The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology - Vol. 25.1 (1993).pdf

Volume 25 Number 1, 1993

REVIEW

The transpersonal: Psychotherapy and counseling. Rowan

The art of transcendence: An introduction to common elements of

transpersonal practices

Roger Walsh & Frances Vaughan

Transpersonal psychology research review:

Psychospiritual dimensions of healing

David Lukoff, Robert Turner

& Francis G. Lu

A

Reflections of shaktipat: Psychosis or the rise of kundalini? A case study

Jon Ossoff

The physio-kundalini syndrome and mental illness

Bruce Greyson

Death and near-death: A comparison of Tibetan and Euro-American experiences

Christopher Carr

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NOTICE TO

SUBSCRIBERS

NOTICE TO

AUTHORS

BOOKS FOR

REVIEW

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology is published semi-annually beginning with Volume 1, No. 1,1969.

Current year subscriptions—Volume 25,1993.To individuals: $24.00 per year; $12.00 either issue.To libraries and all institutions: $32 per year or $16 either issue. Overseas airmail, add $11 per volume, $5.50 per issue.

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The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology is indexed in Psychological Abstracts and listed in Chicorel Health Science Indexes,International Bibliography of Periodical Literature,International Bibliography of Book Reviews,Mental Health Abstracts,Psychological Reader’s Guide, and beginning in 1982 Current Contents/Social & Behavioral Sciences Social Sciences Citation Index Contenta Religionum

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Copyright © 1993 Transpersonal Institute345 California Avenue, Suite No. 1, Palo Alto, California 94306

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EDITORIAL

STAFF

FIELD

EDITORS

BOARD OF

EDITORS

Miles A Vich, editor

James Fadiman, Sonja Margulies,John Welwood, associate editors

Ken Wilber, consulting editor

Paul M. Clemens, technical editor

Michael S. Hutton, assistant editor

Francis G. Lu, David Lukoff, research review co-editors

Marcie Boucouvalas, Virginia Polytechnic Institute Jack Engler, Schiff Center, Cambridge, Massachusetts Jacques Maquet, University of California, Los Angeles

Medard Boss, University of Zurich, SwitzerlandJ .F. Bugental, Santa Rosa, CaliforniaJames Fadiman, Menlo Park, CaliforniaViktor Frankl, University of Vienna, AustriaDaniel Goleman, New York, New YorkAlyce M. Green, Menninger Foundation, Topeka, KansasElmer E. Green, Menninger Foundation, Topeka, KansasStanislav Grof, Esalen, Big Sur, CaliforniaHerbert V. Guenther, University of Saskatchewan, CanadaStanley Krippner, San Francisco, CaliforniaLawrence LeShan, New York, New YorkJohn Levy, San Francisco, CaliforniaSonja Margulies, Sunnyvale, CaliforniaMichael Murphy, San Rafael, CaliforniaHuston Smith, Syracuse University, New YorkCharles T. Tart, University of California, DavisFrances E. Vaughan, Tiburon, CaliforniaMiles A. Vich, Palo Alto, CaliforniaThomas N. Weide, Albuquerque, New Mexico

Roberto Assagioli (1888-1974) Hubert Bonner (1901-1970) Alister Brass (1937-1987) Charlotte Buhler (1893-1974) Robert Hartman (1910-1973) Sidney M. Jourard (1926-1974)

Arthur Koestler (1905-1983) Gabriel Margulies (1931-1981) Abraham H. Maslow (1908-1970) Walter N. Pahnke (1931-1971) Chogyam Trungpa (1939-1987) Alan Watts (1915-1973)

Anthony J. Sutich (1907-1976), founding editor, 1969-1976

VOLUME 25, NUMBER 1, 1993THE JOURNAL OF TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

Editor’s note

The art of transcendence: An introduction to common elements of transpersonal practices Roger Walsh & Frances Vaughan

Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychospiritual dimensions of healing David Lukoff, Robert Turner & Francis G. Lu

Reflections of shaktipat: Psychosis or the rise of kundalini? A case study Jon Ossoff

The physio-kundalini syndrome and mental illness Bruce Greyson

Death and near-death: A comparison of Tibetan and Euro-American experiences Christopher Carr

Book review

Books noted

Books our editors are reading

About the authors

Abstracts

Back issues

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TABLE

OF CONTENTS

With this issue, the Journal begins its twenty-fifth year of continuous publication. For any periodical this would be a notable achievement, but perhaps of more significance for JTP is the degree to which the field of transpersonal psychology has developed since this Journal was first published in 1969.

Roger Walsh and Frances Vaughan’s opening article exemplifies this. They draw on both the oldest wisdom traditions and contemporary transpersonal explorations. Their presentation recognizes historical roots and an expanding body of new contributions to the art and technology of transcendence.

The growing range and depth of transpersonal topics is also evident in Lukoff, Turner and Lu’s Research Review of “Psychospiritual Dimensions of Healing.” They include an announcement of the recent acceptance of a new clinical category, “Religious or Spiritual Problem,” for problems not attributable to a mental disorder—an indication of how much professional thinking is moving in these directions.

When JTP first appeared, the Western psychological and psychiatric literature was without any significant mention of kundalini, or near-death experiences—although these phenomena were recognized outside of psychology. Now, kundalini case material is accumulating—as Ossoff's dramatic and detailed report illustrates. Also, comparison-group research is refining similarities and differences, as shown by Greyson’s study of psychiatric patients, Near-Death Experiencers and control subjects.

About the time JTP first appeared, Tibetan Buddhists were beginning to teach in the West. Interest in the Tibetan books of the dead and meditation training drew increasingly serious attention. When, a decade later, Euro-American Near-Death Experience reports appeared in the research literature, some parallels were seen with the Tibetan materials. Work in these areas has now progressed such that anthropologist Christopher Carr believes a genuine comparison can be made. His careful study, drawing crossculturally from different psychologies and world views, could not have been done twenty-five years ago. Today, however, his research, and that of the many authors who have appeared in this Journal, is part of a wave of cultural change that has ever- increasing ramifications.

editor’s note

THE ART OF TRANSCENDENCE: AN INTRODUCTION TO COMMON ELEMENTS OF TRANSPERSONAL PRACTICES

Roger Walsh Irvine, California

Frances Vaughan Mill Valley, California

We must close our eyes and invoke a new manner of seeing . . . a wakefulness that is the birthright of us all, though few put it to use.

(Plotinus, 1964)

When historians look back at the twentieth century, they may conclude that two of the most important breakthroughs in Western psychology were not discoveries of new knowledge but recognitions of old wisdom.

First, psychological maturation can continue far beyond our arbitrary, culture-bound definitions of normality (Wilber, 1980; Wilber et al., 1986). There exist further developmental possibilities latent within us all. As William James put it, “most people live, whether physically, intellectually or morally, in a very restricted circle of their potential being. They make use of a very small portion of their possible consciousness. . . . We all have reservoirs of life to draw upon, of which we do not dream.”

Second, techniques exist for realizing these “reservoirs of life” or transpersonal potentials. These techniques are part of an art and technology that has been refined over thousands of years in hundreds of cultures and constitutes the contemplative core of the

The authors would like to thank all those who contributed to the writing of this article, especially Sonja Margulies, K.en Wilber and Bonnie L’Allier.

Copyright © 1993 Transpersonal Institute

furtherdevelopmentalpossibilities

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1993, Vol. 25, No. 1 1

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world’s great religious traditions. This is the art of transcendence, designed to catalyze transpersonal development (Walsh, 1990; Walsh & Vaughan, 1993). As such it is based on two fundamental assumptions about the nature and potentials of the mind.

The first assumption is that our usual state of consciousness is suboptimal. In fact, it has been described in terms such as clouded, distorted, dreamlike, entranced and largely out of control. This has been recognized by psychologists and mystics of both East and West (Huxley, 1945; Mikulis, 1991; Tart, 1986). For Freud (1917) it was the culture-shaking recognition that “man is not even master in his own house ... his own mind,” that echoed the Bhagavad Gita's despairing cry two thousand years earlier:

Restless (the) mind is,So strongly shaken In the grip of the senses:Gross and grown hardWith stubborn desire.........Truly, I thinkThe wind is no wilder.

(Prabhavananda & Isherwood, 1944)

In the words of Ram Dass (1975), “we are all prisoners of our own mind. This realization is the first step on the journey to freedom.” Or as Pir Vilayat Khan put it even more succinctly, “The bind is in the mind.”

The second assumption is that although the untrained mind is clouded and out of control, it can be trained and clarified, and this training catalyzes transpersonal potentials. This is a central theme of the perennial philosophy. For Socrates:

In order that the mind should see light instead of darkness, so the entire soul must be turned away from this changing world, until its eye can bear to contemplate reality and that supreme splendor which we call the Good. Hence there may well be an art whose aim would be to affect this very thing (Plato, 1945).

Likewise, according to Ramana Maharshi (1955), “All scriptures without any exception proclaim that for salvation mind should be subdued.”

Although practices and techniques vary widely, there seem to be six common elements that constitute the heart of the art of transcendence: ethical training, concentration, emotional transformation, redirection of motivation, refinement of awareness, and the cultivation of wisdom. The purpose of this paper is to provide a synoptic introduction to the art of transcendence and its common elements in the hope of stimulating appreciation, research and practice of them.

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1993, Vol. 25, No. 12

SIX COMMON ELEMENTS

Ethics

Ethics is widely regarded as an essential foundation of transpersonal development. However, contemplative traditions view ethics, not in terms of conventional morality, but rather as an essential discipline for training the mind. Contemplative introspection renders it painfully apparent that unethical behavior both stems from and reinforces destructive mental factors such as greed and anger. Conversely, ethical behavior undermines these and cultivates mental factors such as kindness, compassion and calm. Ultimately, after transpersonal maturation occurs, ethical behavior is said to flow spontaneously as a natural expression of identification with all people and all life (Radhakrishnan, 1929). For a person at this stage, which corresponds to Lawrence Kohlberg’s (1981) highest or seventh stage of moral development—a stage that Kohlberg felt required transcendent experience—“Whatever is . . . thought to be necessary for sentient beings happens all the time of its own accord” (Gampopa, 1971).

Attentional Training

Attentional training and the cultivation of concentration are regarded as essential for overcoming the fickle wanderlust of the untrained mind (Goleman, 1988). As E.F. Schumacher (1973) observed of attention, “No topic occupies a more central place in all traditional teaching; and no subject suffers more neglect, misunderstanding, and distortion in the thinking of the modem world.”

Attentional training is certainly misunderstood by Western psychology, which has unquestioningly accepted William James’ century-old conclusion that “Attention cannot be continuously sustained” (James, 1899/1962). Yet James went further: “The faculty of voluntarily bringing back a wandering attention over and over again is the very root of judgement, character and will. No one is compos sui if he have it not. An education which would improve this faculty would be the education par excellence. ... It is easier to define this ideal than to give practical direction for bringing it about” (James, 1910/1950). Here, then, we have a stark contrast between traditional Western psychology, which says attention cannot be sustained, and the art of transcendence, which says that attention can and must be sustained, if we are to mature beyond conventional developmental limits.

Being able to direct attention at will is so important because the mind tends to take on qualities of the objects to which it attends (Goldstein, 1983). For example, thinking of an angry person tends

theficklewanderlustoftheuntrainedmind

The Art of Transcendence 3

to elicit anger while thinking of a loving person may elicit feelings of love. The person who can control attention can therefore control and cultivate specific emotions and motives.

Emotional Transformation

Ethical behavior and attentional stability facilitate the third element of the art of transcendence: emotional transformation. There appear to be three components to emotional transformation.

The first is the reduction of destructive emotions such as fear and anger, a process which is well known in mainstream Western therapy. Of course, what is implied here is not repression or suppression but rather clear awareness of such emotions and consciously relinquishing them where appropriate.

The second component is the cultivation of positive emotions such as love, joy and compassion. Whereas conventional Western therapies have many techniques for reducing negative emotions, they have virtually none for enhancing positive emotions such as these. In contrast, the art of transcendence contains a wealth of practices for cultivating these emotions to an intensity and extent undreamed of in Western psychology. Thus, for example, the Buddhist’s compassion, the Bhakti’s love, and the Christian’s agape are said to reach their full flowering only when they unconditionally and unwaveringly encompass all creatures, without exception and without reserve (Kongtrul, 1987; Singer, 1987).

This intensity and scope of positive emotion is facilitated by a third component of emotional transformation: the cultivation of equanimity. This is an imperturbability that fosters mental equilibrium and as such it helps emotions such as love and compassion to remain unconditional and unwavering even under duress. This capacity is analogous to the Stoics “apatheia,” the Christian Father’s “divine apatheia,” the Buddhist’s equanimity, the contemporary philosopher Franklin Merrell-Wolffs “high indifference,” the Hindu’s samatva which leads to a “vision of sameness,” and the Taoist principle of “the equality of things,” which leads beyond “the trouble of preferring one thing to another.”

Motivation

Ethical behavior, attentional stability and emotional transformation all work together, along with practices such as meditation, to redirect motivation along healthier, more transpersonal directions.


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The net effect is a change in the direction, variety and focus of motivation as well as a reduction in its compulsivity.

Traditionally it is said that motivation becomes less scattered and more focused; the things desired become more subtle and more internal. Desires gradually become less self-centered and more self-transcendent with less emphasis on getting and more on giving. Supportive findings from contemporary research suggest that psychological maturity is associated with a shift from egocentric to allocentric (concern for others) motivation (Heath, 1983).

Traditionally this motivational shift was seen as “purification” or as “giving up attachment to the world.” In contemporary terms it seems analogous to movement up Maslow’s (1971) hierarchy of needs, Arnold Toynbee’s process of “etherealization,” the means for, and result of, a life-style of voluntary simplicity (Elgin, 1981), and the means for reaching the philosopher Kierkegaard’s goal in which “purity of heart is to will one thing.”

In addition to redirecting motivation, the art of transcendence involves reducing its compulsive power. The result is said to be a serene disenchantment with the things of the world which no longer exert a blinding fascination or compulsive pull. This is the Buddhist nibbidda and the yogic viraga and is the basis of the Athenian philosopher Epicurus’ claim that the way to make people happy is not to add to their riches but to reduce their desires. This claim is explicitly formulated in the Buddha’s Third Noble Truth which states that the end of craving leads to the end of suffering.

The reduction of compulsive craving is therefore said to result in a corresponding reduction in intrapsychic conflict, a claim now supported by studies of advanced meditators (Walsh, 1993; Wilber et al., 1986).

This is not to imply that redirecting motives and relinquishing craving is necessarily easy. In Aristotle’s estimate, “I count him braver who overcomes his desires than him who conquers his enemies; for the hardest victory is the victory over self’ (Schindler & Lapid, 1989).

Refining A wareness

The great wisdom traditions agree that in our usual untrained state of mind, awareness—both perceptual and intuitive—is insensitive and impaired: fragmented by attentional instability, colored by clouding emotions, and distorted by scattered desires. Accordingly

The Art of Transcendence

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we are said to mistake shadows for reality (Plato) because we see “through a glass darkly” (St. Paul), a “reducing value” (Aldous Huxley), or “narrow chinks” (Blake).

The fifth element of the art of transcendence, therefore, aims to refine awareness. Perception is to be rendered more sensitive, more accurate, and more appreciative of the freshness and novelty of each moment of experience. Likewise, intuitive capacities, usually blunted or blinded, are to be cultivated (Vaughan, 1979). One of the primary tools for this is meditation.

Meditators notice that both internal and external perception becomes more sensitive, colors seem brighter, and the inner world becomes more available. These subjective experiences have recently found experimental support from research, which indicates that meditators’ perceptual processing can become more sensitive and rapid, and empathy more accurate (Murphy & Donovan, 1988; West, 1987; Shapiro & Walsh, 1984; Walsh & Vaughan, 1993).

As the psychiatric historian Henrie Ellenberger (1970) observed, “The natural tendency of the mind is to roam through the past and the future; it requires a certain effort to keep one’s attention in the present.” Meditation is training in precisely that effort. The result is a present-centered freshness of perception variously described as mindfulness (Buddhism), anuragga (Hinduism), the “sacrament of the present moment” (Christianity), the “draught of forgetfulness” in which one forgets the past and comes anew into each present moment (Steiner), and characteristic of self-actualizers (Maslow, 1971). Refinement of outer perception is said to be accompanied by a refinement of inner intuitive capacities. Contemporary researchers report finding “introspective sensitization” (West, 1987) whereas ancient wisdom traditions speak metaphorically of the development of an inner perceptual organ or the opening of an inner eye: the eye of the soul (Plato), the eye of the heart (Sufism), the eye of the Tao (Taoism), the third eye (Tibetan), or the Western philosophers’ nous or intellectus. For an excellent review see Hustom Smith (1993).

When we see things clearly, accurately, sensitively and freshly, we can respond empathically and appropriately. Thus both ancient wisdom traditions and modem psychotherapies agree with Fritz Peris (1969), the founder of Gestalt therapy, that “Awareness per se—by and of itself—can be curative.”

Wisdom

The sixth quality cultivated by the art of transcendence is wisdom. Traditionally, wisdom is regarded as something significantly more


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than knowledge. Whereas knowledge is something we have, wisdom is something we must be. Developing it requires self-transformation. This transformation is fostered by opening defenselessly to the reality of “things as they are,” including the enormous extent of suffering in the world. In the words of the Psalms, this is the recognition that “our lives are only toil and trouble; they are soon gone, our years come to an end like a sigh” (Psalm 90 HRS). “Who can live and never see death?” (Psalm 89 HRS).

In our own time it is existentialism that has emphasized this recognition most forcefully (Yalom, 1981). With its graphic description of the inevitable existential challenges of meaninglessness, freedom and death it has rediscovered aspects of the Buddha’s First Noble Truth which holds that unsatisfactoriness (dukkha) is an inherent part of existence. Both existentialism and the wisdom traditions agree that, in the words of Thomas Hardy (1926), “if a way to the Better there be, it exacts a full look at the Worst.”

Whereas existentialism leaves us marooned in a no-exit situation of heightened awareness of existential limits and suffering, the art of transcendence offers a way out. For existentialism, wisdom consists of recognizing these painful facts of life and accepting them with authenticity, resoluteness (Heidegger), and courage (Tillich). However, for contemplative traditions this existential attitude is a preliminary rather than a final wisdom and is used to redirect motivation away from trivial, egocentric pursuits toward the contemplative practices that lead to deeper wisdom. Deeper wisdom recognizes that the sense of being marooned in a no-exit situation of limits and suffering can be transcended through transforming the self that seems to suffer (Vaughan, 1986). This transformation springs from the development of direct intuitive insight—beyond thoughts, concepts or images of any kind—into the nature of mind, self, consciousness and cosmos. This insight is the basis for the transrational liberating wisdom variously known in the East as jnana (Hinduism),prajna (Buddhism), or ma'rifah (Islam), and in the West as gnosis or scientia sacra. And with this liberation the goal of the art of transcendence is realized.

DISCUSSION

These, then, seem to be six essential, common elements, processes or qualities of mind that constitute the heart of the art and technology of transcendence. Of course different practices and traditions focus more on some processes than on others. For example, Indian philosophy divides practices into various yogas (Feuerstein, 1989). All of them acknowledge ethics as an essential foundation. Raja yoga emphasizes meditation and the training of attention and awareness; Bhakti yoga is more emotional and focuses on the


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cultivation of love; Karma yoga uses work in the world to refine motivation, and Jnana yoga hones the intellect and wisdom.

