Thesis Final Draft

Language and Culture:Discourses in Sweden from 1860-1918

By Ashley Vomund

Spring 2016

Advisor: Kate Watts

English Department

College of Arts and Sciences

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Precis

Recent studies have linked language structures to our thought processes, directly creating

our world-views through the issues and actions emphasized in the language. Most of these

studies focus on small tribes or some of the less familiar cultures to the Western world, but what

about languages and cultures that are incredibly familiar to us?

My interest in Swedish began through my studies at the University of Helsinki during my

semester abroad. As I studied Swedish and visited Stockholm I noticed a few oddities in the

language that seemed to counteract or support the Swedish social system. Most notably was the

addition of “hen” to the language. “Hen” joins “han” and “hon” to make up the Swedish

pronouns. The Swedish Language Council determined that with the expansion of genders as

more than black and white, an additional pronoun had to be added to the language that did not

hold any of the negative implications like “it” does in English. “Hen” is used anytime the

speaker does not know the gender of their subject or does not feel it is important to mention. As I

researched the history of the Swedish language I discovered that Sweden had overhauled its

entire system in the space of just 58 years. This incredible time of upheaval was also greatly

intertwined with the creation of official dictionaries and increased social rights. My research then

became: how did Sweden’s changing culture affect the language?

Unfortunately no research was available in English into the language shifts, but there was

research into the cultural shifts during this period. Sweden was constantly debating the future of

the country, and these debates ultimately led to action on the part of the parties and the people.

Sweden did not undergo a violent revolution like France or America, but instead found change

and strength in the developing democratic system. The closest instance Sweden came to a violent

revolution was the Great Strike of 1909, but the strike could not be sustained long enough to

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make it effective. The failure of the Great Strike led to Sweden’s pursuit of change through

politics. In this charge the Social Democrats pushed for the greatest social reforms, ultimately

passing universal suffrage in 1918.

The trade unions drove much of the conversation for reform, but these unions were very

exclusive in who could participate. Women were often left on their own, or dismissed as an

important part of the workforce. The interesting irony between gaining suffrage yet continuously

being silenced in the organizations pushing for change is a theme throughout women’s careers.

In conclusion I discovered that Sweden wrestled with deep questions of social reform

throughout the Industrial Age, and the conclusions drawn still echo today. A study of this sort,

connecting history with language, is very rare in the academic community, but I believe it is vital

to the future of cross-cultural communication. Understanding where a culture comes from and

how the language builds assumptions and thought processes is information that will bring our

world into the new communication age. As the internet brings foreign cultures into our homes,

we must move beyond just communicating with translating software. Academics in every genre

must make their work accessible to both foreign and domestic researchers, as well as an audience

who is unfamiliar with their jargon. In the future I see a world of communication where the

“Renaissance Man” is composed of all of academia contributing their work to decrease the

separation of culture and distance, and studies of language can lead to such an evolution.

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Table of Contents

Introduction………………………... 5

Methodology………………………. 10

Politics……………………………... 10

Women in Trade Unions…………... 17

Conclusion………………………… 20

References…………………………. 22

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Introduction

Sweden is a country of ideal myth in many American minds. Visions of Vikings

plundering distant shores mix with the difficulties of Ikea furniture to create a country that seems

almost too good to be true. Scandinavia has always held a place of high esteem in the Western

eye, and has often acted as key players in Europe’s largest wars. The idea of the tall, stoic blond

family living in a rustic wood is understandably wonderful to imagine, but the country itself is

far more complicated. Swedish politics have not always seemed quite so kind.

During the years of its empire, Sweden’s tight grip extended throughout the Baltic. Those

that were fortunate enough to be born into the upper classes lived a life of absolute pleasure

while the rest of the population scraped just above minimal living standards. Sweden, influenced

by movements in England and France, was ready for a revolution by the 1860’s. Those at the

bottom wanted to become the leaders of tomorrow while the lords and earls focused on

maintaining the status quo even as the population exceeded the strain of the agrarian economy.

Over time, Sweden evolved beyond recognition. The 58 years between 1860 and 1918 saw an

end to a monarchical system and the beginning of democracy. These years brought great change

that can still be seen in modern Sweden.

Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf created a hypothesis in 1956. Their three-part

hypothesis focuses on the effects of language to an individual’s thoughts. As stated in their

paper, “The ‘real world’ is to a large extent unconsciously built upon the language habits of the

group” (Kay 86). This theory is still being tested across many disciplines. An article in the Wall

Street Journal, titled “Lost in Translation: new cognitive research suggests that language

profoundly influences the way people see the world; a different sense of blame in Japanese and

Spanish”, demonstrates the continuing debate on the hypothesis. The best example of language

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shaping thoughts and actions of the speaker is the Pormpuraaw in Australia. The language of

this small tribe is entirely based on the cardinal directions, with no references to “left” or

“rights”, so to say hello on must ask “Where are you going?” and the response could be “A long

way to the south-southwest. How about you?” (AFP in Stockholm 10). This also applies to how

time progresses. The author traveled to Australia and presented Pormpuraaw subjects with

pictures demonstrating a change in time, ex: a man at different ages. The subjects would then

arrange them in the order they though was correct. English speakers would arrange the time

progression from left to right, but the Pormpuraaw instead arrange east to west. If they are facing

east they place the cards in order down a line, if they face north they place them right to left. The

Pormpuraawans were not told which direction was which, instead they did this automatically.

Languages like that of the tribe that lean on cardinal directions ensure that the speakers have an

incredibly acute sense of direction (AFP in Stockholm 12). Beyond the individual, the language

demonstrates the priorities of a culture. If languages affect how individuals think and act, then

the culture itself is formed and forms these thoughts and actions. The specific structures of the

Swedish language were nailed into place in the 1800’s when universal education was made a

priority.

Swedes are well aware of the power of language. In 1944 Sweden formed a language

council, Nämnden för Svensk Språkvård (The Committee for Swedish Language Cultivation),

Språkvård for short, which was created solely to guide and control the Swedish language to

promote their ideals (Språkvård 1). In 1998 the Council set a precedent to move their work into

the digital age. The “Draft Action Programme for the Promotion of the Swedish Language”

emphasizes the promotion of Swedish throughout all layers of society to ensure that the language

remains the majority. As they promote Swedish they must also make sure to keep the other five

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official minority languages, Finnish, Meänkieli, Sami, Romani and Yiddish, fully integrated in

society (Språkvård 3). In March 2014 Språkvård continued to demonstrate their complete

understanding of the importance of the language promoting progressive values when they added

a new pronoun to the language. “Han” (he) and “hon” (she) were insufficient to the Swedes for

describing someone’s gender. The word “hen” joined these pronouns to fill in the gap. “The

pronoun Is used to refer to a person without revealing their gender – either because it is

unknown, because the person is transgender, or the speaker or writer deems the gender to be

superfluous information” (AFP in Stockholm 2). The word continues to be integrated into

Sweden’s gender-neutral policy, and thereby an important part of society.

Discourses and the changing culture priorities have a direct effect on the language. The

changes in laws is a direct reflection of what a society deems important, and the discussion

around those laws demonstrates the tug-of-war that lies just behind the words. As Sweden

evolved from a powerful monarchy into a democracy, the 58 years between 1860 and 1918

defined Sweden’s future. I will first discuss the laws and general societal changes through the

politics of the Riksdag, then I will set those politics into a smaller scale as I focus on the women

in the trade unions most actively engaged with the political shifts.

Methodology

Rhetoricians in the 19th and 20th centuries were very interested in language and its

physical presence. The majority of the linguists and rhetoricians viewed language as an

individual trait instead of a function of society. Mikhail Bakhtin, a popular rhetorician from

Moscow, published a paper relating the conversations around Marxism to the Russian language.

Titled Marxism and the Philosophy of Language, this work went against the grain and argued

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that language is ruled by discourses. In Part II of Marxism and the Philosophy of Language

Bakhtin discusses the verbal interaction and dialogue that forms language.

Language, as a reality, exists only in conversation: “There can be no such thing as an

abstract addressee, a man unto himself, so to speak. With such a person, we would indeed have

no language in common, literally and figuratively” (Bizzell 1215). Even in soliloquies the person

is in dialogue with the world in abstract form. How the communication is sent and processed

fully depends on the communities that the individual is a part of (Bizzell 1215). A greeting in a

strict formal situation in Western culture would not involve a lot of yelling and hugging, and

were an individual to greet another in such a fashion they would be seen as odd and not a part of

the community. Now, this understanding does not mean that the individual is just a cog in the

machine, speaking through the voice of the society. Each person brings their own flair, style,

motives, and desires that form their language. Personal experiences with other cultures and

languages can also affect the discourse form for each individual. The most pertinent point

Bakhtin makes is that social interactions over time, and the discourse that forms through them,

create the language. He uses the example of a hungry person approaching another for food:

Which way the intoning of the inner sensation of hunger will go depends upon the hungry person’s general social standing as well as upon the immediate circumstances of the experience. These are, after all, the circumstances that determine in what evaluative context, within what social purview, the experience of hunger will be apprehended. The immediate social contest will determine possible addresses, friends or foes, towards whom the consciousness and the experience of hunger will be oriented: whether it will involve dissatisfaction with cruel Nature, with oneself, with society, with a specific group within society, with a specific person, and so on. (Bizzell 1216)

In simpler words, Bakhtin is stating that how a person asks for food is determined by

every social aspect imaginable. A hungry rich man will demand for food while a poor man may

beg. These two utterances are extraordinarily different, and the exact phrasing will be determined

by the discourses surrounding hunger, social class, the human body, and so on. A modern

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example could be the beggars who write ‘God Bless You’ on their cardboard signs. Religious

people have a reputation of giving and also of leading a clean life; therefore, the beggars gain

from this discourse by not only appealing to those more likely to give, but they also may benefit

if they are seen leading clean lives as well. Language only exists between two souls in

conversation: a bridge between the communities that create and influence each individual. The

physical language is determined by discourse.

