongshi
“Traces of loose prefixation in Old Chinese lento forms” 9CEACL-2, Roma/La Sapienza, Sep. 6-8, 2001
m j i n t s y i m j u l j a n g bmiN bt´ bma braN s j a n g / j w o nX / j i t p j ang bs-taN a/on-s b/it bpaN d z y u w X t s j a k p j u w n y a n gH bdu/ btsewk bpu bnaN-s t r i t h ju y iX s j e m j ang btik-s bwa bl´/ bse se bm a Nm a N
“People, if not good / resent each other unfairly / receive high status, do not cede toeach other / and when it comes to the end, they (are made perish >) are destroyed.”
cf. wáng < *mjang < *b(s´-)maN ⇔ sàng < *s a n g (H) < *as-maN(-s)
(29) Shi (1.3) [OC *bss ´́-bbb ´́ kk]MC*g j u w t s y i p j u w t o k , n g uH mji jH siH bjuwk “He sought for her but di dnot get her, waking and sleeping he thought about her.”
cf. Maozhuan: cf. Guô on: Zhuangzi, Tianzifang:
cf. SCHÜSSLER, DEZC: “caus. (...) (to subject to one’s mental efforts:) to think intense-
ly, reflect.”
4.6 *t´-
(30) Shi (47.2):
[OC *btt ´́-*alew klew k ]MC* t sh jeX he j , t sh jeX hej , g i t s y i d e kt s y i d e k y QX.“Oh lustrous, oh lustrous, is her pheasant-shaped/brightly adorned robe.”
5. Chronology of bisyllabic forms: absence of sound correlated compounds in OBI?One possible counterexample (cf. Jià & D�ng 1996: 48):
(31) Jinghua 4 (=Heji 10405 v.)
“The king, reading the cracks, said: there will be calamity. In eight days, gçngxû [47],there were scattered clouds /clouds approaching from the east, it was (a.) overcast andobscure / (b.) drizzling. In the early afternoon, Rainbow also appeared from the northand drank from the Hé.“
X m� < *=m u wX < *a=m(r)[o,´]/ Ø (a.) mào=huì < *m a wH=xwojH < *amuk-s=ahm´(k)-s
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