However, the capacities of mind developed by the art of transcendence are highly interdependent and the development of one fosters the development of others. This interdependence has long been recognized by both Eastern and Western philosophers who held that “every virtue requires other virtues to complete it” (Murphy, 1992, p. 558). Therefore, to the extent a tradition is authentic—that is, capable of fostering transpersonal development and transcendence (Wilber, 1983)—to that extent it may cultivate and balance these elements of the art of transcendence. Hopefully it will not be long before this art is better appreciated and its study and practice are widespread.

REFERENCES

Elgin, D. (1981). Voluntary simplicity. New York: William Morrow.Ellenberger, J. (1970). The discovery of the unconscious. New York:

Basic Books.Feuerstein, G. (1989). Yoga: The technology of ecstasy. Los Angeles: J.

Tarcher.Freud, S. (1917). A general introduction to psychoanalysis. Garden City,

New York: Garden City Publishers.Gampopa. (1971). The jewel ornament of liberation. (H. Guenther, transl.).

Boston: Shambhala, p. 271.Goldstein, J. (1983). The experience of insight. Boston: Shambhala.Goleman, D. (1988). The meditative mind. Los Angeles: J.P. Tarcher.Hardy, T. (1926). Collected poems of Thomas Hardy. New York:

MacMillan.Heath, D. (1983). The maturing person. In Walsh, R. & Shapiro, D. J.

(Eds.), Beyond health and normality: Explorations of exceptional psychological well-being (pp. 152-205). New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold.

Huxley, A. (1945). The perennial philosophy. New York: Harper & Row.James, W. (1899/1962). Talks to teachers on psychology and to students

on some of life's ideals. New York: Dover.James, W. (1910/1950). Principles of psychology. New York: Doublcday.Kohlberg, L. (1981). Essays on moral development. (Vol. I). The philoso

phy of moral development. New York: Harper & Row.Kongtrul, J. (1987). The great path of awakening. (K. McLeod, Transl.).

Boston: Shambhala.Maslow, A. (1971). The farther reaches of human nature. New York:

Viking.Mikulis, W. (1991). Eastern and Western psychology: Issues and domains

for integration. Journal of Integrative and Eclectic Psychotherapy 10: 229-40.

Murphy, M. (1992). The future of the body: Explorations into the further evolution of human nature. Los Angeles: J. Tarcher, p. 558.

Murphy, M. & Donovan, S. (1988). The physical and psychological effects of meditation. San Rafael, CA: Esalen Institute.


Perls, F. (1969). Gestalt therapy verbatim. Lafayette, CA: Real People Press.

Plato. (1945). The republic. (F. Cornford, Transl.). Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 516.

Plotinus. (1964). The essential Plotinus. (E. O’Brien, Transl.). Indianapolis: Hackett, p. 42.

Prabhavananda, S. & Isherwood, C. (Transl.) (1944). The Bhagavad Gita. New York: New American Library.

Radhakrishnan. (1929). Indian philosophy (Vol. 1, 2nd ed.). London: Alan & Unwin.

Ram Dass. (1975). Association for Transpersonal Psychology Newsletter, Winter, p. 9.

Ramana Maharshi. (1955). Who am I? (8th ed.) (T. Vcnkataran, Transl.). India.

Schindler, C. & Lapid, G. (1989). The great turning: Personal peace and global victory. Santa Fe: Bear & Co.

Schumacher, E. (1973). Small is beautiful: Economics as if people mattered. New York: Harper & Row.

Shapiro, D. & Walsh, R. (Eds.) (1984). Meditation: Classic and contemporary perspectives. New York: Aldine.

Singer, I. (1987). The nature of love (3 Vols.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Smith, J. (1993). Educating the intellect: On opening the eye of the heart. In L. Rouner (Ed.), On Education. University of Notre Dame Press (inpress).

Tart, C. (1986). Waking up: Overcoming the obstacles to human potential. Boston: New Science Library/Shambhala.

Vaughan, F. (1979). Awakening intuition. New York: Doubleday.Vaughan, F. (1986). The inward arc: Healing and wholeness in psycho

therapy and spirituality. Boston: New Science Library/Shambhala.Walsh, R. (1990). The spirit of shamanism. Los Angeles: J.P. Tarcher.Walsh, R. (1993). Meditation research: The state of the art. In R. Walsh &

F. Vaughan (Eds.), Paths beyond ego: The transpersonal vision. Los Angeles: J.P. Tarcher, Inc.

Walsh R. & Vaughan, F. (Eds.) (1993). Paths beyond ego: The transpersonal vision. Los Angeles: J.P. Tarcher, Inc.

West, M. (Ed.) (1987). The psychology of meditation. Oxford: Clarenden Press.

Wilber, K. (1980). The Atman project. Wheaton, IL: Quest.Wilber, K. (1983). A sociable God. New York: McGraw-Hill.Wilber, K. Engler, J. & Brown, D. (Eds.) (1986). Transformations of

consciousness: Conventional and contemplative perspectives on development. Boston: New Science Library/Shambhala.

Yalom, I. (1981). Existential psychotherapy. New York: Basic Books.

Requests for reprints to: Roger Walsh, Psychiatry Department, University of Cali- fornia Medical School, Irvine, CA 92717.


TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY RESEARCH REVIEW: PSYCHOSPIRITUAL DIMENSIONS OF HEALING

David LukoffSan Francisco, California

Robert TurnerSan Francisco, California

Francis G. LuSan Francisco, California

Since the last Research Review (Lukoff, Turner & Lu, 1992), which focused on the psychoreligious dimensions of healing, there have been significant developments on several fronts. In the diagnostic nomenclature, the medical and psychiatric establishments, and the media, spirituality has been acknowledged as an important aspect of a person’s well-being. Most encouraging for trans- personally-oriented clinicians is the acceptance by the American Psychiatric Association (APA) Task Force on DSM-IV of the proposed new Z Code (formerly V Code) category entitled “Religious or Spiritual Problem” (Lukoff, Lu & Turner, 1992). Although revision of the definition and official acceptance by the APA Board of Trustees is still pending, it seems likely that, for the first time, this important diagnostic classification manual used in the United States, Canada, and abroad will acknowledge religious and spiritual problems that are not attributable to a mental disorder.

Within the medical establishment, religious and spiritual forms of healing were also acknowledged in the prestigious New England Journal of Medicine. Eisenberg, Kessler, Foster, Norlock, Calkins and Delbanco (1993) documented that the frequency of use of

The authors wish to acknowledge the assistance of Lisa Dunkel, M.L.S., University of California, San Francisco, in conducting the computerized bibliographic searches used in the preparation of this article.


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unconventional therapies in the United States is far higher than previously reported. One in three respondents (34%) reported using at least one unconventional therapy in the past year. In addition, “Roughly 1 in 4 Americans who see their medical doctors for a serious health problem may be using unconventional therapy in addition to conventional medicine for that problem” (p. 251). Several of the unconventional therapies were psychospiritual in nature (e.g., spiritual healing, prayer, homeopathy, energy healing, and imagery).

Similarly, an increasing number of presentations addressing religious or spiritual issues in clinical practice are being made at the American Psychiatric Association Annual Meetings. In 1993, there were at least a dozen workshops, courses and symposia in the scientific program. Topics included: “Religious Issues in Residency Training,” “Transpersonal Psychiatry,” “Existential and Spiritual Issues in PTSD Treatment,” and a “Practicum on Spiritual Issues in Treatment.”

In the scientific literature, there also seems to be increasing recognition of the relevance of religiosity and spirituality to mental health. Since the last Research Review on psychoreligious dimensions of healing, we became aware that Larson, Hohmann, Kessler, Meador, Boyd and McSherry (1988) published a study entitled “The Couch and the Cloth: The Need for Linkage” in a widely- distributed journal of the American Psychiatric Association. Larson, Sherrill, Lyons, Craigie, Thielman, Greenwold and Larson (1992) also published a report in the American Journal of Psychiatry showing the positive relationship between religious commitment and mental health. Mathews and Larson (1992) compiled an extensive bibliography of research on religious and spiritual subjects. In the clinical arena, there have also been publications addressing religious and spiritual issues in psychotherapy; for example, the book Sacred Landscapes (Randour, 1993) contains case studies and essays on this subject, and Spiritual Dimensions of Healing is a comprehensive cross-cultural examination of this topic.

Finally, the media has extended awareness of these issues to the population at large. In addition to the extensive coverage given to the New England Journal of Medicine article discussed above, the media also targeted religious and spiritual aspects of healing in television shows, magazine articles and newspaper articles. Bill Moyers’ five-part television series on “Healing and the Mind” brought these issues into the living rooms of millions. Newsweek (January 6, 1992) featured a cover article entitled “Talking to God: An intimate look at the way we pray.” The New York Times published a report on changes in how “Therapists see religion as an aid, not illusion” (Goleman, 1991).


This review article, the second of a three-part series, addresses the psychospiritual dimensions of healing. While there is no consensus as to the boundaries between religiosity and spirituality, we continue to adhere in this review to the distinction most frequently drawn between them in the literature. Religiosity refers to “adherence to the beliefs and practices of an organized church or religious institution” (Shafranske & Malony, 1990, p. 72). Spirituality describes the transcendental relationship between the person and a Higher Being, a quality that goes beyond a specific religious affiliation (Peterson & Nelson, 1987).

Considering that we recently reviewed research on mystical experiences in a previous Research Review (Lukoff & Lu, 1988), and that studies on meditation have been comprehensively reviewed by Murphy and Donovan (1988), we have focused on the topics of mystical experience and meditation in this review. Although they are clearly related to psychospiritual dimensions of healing, we chose to focus on less well-known aspects, including the spirituality of the general public and mental health professionals, phenomenology of psychospiritual life, assessment of spirituality, social dimensions of psychospiritual health, and treatment of psychospiritual problems. To obtain journal references, we conducted a computerized search of the literature contained in Medline, Psych- INFO, and the Religion Index. Books were located through a search of the reference lists in these articles, and through the authors’ acquaintance with them.

asearch

ofMedline, PsychlNFO, Religion Index andauthors ’ sources

SPIRITUALITY OF THE GENERAL PUBLIC AND

MENTAL HEALTH PROFESSIONALS

In the previous Research Review (Lukoff et al., 1992), we abstracted research documenting the existence of a “religiosity gap” between the general public and mental health professionals. Mental health professionals place far less importance on religion than do the general public and patient populations. Psychiatrists and psychologists are relatively uninvolved in religion, and 50-60% describe themselves as atheists or agnostics in contrast to 1 -5% of the population. However, the studies abstracted below indicate that there is not a comparable “spirituality gap” between the experiences, beliefs and practices of mental health professionals and those of the public.

Shafranske, E. P. & Gorsuch, R. L. (1984). Factors associated with the perception of spirituality in psychotherapy. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 16(2), 231-41.

Method: A survey was sent to 1400 members of the California State Psychological Association. The return rate was 29%. Findings: While only 23% of the sample reported themselves to be committed to a

Transpersonal Psychology Research Review: Psychospiritual Dimensions of Healing 13

traditional religious institution, 33% indicated that they were involved in an alternative spiritual path that was not part of a religious institution. The psychologists indicated a high level of agreement with the statement: “Spirituality has direct relevance to my personal life.” The authors concluded that while these psychologists were less religious in terms of affiliation and participation in traditional religious institutions than the general population, most perceived spirituality as important in their lives. However, “the context in which this spirituality is experienced, i.e., the form of participation, and the belief orientation, is found primarily outside mainstream religion” (p. 237).

Shafranske, E. P. & Malony, H. N. (1990). Clinical psychologists’ religious and spiritual orientations and their practice of psychotherapy. Psychotherapy, 27, 72-78.

Method: A sample of 1000 randomly selected psychologists from the APA Division of Clinical Psychology were sent a 65-item questionnaire. 409 were returned. Findings: While only 18% agreed that organized religion was the primary source of their spirituality, 51% characterized themselves as following an “alternative spiritual path which is not a part of an organized religion.” Spirituality was reported to be personally relevant by 65% of the psychologists. The authors concluded: “The findings . . . and the limited training which clinicians report to receive, point to the need for the profession to reflect upon its fundamental attitudes towards religion and spirituality” (p. 78).

In the Allman, de la Roche, Elkins and Weathers (1992) study abstracted below, 64% of the psychologists surveyed responded “none” when asked how many religious services they attended per month, but 66% rated spirituality as “important” or “very important.” This study also found that 50% of the psychologists reported personally having a mystical experience, which is significantly higher than the 30-40% incidence of mystical experiences in the general population (Lukoff & Lu, 1988).

Another survey (Bergin & Jensen, 1990) of psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers and marriage and family counselors found that 68% endorsed the item indicating that they: “Seek a spiritual understanding of the universe and one’s place in it.” The authors concluded: “There may be a reservoir of spiritual interests among therapists that is often unexpressed due to the secular framework of professional education and practice” (p. 3). They named this phenomenon “spiritual humanism” and indicated that it could provide the basis for bridging the cultural gap between clinicians and the more religious public.

phenomenology of psychospiritual life

The long tradition of phenomenological exploration of religious and spiritual experience includes such turn-of-the-century classic


studies as Bucke’s (1961) Cosmic Consciousness and James’ (1961) The Varieties of Religious Experience. Otto’s (1923) The Idea of the Holy is also a seminal study, and more recent works have been published by Jung, Maslow, Wilber, and Grof. Most of these were theoretical; only recently have empirical techniques been brought to bear on this subject. Below is one example of an empirical methodology applied to the phenomenology of psychospiritual life—in this case involving children.

Coles, R. (1990). The spiritual life of children. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Method: The author described his approach as “contextual; it aims to learn from children as they go about their lives: in the home, the playground, the classroom, the Hebrew school or Sunday school” (p. 342). He combined elements from several human science methodologies. For example, he engaged in participant-observation by conducting his study in both public and private places. For example, in his work with Hopi children, he began his study in a school, but even after 6 months, the children were taciturn, almost sullen in interactions with him. Finally a Hopi mother told him the children would always behave that way in the school; he needed to go to their homes: “When I went to Hopi homes, there was no sudden miracle. But . . . within a month or two the children did seem altogether different. They smiled; they initiated conversations; they pointed out to me places that mattered to them . . . they gave me some memorable thoughts that crossed their minds” (p. 25). He also incorporated in-depth, unstructured phenomenological interviewing, but often let the interviewee take the initiative: “I let the children know as clearly as possible, and as often as necessary, what it is I am trying to learn, how they can help me” (p. 27). In addition, he utilized content analysis to uncover themes that recur in the interviews. Finally, he also collected and analyzed 293 samples of artwork drawn in response to his request for children to draw a “picture of God.” His research is notably cross-cultural with Hopi, Chicano, Afro-American, Islamic, Jewish, and Christian (as well as other groups) represented. Findings: This book is rich with vignettes illustrating children’s views and experiences of God and spirituality and their ways of understanding the ultimate meaning of their lives. Individual chapters addressed “the face of God,” “the voice of God,” psychological themes, visionary moments, Christian, Jewish, Islamic, and secular soul-searching (by which he means outside of an organized church—what we are calling spiritual in this review). Coles seemed able to get at the heart of these children’s spiritual lives. A portion of a conversation with a 10-year-old Hopi girl he had known for almost two years nicely illustrates the nature of his approach:

“The sky watches us and listens to us. It talks to us, and it hopes we are ready to talk back. The sky is where the God of the Anglos lives, a teacher told us. She asked where our God lives. I said, ‘I don’t know.’I was telling the truth! Our God is the sky, and lives wherever the skyis . . .

Did she explain the above to the teacher?


“No.”

“Why?”

“Bccause—she thinks God is a person. If I’d told her, she’d give us that smile . . . that says to us, ‘You kids are cute, but you’re dumb; you’re different—and you’re all wrong!” (p. 25).

Other phenomenological studies of the manner in which children think of, artistically represent, and in their minds address God are Visions of Innocence (Hoffman, 1993), The Children’s God (Heller, 1986) and Picturing God (Belford, 1986).

ASSESSMENT OF SPIRITUALITY

Most of the instruments that purport to measure spirituality would be considered measures of religiosity by the definition used in this review. With the notable exception of the Spiritual Orientation Scale, the scales described below contain many items involving experiences with or beliefs about God. Scales were included in this review if they used the term God in a non-denominational way that is not oriented toward the beliefs of any particular sect. Of course, by virtue of the use of theistic terminology, the scales below would be most appropriate for members of Judaeo-Christian or Islamic faiths, but could also be used to assess the spirituality of nonmembers who had mono-theistic orientations. They would not be as sensitive to the spirituality of members of non-theistic paths (e.g., Buddhism) or of pagans who believe in multiple deities. Other scales were excluded from this review because they specifically address Christian religiosity (e.g., Moberg’s [1984] Spiritual Well-being Questionnaire.) (See Butman [1990] for a review of instruments for assessing religious development.)

The first scale to be reviewed, the Spiritual Orientation Inventory (SOI), specifically attempted to be sensitive to the spirituality of those not affiliated with traditional religion.

Elkins, D., Hedstrom, L., Hughes, L., Leaf, J., & Saunders, C. (1988). Toward a humanistic-phenomenological spirituality. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 28(4), 5-18.

Method: The authors began by interviewing five persons whom they considered to be “highly spiritual.” The interviewees gave support to a nine-dimension model of spirituality including: Transcendence, Meaning and Purpose in Life, Mission in Life, Sacredness of Life, Material Values, Altruism, Idealism, Awareness of the Tragic, and Fruits of Spirituality. The interviewees’ ratings of items led to a first draft of the scale that contained 157 Likert-like items evaluating the subject’s relationship with a “transcendent, spiritual dimension” and about the experience of sacredness in their life. The term “God” was not used in


the items. A validity study in which the ratings of 24 adults nominated by a panel as “highly spiritual” were compared with scores of 96 graduate students in psychology led to the final version with 85 items. Reliability (alpha) was reported to range from .75-.94 on the nine scales. Findings: In the original study, the scores of the 24 “highly spiritual” persons were significantly higher than the scores of the 96 graduate students on 8 of the 9 scales (all but Idealism). (Copies of the SOI can be obtained by writing Sara Elkins, 33442 Cape Bay Place, Dana Point, CA 92629.)

This scale has also been used in some doctoral dissertations. Smith(1991) compared the scores of 172 polio survivors with 80 non-polio subjects. Her prediction that the polio survivors would have higher scores was confirmed. The full-scale score was significantly higher, as were scores on 8 of the 9 scales (again all but Idealism). Another study by Lee and Bainum (1991) compared 13 hospice workers with 23 hospital nurses. The prediction that the nurses dealing with death would score higher on the SOI was also confirmed.

The Mystical Experience Scale, which addresses a more specific aspect of psychospiritual life, was developed with considerable attention to psychometric principles. It has been used in numerous studies investigating both religiosity and spirituality (see Lukoff & Lu [1988] for a review).

Hood, R. (1975). The construction and preliminary validation of a measure of reported religious experience. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 14, 29-41.