The discussion Bahktin began is still prominent in rhetoric today. James Gee is a

professor at the University of Wisconsin and his new take on linguistic studies moves far past the

words. He suggests that language is not just the grammar that rules it, but language also matters

in its use. “It is not just what you say, but how you say it” (Gee 5). The specifics of “how” it is

said forms the term he coined: Discourse. Discourses are manners and social habits we gain as

we grow. These Discourses are never taught to us. Throughout our childhood we learn through

experience how to behave and speak in a society. Certain actions and ideas separate us from

each other. Dinner rituals demonstrate our part in our family, shaking hands and introducing

ourselves presents another group we are in (Gee 5). These groups differ across culture,

geography, and language. Dominant Discourses are acquired from birth and cannot be learned.

They inherently put us in a certain culture and environment that we will always be a part of (Gee,

5). Though a seemingly simple concept, the idea of belonging is central to every society. Though

Gee focuses on the effects of Discourse in education, his theories are applicable on a larger scale.

After reading James Gee, my next question pertained to the relationship between Discourse and

the actual physical language.

If Discourses are the formation of language, and language forms society, then what is the

importance of the Discourses that are chosen to be ignored? Michel Foucault, a member of the

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College de France and chair of the History of Systems and Thought until his death, sought to

address the question of why societies choose to silence certain Discourses. His book, The Order

of Discourse, focused on the process of obtaining and passing on knowledge within societies. As

he states, “…in every society the production of discourse is at once controlled, selected,

organized, and redistributed by a certain number of procedures whose role is to ward off its

powers and dangers, to gain mastery over its chance events, to evade its ponderous, formidable

materiality” (Bizzell 1461). Though this specific quote makes it seem like some organization

within each society determines what is okay to discuss and what is not, he believes that the

society as a whole builds their moral centers together. Taboo is built through the Discourses

determined to be most repulsive by a society. Just as society changes, so do the taboos. The

movement to include “Hen” in the language as a new pronoun demonstrates a movement against

a past taboo. The idea of a third gender had been a silenced Discourse until Sweden came to an

agreement that multiple genders are acceptable. At the turn of the twentieth century, many

Discourses were in flux due to the breakdown of the agricultural class system. Which

communities and Discourses were silenced through this change?

Politics and Economics

The clearest and best source to understanding how Sweden evolved is Kurt Samuelsson’s

Från Stormakt till Välfärdsstat (From Great Power To Welfare State: 300 years of Swedish

social development). Written in 1968, the book was written at the request of the National Bank of

Sweden (Sveriges Riksbank) for its 300th anniversary. Samuelsson weaves the factors of

economics, social conditions, and political change into an easy read for all academic audiences.

The information that follows is mostly from this book.

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In 1860, Sweden’s parliament ruled the country, far exceeding the power of the King.

Known as the Riksdag, this parliament system was comprised of the nobles who controlled large

estates of land throughout Sweden and its subsidiary countries. At this time Sweden had lost both

Finland and its territories on mainland Europe, but it still controlled Norway remotely.

Agriculture was the main source of income and livelihood, creating a strict class structure. On

the very bottom were the statare, or migrant workers, who traveled around Sweden every year in

search of a better lord (Samuelsson 80). Above them were the more stable peasants and crofters

who only moved every few years, the landowning farmers, the lords, and finally the King. The

King’s power had been severely weakened by the Riksdag, but he still held some sway over the

more conservative lords.

As long as the system had lasted, the winds of change were blowing in from England.

The Industrial Revolution had crept its way over to Sweden’s waters, coming into full swing by

1880. Already a new class was emerging in Sweden’s largest cities. Factories offered a new

chance at growing a fortune for those who had no luck with agriculture. Trade increased as

standardized goods flowed into the market, replacing the old sloyd system. This old system was a

mix of black market and heavily regulated crafting work, which functioned well on a local scale

but could not hold up to the factory products. The growing “neuveau riche” class was quickly

taking control of the market and thereby earning seats in the Riksdag. Sensing the threat of

replacement the lords decided to reform the parliamentary system.