Method: Utilizing the conceptual categories for mysticism postulated by Stace (1960), the author developed 108 items divided into eight categories: ego quality, unifying quality, inner subjective quality, temporal/spatial quality, noetic quality, ineffability, positive affect, and religious quality. This pilot version was administered to several groups to refine the scale. The scale was reduced to 32 core statements, four for each category, based on item-to-whole consistency coefficients and other considerations. The scale was then administered to 300 college students. Findings: The results were subjected to a factor analysis which suggested two factor scales. Scale 1 (20 items) measured “general mysticism”—namely, an experience of unity, temporal and spatial changes, inner subjectivity and ineffability. This scale was not restricted to religion and thus referred to a broad type of mysticism. Scale 2 (12 items) measured the subject’s tendency to view intense experiences within a religious framework.

The next scale to be reviewed, the Spiritual Well-Being Scale (SWBS) appeared in Ellison (1983) and Paloutzian and Ellison (1982). It has become the most widely used instrument for assessing spiritual well-being, second only to Allport and Ross’s (1967) Intrinsic-Extrinsic Religious Orientation Scale in the number of research articles that it has generated. The SWBS consists of 20 Likert items, 10 of which address the religious dimension of one’s


relationship to God, and 10 of which deal with a social/existential dimension of a person’s adjustment to him/herself, their community, and their surroundings. Ellison and Smith (1991) published a review of research conducted with the SWBS from 1982-1990. Studies have examined its relationship to physical well-being, adjustment to physical illness, health care, psychological wellbeing, relational well-being, and several religious variables. The richness of these findings supported the validity of the SWBS as a measure of spiritual well-being. Kirschling and Pittman (1989) found high reliabilities of .95, .94, and .84 on the spiritual wellbeing (overall score), existential well-being, and religious wellbeing scales respectively. However, Ledbetter, Smith, Fischer, Vosler-Hunter and Chew (1991) reviewed 17 SWBS studies and found that with religious samples, the SWBS does have ceiling effects, and thus cannot differentiate amongst spiritually active individuals. In addition, Ledbeter et al. (1991) also questioned the two-factor conceptualization of the SWBS. They administered the scale to two religious samples and factor analyzed the results:

The fit was quite poor for both the one- and two-factor models. Although the two-factor model was superior to the one-factor model, neither model provided a good conceptualization of the factor structure of the SWBS in these samples. These results suggest that contrary to Ellison’s two factor conceptualization, and a postulated general factor model, the SWBS may be factorily complex. This complexity makes interpretation of scores ambiguous (p. 94).

One noteworthy application of this scale focused on adults with life-threatening illness.

Kaczorowski, J. M. (1989). Spiritual well-being and anxiety in adults diagnosed with cancer. The Hospice Journal, 5(3-4), 105-14.

Method: The author wanted to compare the level of anxiety in highly spiritual persons and in less spiritual persons confronting life-threatening illness. In a correlational study, the SWBS and the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (which differentiates between transitory and characteristic anxiety) were administered to 114 adults who had been diagnosed with cancer. Findings: A correlation of -.44 was obtained between the SWBS and the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory in the whole sample (p<.001). This significant inverse association was found regardless of the influences of gender, age, marital status, diagnosis, and length of time since diagnosis. These results supported the theory that persons with high levels of spiritual well-being have lower levels of anxiety. The authors concluded: “The hospice community is challenged to undertake studies of the spiritual dimension and its healing potential.”

Significant within the spiritual assessment literature is the attention given to this area by the nursing profession. In comparison with physicians, nurses have traditionally adopted a more holistic perspective towards patients, viewing them as a balance of body.


mind, and spirit. Their awareness of the spiritual dimension in caring for patients was particularly apparent in the accepted nursing diagnostic classification system (Carpenito, 1983), which includes categories for spiritual concerns, spiritual distress, and spiritual despair. In addition to numerous articles addressing guidelines for spiritual assessment (Peterson & Nelson, 1987; Soeken & Carson, 1987; Stoll, 1979), there has even been research examining the extent to which nurses assess their patients’ spiritual needs.

Boutell, K. A. & Bozctt, F. W. (1990). Nurses’ assessment of patients’ spirituality: Continuing education implications. Journal of Continuing Education in Nursing, 21(4), 172-76.

Method: To determine the extent to which nurses assessed patients’ spiritual needs and the indicators of spirituality used in the assessment, the Boutcll’s Inventory for Identifying Nurses’ Assessment of Patients’ Spiritual Needs was developed. This is a 76-item survey divided into: (1) demographic data; and (2) five sections involving the methods of data gathering that nurses use to determine patients' spiritual needs, religious practices, and need for additional spiritual support. The Inventory was sent to 817 nurses eligible to practice nursing in Oklahoma, yielding 238 useable questionnaires. Findings: 34% of the nurses reported that they often or always assessed their patients’ spiritual needs, and 38% did so occasionally. The remainder (28%) seldom or almost never did. These findings indicate that the majority of nurses assessed their patients’ spiritual needs to a considerable extent. Two factors that were found to determine whether nurses carried out a spiritual assessment were patient acuity and setting. The components of spirituality most commonly assessed were fears of medical procedures, sources of inner strength, feelings of hope, and religious practices related to surgery and/or death. Least frequently assessed were integration (the unifying force in self) and transcendence (rising above worldly values). The authors concluded that in-service education and CE programs in the area of spirituality are needed, with older, more experienced nurses as well as psychiatric nurses playing a central role.

Below we describe five additional scales that have not received as extensive field testing as the ones above. Most have been developed for specific types of patients, including recovering alcoholics, hospitalized adolescents, terminally ill adults, and persons experiencing extraordinary events (e.g., near-death experiences and UFO encounters).

Brown, H. P. & Peterson, J. H. (1991). Assessing spirituality in addiction treatment and follow-up: Development of the Brown- Peterson Recovery Progress Inventory (B-PRPI). Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly, 8(2), 21 -50.

Method: The authors set out to design an instrument to assess spiritual practices associated with recovery and Alcoholics Anonymous (AA). Based on lengthy interviews with seven members of AA, they constructed a Likert scale questionnaire with 60 items covering behaviors, cognitions, attitudes, and chemical usage. It was administered to


36 AA members who rated the importance of each item to recovery and to 12-step spirituality. Based on these results, a final version of the B- PRPI with 53 items was created. Findings: The B-PRPI was administered to additional AA members, and scores were not found to be correlated with length of sobriety. However, it was significantly correlated with the Beck Depression Inventory, the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale, Scales K, D, Pt, Sc, A, and Es of the MMPI, and six scales of the Profile of Mood States. Pre/post scores of 15 patients in a treatment program showed significant change. In addition, the authors found a “remarkable consistency in our subjects’ reported use of a broad range and large number of ‘spiritual practices.’ ”

Corrington, J. E. (1989). Spirituality and recovery: Relationships between levels of spirituality, contentment and stress during recovery from alcoholism in A A. Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly, (5(3/4), 151- 65.

Method: This study explored the relationships between four variables: (I) time in AA; (2) level of spirituality; (3) level of contentment; and (4) stressors encountered in the past year. Three separate measurement instruments were administered to 30 volunteers from AA meetings in Columbia, Maryland. The Spirituality Self-Assessment Scale (SSAS), a 35-item questionnaire designed by Whitfield (1984, 1993), was used to measure an individual’s level of spiritual experience and his/her level of spiritual awareness. Questions covered the physical, emotional, and mental aspects of spiritual experience, with an emphasis on the emotional. The Hudson Generalized Contentment Scale and the Life Events Scale were used to assess level of contentment and level of stressors encountered in the preceding year, respectively. Findings: Regression analysis revealed a direct relationship between the level of spirituality and the level of contentment with life, regardless of the amount of time in AA. This suggested that the amount of time in AA is not as important as what an individual does with that time in relation to spirituality during recovery. Additional findings suggested that continued attendance at AA meetings could provide an effective stress management program for recovering alcoholics. (The most current SSAS can be ordered by calling (800) 851-9100; ask for Whitfield, 1993.)

Silber, T. J. & Reilly, M. (1985). Spiritual and religious concerns of the hospitalized adolescent. Adolescence, 20(11), 217-23.

Method: The authors created a Spiritual and Religious Concerns Questionnaire (SRQ) with 17 items in order to study the concerns of medically hospitalized adolescents. It was not piloted or evaluated for reliability or validity. Findings: More seriously ill adolescents had higher scores than less ill subjects. Weekly administrations of the SRQ showed that almost 50% of the adolescents with severe, perhaps fatal, illness experienced marked intensification of their spiritual concerns.

Kass, J. D., Friedman, R., Leserman, J., Zuttermeister, P. C. & Benson, H. (1991). Health outcomes and a new Index of Spiritual Experience. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 30(2), 203-11.


Method: To explore the relationship between spiritual experiences, life purpose and satisfaction, and improvement in physical health, the Index of Spiritual Experience (INSPIRIT) was developed. This scale measured two characteristic elements of “core spiritual experiences” (i.e., reported spiritual experiences described in more concrete terms than a “belief in God”). Those two elements are (1) a distinct event and a cognitive appraisal of that event which resulted in a personal conviction of God’s existence (or of some form of Higher Power as defined by the person), and (2) the perception of a highly internalized relationship between God and the person (i.e., that God dwells within combined with a feeling of closeness to God). The study sample consisted of 83 adult outpatients in a behavioral medicine program where patients were taught to elicit the relaxation response in a 10-week treatment program for the stress-related components of illness. In addition to the INSPIRIT scale, subjects were given the Medical Symptom Checklist, the Inventory of Positive Psychological Attitudes to Life, and the Religious Orientation Inventory. Findings: The INSPIRIT scale showed a strong degree of internal reliability and concurrent validity. Multiple regression analyses showed a relationship between core spiritual experiences and (1) an increase in life purpose and satisfaction, (2) an increase in a health-promoting attitude, and (3) a decrease in frequency of medical symptoms. In addition, data suggested that elicitation of the relaxation response may facilitate an increased occurrence of core spiritual experiences.

Reed, P. (1987). Spirituality and well-being in terminally ill hospitalized adults. Research in Nursing and Health, 10, 335-44.

Method: Using three groups of 100 adults matched on age, gender, education and religious background, two hypotheses were examined: (1) terminally ill hospitalized adults indicate a greater spiritual awareness than nonterminally ill hospitalized adults and healthy non- hospitalizcd adults; and (2) spiritual perspective is positively related to well-being among terminally ill hospitalized adults. All 300 participants completed the Spiritual Perspective Scale (SPS), Index of Well- Being, and other questions. The SPS is a 10-item Likert questionnaire assessing the extent to which spirituality permeates an individual’s life and he/she engages in spiritually-related interactions (e.g, talking with family or friends about spiritual matters). Findings: The results from planned comparisons supported the first hypothesis, and a low but significant correlation lent support to the second hypothesis. In addition, differences among groups on recent change in spiritual views were examined. A significantly larger number of terminally ill adults indicated a change toward increased spirituality than did nonterminally ill or healthy adults.

Ring, K. (1992). The Omega Project: Near-Death Experiences, UFO Encounters, and Mind at Large. New York: William Morrow & Co.

Methods: Having established himself as one of the world’s foremost authorities on near-death experiences (Ring, 1984), Ring took his research a step further by exploring the surprising parallels between UFO encounters and near-death experiences (NDEs). He initially


focused on factors that predispose certain individuals to having extraordinary experiences like UFO encounters and NDEs. The first factor he examined, using his Psychophysical Change Inventory, was the psychophysical changes following an extraordinary encounter. Then he revised his Life Change Inventory (LCI) from Heading Toward Omega (1984) to explore belief and values shifts following extraordinary encounters. The LCI is a 50-item questionnaire that examines 9 principal value clusters: (1) appreciation for life; (2) selfacceptance; (3) concern for others; (4) concern for impressing others; (5) materialism; (6) concern with social/planetary issues; (7) quest for meaning; (8) spirituality; and (9) religiousness. Findings: Ring uncovered a similar psychological profile for individuals experiencing both UFO encounters and NDEs. He called this profile the “encounter- prone personality,” characterized by (1) a sensitivity to non-ordinary realities, (2) a history of childhood abuse and trauma, and (3) a dissociative tendency closely linked to psychological absorption. He then documented the startling similarities in the aftereffects produced by UFO encounters and NDEs: (1) a similar pattern of psychophysical transformation occurred in both UFO encounters and NDEs; (2) both UFO encounters and NDEs lead to a similar kind of spiritual transformation. The latter is characterized by greater altruism, social concern, appreciation for life, self-acceptance, concern for others, quest for meaning, and spirituality, and a decrease in materialism. Finally, he concluded his book with several chapters exploring the collective implications of extraordinary experiences, particularly with regard to global ecology and the evolution of consciousness.

SOCIAL DIMENSIONS OF PSYCHOSPIRITUAL HEALING

Some research has targeted the social dimensions of healing, focusing on spiritual support, healing groups, and the role of spirituality in family crisis resolution.

Maton, K.I. (1989). The stress-buffering role of spiritual support: Cross-sectional and prospective investigations. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 28(3), 310-23.

Method: The relationship of spiritual support (perceived support from God) to well-being was examined in two high and low life-strcss samples: (1) in recently bereaved (high stress) and less recently bereaved (low stress) parents attending Compassionate Friends mutual help groups; and (2) in college freshman who had experienced three or more uncontrollable, stressful life events (high stress) and those who had experienced two or fewer such events (low stress) during the previous six months. A three-item spiritual support measure assessing emotional, intimacy and faith aspects of spiritual support was used in both studies. Social support variables were also assessed, allowing a comparison of the relative predictive utility of the two different domains of perceived support. Findings: With demographic variables controlled, regression analyses indicated that: (1) spiritual support was inversely related to depression and positively related to self-esteem for high life-stress (recently bereaved) parents; and (2) in a prospective,


longitudinal analysis controlling for pre-college depression, spiritual support was positively related to personal-emotional adjustment for first-semester college freshman in the high life-stress group. Spiritual support was not significantly related to well-being for low life-stress subsamples.

Glik, D. C. (1988). Symbolic, ritual and social dynamics of spiritual healing. Social Science and Medicine, 27(11), 1197-1206.

Method: The investigator spent two years conducting participant- observation research among members of 30 healing groups in the Baltimore metropolitan area. She attended group meetings and healing rituals, administered a questionnaire to members, and also conducted in-depth interviews with 23 leaders of these groups. Findings: Groups were categorized into two types: 1) Christian, Pentecostal, or ‘charismatic’ healing groups (CHGs); and 2) “New Age” or “metaphysical” healing groups (MHGs). Both groups were small (6-15 members) and were informally rather than formally organized. Both had a family-like atmosphere. However, in the CHGs, the structure of the organization was more authoritarian and stratified, with the leader in control of events. In contrast, the MHGs were more democratic and spontaneous with members helping in the conduct of rituals and the healing of others. MHDs had more “matriarchal” leadership patterns (10 of 13 leaders were women), whereas all except one of the CHGs were led by men. The CHGs had ideologies based on Fundamentalist, Pentecostal or neo-Pentecostal movements. MHGs’ ideologies were more syncretic, having their origins in Spiritualist, “New Age,” New Thought, theosophical, occult or shamanistic traditions. Symbols and myths used in the healing rituals of the CHGs involved the death of Jesus and his subsequent resurrection. A variant of this myth appeared in the MHGs as the Soul’s journey toward enlightenment, a belief derived from Eastern traditions. “Generally CHG rituals were noisy, dramatic, and expressive . . . including Bible reading, group prayer, hymn singing, and sermons lead by the healer. . . . Members of MHGs attempt to ‘tune in’ to a transcendent reality, usually through meditation practice. . . . Other commonly used techniques in these groups were guided imagery or visualization, chanting, or ‘therapeutic touch’ ” (pp. 1202-3).

Hall, C. M. (1986). Crisis as opportunity for spiritual growth. Journal of Religion and Health, 25(1), 8-17.

Method: Longitudinal life history data from 200 crisis families and 200 non-crisis families were examined to specify the influence of crisis conditions on spiritual growth. Data were collected from in-depth interviews conducted over a several year period and covering three generations of family members. Findings: Results indicated that the most substantial impact of crisis intervention occurred in families where one or more family members reoriented their lives according to spiritual values. This reorientation process involved a shift in focus away from the family’s previously-held perception that they were victims of social or emotional circumstances. A more universal view, which included transcendent realities, provided these people with a frame of reference that allowed them to cope with the objectively


difficult empirical conditions of their existence. This new-found emphasis on spiritual values appeared crucial in enabling these people to experience more productive and satisfying lives. These findings suggest that a crisis may produce constructive changes in life orientation and become an important catalyst in reordering personal values.

TREATMENT OK PSYCHOSPIRITUAL PROBLEMS

In this last area to be reviewed, we have chosen articles covering the treatment of mystical experiences, the similarities and differences between spiritual directors and psychotherapists, a psychotherapy case of spiritual emergency, the use of biofeedback with Navajo substance abusers, and the role of spirituality for professionals working with the terminally ill.

Allman, L. S., de la Roche, O., Elkins, D. N. & Weathers, R. S. (1992). Psychotherapists’ attitudes towards clients reporting mystical experiences. Psychotherapy, 29(4), 564-69.

Method: Questionnaires were sent to 650 members of the American Psychological Association to assess therapists’ attitudes toward clients who report mystical experiences. The return rate was 44%. In addition to demographic data, the survey included a Likert scale measuring attitudes toward mystical experience and a scale to assess the therapists’ diagnostic judgments of mystical experience on a continuum from “possibly psychotic” to “probably not psychotic.” Findings: The therapists reported that among the 20,670 clients seen in the preceding 12 months, 4.5% had reported a mystical experience during the previous year; 67% of the therapists had seen at least one such client during that period. On the diagnosis scale, humanistic/existential therapists were less likely than behavioral, cognitive and psychodynamic therapists to rate clients who had mystical experiences as psychotic. Furthermore, therapists who rated spirituality as important were less likely to view their clients’ mystical experiences as pathological.

Ganje-Fling, M. A. & McCarthy, P. R. (1991). A comparative analysis of spiritual direction and psychotherapy. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 19(I), 103-17.

Method: One hundred psychotherapists from a state psychological organization and 100 spiritual directors from retreat centers were sent surveys. Fifty psychotherapists and 68 spiritual directors responded. Findings: There was considerable overlap in the techniques, topics of discussion, and outcome evaluation methods employed by both the psychotherapists and spiritual directors. The goals seemed to be the most distinct; that is, the purpose of psychotherapy is psychological growth, and the purpose of spiritual direction is spiritual growth. There was no significant difference between the two groups in their reported use of self-disclosure, open and closed questions, advice, confrontation and interpretation. However, the spiritual directors reported using more meditation, prayer, and silence. Both groups deal with psychological issues, but spiritual directors more often address spiritual is


sues. There was no difference between the groups in receiving psychotherapy, but the spiritual directors had received spiritual direction significantly more often. While all of the psychotherapists had received degrees in psychology, only 3% of the spiritual directors had. Conversely, none of the psychotherapists had received training or formal education in spirituality or theology.

Hendlin, S. J. (1985). The spiritual emergency patient: Concept and example. In E. M. Stem (Eds.), Psychotherapy in the religiously committed patient, pp. 79-88. New York: Haworth Press.

Method: The author presents a case study including the history, symptoms, and treatment of a 32-year-old man in a spiritual emergency. Both severe depression and suicidality were present. Findings: The patient had been participating in a spiritual group that practiced intense meditation. His commitment to the group led to marital difficulties. Hendlin’s treatment addressed the client’s problem as a depressive disorder—but within a spiritual framework. Treatment began with meetings 4 times a week and were gradually reduced to twice a week after 3 months. The therapy focused on aspects of his spiritual experiences, and his meditation practice was changed to one that was more grounding. Marital therapy was initiated after about 100 hours of individual therapy. The crisis was resolved without any acting out of the suicidal ideation and the patient reported less depression. He was able to resume his business and re-connect with family.

Other case studies illustrating the treatment of spiritual issues in clinical work include Grof and Grof (1989), Lukoff (1991), Lukoff and Everest (1986), Podvoll (1990), and Nelson (1990).

Kelley, M. (1991). Brainwave biofeedback for substance abuse: The development of a Navajo alcohol abstinence empowerment program. Sedona, AZ: Navajo Nation Department of Behavioral Health.

Method: Twenty Navajo patients on an in-patient substance abuse unit were given biofeedback training involving two 45-minute sessions per day, averaging a total of 35 training sessions. Theta and alpha brainwaves were monitored and the patients were given feedback tones through headphones. Previous research had shown that many alcoholic patients have low alpha and theta frequency brainwaves. Findings: The author reported that the Navajo patients found the biofeedback training to be compatible with their beliefs and practices, especially since “techniques such as breath patterning and meditation were, or still are, important components of some Navajo ‘medicine way’ techniques” (p. 13). In addition, to increase the acceptance and effectiveness of the brainwave training, patients were encouraged to keep “protection” feathers on their laps, and the faint smell of “blessing way” sage smoke permeated the treatment room. During the follow-up period of 4 months, 15 of the 20 patients reported no alcohol usage. Four could not be located, and one relapsed. Eighty percent of the patients showed significant improvements of at least 15% increase in wave amplitude or synchrony over their baseline EEG measurements in either theta or alpha ranges. Scores on the Beck Depression Inven


tory also improved, but the absence of a comparison group does not allow this finding to be attributable to the biofeedback training. During the 8-month trial, more than 13 Navajo therapists expressed interest in learning these procedures. (Copies of the report are available from the author: P. O. Box 2163, Sedona, AZ, 86336.)

Millison, M. B. (1988, March/April). Spirituality and the caregiver: Developing an underutilized facet of care. American Journal of Hospice Care, 37-44.

Method: In order to examine the role that spirituality plays for the caregiver, open-ended interviews were conducted with eight caregivers (two physicians, two nurses, two social workers, and two clergy); all were experienced in working with the terminally ill. Each respondent was asked to discuss his/her own spirituality, describe how he/she thought that it might impact patients being treated, and to give examples where spirituality was a factor in treatment. Findings: All respondents acknowledged “the heightened spirituality experienced . . . as a result of their work with the terminally ill, and the impact that it has upon the patient. . . . [They] felt they received more from their patients than they were able to give.”

CONCLUSION

This Research Review completes the second part of our three-part series addressing various dimensions of healing. We have been impressed by the scope and accelerating interest in these topics by researchers. Although we have considered studies conducted since 1980, most of the articles abstracted are from the past five years. By focusing on methodologies and instruments appropriate for studying transpersonal experiences, we hope that these reviews will facilitate further exploration of these crucial domains of human existence.

In addition to the psychoreligious and psychospiritual dimensions, there is another dimension that falls outside of these two categories. Experiences such as UFO encounters, out-of-body experiences, and paranormal phenomena, which in many cases are associated with healing and/or transformation, have challenged us to consider a new category. In conformance with the most recent literature, we have settled on the term “anomalous experience” as the most inclusive, yet with the fewest theoretical assumptions and pejorative connotations. In our next Research Review, we will examine “Anomalous Experiences and Healing.”

REFERENCES

Allman, L. S., de la Roche, O., Elkins, D. N. & Weathers, R. S. (1992). Psychotherapists’ attitudes towards clients reporting mystical experiences. Psychotherapy, 29(4), 564-69.


Allport, G. W. & Ross, J. M. (1967). Personal religious orientation and prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5, 432-43.

Belford, A. (1986). Picturing God. Cambridge: Cowley Press.Bergin, A. & Jensen, J. (1990). Religiosity of psychotherapists: A national

survey. Psychotherapy, 27, 3-7.Bucke, R. M. (1961). Cosmic consciousness: A study in the evolution of

the human mind. Secaucus, NJ: Citadel Press.Butman, R. E. (1990). The assessment of religious development: Some

possible options. Journal of Psychology and Christianity, 9(2), 14-26.Carpenito, L. (1983). Nursing diagnosis: Application to clinical practice.

New York: J. B. Lippincott.Eisenberg, D., Kessler, R., Foster, C., Norlock, F., Calkins, D., &

Delbanco, T. (1993). Unconventional medicine in the United States. The New England Journal of Medicine, 328, 246-52.

Ellison, C. W. (1983). Spiritual well-being: Conceptualization and measurement. Journal of Psychology and Theology, II, 330-40.

Ellison, C. W. & Smith, J. (1991). Toward an integrative measure of health and well-being. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 19(1), 35-48.

Goleman, D. (1991, September 10). Therapists see religion as an aid, not illusion. New York Times, p. Cl, 8.

Grof, S. & Grof, C. (Ed.). (1989). Spiritual emergency: When personal transformation becomes a crisis. Los Angeles: J. P. Tarcher.

Heller, D. (1986). The children's God. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.James, W. (1961). The varieties of religious experience. New York:

Collier.Hoffman, E. (1993). Visions of innocence: Spiritual and inspirational

experiences of childhood. Boston: Shambhala Publications.Kirschling, J. M. & Pittman, J. F. (1989). Measurement of spiritual well

being: A hospice caregive sample. The Hospice Journal, 5(2), 1-11.Krippner, S. & Welch, P. (1992). Spiritual dimensions of healing. New

York: Irvington Press.Larson, D., Hohmann, A., Kessler, L., Meador, K, Bovd, J. &

McSherry, E. (1988). The couch and the cloth: The need for linkage. Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 39( 10), 1064.

Larson, D., Sherrill, K., Lyons, J., Cragie, F., Thielman, S., Greenold, M., & Larson, S. (1992). Associations between dimensions of religious commitment and mental health reported in the American Journal of Psychiatry and Archives of General Psychiatry: 1978-1989. American Journal of Psychiatry, 149(A), 557-59.

Ledbetter, M., Smith, L., Fischer, J., Vosler-Hunter, W., & Chew, G. (1991). An evaluation of the construct validity of the Spiritual Well- Being Scale: A confirmatory factor analytic approach. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 19(1), 94-102.

Lee, J. R. & Bainum, B. (1991). Spiritual orientation in hospital workers, crisis help workers, and college students. Unpublished study. Northern Pacific Union College.

Lukoff, D. (1991). Divine madness: Shamanistic initiatory crisis and psychosis. Shaman's drum, 22, 24-29.

Lukoff, D. & Everest, H. C. (1986). The myths in mental illness. The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology. 17(2), 123-53.

Lukoff, D. & Lu, F. (1988). Transpersonal psychology research review topic: Mystical experience. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 20, 161-84.

Lukoff, D., Lu, F. & Turner, R. (1992). Toward a more culturally


sensitive DSM-IV: Psychoreligious and psychospiritual problems. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 180(11), 673-82.

Lukoff, D., Turner, R. & Lu, F. (1992). Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychoreligious dimensions of healing. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 24( 1), 41-60.

Mathews, D. A. & Larson, D. B. (1992). A bibliography of research by scientists on spiritual subjects. Arlington, VA: National Institute for Healthcare Research.

Moberg, D. O. (1984). Subjective measures of spiritual well-being. Review of Religious Research, 25(4), 351-59.

Murphy, M. & Donovan, S. (1988). The physical and psychological effects of meditation: A review of contemporary meditation research with a comprehensive bibliography 1931-1988. San Rafael, CA: Esalen Institute Study of Exceptional Functioning.

Nelson, J (1990). Healing the split, madness or transcendence?: A new understanding of the crisis and treatment of the mentally ill. Los Angeles, CA: Jeremy P. Tarcher.

Otto, R. (1923). The idea of the holy. London: Oxford University Press.Paloutzian, R. & Ellison, C. (1982). Loneliness, spiritual well-being, and

quality of life. In L. A. Peplau & D. Perlman (Eds.), Loneliness: A sourcebook of current theory, research and therapy. New York: W iley-Inter-Science.

Peterson, E. A. & Nelson, K.. (1987). How to meet your clients’ spiritual needs. Journal of Psychosocial Nursing, 25(5), 34-39.

Podvoll, E. M. (1990). The seduction of madness. New York: Harper.Randour, M. L. (Ed.). (1993). Exploring sacred landscapes ’ religious and

spiritual dimensions in psychotherapy. New York: Columbia University Press.

Ring, K. (1984). Heading towards omega. New York: William Morrow.Shafranske, E. P. & Malony, H. N. (1990). Clinical psychologists’

religious and spiritual orientations and their practice of psychotherapy. Psychotherapy, 27, 72-78.

Smith, D. W. (1991) A study of power and spirituality in polio survivors using the nursing model of Martha E. Rogers. Doctoral Dissertation, New York University.

Soekf.n, K. L. & Carson, V. J. (1987). Responding to the spiritual needs of the chronically ill. Nursing Clinics of North America, 22(3), 603-11.

Stace, W. T. (1960). Mysticism and philosophy. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott.

Stoll, R. I. (1979, Sept.). Guidelines for spiritual assessment. American Journal of Nursing, 1574-77.

Whitfield, C. L. (1984). Stress management and spirituality during recovery. Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly, /(l), 3-54.

Whitfield, C. L. (1993). My recovery plan for stage 3: Spirituality. Deerfield Beach FL: Health Communications.

Witer, R., Stock, W., Okun, M. & Haring, M. (1985). Religion and subjective well-being in adulthood: A quantitative synthesis. Review of Religious Research, 26, 332-42.

Requests for reprints to: David Lukoff, Ph.D., Saybrook Institute, 1550 Sutter Street, San Francisco, California 94109.


REFLECTIONS OF SHAKTIPAT: PSYCHOSIS OR THE RISE OF KUNDALINI? A CASE STUDY

Jon OssoffGlen Oaks, New York

None of us had ever seen anything like it. It seemed to go on and on. Bouncing, hopping, springing off her feet, she seemed motivated by some external force, driven. The breath rapid, drawn in and out in quick machine-gun bursts, her fingers clicking, snapping in stereotypic movements over and over again. The eyes rolled back and in, the whites showing, then the hopping would take over again.

Later we all tried to shrug it off as just another strange psychotic reaction. After all, it was Friday and a long Labor Day weekend was beginning. But by Tuesday, after returning to the hospital, my suspicions had turned to certainty. This woman was not psychotic, and what we had witnessed on Friday was not a psychotic episode, but was in fact, a Kundalini Awakening.

There was nothing extraordinary about her, nothing to suggest other than another patient brought to our admission unit due to an acute psychotic episode. They come in all the time: four, five, sometimes eight each week—their stories thematically similar— too much crack cocaine, refusing to take their anti-psychotic medication, picked up by the police on the streets, assaulted somebody. And so, initially, I assumed it was the same with her.

There were some differences. She (I will call her Rosita) was from Mexico, in her early thirties, pretty, slim, carelessly dressed, brought to the psychiatric center for “bizarre behavior.” It was reported she was running about a hotel without clothing, after having attended a conference in New York three days before. The report also stated she said people from other planets were after her. Rosita had no previous hospitalizations (very rare for the patients


justanotherstrangepsychoticreaction?


itseemed

she had

undergone a brief

reactive psychosis

we see). It was also reported she had not slept in three days and was confused. “Selectively mute” was also noted and with good reason. Rosita did not speak even in response to simple questions posed in Spanish and not even to her boyfriend who visited her that first day. She continually looked at him and at me but appeared so withdrawn, so “lost” as to be nearly catatonic.

Her boyfriend was naturally concerned. He spoke English haltingly, but well enough to address most questions. He stated she had never had a psychiatric problem such as this. Yes, she had been depressed on and off beginning ten years ago when her father died, but she had never needed or seen a therapist, had never even taken any medication, and had certainly never been “so, so, well, look at her—she does not even know me!”

“Any drug, alcohol use?”

“No.”

“Anything stressful, frightening, traumatic recently?”

Again he just shook his head and sighed. The psychiatrist told him we would try to stabilize her so that she could fly home to Mexico City as soon as possible, where she could then receive more psychiatric treatment if necessary—and at this time, it certainly appeared necessary. It seemed at the very least she had undergone a brief reactive psychosis in response to some stress or event or combination of events of which she (and apparently everyone else) was unaware.

Rosita seemed to look at me continually. Her mouth had a kind of rigidity to it, open yet frozen to one side, and on several occasions she made an effort to formulate words but could not.

Her psychiatrist had ordered anti-psychotic medication to help reduce the withdrawal, the possible hallucinations, and Rosita had received her first injection that morning. In fact, when her boyfriend had visited, he had expressed concern Rosita was becoming worse, stated she had been better the day before and wondered if she were overmedicated. He was reassured she had been exactly like this since admission, and, in any case, one dose would not cause such a change in behavior. At this point he thanked us, told Rosita he would call her later that day and departed.

Rosita looked at me, then went back into the larger patient area. She appeared no better and no worse than when she came into the unit some fifteen hours before. I left her, assumed other duties, then went to lunch.


When I came back onto the ward, I was greeted with loud noises, jostling, harried voices, nothing completely out of the ordinary for this unit, but worthy of investigation nonetheless. There in a hallway I observed Rosita hopping, bounding upright, springing into walls, with an attendant at her side, doing her best to intervene. Rosita did not appear to be trying to harm herself, but was seemingly unable to control her own trajectory. The movements appeared “other directed,” as if they arose spontaneously and not of her own volition. My attention was drawn to her hands. They were at shoulder level, and her fingers were making quick thumb-forefinger and thumb-middle finger connections in rapid succession. Her eyes were rolled back in her head and looking either at the ceiling or the upper bridge of her nose. Her breathing was very fast, and short bursts could be heard emanating from her mouth.

This experience went on for twenty to twenty-five minutes. There were four or five of us with her, and we attempted to hold her, protect her from hitting into walls. At one point she held my hand for support, for reassurance, but the bounding and quick breathing continued, and, after a minute or so, she pushed my hand away so she could resume the repetitive finger movements using both hands.

The staff was understandably baffled (myself included) and discussion ran the gamut from psychomotor seizure to drug reaction. It was quickly determined that the small drug injection five hours before could not have induced these effects. Seizures, the doctor informed us, would not last this long. As for malingering, it seemed out of the question that a person would fake an episode such as this. The chief psychiatrist commented, during the episode while the hand movements were observed and Rosita’s eyes were rolled up and in, “It seems she’s performing some kind of ritual.”

The chief psychiatrist decided to give Rosita an anti-anxiety agent to calm her.1 When the injection proved slow to act (Rosita continued to bounce, banging into walls), a physical restraint device (in which arms and legs are immobilized in their natural positions while a patient lies on a bed) was ordered to prevent Rosita from inadvertently harming herself.

By this time her body had taken on a kind of thrashing motion and attempts to have her lie down on a mattress were met by a forceful spring-like action in which she arched her back, propelled herself onto her feet and in one motion began hopping, bouncing again. She was unbelievably strong for a woman 5' 2" and about 105 lbs.!

With the help of the injection, the physical restraint, which she appeared to accept almost gratefully (most patients who are in a

thestaffwasunderstandablybaffled

Reflections of Shaktipat: Psychosis or the Rise of Kundalini? A Case Study 31

psychotic state will fight the restraint, at least, initially), and a very compassionate, Spanish-speaking laundry worker who soothed her continually, Rosita became calm.

Within ten minutes the physical restraint was removed and she drank five to six glasses of water, two glasses of juice, and two cans of a nutritional supplement (she had not eaten much since admission). Her body and dress were drenched in sweat, her breathing was restful, and finally, mercifully, she drifted off to sleep.

This was Friday afternoon at 3 p.m. At 4:30 p.m. she was sleeping soundly, and the clinical staff went home. As a psychologist in mental health for over fifteen years, one learns necessarily to leave the “job at the job.” But this case, this woman, this experience, continued to inhabit my thoughts during the long weekend. The chief psychiatrist had also been concerned and had checked on Rosita over the weekend—to find her quiet and calm.

‘Transformed”wasnottoo

stronga

word

On Tuesday, after going through the routine of morning, new admissions and meetings, I was somewhat surprised to find an attractive, well-dressed woman enter my office, smile, and ask if she could sit down. “Transformed” was not too strong a word.

“How are you?” I began.

“Fine.”

“You certainly look like you’re doing a lot better than last week.”

“I feel better, thanks.” Her voice was strong, and, although there was a clear Spanish accent, she was articulate and appeared to have at least a command of English, although somewhat limited.

She began again. “I feel good, I think, I—I—don’t know, I—.”

I waited. She obviously wanted to tell me something. She shook her head slightly and shrugged. “I think—sometime, maybe—Sh— Shaktipat.”

“Excuse me?”

“Yes, you know it?” She smiled somewhat uneasily. My own surprise obviously was making her uncomfortable, and she did not know how this would be taken.

“Shaktipat?” Now it was in a form of a question she asked. A part of me felt astonishment at her use of this term, but the other part felt


like it was being filmed for a “Candid Camera” episode. One more time, I figured, I better be sure.

“Did you say S-H-A-K-T-I-P-A-T?”

“Si, I mean, yes.” And she half laughed.

I smiled. “You know of Kundalini-Shaktipat?”

“Si, yes.”

I felt my brain, my consciousness, literally shift gears; then in a split second, Friday became crystal clear—Rosita had undergone a Premature Kundalini Awakening (PKA).

Much has been written about kundalini and Kundalini Awakening, especially during the past ten to fifteen years, and yet there seems to be little consensus on its characteristics. Depending on which scientific researcher, guru, swami, practitioner is read or heard, we learn kundalini is positive, negative, in the brain, in the spine, energy, beyond energy, healthy, abnormal, terrifying, exhilarating, biological, spiritual, ascending, descending, prana (life-force), consciousness, pathological, curative. My own view is that it is all of these.

Kundalini is often translated in Sanskrit as “she who is coiled” and represents the psycho-biospiritual energy which, according to traditional Indian metaphysics, lies dormant in most human beings at the base of the spine. Carl Jung, in a talk given some fifty years ago, remarked it would take a millennium or more for analysis to awaken kundalini, if ever.

Indian philosophy symbolizes the cosmic energy or Creative Intelligence of the universe as bi-polar with the consciousness aspect (male) or Shiva residing in the head (brain) and the dynamic potential for manifestation (female) or Shakti lying at the base of the spine.

Between these two poles are a series of powerful energy points or wheels called chakras (five or seven depending on Buddhist or Hindu belief) and a central channel, sushumna, which connects them along a vertical axis. As kundalini is stimulated, it ascends the sushumna, opening these chakras, producing a myriad of supra- ordinary experiences. It is believed by many who engage in practices intended to awaken kundalini, that they will succeed in attaining this supra-ordinary state of functioning and eventually experience enlightenment. It is said that prior to enlightenment,

RositahadundergoneaPrematureKundaliniAwakening


anattempt

toplace

one woman’s

experience within

this paradigm

practitioners may have consciousness-expanding experiences including, but not limited to, increased intuition, clairvoyance, and a progressive expansiveness of compassion.