The goal of the reform was to maintain power while also offering a spot for the up-and-

coming members. To achieve a balance they enacted the Organic Law of 1866. Splitting the

Riksdag into two chambers, they offered a place for voters to control and a section for the lords

to maintain. The Lower Chamber was decided upon by direct elections. Anyone could run for

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these positions so long as they were able to vote. Unfortunately only 25% of the male population

qualified to vote (Samuelsson 138). The Upper Chamber was elected by local parliaments, which

allowed the lords to maintain power through their vast political connections. This system seemed

to favor the new industrialists and lords, but the move backfired and gave the landowning

farmers more power. The fight for seats weakened the power of the employers and the workers

as the landowning farmers held their seats without dispute.

The importance of this referendum cannot be understated. This was Sweden’s first

attempt at a true democracy and it missed the mark vitally. Leading up to this moment the

government had been exceedingly progressive in granting its people rights and power. Once this

passed the progression slowed until the turn of the century. The old order fought on, and would

continue to haunt Sweden until the mid-1930’s when another set of government reforms

transformed the country into the welfare state it is today.

By 1900 the industrial revolution was in control and growing at a rate few would have

believed. Factories and cities had taken in most of the statare and extremely poor farmers. A

middle class was well-established both economically and politically. Those that felt down on

their luck were able to emigrate to America to take advantage of the Homestead Act

(Samuelsson 165). Sweden’s population was on the move and ready for change.

The main players for these next 18 years were the Social Democrats, the Conservatives,

and the Liberals. Each had their own specific sets of goals, and would be broken down into

smaller bits through the two decades. Social Democrats and Liberals often saw eye-to-eye, but

the Social Democrats wanted to go further and create a completely equal society. The

Conservatives wanted to maintain parts of the status quo because of the fear of rebellion by the

lower classes.

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The first huge shift was Sweden conceding power over Norway. Their neighbor was the

last remnant of an empire that dominated the Baltics through military might. In 1905, Sweden

abandoned the dying idea to become a land-based empire (Samuelsson 186). Moving focus to the

interior, the government moved forward to create a safer environment for their constitutes. In

1907 the Riksdag implemented laws to regulate negotiations between tenants and building

owners (Samuelsson 203). Two years later the trade unions and the Social Democrats organized

a general strike for all factory workers. The strike united those in the worst poverty, but was

ultimately a failure. The implications of this movement will be addressed later in this piece.

Despite the large gains through the legislature, there was a constant battle between

pessimism and optimism. Though some tenants felt more protected from their building owners,

disease and fire were a constant threat in every city, and an economic crisis in 1907 did nothing

to help (Samuelsson 220). A large percentage of the population discovered that they had traded

one form of awful labor for another, and were brutally aware of how dangerous factory work

was. Those still working in agriculture discovered that even though there was less competition

for their jobs, the lords were reluctant to increase their pay. To add insult to injury, the strict

class system of the agriculture economy hovered over many in the form of classism. Lords and

factory owners often believed that the “worker” was another form of human being made only to

serve and die (Samuelsson 205). The propensity for disease, rampant illiteracy, and violent

behavior was seen by the more conservative leaders as a by-product of being from a worker

family, not by the miserable conditions they were surviving in. This made it difficult for any

movement to create actual change on the grand scale. To gain the attention necessary, the unions

called for the largest strike seen in Sweden.

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The General Strike of 1909 determined the course of action for both the trade unions and

the progressive political parties, even to this day (Samuelsson 219). Tensions between the

employers and the workers had been boiling since the very beginning of the industrial revolution,

and many had had enough. Even in the Riksdag arguments were tearing the parties apart. The

workers formed a small political group called Landorganisationen (LO) in order to increase their

presence in the government (Samuelsson 207). To counter this movement, the employers formed

their own party, quite unnecessarily because “your employers are your legislators” (Samuelsson

208), specifically to combat the growing power of the workers. Brawls broke out all over

Stockholm. The General Strike was put together by the LO to demonstrate the necessity of

workers by removing them from the factories. Thousands of workers sat off their jobs despite

threats of replacement by employers. Though the movement was a dramatic gesture, the unions

did not have enough resources to continue the strike long enough to make a difference. Workers

had to go back to their jobs in order to feed their families and the threats from employers quickly

wore down the resolve of the most stubborn. The strike ended in a short fizzle, but because of

that the unions and the Social Democrats decided to abandon their ideas of rebellion. Though the

tension between the employers and the workers was far from resolved, the best course of action

would be through the Riksdag (Samuelsson 220). This decision to move away from huge strikes

and general rebellion has been the tactics of the Social Democrats even to this day. Developing

laws to protect workers without them having to sacrifice their livelihood became extremely

important. This change from lawlessness to solely political change may have even saved Sweden

from a violent revolution.