Currently, there are a number of spiritual teachers who offer and/or claim to open up a person’s kundalini through the process of Shaktipat, or the awakening of Shakti Energy located at the base of the spine. This procedure is done by meditation, touch, or simply being in the same room as the teacher. Adherents believe this process rapidly advances personal growth and spiritual evolution.

Sannella (1976), a psychiatrist, attempted to dissolve some of the mystique and provide a scientific foundation for anecdotal accounts of kundalini awakening. After studying a number of personal reports, including some like Rosita’s where the patient had been diagnosed psychotic, and after presenting cross-cultural evidence for the kundalini phenomenon, he observed,

. . . a process of psychophysiological transmutation most usefully viewed as “awakening of the kundalini” is indeed a reality. . . . This process is part of an evolutionary mechanism and that as such it must not be viewed as a pathological development . . . rather . . . the kundalini process is an aspect of human psychospiritual unfolding that is intrinsically desirable (Sannella, 1987, p. 11).

The present paper is not offered as a restatement of theories and research into the kundalini experience, but rather is an attempt to place one woman’s experience within this paradigm.

If Sannella is correct, i.e., if the kundalini process is both desirable and evolutionary, then why does it appear that many undergoing this experience must struggle so desperately within it, and why do a few appear to be even psychotic?

Gopi Krishna (1971), whose autobiography, Kundalini, the Evolutionary Energy in Man, chronicled his own hellish kundalini awakening, explains:

The awakening of kundalini, whether effected by yoga practices or spontaneously, is almost always attended by certain abnormal conditions of the body and the mind. It takes months and even years for the sadhaka [practitioners] to adjust themselves to the flow of the new pranic [life force] energy in the body (White, 1990, p. 242).

He also declares, “It is easy to understand that a sudden change in the bioenergetic economy of the body can never be ‘smooth’ or occur without causing severe psychosomatic disturbances in the whole system” (Krishna, 1990, p. 243). These psychosomatic disturbances are as much a part of the kundalini energy being blocked in its path by physiological stress built up by overuse or misuse of


our own nervous system, as by our psychophysiological system attempting to incorporate the new energy.

Sannella’s view is similar:

The pathway of the kundalini can be blocked anywhere along its upward trajectory. We can look upon these blockages as stress points. Thus, in its ascent, the kundalini causes the central nervous system to throw off stress. This is usually associated with the experience of pain. When the kundalini encounters these blocks, it works away at them until they are dissolved . . . . It appears to act of its own volition, spreading through the entire psychophysiological system to effect its transformation (Sannella, 1976, p. 31).

The emphasis on stress release in Sannella’s description is indeed revealing insofar as it brings to mind the focal point of the entire practice of Transcendental Meditation (TM), whose founder, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, has repeatedly emphasized the purificatory, stress release function of TM.

In other words, human physiology is a self-regulating system capable of purifying itself and dissolving stress when afforded the opportunity. However, this release of stress may, at times, be achieved only by the surrender of the physiology to the stress release process. This process can be quite powerful, even appear violent, hence the reports in the past of strange movements, assumed positions, cries and screams, breathing alternations, and psychic disturbances.

When kundalini awakens, one invariably feels some involuntary movements of the body, which begin with trembling and shaking . . . and the body gets uncontrollable . . . breath is forcibly exhaled o u t . . . the whole body becomes so active that you are unable to sit still, your hands and legs stretch out forcibly, the body squatted on the floor cross-legged begins to jump from place to place like a frog . . . (Tirtha, 1990).

The above description certainly describes much of what occurred in Rosita’s case of Premature Kundalini Awakening (premature because it triggered a host of symptoms she was unable to handle or assimilate smoothly at the time).

Applying, to some degree, Sannella’s categories of experiences that derive from the kundalini experience and help differentiate it from the other psychological or emotional imbalances, I observed the following:

1. Motor signs and symptoms, including spontaneous stimulations of gross muscle movements and breathing alterations. In Rosita’s case, I refer to the spontaneous hopping (like a frog), the springing

aselfregulatingsystem


off her feet, and the exaggerated arching of her back during one particular series of movements. I propose that this intense arching was a non-volitional activity directly intended to facilitate stress release at the source of kundalini activity—at the base of the spine.

In Eastern terminology such spontaneous movements are called kriyas and are “physical purificatory movements initiated by the awakened kundalini. Kriyas purify the body and nervous system and help the person tolerate greater levels of energy” (Muktananda, 1979, p. 52).

Rosita was also initiating spontaneous gestures with her hands, primarily thumb and forefinger, thumb and middle finger. These gestures or “mudras” are specifically designed to help lock in greater energy and create more prana during meditation. Later, the following week, when I asked Rosita about the mudras, she revealed she did not remember learning them and could not reproduce them!

2. Unusual breathing patterns. During the episode Rosita was doing a very fast breathing exercise, one of many known as pranayama, prana (breath or life force) ayama (extension). These rapid breathing episodes known as Bhasrica in kundalini-triggered experiences, occur frequently and spontaneously. Rosita did recall learning several pranayama techniques previously.

3. Other phenomena include sensory and subjective interpretive experiences, aspects of which Rosita also confirmed.

She complained of pain in her abdomen, following the completion of the motor stage, often holding her stomach, while resting on the mattress provided. In this regard, it is fascinating to note the !Kung bushmen of Africa describe an apparently similar energy as N/UM which resides in the pit of the stomach, and often causes pain when it “heats up.”

Psychologically, there were features which could be explained using either the prevailing Western medical model or the current proposed paradigm. She was confused from the time of admission, her thinking was certainly slowed, and a profound detachment was noted. However, it is important to keep in mind that following the physiological expression of the kundalini process on that Friday afternoon, there was a significant improvement in all of these areas.

As I sat with her in my office, any doubts that still lingered evaporated rapidly. At the same time, I felt a frustration and personal disappointment, almost a kind of betrayal at my own blindness, my inability to go beyond, to “transcend” the psychiatric


applying Sannella's categories

ofexperience

36

explanation of her experience until she uttered the magic word, “Shaktipat.” I also wondered to what degree we in the mental health field are so “hemmed in” by our training or cultural perspective, that we view events in an unvarying way. In other words, if this is a psychiatric center, then she must be psychotic! The opposite scenario is also likely. I’ve been in meditation courses where individuals with serious emotional disorders pass for “evolved.”

As my conversation with Rosita continued I asked her who was her guru. When she gave the name, more pieces of the picture fell nicely into place. Rosita’s guru is a very powerful Siddha Yogi who gives Shaktipat to her disciples. She also is said to ask her followers to participate in meditations of long duration, which are not always initially beneficial for individuals with very sensitive nervous systems or psychological imbalances.

It was following this guru’s conference, which Rosita had been attending, that she began acting “bizarre.” Rosita could not tell me exactly when she became confused, nor could she remember what had taken place the previous Friday.

Because of numerous difficulties encountered by Westerners, a number of teachers have stopped giving Shaktipat, realizing inexperienced meditators or seekers simply could not handle it.

It is my contention that during the conference Rosita received Shaktipat and shortly thereafter had the beginnings of a Premature Kundalini Awakening, manifesting as excitability, hypermobility, inability to sit still, mental confusion, in short, bizarre behavior. When she was removed from the premises, the stimuli that had helped trigger the experience—the meditations, pranayama, the meetings, were of course, also no longer present. The kundalini energy thus subsided, but left in its place an exhausted, spent, frightened woman who, with a history of some degree of depressive illness, withdrew into a protective shell. It may also be that the body, sensing danger due to an exhausted nervous system, had the capacity to, in a word, shut itself down to revitalize and reenergize. The kundalini energy may be positive in the long term, but the body senses it cannot transform itself in a two- or three-day period, so it inhibits the process to gain rest and prevent collapse.

In Rosita’s case, the physical continuation of the experience resumed after approximately four days of rest and then went on until the chemical restraint (injection) was given that Friday afternoon. It is not clear to what extent our interventions interrupted or inhibited the kundalini process; certainly enough of the self-purification did take place to enable us to witness the change in Rosita beginning that Tuesday.

ShaktipatandPrematureKundaliniAwakening


advised to seek therapy

at home

Over the next four days I spent one to two hours a day with Rosita. Our relationship, from my perspective, alternated between psychologist-client and “guide-seeker.” I told her quite frankly, I felt she had had a PKA. I also told her I did not believe she was psychotic, and I remember the relief in her face as I told her. Because her English was not perfect, I often repeated words and asked her to do likewise so we could be sure of our communication.

Our sessions ranged from metaphysical to traditional therapy. Even though she was clearly not psychotic, I felt her depression that had begun ten years before had not been resolved. She mentioned how it had lifted three years before when she began her practice of Siddha Meditation, but also agreed she did at times feel “down.”

Rosita did have some prior Siddha Yoga training and also Reichian counseling at her home in Mexico. During our sessions she stated nothing like this had ever happened to her before, and that in previous meditation she had felt calmness, a pleasant alteration of mood, sometimes a spiritual sense of self, but nothing in the order of the physiological or mental reaction in response to her “Shaktipat.”

I advised her to seek therapy at home, since it was clear that any emotional imbalance would, of course, not only hinder her own personal growth, but would, I felt, cause another “rough ride” if the PKA resumed. And her constitution, being prone to depression— an emotional mood rather than thought disorder—would lead one to assume that a PKA would manifest as an emotional, acting-out, rather than a cerebral or cognitive experience.2

She was curious, but frightened about “what she had done Friday.” I assured her she did nothing wrong or bad, that the episode was cleansing, that many others had had similar experiences (I showed her a few books), and that it would lead to emotional-spiritual growth. I paraphrased a quote from Sannella (1987):

Symptoms caused by the physio-kundalini will disappear spontaneously over time. Because we are dealing essentially with a purificatory or balancing process and since each person represents a finite system, the process is self-limiting (p. 111).

On a more practical level, there were two approaches I utilized.

First, I suggested she refrain from meditation for at least three months to allow the body and mind to assimilate the experiences, as well as the psycho-physiological changes she had gone through.

Second, I briefly mentioned Ayurveda, traditional Indian medicine, and explained as simply as I could the three principles governing


the body: vata, pitta, kapha. I told her that vata, or the principle of movement in the body, could become over-stimulated and lead to an assortment of ills similar to the PKA. I therefore suggested a number of routines to help reduce vata. I gave her a list of foods, a diet. I suggested she follow it for three to six months. Simply stated, warm, heavy, non-dry foods, unctuous foods, non-leafy vegetables, rice, breads, pasta, citrus fruits, poultry, if she wished, etc. I also listed certain spices that she would benefit from. I could not recommend herbs because neither of us knew where to purchase them in Mexico. 1 taught her a simple, non-forced alternate nostril pranayama technique designed to balance the left and right channels of the body (ida, pingala) and pacify vata. Also, I suggested to Rosita that she do Abhyanga or a daily oil massage using sesame oil as an effective means to pacify vata. She was also instructed to exercise moderately, since exercise would “ground” her in her body and reduce the likelihood of dissociation, or spaciness.

Throughout all of this particular session, I played Gandharva Veda music softly in the background. Gandharva Veda is classical Indian music that is played at different times of the day, specifically in accordance with the biological rhythms of the human physiology. Rosita listened attentively through all this and, at the end of my presentation, said “I refuse to give up apples.” (Apples are on the no-no list of foods!) We both laughed and compromised, allowing for three to four apples per week rather than her unusual two per day.

During our sessions, Rosita mentioned several interesting facts. She had participated in Reichian therapy at an ashram in Mexico and felt it was useful to her growth. This was quite revealing to me insofar as a clinic in Berkeley, California that treats PKA utilizes Reichian therapy quite extensively to help individuals experiencing PKA.

Rosita also professed an interest in astrology and spoke about having the sensation, while at our hospital, of the specific planetary energies being in her fingers. When asked which planets corresponded to each successive finger she correctly identified the planet with the finder associated with it in astrology. I thought back to the hospital admission note which was written as “people from other planets were after her,” an obvious misunderstanding on the part of that admitting physician who misread her statement of the planetary associations.

Rosita also stated she was told by an astrologer that her kundalini had opened at age five, so, out of curiosity I decided to do a Jyotish (Indian astrology) chart on her. It is a fascinating chart—a royal yoga (quite powerful) in the first house. In addition, her kundalini opening at age five, her onset of depression in 1981, and her current

severalinterestingfacts


misdiagnoses because

of a kundalini

awakening

PKA all occurred during Rahu (very intense influence) periods, and Rahu is in the sign of Scorpio, the sign which controls the lower sexual divisions, and where kundalini resides.

In summary, I should note that the other members of the clinical team listened with interest, curiosity, and not a little bemusement at my clinical feelings regarding Rosita. Rosita’s psychiatrist (a spiritually knowledgeable Indian woman), after evaluating her, agreed with me and concluded that “the patient was confused, depressed, but clearly not psychotic” and stated this case certainly “fit the bill” as a PKA if there ever was one. Also, a social worker who shares a similar world view was quite receptive and helped me to generate new ideas through discussion.

How many people have been misdiagnosed as psychotic in the past because of a kundalini awakening? We can only speculate. I believe that the number is quite low, but, of course, even one is too many. Had I known Rosita was in the throes of a PKA at the time, could I have spared her the injection and restraint? I believe she desperately needed our help, and she certainly could have suffered injury by inadvertently crashing into a wall, or by driving herself into a collapsed state of exhaustion, as seemed possible at the time. Looking back on it, I believe she feels we did the best we could and treated her with respect and compassion. This case also illustrates the current limits of our knowledge and the need for greater diversity in both diagnosis and treatment.

One week after Rosita was brought to us, she went home with her family—tired, curious, mystified, a little confused, and having been through two weeks few of us will ever comprehend, much less experience. She thanked us for “everything” and left.

A month down the road, I sit writing this, while Tagore’s Gitanjali, reverberates softly,

At this time of my parting, wish me good luck, my friends! The sky is flushed with the dawn and my path lies beautiful. Ask not what I have with me to take there. I start on my journey with empty hands and expectant heart (Tagore, 1913).

And our own journey as helpers, healers, therapists, begins the same way.

POSTSCRIPT

Two months following the completion of this article, I received a long correspondence from Rosita at her home in Mexico. The four- page letter was in Spanish, quite detailed and quite coherent. She


thanked me (and the hospital staff) for helping her through her difficulties. She was quite introspective and reflective, commenting that what had happened to her seemed to have happened in another time and place (not in a dissociative manner but as one who has been through many emotional changes in a brief period of time). In fact, she mentioned that she felt she had been through five years of psychoanalysis all in the past several months, from convention to hospital to home. Rosita stated she was meditating again and was looking for a therapist as well. No occurrences of kundalini-induced physiological arousal or mental confusion had reappeared. Rosita was not taking any medication, but did ask what herbs might be suggested for her. The overall tone of the letter was hopeful, optimistic, and showed broad awareness, the awareness of one who is in the midst of emotional change, but who has a grasp of who she is and what steps she must take to continue her evolution and development.

Last spring, following the completion of this article, I had the privilege of presenting this case to Vasant Lad, Director of the Ayurvedic Institute, New Mexico and former director of Ayurvedic Medicine in Poona, India. He listened as I described the episode, the patient’s behavior and her subsequent recompensation, nodding knowingly, and even finishing several of my own descriptions before I had completed them. The information was absolutely familiar and natural to him, and it was then obvious to me, that if nothing else, this was a case of PKA if the criteria of Ayurvedic and Vedic knowledge were applied.

NOTES

1The first medication at 8 a.m. the day of the episode (and the first medication for the patient) was Haldol 5mgs IM, five and a halfhours before the episode of kundalini. The physicians all felt this dose was not sufficient to cause the reaction seen at 1:30 - 1:45 p.m. when the PKA began. During the episode described, the anti-anxiety agent given to help calm her was Haldol 5mgs, Ativan 2mgs IM. No diphenhy- diamine (Benadryl) was given since the doctor did not view physiological reaction as phenothiazine-related in nature. The doctors ordered the Haldol since they assumed the reaction was psychotic in origin. The chief psychiatrist, who was there for the entire episode, stated the reaction was definitely not related to phenothiazine or seizure.

2It is unlikely her reaction was hysterical or less than authentic given her past history, since she had not had such hysterical reaction before. Rosita did not appear to be in a dissociative state and, in discussing events with her later, she appeared integrated and no evidence of a dissociative disorder, psychogenic fugue, or isolated depersonalization disorder was discovered.

REFERENCES

Krishna, G. (1971). Kundalini: Evolutionary energy in man. Berkeley: Shambhala.

letterwashopeful,optimisticandshowedbroadawareness


Krishna, G. (1990). The phenomenon of kundalini. In J. White (Ed.), Kundalini: Evolution and enlightenment. New York: Paragon House.

Muktananda. (1979). Kundalini: “The secret of life.” Ganeshpuri, India: Gurudev Siddha Peeth.

Sannella, L. (1976). Kundalini—Psychosis or transcendence? (self-published).

Sannella, L. (1987). Kundalini experience: Psychosis or transcendence? Lower Lake, CA: Integral Publishing.

Tagore, R. (1913). Gitanjali. New York: Macmillan.Tirtha, S. V. (1990). Signs of awakened kundalini. In J. White (Ed.),

Kundalini: Evolution and enlightenment. New York: Paragon House.White, J. (Ed.) (1990). Kundalini: Evolution and enlightenment. New

York: Paragon House.

Requests for reprints to: Jon Ossoff, 263-20 73rd Avenue, Glen Oaks, New York 11004.


THE PHYSIO-KUNDALINI SYNDROME AND MENTAL ILLNESS

Bruce Greyson Farmington, Connecticut

In Eastern spiritual traditions, the biological mechanism of both individual enlightenment and evolution of the species toward higher consciousness is called kundalini, a potential force that once awakened can produce a variety of mental, emotional, physical, and spiritual effects. The ancient yogic texts described a life energy present in all living beings called prana. Kundalini was described as a normally dormant mechanism or organizing principle that could be activated or awakened under certain conditions, to strengthen or purify an individual’s prana, transforming its effects upon the individual.

Kundalini has been held responsible for life itself (Krishna, 1972), the sexual drive, creativity, genius, longevity, and vigor (Krishna, 1975), and our evolution toward an ultimate, magnificent state of consciousness (Krishna, 1974b). The dormant kundalini is said to be situated at the base of the spine (Muktananda, 1974; Kason et al., 1993), and when aroused can travel upwards along the spinal cord to the brain, where it can stimulate a dormant chamber of the brain (the brahma randhra), leading to biological transformation and immensely expanded perception (Krishna, 1972, 1975).

THE PHYSIO-KUNDALINI SYNDROME

Itzhak Bentov (1977), a biomedical engineer who studied the physiological effects of altered states of consciousness, concluded

This article is based in part on a presentation at the First Annual Symposium of the Kundalini Research Network, Watsonville, CA, June 18, 1992. The author gratefully acknowledges the help of Kenneth Ring, Ph.D. and Barbara Harris, R.T.T., Ms.T., in developing the Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index questionnaire used in this study.


anormallydormantmechanismororganizingprinciple


Bentov's physio-kundalini

syndrome as

best available

model

that the normal biological evolution of the human nervous system could be accelerated under certain circumstances, triggering a predictable sequence of physiological stresses on the body that he described as a progressive sensory-motor cortex syndrome. While Bentov acknowledged that the concept of kundalini involves spiritual forces and effects beyond these physiological symptoms, he proposed a limited mechanical-physiological portion of the kundalini syndrome as a useful working model.

This intentionally simplistic model, which Bentov called the “physio-kundalini syndrome,” describes a characteristic anatomic progression of sensory and motor symptoms. While classical esoteric literature envisioned kundalini as rising from the base of the spine up through the head (Krishna, 1971; Muktananda, 1974), Bentov speculated that the physio-kundalini symptoms could result from an electrical polarization spreading along the sensory and motor cortices, in turn induced by acoustical standing waves in the cerebral ventricles. Some kundalini scholars maintain that the physio-kundalini concept oversimplifies kundalini and ignores the critically important spiritual evolutionary features that define that process; others maintain further that the physiological symptoms may not represent kundalini activation at all, but rather a less profound effect of bioenergy or prana (Greenwell, 1990; Kieffer, in press; Scott, 1983).

Nevertheless, Lee Sannella (1987), a psychiatrist and ophthalmologist who has encountered patients presenting with problems attributable to kundalini activation, views Bentov’s physio-kundalini syndrome as the best available model. Observing that the classical kundalini process is inexplicable in terms of Western medical science, Sannella proposes that we employ the physio-kundalini model to study (and treat patients suffering from) the physiological dimension of the kundalini experience. Most Western health professionals familiar with kundalini now have gained their understanding of the concept through Bentov’s neurophysiological model and Sannella’s elaboration in medical terminology of the implications and symptoms of the physio-kundalini syndrome (Greenwell, 1990).

KUNDALINI AND THE NEAR-DEATH EXPERIENCE

Some investigators in the field of consciousness and near-dcath studies have suggested that the significance of the near-death experience (NDE) may be its role as a catalyst for human evolution (Grey, 1985; Grosso, 1985; Ring, 1984). They view the reported mental, physical, and spiritual after-effects of NDEs as indications


of an accelerated development in near-death experiencer (NDErs) of intuitive functioning on a different order, and as similar to changes traditionally reported by people awakening to a higher- order state of consciousness. If those speculations are correct, then near-death experiencers might be expected to show signs of kundalini awakening.

Kenneth Ring (1984) was the first Western consciousness researcher to speculate in detail about the role of kundalini in neardeath experiences. He presented anecdotal evidence of similarities between kundalini awakenings and the common after-effects of NDEs. More recently, seeking more objective evidence of kundalini among NDErs, he embedded nine kundalini items in a 60-item inventory of psychophysical changes administered to 74 NDErs and to a control group of 54 subjects who expressed interest in NDEs but never had one themselves. He found that the NDErs acknowledged an average of 36% of the kundalini items, while the control subjects acknowledged an average of 11% of those same items (Ring, 1992). Ring proposed two possible explanations of the association between kundalini and the NDE: 1) kundalini is the energy underlying the near-death experience, and thus every NDE is an indication of an aroused kundalini, or 2) the NDE is one of many possible triggers that can stimulate a kundalini awakening, but doesn’t necessarily do so in every case.

Margot Grey (1985) also points out the similarities between classical kundalini awakenings and “core” NDEs, including their common precipitation by temporary cessation of heartbeat and respiratory activity. She concludes that similar physiological mechanisms operate in both NDEs and kundalini phenomena, and that both are manifestations of the same evolutionary force. Describing the theoretical mechanism for the link between kundalini and NDEs, Gene Kieffer (in press) has argued that in a near-death situation kundalini attempts a last-ditch, life-saving effort by empowering and directing the body’s prana to flow directly into the dying brain; this overwhelming rush of potent energy produces the visions and other phenomena typical of NDEs.

proposedexplanationsofassociationbetweenkundaliniandtheNDE

I recently examined the occurrence of physiological aspects of kundalini in NDErs as described by Bentov (1977) and Sannella (1987). Using a 19-item questionnaire developed for that study to elicit physio-kundalini symptoms, I compared the responses of a sample of 153 NDErs with those of two control samples: 55 individuals who had come close to death but not had NDEs, and 113 individuals who had never come close to death. The NDErs in that study acknowledged a mean of 7.6 out of 19 physio-kundalini symptoms, significantly more than the mean of 4.6 symptoms

The Physio-Kundalini Syndrome and Mental Illness 45

classical literature

did not

dwell on the

problems

acknowledged by each of the two control groups, supporting the impression that kundalini awakening is more common among NDErs than among nonNDErs (Greyson, in press).

This association between kundalini and nearly dying is by no means a recent discovery. While Eastern traditions have developed elaborate lifelong practices and life-styles with the intent of awakening kundalini, they have also claimed that when the brain is deprived of oxygen, kundalini may actually rush to the brain in an effort to sustain life. In fact, one bizarre and unusual yoga sect practiced suffocation by tongue-swallowing in the hope that kundalini would rush to their brains and produce enlightenment (Dippong, 1982), a practice that may have a Western counterpart in la petite mort, in which a considerable number of adolescents die each year seeking orgasmic initiation by asphyxiation (Kieffer, in press; Rosner, 1987).

This theoretical arousal of kundalini by life-threatening crisis has traditionally been regarded by Eastern philosophers as dangerous (Krishna, 1975). According to those sources, kundalini should only be awakened by a gradual process under the guidance of someone who has first-hand experience with it; otherwise, a kundalini awakening in a body and soul not properly prepared can produce negative effects, including psychosis.

KUNDALINI AND MENTAL ILLNESS

Because the ancient traditions provided gurus to supervise kundalini awakenings, the classical literature did not dwell on the problems of these phenomena. It was assumed that enlightenment, developed in the proper context and with proper guidance, though it may be difficult, would lead to good outcomes. However, contemporary Western culture typically provides neither proper context nor proper guidance, so that the earliest indications of kundalini activity may lead to major disruptions in functioning that are often confused with psychotic disorders (Grey, 1985; Krishna, 1975; Sannella, 1987). Because near-death experiences often occur without preparation or warning, NDErs facing the chaos and change of kundalini awakening may seek professional counseling (Greenwell, 1990). Therapists unfamiliar with kundalini phenomena, however, may misinterpret clients’ symptoms as reflecting an underlying mental illness (Bentov, 1977).

Greenwell (1990) describes clients undergoing the kundalini process who seek therapy because they feel disengaged from their former sense of self, engage in irrational behavior, see visions, make involuntary movements usually associated with mental ill


ness, and suffer physical pains and changes. She lists one of the effects of kundalini awakening as psychological and emotional upheaval, including intensification of unresolved psychological conflict, fear of death or insanity, overwhelming mood swings, heightened sensitivity to others’ moods, confusion, ritualistic or impulsive behavior, insomnia, uncharacteristic intense sexual drives, gender identity issues, seeing lights or hearing sounds, indecisiveness and “boundary issues,” grandiosity, and trance-like states of consciousness.

Gopi Krishna claimed “countless” cases of spontaneous kundalini awakening lead to insanity or less severe mental illness: “Apart from psychosis, there are also many people in whom the awaking of kundalini leads to neurosis and other psychic disorders. They lead an imbalanced life without crossing the border into the territory of the incurably insane” (1974a, p. 149). Bentov (1977) estimates that 25 to 30 percent of institutionalized schizophrenics may be experiencing kundalini phenomena.

Unlike Krishna (1974a, 1975), Bentov (1977), and Sannella (1987), Sri Aurobindo (1971) believed that kundalini in itself would not induce psychosis in a previously healthy individual, but that a constitutionally weak nervous system already predisposed to emotional problems might decompensate under the stress of kundalini awakening. Psychotic decompensation following kundalini awakening may be less common in Asian cultures, where proper preparation and mental discipline are prerequisites for yogic training, than in the West, where ancient preparatory (and screening) practices are not available and where, for example, kundalini could be as likely to be awakened by an accidental near-death event in an unprepared individual (Greenwell, 1990).

Greenwell (1990) notes that the more drastic psychological effects of kundalini awakening, such as hallucinations, may lead therapists unfamiliar with the phenomenon to consider it a psychosis, neurological disorder, or manic-depressive illness. She suggests that kundalini has been linked to psychosis because some kundalini symptoms appear similar to a psychotic break and because therapists lack other diagnostic categories in which to categorize hallucinatory experiences. Like Aurobindo, however, she does not believe that kundalini or inappropriate treatment of it can cause psychosis, or that spiritual components of psychosis are necessarily evidence of kundalini awakening. Rather, she suggests that spontaneous kundalini awakening in individuals with borderline or narcissistic pathology may precipitate psychosis, or that weak ego boundaries or disturbed energetic phenomena in psychosis may activate physiological processes similar to those of kundalini, leading to confusion between the two.

assumptionsaboutpsychosisinkundaliniliterature


thekundalini

andmentalillness

relationshipremains

controversial

Certainly some kundalini phenomena resemble, at least in description, symptoms of schizophrenia. For example, hearing internal voices, a kundalini manifestation, resembles auditory hallucinations, a schizophrenic symptom; becoming locked into unusual positions (postures), another kundalini manifestation, resembles catatonic rigidity, another schizophrenic symptom; the kundalini- related experience of sudden, intense mood swings for no reason resembles the schizophrenic symptom of inappropriate affect; and thoughts speeding up or slowing down in kundalini awakening resemble the formal thought disorder of schizophrenia. But while those symptoms may be common to both kundalini and schizophrenia, they alone are insufficient to delineate either condition. In actuality the overlap between these two conditions is quite limited if the entire constellation of their symptoms is considered.

Such typical physio-kundalini phenomena as pockets in the body of extreme temperature, changes in breathing, specific localized pains, expanding beyond the body, out-of-body experiences, deep ecstatic tickles, internal lights or colors, and an ascending anatomic progression of symptoms are not characteristic of schizophrenia. On the other hand, such typical schizophrenic phenomena as delusions, deteriorating hygiene, social isolation, lack of energy, incoherent speech, illogical thoughts, bizarre behavior, and deteriorating social role functioning are not necessarily seen in kundalini awakenings.

Thus the relationship between kundalini and mental illness in general and psychosis in particular remains controversial. Some authors have asserted that kundalini awakening, or inappropriate treatment of it, is a frequent cause of psychosis; while others maintained that mental illness occurs only in individuals predisposed to it or already suffering from borderline or narcissistic pathology prior to a kundalini awakening. And finally, some have suggested that the ego weakening characteristic of psychosis might promote either true kundalini awakening or some lesser psychophysiological energy phenomena that mimic kundalini.

The purpose of this study was to explore indications of kundalini awakenings in an unselected sample of psychiatric patients. In the interest of conceptual simplicity, quantifiability, and replicability, the physio-kundalini syndrome was used as an indicator of kundalini awakening. I administered the Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index to a sample of patients consecutively admitted to an inpatient psychiatric unit, and compared their responses to those of previously collected control groups. As a comparison group of individuals who had shown definite signs of kundalini arousal, the previously collected data sample of near-death experiencers was used; and for a comparison group of “normal” individuals who had not shown signs of kundalini phenomena, the two control groups from


the study of NDErs were combined, as those groups yielded identical low basal rates of physio-kundalini symptoms, presumably that of the general population.

METHOD

Instrument and Subjects

A 19-item Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index was added to the admission diagnostic interview for all patients admitted to the inpatient psychiatric unit of the University of Connecticut Health Center for a 6-month period. This questionnaire, developed for an earlier study of physio-kundalini symptoms in NDErs and described elsewhere (Greyson, in press), includes items exploring motor, somatosensory, audiovisual, and mental phenomena, and permits answers of “yes,” “no,” or “not sure” in response to questions as to whether the subject ever experiences each of 19 symptoms. In tabulating the results, “no” and “not sure” answers are both regarded as negative responses. Documentation of the validity and reliability of this physio-kundalini questionnaire is not yet available.

During the 6-month period of this study, 138 patients were able to provide coherent and usable responses to the questions on the Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index. Of these 138 subjects, 39 (28%) were male and 99 (72%) female. Their mean age was 34.0 years (SD=11.2, range= 17-68 years).

Data Analysis

Subjects’ responses were compared to the responses of (a) a sample of 153 NDErs studied previously (mean age 50.3 years, SD= 13.2, range=22-82 years), a group that reported a high rate of physio- kundalini symptoms, and (b) control subjects in that previous study, who showed a lower rate of physio-kundalini symptoms, assumed to be the baseline rate in the general population. As noted above, the two control groups in the study of NDErs—55 subjects who had come close to death without having had NDEs and 113 subjects who had never been close to death—produced identical response rates. Therefore, for the present comparison, those two groups were combined and collectively treated as a normal control sample of 168 individuals (mean age 48.8 years, SD=13.9, range =20-86 years).

The primary hypothesis to be tested was that the study sample of psychiatric patients would acknowledge fewer physio-kundalini symptoms than did the previously studied sample of NDErs, a

patients,NDErs,andcontrolsubjectscompared


population known to have experienced kundalini awakenings; and that these psychiatric patients would instead acknowledge a number of physio-kundalini symptoms comparable to that reported by the control sample. The difference between the number of symptoms acknowledged by these psychiatric patients and the NDErs was evaluated by t-test, as was the difference between the number of symptoms acknowledged by the psychiatric patients and the normal control sample.

Assuming a significant difference between these groups on the entire 19-item Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index, a secondary focus of this study was whether particular symptoms of physio- kundalini would better differentiate psychiatric patients from NDErs or normal controls. Chi-square tests were used to evaluate the differences between the proportion of psychiatric patients acknowledging each individual symptom and the proportion of NDErs and control subjects acknowledging that symptom. Since these nineteen symptoms might not be statistically independent, the Bonferroni procedure was used to correct for interdependence of these tests. Accordingly, p<.0026 was chosen as the criterion for significance for each of these individual chi-square tests, which would yield a significance level of p<.05 for the nineteen tests considered together.

RESULTS

Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index

The 138 psychiatric patients acknowledged a mean of 4.9 (SD= 3.6) of the 19 physio-kundalini symptoms. That number was significantly fewer than the mean of 7.6 symptoms (SD=4.7) acknowledged by the 153 NDErs (/=5.47, df=289, /?<.0001); and it was statistically indistinguishable from the mean of 4.6 symptoms (SD=3.5) acknowledged by the 168 control subjects (7=0.53, #=304, n.s.).

These psychiatric patients, therefore, did not report a high incidence of physio-kundalini symptoms, as did the NDErs, but reported the same average number of these symptoms as did the control sample. Given this difference between the psychiatric patients and the NDErs, an analysis of individual physio-kundalini symptoms follows.

Motor Physio-Kundalini Symptoms

The Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index included four items that could be considered motor symptoms. One’s body assuming and

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1993, Vol. 25, No. I

asecondary

focus of this study

50

maintaining strange positions for no apparent reason was reported by 14 patients, or 10 percent of the sample. That was neither significantly less than the 17 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=2.32), nor significantly more than the 2 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=8.56).

One’s body becoming frozen or locked into strange positions and immovable was reported by 21 patients, or 15 percent. That also was neither significantly less than the 20 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=0.69), nor significantly more than the 6 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²= 6.16).

One’s breathing spontaneously stopping or becoming rapid, shallow, or deep for no apparent reason was reported by 40 patients, or 29 percent. Again, that percentage was neither significantly less than the 39 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ² =2.55) nor significantly more that the 20 percent of control subjects reported it (χ²=2.70).

Finally, spontaneous involuntary bodily movements were reported by 50 patients, or 36 percent. Once again, that percentage was not significantly less than the 43 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=1.17), and was almost identical to the 38 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=0.01).

Thus the psychiatric patients reported all four motor physio- kundalini symptoms at frequencies between those of the NDErs and control samples (or almost identical to the control sample, in the case of involuntary movements). However, differences in the rates of these motor symptoms did not differentiate the patients from either the NDErs or the control subjects. That is, motor physio-kundalini phenomena arc not significantly more common in NDErs than in these psychiatric patients, but neither are they more common in the patients than in control subjects.

Somatosensory Physio-Kundalini Symptoms

The Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index included six items that could be considered somatosensory symptoms. A spontaneous deep ecstatic tickle or orgasmic feeling was reported by 17 patients, or 12 percent of the sample. That was significantly less than the 37 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=21.49, p<0001), and statistically indistinguishable from the 15 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=0.39).

Physical sensations starting in the feet, legs, or pelvis, and moving up the back and neck to the top of the head, down the forehead, over the face, then to the throat, and ending in the abdomen were

motor physio- kundalini not more common in NDErs than in patients


frequency of somatosensory

physio- kundalini symptoms

reported by 21 patients, or 15 percent. That also was significantly less than the 37 percent of NDErs reporting this symptom (χ²= 16.86, p<.0001), and statistically indistinguishable from the 19 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=0.53).

Extreme sensations of heat or cold moving through the body for no reason were reported by 57 patients, or 41 percent. That was not significantly less than the 54 percent of NDErs reporting this symptom (χ²=4.42), but it was significantly more than the 21 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=l 2.32, p<.0004).

Moving pockets of bodily heat or cold being extreme enough to burn or otherwise affect someone else or an inanimate object were reported by 3 patients, or 2 percent. That percentage was statistically indistinguishable from both the 10 percent of NDErs reporting this symptom (χ²=6.02) and the 2 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=0.03).

Pains in specific parts of the body that begin and end abruptly for no apparent reason were reported by 58 patients, or 42 percent. That also was statistically indistinguishable from both the 59 percent of NDErs reporting this symptom (χ²=8.16) and the 51 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=1.90).

Finally, tingling, vibration, itching, or tickling on the skin or inside the body for no apparent reason was reported by 57 patients, or 41 percent. Again, that was statistically indistinguishable from both the 58 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²= 7.66) and the 51 percent of control subjects who reported it (χ²=2.67).

Thus some somatosensory physio-kundalini symptoms, such as spontaneous orgasmic sensations and ascending anatomic progression of sensations, are reported significantly more often by NDErs than by psychiatric patients, who report those symptoms as seldom as do control subjects. On the other hand, psychiatric patients reported unexplained isolated temperature changes as often as did the NDErs, and significantly more often than did the control sample. Other somatosensory symptoms showed no differences between the three groups, perhaps because they are either too rare in any group, as with temperature changes so extreme as to bum other people, or too common in all groups, as with spontaneous unexplained pains and tingling or vibratory sensations.

Audiovisual Physio-Kundalini Symptoms

The Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index included four items that could be regarded as audiovisual symptoms. Internal noises, such

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1993, Vol. 25, No. I52

as whistling, hissing, chirping, roaring, or flutelike sounds were reported by 28 patients, or 20 percent of the sample. That was significantly less than the 41 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=14.87, p<.0001), and statistically indistinguishable from the 24 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=0.57).

Internal voices were reported by 26 patients, or 19 percent. That also was significantly less than the 46 percent of the NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=22.57, p<.0001), and statistically indistinguishable from the 29 percent of control subjects reporting it(χ²=3.83).

Internal lights or colors illuminating parts of the body were reported by 6 patients, or 4 percent. Again, that percentage was significantly less than the 19 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=13.28, p<.0003), and statistically indistinguishable from the 7 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=0.07).