After the strike, the Social Democrats struggled to continue the change they had

promised. Male suffrage was extremely important, and passed in 1909 just after the General

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Strike. Unfortunately this increased voter base did not quite have the effect the Social Democrats

were hoping for. Many workers did not vote in elections or for local budget changes because

they either did not have the time or did not feel as though their small vote would change anything

(Samuelsson 220). This latter idea was accentuated by the ‘plural votes’ system in which the

organizations or people highest in the class system received more than one vote. As with other

countries in the midst of the Industrial Revolution, the workers were alienated from their

supervisors. In the agrarian age the workers knew exactly who held the power and could place a

physical connection to them by seeing them regularly or by being connected to their estate.

Factories, on the other hand, relied on a much more distant form of domination, “behind the

foremen, engineers and executives in the new factories, there loomed the ‘company’ and

‘company bosses’: they represented something anonymous and institutional, hence inhuman,

strange and often menacing” (Samuelsson 212). Banks and public spaces grew larger and more

grand, separating themselves from the meager existence of the workers. In addition, the ideas of

the old world order still reigned. As previously mentioned, workers were not seen as human but

as a strange race where rampant violence and death were normal affairs.

The Social Democrats fought this idea of the world order, and continuously sought to

change it with varying results. The party itself was fiercely nationalistic, made up mostly of

business and market entrepreneurs who were able to climb the ladder. These folks were very

rarely from statare or other low workers, but they still wanted to create an ideal Swedish society

for all. In 1911 the Social Democrats were able to take over the Riksdag, creating the Social

Democrat Ricksdagsmen (Samuelsson 216). Now, it is important to point out that even as this

liberal-focused party took control, it was still incredibly difficult for anyone to rise on the social

ladder. This party was made up of the small percentage that was able to, whether through

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entrepreneurship or by making the right connections. In 1911 the Riksdag was led by the Social

Democrats, with the Liberals and Conservatives right behind them. It was an awkward balance,

but one that seemed to work for the time.

World War I created political upheaval so quickly that the incident was named the

Courtyard Crisis of 1914. The King, Gustav V, had always views the Riksdag as more of an

advisory board than the governing body of the country. He let them deal with the manners of

state until an internal crisis erupted. World War I placed the King back in charge temporarily to

deal with the oncoming upheaval. The Liberal government fell apart as the King spoke in the

Courtyard. Karl Staaff, leader of the Liberal party, was accused of high treason and his entire

party was swiftly taken out of power (Samuelsson 219). Though the Social Democrat party was

strong, they had always used the conflict between Liberals and Conservatives to pass their own

accords. Without the Liberals they found themselves face-to-face with Sweden’s most powerful

party. The Conservatives took power under the Hammarskjöld-Wallenberg Government

(Samuelsson 218) and set in stone Sweden’s economic and political fate for the war.

All socio-political efforts were put on pause for the first few years of the war. Gustav V

and Hammarskjöld enforced a strict policy of neutrality in every facet of Swedish society. Trade

was essentially cut off both by the U-Boats and by Hammarskjöld policy. Though the

government had been working on creating a self-sustaining Sweden, the war had come too

quickly for their policies to be complete. Ending trade with Europe destroyed every facet of

production in Sweden for well into the 1930’s. Famine and livestock shortages created disease

that swept through the country, and still Sweden maintained neutrality (Samuelsson 220). As the

war began to draw to a close, Sweden was able to pull back together and continue with the

evolving social change. The election in 1917 placed Social Democrats and Liberals back on top,

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allowing for the passage of the 1918 universal suffrage act and the demolition of plural votes

(Samuelsson 221). Now every citizen in Sweden had an equal voice. At the end of World War I

Sweden became a true democracy. In the following years, Sweden would struggle to shrug off

the cobwebs of the class system as the economy faltered. The political system of the Riksdag

would evolve slowly, with many false steps, into a strong democracy and eventually into the

economic powerhouse Sweden is today.

Women in Trade Unions

Trade unions were the backbone of the vast societal change because they gave voice and

power to the workers even in the worst of conditions. Women in these unions were held in a

strange paradox of being perceived as the ‘other sex’ while also working in the same conditions

as the men. For this next section I will be examining the language and Discourses around women

in this environment. The political backdrop as explained in the previous section is a good guide

to how the changes evolved, and this section will reinforced the effects of those changes by

demonstrating the shifts in language and attitude towards women.

Throughout the trade union’s rise to power, women’s place in the unions was always

tenuous. Carolina Uppenberg, in her article “Female Workers but not Women: paradoxes in

women’s conditions and strategies in Swedish trade unions, 1900-1925”, studied the minutes of

three trade unions to assess any similar trends when discussing women in the workplace.