Thus with the exception of internal lights bright enough to illuminate a dark room, which was very rare among all groups, the audiovisual physio-kundalini symptoms were significantly more common among NDErs than among psychiatric patients, who reported them as seldom as did control subjects.

Mental Physio-Kundalini Symptoms

The Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index included five items that could be regarded as mental symptoms. Observing oneself, including one’s thoughts, as if one were a bystander while activities go on as usual, was reported by 30 patients, or 22 percent of the sample. That was significantly less than the 55 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=30.60, p<.0001), and statistically comparable to the 33 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=3.88).

Sudden, intense ecstasy, bliss, peace, love, devotion, joy, or cosmic unity for no apparent reason was reported by 47 patients, or 34 percent. That also was significantly less than the 76 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=49.67, p<.0001), and statistically comparable to the 51 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=7.79).

On the other hand, sudden intense fear, anxiety, depression, hatred, or confusion for no apparent reason was reported by 88 patients, or 64 percent. That was statistically comparable to the 52 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=4.40), and significantly more than the 35 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=26.07, p<.0001).

fiveitemsregardedasmentalsymptoms


incidenceof

physio-kundalinisymptoms

inpatients

nodifferent

than in controls

Thoughts spontaneously speeding up, slowing down, or stopping altogether were reported by 77 patients, or 56 percent. That percentage was neither significantly less than the 61 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²=0.73), nor significantly more than the 40 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=7.08).

Finally, experiencing oneself as physically larger than the body, as expanding beyond the material body boundary, was reported by 30 subjects, or 22 percent. That also was not significantly less than the 31 percent of NDErs who reported this symptom (χ²= 2.96), nor significantly more than the 19 percent of control subjects reporting it (χ²=0.19).

Thus watching oneself from a distance, or “witness consciousness,” and sudden unexplained positive emotions were significantly more common among NDErs than among the psychiatric patients, who reported them as seldom as did control subjects. On the other hand, sudden unexplained negative emotions were as common among the psychiatric patients as among NDErs, and more common than among the control sample. Changes in thought processes and the “greater body” experience were quite common among all groups, and did not differentiate among them.

DISCUSSION

These data do not support anecdotal suggestions that kundalini phenomena are common in mental illness. In fact, an unselected sample of psychiatric inpatients reported an incidence of physio- kundalini symptoms no different than a normal control sample, and significantly fewer kundalini phenomena than did a comparison group of near-death experiencers.

These findings contradict the assertions of some authors that large numbers of institutionalized psychiatric patients suffer from misdiagnosed kundalini awakenings (Bentov, 1977; Krishna, 1974a). While it is possible that some individuals with awakened kundalini may be mislabeled by therapists unfamiliar with the phenomenon, this study suggests that psychiatric patients are no more likely to experience kundalini awakening than the general public.

These data also bolster the claim that kundalini is a nonpathological force that produces a unique pattern of physiological and psychological effects. The low incidence of kundalini symptoms in psychiatric patients contradicts the notion that kundalini may be a product of the imagination or of suggestion in individuals with ego deficits.


Kundalini among Psychotic Patients

This study’s sample of psychiatric patients was drawn from consecutive admissions to a general inpatient psychiatric unit, and included individuals with a variety of problems and diagnoses, including depression, anxiety, eating disorders, personality disorders, and substance abuse, as well as schizophrenic, manic, and organic psychoses. It might be argued that kundalini phenomena mimic psychotic symptoms which are not necessarily common in a general inpatient psychiatric sample. That raises the question of whether a limited sample comprised only of psychotic patients would acknowledge as many physio-kundalini symptoms as do NDErs.

To test this hypothesis, a post hoc analysis was performed on the responses of psychotic patients to the Physio-Kundalini Syndrome Index. Of the 138 patients in this study, 15, or 11 percent of the sample, carried a diagnosis of some nondepressive psychotic disorder. These 15 patients, whose diagnoses included schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, organic hallucinosis, and psychotic disorder not otherwise specified (atypical psychoses), as a group reported a mean of 3.2 of the 19 physio-kundalini symptoms (SD=3.1). Thus patients with psychoses actually acknowledged even fewer physio- kundalini symptoms than did the larger sample of psychiatric patients. Though the sample of psychotic patients was small, they did not report any physio-kundalini symptom more often than did the larger sample of psychiatric patients.

This finding held true for those symptoms that specifically may be thought to mimic psychotic symptoms. Internal voices, for example, were reported by 20 percent of the psychotic patients, as compared with 19 percent of all the patients and 46 percent of the NDErs; becoming locked into a certain position was reported by 13 percent of psychotic patients, as compared with 15 percent of all the patients and 20 percent of the NDErs; spontaneous changes in thought processes were reported by 40 percent of the psychotic patients, as compared with 56 percent of all the patients and 61 percent of the NDErs; and unexplained negative emotions were reported by 47 percent of the psychotic patients, as compared with 64 percent of all the patients and 52 percent of the NDErs.

Discriminative Value of Physio-Kundalini Items

Thus, as pathological as some of them may sound, a number of physio-kundalini symptoms are reported significantly more often by near-death experiencers than by psychiatric, and particularly

The Physio-Kundalini Syndrome and Mental Illness

aposthocanalysisofpsychoticpatients

55

variousitem

discriminationsamong

thegroups

psychotic, patients. Seven of the 19 physio-kundalini items, including three of the four audiovisual symptoms, were significantly more common among NDErs than among psychiatric patients: spontaneous orgasmic sensations, ascending anatomic progression of sensations, internal noises, internal voices, internal lights or colors, watching oneself as if from a distance, and sudden positive emotions for no apparent reason. These seven items then may be useful indicators in differentiating kundalini awakening from mental illness.

Two items were as common among these psychiatric patients as among the comparison group of NDErs, and more common than among the control sample: unexplained heat or cold moving through the body, and sudden, negative emotions for no apparent reason. Thus, those symptoms, while they may be a part of the physio-kundalini syndrome, also appear to be associated preferentially with mental illness.

Eight items were reported by psychiatric patients with a frequency midway between those of NDErs and the control subjects, without differing significantly from either: assuming strange positions, becoming locked into position, changes in breathing, spontaneous involuntary movements, spontaneous unexplained pains, tingling or vibrating sensations, unexplained changes in thought processes, and experiencing oneself as larger than the physical body. Thus these symptoms appear to be too common among psychiatric patients and the general population to be useful indicators of kundalini awakening. Likewise, two items, bodily heat or cold so extreme as to bum or affect others and internal lights bright enough to illuminate a dark room, were so rare among all three groups as to be useless in differentiating kundalini awakening from other conditions.

CONCLUSION

In summary, symptoms of the physio-kundalini syndrome are reported far more often by individuals known to have experienced kundalini awakening than by psychiatric, and particularly psychotic, patients. Furthermore, certain specific physio-kundalini symptoms can be identified as being particularly helpful in differentiating kundalini awakening from mental illness.

Psychologist David Lukoff (1985) has recommended that psychotic symptoms in the context of kundalini experiences be diagnosed not as schizophrenia but as “mystical experience with psychotic features,” with the implication that this condition may have a positive outcome if treated with alternative therapeutic strategies. More recently, Lukoff and psychiatrists Francis Lu and Robert


Turner formally proposed and had accepted for the next revision of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders a new diagnostic category of “psychoreligious or psychospiritual problem,” in the class of problems that may appropriately be a focus of professional attention or treatment even though they are not attributable to a mental disorder (Lukoff, Lu & Turner, 1992). This study, in differentiating kundalini from mental illness, has generated data supporting that proposal. It may also help stimulate caregivers to develop new and different techniques for assisting individuals seeking help with kundalini phenomena.

REFERENCES

Aurobindo, S. (1971). Letters on yoga. Pondicherry, India: Sri Aurobindo International University Center.

Bentov, I. (1977). Stalking the wild pendulum: On the mechanics of consciousness. New York: Dutton.

Dippong, J. (1982). Dawn of perception: A true rebirth. Chimo, 8(4), 31- 37.

Greenwell, B. (1990). Energies of transformation: A guide to the kundalini process. Cupertino, CA: Shakti River Press.

Grey, M. (1985). Return from death: An exploration of the near-death experience. London: Arkana.

Greyson, B. (In press). Near-death experiences and the physio-kundalini syndrome. Journal of Religion and Health.

Grosso, M. (1985). The final choice: Playing the survival game. Walpole, NH: Stillpoint.

Kason, Y., Bradford, M., Pond, P. & Greenwell, B. (1993). Spiritual emergence syndrome and kundalini awakening: How are they related? In Academy of Religion and Psychical Research 1992 Annual Conference Proceedings (pp. 86-118). Bloomfield, CT: Academy of Religion and Psychical Research.

Kjeffer, G. (In press). The near-death experience and kundalini. Journal of Near-Death Studies.

Krishna, G. (1971). Kundalini: Evolutionary energy in man. Berkeley, CA: Shambhala.

Krishna, G. (1972). The biological basis of religion and genius. New York: Harper and Row.

Krishna, G. (1974a). Higher consciousness: The evolutionary thrust of kundalini. New York: Julian.

Krishna, G. (1974b). What is and is not higher consciousness. New York: Julian Press.

Krishna, G. (1975). The awakening of kundalini. New York: Dutton.Lukoff, D. (1985). The diagnosis of mystical experiences with psychotic

features. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 17(2), 155-81.Lukoff, D., Lu, F. & Turner, R. (1992). Toward a more culturally

sensitive DSM-IV: Psychoreligious and psychospiritual problems. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 180, 673-82.

Muktananda, S. (1974). The play of consciousness. Campbell, CA: Shree Gurudev Ashram.


Ring,K. (1984). Heading toward omega: In search of the meaning of the near-death experience. New York: Morrow.

Ring, K. (1992). The Omega Project: Near-death experiences, UFO encounters, and mind at large. New York: Morrow.

Rosner, H. (1987, December). In pursuit of La petite mort. Psychiatric Times, pp. 2, 23.

Sannblla, L. (1987). The kundalini experience: Psychosis or transcendence? Lower Lake, CA: Integral Publishing.

Scott, M. (1983). Kundalini in the physical world. London: Routlege and Kcgan Paul.

Requests for reprints to: Bruce Greyson, Department of Psychiatry, University of Connecticut Health Center, Farmington, CT 06030-2103.


DEATH AND NEAR-DEATH: A COMPARISON OF TIBETAN AND EURO-AMERICAN EXPERIENCES

Christopher Carr Tempe, Arizona

This article explores two intertwined subjects related to death. First is the variation in near-death experiences (NDEs) of contemporary Americans of European descent within the United States. Second is the similarities and differences between Euro-American near-death experiences and death experiences (DEs) as understood by Tibetan Buddhist lamas and yogis of the eighth to eleventh centuries a.d.,

and described in the Tibetan books of the dead. By taking a broad view that examines both intracultural and crosscultural variations in death-related experiences, the nature and several causes of these experiences are more readily inferred. This approach especially helps to clarify the effect of learned culture on the content and structure of death-related experiences.

The comparative analyses and data patterns presented here further our understanding of near-death and death in four ways. First, they suggest that NDEs and DEs vary systematically in their core content and structure among cultures with diverse world views. This finding accords with other crosscultural studies of NDEs (Counts, 1983; Pasricha & Stevenson, 1986; Schorer, 1985). It contrasts with some early research that suggested the core elements of NDEs are invariant (Ring, 1985, p. 48) or very similar (Moody, 1975, pp. 111-28) crossculturally.

Second, these comparisons, and published literature, suggest that multiple factors cause or affect the content and structure of a NDE. These factors pertain to multiple phenomenological levels: per-

My deepest thanks go to Barbara Strauss, Barbara Laishley, Bryan Cuevas a blessed teacher, Larry Epstein, Sogyal Rinpoche, Ken Ring, Sandy Sorge, Linda Ware, and Donna Burns. Each helped me along essential paths that led to this article.

Copyright© 1993 Transpersonal Institute


furtheringunderstandingofnear-deathanddeathinfourways

59

insightintothe

possiblenature

sonal circumstance of death and life history, age-gender class, subculture, culture, and pan-human psychology and neurophysiology. It appears that known variability in NDEs cannot be explained by and reduced to any single causal mechanism. This view contrasts with some previous attempts to interpret NDEs in primarily biological (e.g., Rodin, 1980), cultural (e.g., Zaleski, 1987), psychological (e.g., Noyes & Kletti, 1976), archetypal psychological (e.g. Grosso, 1983), or parapsychological (e.g., Ring, 1980) terms.

Third, the comparisons suggest that only some of the systematic differences in NDEs and DEs among cultures are learned. This contrasts with the view that NDEs are “culturally-constructed narrative wholes” or “dramas,” inseparably enmeshed within and shaped by culturally learned linguistic categories, beliefs, world views, and “social religious imagination” (Zaleski, 1987, pp. 195- 99). It also contrasts with the ideas that NDEs are the product of wishful thinking or expectations about death based on learned cultural beliefs (Matlock, 1989, p. 169; Moody, 1975; DeSpelder & Strickland, 1983, p. 403). To explain apparently “unlearned” systematic crosscultural variation in NDEs and DEs, two “alternative” models are offered—one depth-psychological and one positing the experience of nonordinary realities.

Finally, the comparisons give insight into the possible nature of death, including the general content and spatial structure of “nonordinary realities” perceived in the death space, the dynamics of the boundaries between these perceived realities, the general sequence of the death process, and some of its apparent, most general purposes and meanings. The comparison also suggests some fundamental, apparent properties of time, space, and the human “body” and consciousness in the death space. Most basically, the comparison suggests that, at least for Euro-Americans and Tibetans, the death space is much like life in its essential functioning and meaning: it is a set of realities or states of consciousness for learning, growing, and healing through choice and integration.

Similarities between Euro-American NDEs and the death process described in Tibetan books of the dead have been pointed out previously (Becker, 1985; Moody, 1975; Sogyal, 1992). However, comparisons have usually been informal, in contrast to the formal analysis of content and structure presented here. An exception is Epstein’s (1989) related analysis of the similarities between Tibetan ’das-log experiences (NDEs) and Euro-American NDEs.

This article begins with a dissection of Euro-American NDEs into several dimensions of variability and discussion of their different causes. Next, the Tibetan DE described in Tibetan books of the


ofdeath

dead is characterized. As a context for comparing the Euro-American and Tibetan experiences, some basic world view assumptions in contemporary Euro-American Christianity and Mahayana Tibetan Buddhism are summarized. Finally, Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan descriptions of DEs are compared for similarities and differences in their content and structure, and several explanations of these are offered. The overall direction of the paper is from a discussion of variability to the elucidation of possible universals in the dying and death processes.

A basic assumption that underlies this comparison of near-death and death experiences is that the two phenomena are closely related in their function and dynamics, and that the NDE is the beginning of the death process. Similarities found in the content and sequence of NDEs and DEs, as well as similarities of NDEs to deathbed visions (Osis & Haraldsson, 1977), support this view.

NEAR-DEATH EXPERIENCES AMONG EURO-AMERICANS:

MULTIPLE CAUSES AND PREVIOUS RESEARCH

Early studies of Euro-American NDEs (Moody, 1975; Ring, 1980; Sabom, 1982) differ in approach from this study in three ways. First, they aimed at constructing a general archetypal model of NDEs and defining their possibly universal, “core” features, rather than exploring their variation and sources of variation. Moody’s (1975, pp. 21-23) and Ring’s (1980, pp. 102-03) models of sequences of NDE events, and Ring’s (1980, pp. 32-33) scaling of events to measure the relative depth of a NDE are each idealized composite summaries. This approach was reasonable at the time, since typological description almost always precedes the study of variance in developing sciences. Second, early studies focused more on the content (imagery, sensations), affective tone, and meaning of NDEs than the sequencing and spatial structuring of events. Finally, “places” in the “landscape” of the perceptions of the dying (e.g., in-the-body, out-of-the-body, tunnel, void, another world) were confounded with “events” at those places (e.g., feeling peaceful, seeing the Light, life review, greetings by messengers), rather than distinguished. Both were labelled “features” of NDEs. This equation inhibited the study of consistency and variation in the structure of NDEs, as separate from consistency and variation in their content.

The alternative approach that is used here to study NDEs conceptually, though not statistically, follows an analysis-of-variance design. In this strategy, variation rather than uniformity is the focus, multiple dimensions of variation are defined, and different combinations of sources of variation for different dimensions are sought.

earlystudiesofNDEsdifferfromthisstudy

Death and Near-Death: A Comparison of Tibetan and Euro-American Experiences 61

Taking this approach, recent literature shows that contemporary Euro-American NDEs vary significantly along seven different dimensions. These are: which (1) general classes of places and (2) general classes of events are experienced, (3) the specific form of places and events, (4) the sequence with which events and (5) the sequence with which places are experienced, (6) the affective tone of experiences, and (7) their cognitive-sensory characteristics. For at least the dimension of sequence, it is essential to analyze separately events and places in order to reveal patterning. Also, the different dimensions appear to be attributable to different sets of causal factors. These factors include the personal circumstance of death, one’s personal life-history and system of meaningful symbols, age and gender, varying responses of the “other world” to the person having the NDE, culture or subculture-specific learned beliefs and symbols, culture-specific perceptions or projections that are not learned, and pan-human biology (see Table 1).

TABLE 1SOURCES OF VARIATION IN EURO-AMERICAN NEAR-DEATH EXPERIENCES

Dimension of Variation

Cause of Variation

Which General Classes of Places are Experienced

Which General Classes of Events are Experienced

Specific Form of Places and Events

SequenceofEvents

SequenceofPlaces

Affective Tone of theExperience

Cognitive-Sensory

Characteristics

circumstances of death:

depth of experience as a function of closeness or perceived closcncss to death

+ + + +

intent (suicide/ nonsuicide)

sometimes sometimes sometimes

cause of trauma ? ? ?

personal life- history and personally meaningful symbols

+ ? ?

age and gender + +

personally varying responses of the “other world” to the NDlir

? ? ? ?

learned, subculture or culture-specific beliefs and symbols

+ + + ? ? + +

culturc-spccific perceptions not learned

? ? + ? ? + +

pan-humanbiology

+ + ?


Circumstances of Death

Three factors that constitute circumstances of death are known to cause systematic variation among Euro-American NDEs in the general classes of events and places that are experienced and in affective tone. These are (1) the depth to which the NDE proceeded, as a function of how close the person came to death or perceived they came to death, and perhaps the duration of the trauma, (2) whether the NDE arose from an attempt at suicide, and (3) whether the NDE occurred during childbirth under anesthesia.