Uppenberg assesses the Swedish Tailoring Workers’ Union (Skrädderiarbetareförbundet), the

Swedish Textile Workers’ Union (Textilarbetareförbundet) and the Swedish Women’s Trade

Union (Kvinnornas fackförbund). Each of these struggled to join the national conversation

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through the Landorganisationen (LO), as well as wrestled with the place of women in advancing

social issues.

It is important to note that the Riksdag’s general approach to women until 1917 was one

of silencing. In an 1864 Penal Code the Riksdag enforced a strict privacy to domestic violence

(Liliequist 20). The Code prevented any audience member to an act of violence from reporting it

unless the act was in a highly public place. Before such a policy, neighbors and judges were able

to bring the couple to court in an attempt to separate them. Now with this law it was up to the

abused to report their spouse’s actions. After the turn of the century, the narrative surrounding

domestic violence shifted into the temperance movement. Plays and pamphlets displayed

domestic violence as a drunken poor man beating his wife and children. The focus was on the

alcohol and not the abused, “The central message in illustrated brochures like The Murder Angel

(‘Mord¨angeln’, 1858) and The Drunkard and his Children (‘Drinkaren och hans barn’,

1859) is to warn of the seductive power of alcohol – just one glass in the company of

false friends could cause a most respectable young husband and father to fall, resulting

in misery, wife beating and murder as the logical and ultimate consequences” (Liliequist 20).

Any attempts to provide a solution to the women most often involved patience and prayer. Even

those at the front lines of persecuting abuse hid behind the Penal Code. Carl Johan Schlyter, a

man of considerable power and influence, publically disavowed men who abused their wives but

privately, “spent his Saturdays beating the sin out of his wife, children and servants” (Liliequist

20). Because of this constant silencing, the conversation between the trade unions and women is

far from surprising.

Trade unions often fell into two categories: industry-based and role-based. Industry-based

unions united workers across all jobs involved in the creation of a certain project, like the Textile

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Workers’ Union. Role-based focused on an individual job, as is seen in the Tailoring Workers’

Union. In both cases, the number of women involved with the unions was low until about 1920

even in female-dominated fields. As unions organized events like the General Strike, the debate

about women members often repeated itself. The Textile Union assumed they were made up of

male tailors and the refined jobs of women’s tailoring despite the membership base being mostly

women and men in the lower positions at the factories (Uppenberg 65). Such talk comes to a

head when there are debates among the union councils on why their protests failed:

One reason why organization among textile workers is weak and that a great loss of membership took place when adversity arose, in the speaker’s opinion, is that the largest number of workers in this industry consists of women and underage workers, who, along with some male comrades, became absolutely terrified when the full weight of the employers’ lockout came down upon them. (Uppenberg 65)

The LO enforced such alienating debates by not allowing women to serve on its highest

committee. Uppenberg demonstrates how women were continuously silenced in both policy and

in conversation. Women had always been paid less than men, even if completing the same form

of work. The LO, when determining its dues, decided to make the fee the same for all members.

Though they praised their equality policies, they solidified themselves as a male-dominated

organization. Women were unable to pay the dues to join the LO, thereby excluding them from

the national conversation. This lack of voice led to policies focusing on the problems facing male

workers while creating an ambivalence towards female issues. The Women’s Trade Union

sought to actively change this trend, but often found itself fighting for the very right to exist.

Seen as competition for workers, the Women’s Trade Union was constantly pointing out that

they unite workers where women are either not offered a part in the union or such a union has yet

to exist (Uppenberg 71). In all three unions women were considered weak, difficult to organize,

and only a small part of the labor market. The Women’s Trade Union constantly balanced

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between asserting their existence and challenging the male-dominated trade unions. Until 1918

and the passage of universal suffrage women were unable to voice their opinions. The policies

and shifts discussed in the Politics and Economics section were very much driven by men, but

they were also influenced by the actions of women despite their lack of power. Unions were

constantly arguing over who should be a part of their community as they produced bills that

protected workers. Who they protected and who they placed as important was ultimately

determined by membership. Women’s policies were not fully pursued until women gained the

voice to enter in these conversations. The very lack of Discourse within the unions to create a

space for women to hold power over their lives demonstrates a dismissal of the female sex as a

whole, an action that Sweden would have to fight bitterly against to gain the reputation of

equality it has today.

Conclusion

Sweden from this point on in history would struggle to form the Scandinavian force that

it is today. These 58 years of intense reform and evolution determined the stance that the country

would work off of to create equality. Discourses in the labor community chose to view women

only as important when they were put purely in the “worker” category. Any time they identified

as women, they became a threat to the movement: the weakest link. Through the right to vote

and protest, women would struggle against these barriers to have their voice heard. The efforts of

these brave women have created a country that is completely focused on the equality of the

sexes. Legislation is pouring in to enforce equal pay, opportunity, and parental leave across the

workforce.

21

Unfortunately, despite a forward movement by the government, Sweden is not the safe-

haven of equality the country would like to be. Within the last five years Sweden has been on the

news for the increased rates of violence and rape. In 1995 there were 1,707 cases of rape

reported, but in 2014 there were 6,697 (Brown 5). Xenophobic groups blame the refugees, using

terms like “Islamized Sweden” to declare a state of war against the immigrants and refugees

entering the conversation (10news.dk). Though I do not recommend clicking on these sites or

reading the articles to limit the amount of curious traffic that ends up boosting their cause, the

terms and Discourse they use are extremely important. The Discourse around native Swedish

women is one of protection. They purport a desire to protect the women from these invaders.

This rallying cry leaves no room for the women themselves to step in with their own voice. Such

a repression of voice is typical of xenophobic movements, but interestingly there is little voice

within the national conversation as well. The largest platform for feminists and anti-racists to

speak is through Feminist Initiative (Feministiskt initiative): a political party vying for seats in

the Riksdag. They seek reform on all fronts, including mandatory paternal leave. The first point

on their election platform is, “Freedom from violence and discrimination, and everyone’s right to

welfare and culture are cornerstones in a democratic society” (Election Platform 1). The party

seeks more than just legislative reform in order to change society as a whole. Though the

information in English does not go into great detail, the party proposes training within the justice

system to create tolerance for victims of violence as well as improved sex education.

Unfortunately this party has been unable to gain the 5% voter support necessary to gain a seat in

the Riksdag since 2005. Sweden has the image of being the perfect country for such a group, yet

the feminists are struggling to gain 5% support while the Swedish Democrats, an anti-migrant

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group, currently holds 20% of the Riksdag (Gray 7). Is this silence within the Riksdag on the

alarming rape statistics the new tabooed Discourse?

A quick overview of the research available in English shows that only outside sources are

covering the increased rape statistics. All sources focused on the authority response, general

media silence, and the available statistics. For example, in 2012 BBC News wrote a piece on the

reliability of comparing one country’s rape statists to another. Titled, “Sweden’s Rape Rate

Under the Spotlight” the article pointed out that statistics do not give us an accurate picture of

rape cases because of the many that go unreported. This trend in media could be due to several

factors, including the fact that the statistics do not show a trend of violence due to immigration or

a lack thereof. Xenophobic groups can claim that only those of Muslim descent are the cause of

this violence, but there is absolutely no support. Unfortunately, none of these outside sources

address the feminist communities in Sweden and their ideas. In large productions like The

Guardian and The BBC there was no mention of the national conversation other than the fact that

xenophobic groups are using the statistics for their cause. A search for feminist groups in

Sweden brought just as few results. The majority of groups were focused on legislation for the

workforce. Though this is important, why is there no counter-voice asking for clearer statistics

and increased conversation? When Sweden underwent the labor transformation in the early

twentieth century the groups chose to protect and also exclude women. This silence extended

onto the women themselves: dismissing their own power and place in the labor market. The

recent lack of conversation around rape suggests that a similar experience is happening.

Movements for words like “Hen” demonstrate that great progress has been made since the

1920’s, yet there is the contradiction in Discourse on rape and violence. Ideas on gender and

23

gender equality are always changing, and will continue to change as immigrants gain their own

voice in the Riksdag.

Before this paper ends, it is important for me to address why the research of Discourse in

another country is important for an American/English speaking audience. Though Sweden is far

away and may seem to have little influence on American culture, recent political conversation

has determined the Nordic countries to be the ideal for the Democrats. For example, Bernie

Sanders has inspired many of the youth by proposing a change to the “Nordic Model.” American

Discourse on the Nordic model is full of admiration, and so the idea of switching to the system is

highly appealing. A study of the Discourses that built the societies abroad could in turn allow for

a study of the national conversations that built America. Opening up the national conversation to

international audiences would allow every culture to understand and analyze itself to a fuller

degree. Understanding how we think, act, and speak allows us to transform our culture while also

gaining the ability to imagine ourselves in a different Discourse.

Discourse is the basis of how individuals think and act within a society. What is right and

wrong is determined solely through agreement of taboos. Sweden moved into the modern age

through the Discourses deemed important. Future study into this field must be multidisciplinary

and multicultural by nature, allowing for all voices to enter the conversation even if they are

silenced in the country chosen for the study.

24

25

References

AFP in Stockholm. “Sweden Adds Gender-Neutral Pronoun to Dictionary.” The Guardian. The

Guardian Mag., 24 March 2015. Web. 20 May 2016.

This brief article quickly details the new pronoun available in Swedish, as put forward by

the Swedish Language council. Such a word has been proposed in the past, which the

Guardian details quickly, but had never caught on. This article demonstrates current

trends in language cultivation that Swedes find important.

Bizzell, Patricia, Herzberg, Bruce. The Rhetorical Tradition: Readings from Classical Times to

the Present. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2001. Print.

This book is a compilation of the most influential rhetoricians from Aristotle to the time

it was published. Before each author there is a discussion on the environment they lived

in, what papers they produced, which papers are included in the book, and the influence

they left. I used this source to both interpret and read Bahktin and Foucault.

Boroditsky, Lera. “Lost in Translation: new cognitive research suggests that language

profoundly influence the way people see the world; a different sense of blame in Japanese

and Spanish.” Wall Street Journal. Wall Street Journal Mag., 23 July 2010. Web. 20 May

2016.

In previous sources a link between language and thought was difficult, but this source

opened up the current research that demonstrates this link. Boroditsky demonstrates the

trends in science and anthropology to link language and thought, including brain scans

and interpretation of events. This article is a lead into the future of language studies.

26

“Election Platform” feministiskinitiativ.se. Feministiskt Initiativ, 2014. Web. 28 April 2016.

The Feminist party in Sweden has a few web pages in English, and this particular one is

their most detailed page. I used this source to demonstrate the priorities of the largest

feminist group in Sweden.

Gee, James Paul. “Literacy, Discourse, and Linguistics: Introduction.” Journal of Education

171.1 (1989): 5-17. Print.

Though Gee’s article is an older source, his work is a constant reference in the studies of

Discourses. The article separates language from the implication that it is just words, and

places the context into the understanding of the discussion.

Gray, Eliza. “Swedish Feminists Thread Needle Between Sexism and Racism in Migrant

Controversy” Time.com. Time Mag., 19 Jan. 2016. Web. 27 April 2016.

The purpose of this article was to demonstrate the lack of conversation on rape, and how

instead many are blaming the refugees.

Kay, and Willett Kempton. “What is the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis?” American Anthropological

Association 86.1 (1984): 65-79. JSTOR Arts and Sciences II. Web. 21 May 2016.

The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis was a part of the linguistic movement in the 1980’s to

categorize language differences and miscommunications. The article is a summary and

test of the hypothesis through the interpretation of color by subjects who speak different

languages. Those who’s languages placed greater emphasis on color were able to identify

more hues.

Liliequist, Jonas. “Changing Discourses of Marital Violence in Sweden from the Age of

Reformation to the Late Nineteenth Century.” Gender & History 23.1 (2011): 1-25.

EBSCOhost Academic Search Complete. Web. 21 May 2016.

27

Domestic violence is a huge issue both in the past and the present, and this article

contextualizes the conversation around abuse from the late 1600’s to the end of the

nineteenth century. This excellent source is thorough and easy to understand as Liliequist

demonstrates the change in attitude through plays and pamphlets.

Samuelsson, Kurt. From Great Power to Welfare State: 300 years of Swedish social

development. London: Unwin Brothers Limited, 1968. Print.

Prompted by the National Bank of Sweden, this book thoroughly covers the major

arguments and shifts in culture by examining the forces of politics and economics. The

book is broken down into each economic age, from agrarian to industrial. Samuelsson

focuses on creating an approachable source for those outside Sweden.

Språkrådet. “Weclome to the Language Council of Sweden – the official language cultivation

body of Sweden.” Sprakochfolkminnen. Language Council of Sweden. 22 March 2014.

Web. 19 March 2016.

Written by the Language Council, this webpage is their only information in English. The

page quickly details who the council is and how they operate. There is also a link to their

Draft Action Program create in 1998.

Swedish Language Council. “Draft Action Programme for the Promotion of the Swedish

Language.” Swedish Language Council March 1998. Web. 20 March 2016.

This article details the functions of the Language Council as the country moves into the

digital age. Prompted by the takeover of English online, the Language Council seeks to

maintain Swedish as an important language while also supporting the minority languages

inside the country.

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“Sweden: Muslim rapes woman lying on broken glass.” 10news.dk. 10news.dk, 31 December

2014. Web. 23 May 2016.

10news.dk is a web source for anti-immigration articles and groups. This particular page

demonstrated the conversation in the xenophobic communities that is popular in Sweden

today. Though unpleasant, it is important to understand what the extreme right values

when approaching a conversation on Discourse.

Uppenberg, Carolina. “Female Workers but not Women: paradoxes in women’s conditions and

strategies in Swedish trade unions, 190-1925.” Moving the Social 48 (2012): 49-72.

Gothenberg University Publications. Web. 21 March 2016.

Women were very much a part of the conversation as Sweden evolved, but my previous

sources hardly ever detailed the specific work that women underwent to create change.

This article focuses on the relationship between the trade unions and the deep sexism that

permeated every conversation.