Regarding the first factor, Moody (1975, pp. 17, 24) noted that persons who have been resuscitated after having been thought or pronounced clinically dead by their doctors tend to have more “dramatic” NDEs, i.e., NDEs with a fuller sequence of events, than persons who only came close to physical death. Stevenson et al. (1989, p. 52) and Noyes and Kletti (1976) qualified Moody’s finding, concluding from empirical data that a person’s perception of their closeness to death, rather than their actual closeness to death, may be more essential to precipitating NDE features (see also Gabbard et al., 1981; Greyson, 1983; Ring, 1980, pp. 87, 90). Moody (1975, p. 24) also noted that persons who were thought to be dead a longer time had more complete NDEs. Ring (1979) found in a sample of 102 cases that events and places that are later in Moody’s archetypal sequence were experienced by Euro-Ameri- cans in systematically decreasing frequency: feeling of peace (60%); out-of-body experience (37%); entering a dark tunnel or void (23%); seeing the Light (16%), and entering the Light (10%). In other words, the chance of occurrence of an event or place in an NDE and the range of events or places experienced appears to be closely related to the depth of progression in the process.

relationtodepthofprogression

Some NDEs arising from suicide attempts differ substantially in the general classes of places and events that are experienced, and their affective tone, compared to NDEs caused by all other modes of trauma. Nonsuicide Near Death Experiencers (NDErs) who experience a dark, vast void tend to find it “black” and “peaceful” and/or “pleasant,” e.g., “warm” or “velvety” (Ring, 1980, pp. 55- 56). In contrast, some suicide attempters report entering a “gray,” “murky” haze that is “confusing” or an unpleasant or “awful” “limbo” state (Moody, 1975, p. 143; Ring, 1980, pp. 118, 122). Whereas the former may be a common experience and symbol of transition between altered states of consciousness or nonordinary realities (see below), the latter is reminiscent of the ambivalent mental state that precipitates some suicide attempts (see case in Ring, 1980, p. 122). A person who attempted suicide may also repeatedly re-experience the problematic issue that led to the attempt, causing them to feel “trapped” (Moody, 1977, p. 45). Occasionally, suicide attempters report “terrifying” figures (Giovetti,


1982, p. 12) or “unsettling hallucinatory images” (Ring, 1980, p. 124). Also, the Light may play a more stern, teaching, warning role with uncomforting messages (e.g., “No one cares about you . . . . It is your job to care for yourself”) rather than being a source of overwhelming love (Morse, 1990, pp. 159, 161). However, it appears that most suicide attempters have NDEs similar to typical Euro-American NDEs in their core experiences, the frequency of occurrence of core experiences, their affective tone, and their proportional rate of occurrence (Ring & Franklin, 1981).

A small percentage of women who have NDEs during childbirth under anesthesia are reported to have disturbing NDEs, based on a small sample (Greyson & Bush, 1992, p. 104). The distressing experiences include eternal emptiness, being mocked, and a sense of all of life being an illusion.

Other circumstances of near-death have been reported to affect the content and cognitive-sensory qualities of Euro-American NDEs, but require verification. Noyes and Slymen (1979) found the NDEs of the seriously ill to have more mystical kinds of experiences, those of survivors of drowning to be visually enhanced, and those of survivors of falls and car accidents to be more depersonalized. Greyson (1991, pp. 52, 55) states that having a life review is far more common when near-death comes suddenly and unexpectedly, and that “hellish” experiences tend to be associated with greater physiological brain malfunction.

Personal Life-history

Euro-American NDEs vary from person to person in the specific forms in which general classes of events and places are experienced. Table 2 shows some of the great range of variants reported for certain features in the NDEs of adults and children (including suicide attempters with positive experiences). One probable source of such variations is the life history of the person, the symbolic associations of forms with meanings and affects that accrue over their life, and the relative intensity of those affects. This hypothesis has not been tested.

To say that symbolic associations accrued over a lifetime determine a part of the content of a NDE, on first appearance, supports the broader interpretation that NDEs in part are the projection of personal expectations or wishful thinking. However, the alternative, nonordinary reality interpretation of the NDE—that it is an experience of other realities that varies from person to person and that it is in part orchestrated by other than the person—also is consistent with the data in Table 2. Supporting the nonordinary reality explanation is a study made by Lindstrom (n.d.) of deathbed


variationsin

specificforms

64

TABLE 2Variants in the form of events and places in Euro-American NDEs .

Noise Before or While Leaving the Body

buzzing inside head, ringing, click, roar, banging, whistling, wind, whooshing sound in ears, wind bells in the distance, majestic music

The Tunnel

tunnel, rectangular tunnel, round tunnel turning into square, tube, cylinder, well, sewer, tunnel with concentric circles, tunnel with colored ridges, enclosure, trough, narrow v-shaped trough, impenetrable dark valley, cone-shaped space, funnel

The Dark Void

void, vacuum, cave, swirling black clouds, black, gray water, whitish grayish sandish haze, velvety, safe, protected, warm, a lot of pinpricks of light, lights at a distance, shiny sparkles all over, down

The Non-Physical “Body”

Form: globular version of human body with appendages, without appendages, amorphous cloud, without eyes, no body—pure consciousness, point of consciousness, little ball of energy

Constitution: mist, wispy, cloud, smoke-like, vapor, transparent, transparent but not really, cloud of colors, orange-yellow-blue/indigo, no colors, white, glowing composed of light, energy pattern, charged, weightless, airy like a feather, piece of paper blown upward, words can’t describe, density but as waves, no temperature, comfortable warmth

Senses: heightened vision, hearing, occasionally smell and taste, no touch, no pressure, zoom up and back with vision

Mobility: can move quickly from place to place, passes through solids, timeless, time speeded up

Consciousness: can read other’s thoughts, no vocabulary to thoughts picked up, speak to greeters with the mind

Border or Transition To the Light

door, fog, waterline on a beach, loading dock, rainbow bridge across the sky, beautiful glowing arch, canopy of blue and silver rain

The Light’s Form

Color: white, crystal clear, yellowish white, amber, very blight, very harsh, very bright but also very soft, does not hurt to stare at it, doesn’t block out the background surrounding it, surrounded by blackness, its rays do not penetrate the tunnel, sparkles around it

Constitution: can’t see through it

Form: totally encompassing, rectangular, huge beam, a glowing cloud

Quality: loving, warm, accepting, kind, safe, joy, comfort, pleasure, euphoric,calming, relief, beauty, irresistible magnetic attraction, perfect understanding, complete knowledge, perfect love, overwhelming compassion, fun, delicious

Communication: direct thought transfer, no language, a voice

The Border between This World and the Other World

lake, river, body of water, grey mist, door, door without a knob, fence across a field, field of flowers, a line, a line intuited but not perceived, a green plank, a cliff, a waterfall, edge of the tunnel with a sea of light beyond, a box with a green and red button for choosing to live or to die

Descriptions are from Moody (1975), Morse (1990), Ring (1980), Ring and Franklin (1981).


differencesin

experiencesof

childrenand

adults

visions. She points out that those relatives who may greet the dying have two common characteristics: their appearance may be a surprise to the dying, yet they are those who are best suited for providing comfort for the dying in accordance with their history of family relations.

Age and Gender

These two factors appear to affect the general classes of events, but not places, that Euro-Americans experience. Children are less likely than adults to perceive deceased relatives (Bush, 1983; Greyson, 1991, p. 54). This is expectable, given the short length of life of a child and the small numbers of deaths of relatives that a child normally would experience compared to an adult. Children also report life reviews less frequently than adults (Bush, 1983; Greyson, 1991,p. 54;Morse, 1990,p. 140), which may again relate to their limited length of life. In these ways, age acts as an aspect of personal life-history and as a causal factor. The motifs reported by some children (Morse, 1990) also appear to be more “fairy-taleish” and colorful than those described by adults. Here, age acts as an aspect of subculturally learned beliefs and symbols as a causal factor. Finally, females have been found more often than males to experience meetings with other people (Sabom, 1982). This may in part reflect the fact that females, more so than men, tend to be taught to be relationship-oriented, versus individuated and achievement-oriented, in Euro-America society (Gilligan, 1982, pp. 8-17).

Personal Variations in the NDE Sequence

NDEs range widely among persons not only in the specific forms of places and events that are experienced, but also in the sequence with which these features occur. In describing sequence variations, it is essential that “places” be discriminated from “events” at places. This is necessary because, among Euro-Americans, it appears that the places that are experienced occur in a consistent sequence (Figure 1; Table 4 below), whereas events do not. Of the places experienced, only the tunnel and void may occur in several sequential positions and optionally. This variation is expectable in that the tunnel and void may be the mind’s alternative representations of transitions between states or levels of consciousness or “nonordinary realities” (Ring, 1980, p. 238), of which a deep NDE can have several. The tunnel is a crossculturally universal symbol of transition (e.g., Blackmore & Troscianko, 1989) and is frequently experienced as such in shamanic journeys (Eliade, 1964; Hamer, 1980), holotropic breathwork (Scherer, 1990), and spiritual healing (Brennan, 1988, p. 68).1 The sequence of places shown in Figure 1 is found in all cases of NDEs reported by Moody (1975) and Morse (1990).


FIGURE 1

Sequences of Places Experienced in Near Death Experiences

“Places” experienced as a consistent sequence in Euro-American NDEs. Generalized, without exceptions, from all cases described in Moody (1975) and Morse (1990). Any given NDE may include only some of the “places” in the sequence.

in the body

out of the body

landscape of the other world and/or the Light before the “point of no return”

landscape of the other world beyond the “point of no return”

In contrast, many “events” can occur in any of several “places,” leading to greater variation among persons in the sequence of events than the sequence of places experienced. For example, deceased relatives may be seen before the NDEr leaves his or her body (e.g., Moody, 1975, p. 55), soon after leaving the body (e.g., Moody, 1975, p. 56), within the tunnel (Serdahely, 1989, p. 56), or in the other world (e.g., Moody, 1975, pp. 74, 76; Ring, 1985, p. 37). The Light (as opposed to figures of light) may be seen before the NDEr leaves his or her body (e.g., Moody, 1975, p. 24; Morse, 1990, pp. 123-24, 129); after leaving the body but before passing through a tunnel or void (e.g., Moody, 1975, pp. 24,62-63,75,139- 40; Morse, 1990, p. 121), after passing through a tunnel or void (e.g., Morse, 1990, pp. 40, 95, 120, 141, 153, 155), in the other

in the body

transitional structure 3, by which reenter the body (rarely perceived)

border/decision point 3: the ‘‘point of no return”

border/decision point 2, before seeing the other world or the Light: e.g.. gate, wall, door (optional)

transitional structure 2, by which move from the place of the body after exiting it to the other world or the Light: e.g. tunnel, void, path, river

border/decision point 1, after out of the body (optional)

transitional structure I, by which exit the body: tunnel (optional)

dark void 1, before view the body (optional)


learnedbeliefs

andinterpretations

world (Morse, 1990, p. 153), or perhaps in more than one place (Ring & Franklin, 1981, p. 202).2

Such variations among persons in the sequence of experienced events cannot easily be attributed to personal life history and accrued symbolic associations, or to personal expectations or wishful thinking. A simpler explanation is the nonordinary realities interpretation of the NDE. The NDE is thought to be an interactive journey through other realities that is produced by the responses of the “other world” to the NDEr as well as the NDEr’s own decisions.

Subculture-specific, Learned Belief

Learned spiritual beliefs that vary among subcultures of the Euro- American tradition, such as religious denomination or whether a person is an atheist, are thought to not affect the general or specific kinds of events or places that Euro-Americans perceive in NDEs. Beliefs are thought to affect only the interpretations of perceptions (Moody, 1975, p. 59; Ring, 1979; 1985, pp. 45-47). Thus, typically, the Light may be interpreted as God, Jesus, an angel (Moody, 1975, pp. 59, 62; Ring, 1980, pp. 57-60), or perhaps a relative (Ring & Franklin, 1981, p. 202). The tunnel may be interpreted as the Valley of the Shadow of Death (Moody, 1975, p. 34). However, some Euro-American cases do show that perceptions as well as interpretations of events or places vary with belief. For example, the Light has been perceived as Jesus in much detail (Ring, 1980, p. 59), or as a “wonderfully kind face” (Morse, 1990, p. 124). This intra-cultural variation is reasonable, given analogous crosscultural variations in perceived places and events that accord with cultural world view and belief, as will be shown later.

Pan-human Biology

Various pan-human physiological and neurological factors have been hypothesized to cause one or more core features of NDEs— features presumed to be invariant across cultures. The factors are well summarized and critiqued by Groth-Mamat and Schumaker (1989, p. 121), Ring (1980, pp. 210-17), and Greyson and Bush (1993). They include cerebral anoxia and hypercarbia, disruption of oxygen transfer at the enzymatic level, phosphenes, limbic lobe dysfunction, trauma-triggered endorphin production associated with limbic lobe activation, temporal lobe dysfunction, and sensory isolation.

The most embracing and well-documented neurophysiological explanation of NDEs is trauma-produced electrical stimulation of the


Sylvian fissure of the right temporal lobe. Artificial stimulation of various areas of the Sylvian fissure has been shown by several researchers (Morse, 1990, pp. 102-10; Penfield, 1958) to allow and/ or produce most core features of NDEs in Euro-American and Chilean populations. The features experienced include leaving the body, seeing dead friends and relatives, zooming up a tunnel, seeing “God,” having a panoramic life review, and hearing beautiful music.

One possible interpretation of these data is that the Sylvian fissure acts as a “neurophysiological program” that provides the biological foundation or capacity for having core NDE features, and perhaps is responsible for the consistent sequence of places within Euro- American NDEs. The specific events, places, and affective tone of an NDE would derive from personal life-experience memories, as well as stored, culturally learned beliefs and symbols, which are “loaded” into and structured by the neurophysiological program upon trauma. An analog would be the pan-human neurophysiological foundation for conceptualization, symbolization, and the general grammatical structure of languages that the inferior parietal lobule and other parts of the brain provide (Blakeslee, 1991; D’Aquilli, 1972; Pinker, 1991), as distinguished from the culturally-learned content and specific structure of a language. Alternatively, or in complement, the Sylvian fissure might act as the organ that opens or closes a person’s consciousness to the nonordinary reality of the death space. An analog would be the pan-human neurophysiological foundation for the opening of the mind to nonordinary realities during trance induction (Winkelman, 1986).

Other factors that are responsible for consistency in Euro-American NDEs, though they contribute to variation crossculturally, include culture-specific learned beliefs and symbols, and culture- specific perceptions or projections that are not learned (Table 1). The effects of these factors become apparent in the following comparison of Euro-American NDEs to Tibetan DEs as described in Tibetan literature and known as the “books of the dead.”

THE DEATH EXPERIENCE IN THE TIBETAN BOOKS OF THE DEAD

Historical Sources of the Books of the Dead

The Tibetan books of the dead are a series of orally transmitted accounts and written texts of the more interpretive Mahayana Buddhist tradition, and specifically its northern, mystical, Vajra- yana or Tantric path to “instantaneous enlightenment” (Nielsen et al., 1988, pp. 221, 247-50; Evans-Wentz, 1960, pp. lxvi, lxxxv; Lodo, pp. xii-xiii). These books describe the dying, between-life, and rebirth processes, as revealed through enlightened lamas.

Sylvianfissureinterpretation


severalversions

ofbooks

ofthe

dead

The books of the dead derive from several variant schools of thought in Mahayana Tibetan Buddhism (Lauf, 1989, pp. 3-12). The two most central, to which most other sects can be associated, are the rNying-ma-pa school and the dGe-lugs-pa school. These two schools correspond to two different waves of transmission of Indian Buddhism to Tibet during the eighth and eleventh centuries a.d. (Nielsen, et al., 1988, pp. 247-50; Snelgrove & Richardson, 1980). The rNying-ma-pa and dGe-lugs-pa schools each have their own, somewhat varying accounts of the death process.

Several written versions of books of the dead, of both schools of Buddhist thought, have been translated into English. The text that is most well-known in the West is Evans-Wentz’s (1935, 1960) translation, The Tibetan Book of the Dead, which comprises only seven of the seventeen chapters of the entire work, the Bardo thos- grol chen-mo, from the rNying-ma-pa school. This text focuses on the “intermediate” experiences of between-life and rebirth (the Chos-nyid and Srid-pa 7 Bardos). A similar but less well-known work is Fremantle and Trungpa’s (1975) translation of the Bardo thos-grol chen-mo. Also less consulted is Lama Lodo’s (1982) summary of texts about the dying experience (’Chi-kha 7 Bardo), and rebirth (Srid-pa 7 Bardo). From the dGe-lugs-pa tradition, Lati and Hopkins (1985) have translated texts that describe the entire process from dying through rebirth. Information from Evans- Wentz’s, Lama Lodo’s, and Lati and Hopkins’ translations, of both traditions, is synthesized here and compared to Euro-American NDEs.

The existence of several Tibetan Buddhist accounts of death contrasts with traditional Tibetan lore and the popular American view, including the view given in literature on NDEs (e.g., Moody, 1975, pp. 119-22) that there is only one book of the dead, the Bardo thos- grol chen-mo. It is attributed to the rNying-ma-pa yogi, Padma- Sambhava, who brought Tantric Buddhism to Tibet.3

Purpose of the Books of the Dead

The views of death presented in the books of the dead are said to derive from enlightened yogis and lamas who, through their meditative practices, remembered past lives, between-deaths, and rebirths. The information also is said to come from enlightened lamas who were reborn with a conscious stream of awareness of their past lives, deaths, and rebirths (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. liv).

The books of the dead were written in order to guide the religiously less-well trained person through the dying, death, and rebirth processes so that he or she might grow during them and be reincarnated with greater awareness and a better life in this world or in one of the


higher planes of consciousness. A book of the dead was read to the dying and deceased person by their guru, a lama, or a brother over a period of usually 28 to 49 days (Becker, 1985, p. 15) to remind the person of their nature as human, what they were experiencing, and the means by which they might grow in consciousness. Bardo thos- grol chen-mo literally means “liberation by hearing on the afterdeath plane.”

In the ideal case of the person who had intensively practiced yogic meditation during life, it was hoped that they might be guided to recognize that everything in life and death is illusory in being dualistic, so that they might become an enlightened Buddha. In the case of a person less proficient at meditation, it was hoped that they might be guided through the death and rebirth processes with an unbroken stream of consciousness. This would allow them to consciously remember their past lives and learned lessons in their next life. This liberating process is called the “transference.” It was achieved through a practice called Phowa, in which the life-force is moved out through the top of the head, used in conjunction with the reading of a book of the dead (Lodo, 1987, pp. 9-10).

The books of the dead also taught the living how to grow in consciousness during life and to prepare in life for growth during death. This is so because the death process described in the books of the dead is analogous to and serves as a model for Tantric meditation (i.e., deity yoga or Highest Yoga Tantra of the dGe-lugs-pa school; the Dzogchen Tantra of the rNying-ma-pa school) during life (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 90; Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 69-73). According to these teachings, Tantric meditation is the quickest path to liberation, allowing a capable person to become an enlightened Buddha in one lifetime. At the same time, Tantric meditation serves as preparation for death and liberation during death. Specifically, it is thought preferable for a person to die in the neutral meditative state of Samadhi practiced in life, because the quality of one’s between-life experience and next life depends on the quality of one’s mind and the form of desires being thought at the point of death (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. xv; Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 8-10).

TantricmeditationaspreparationMdeath

This relevance of the books of the dead to life is clear from the accurate usage of the term, “bardo.” In the West, “bardo” is commonly and mistakenly used to refer to only the period between lives—the “intermediate state.” However, it more accurately refers to any of six analogous, constantly changing, transitional, illusory, dualistic realities or states of consciousness: waking, dreaming, profound meditation, dying, experiencing Reality between lives, and rebirth (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. lxi; Lodo, 1987, pp. 1-2; Lati & Hopkins, 1985, p. 20; Sogyal, 1992, pp. 11, 342-49). Enlightenment, or liberation, is possible at any juncture in any of these bardos through similar means, including practices described in the books


thestate

ofabsolute

Mindbeyondduality

of the dead, because all of the bardos share the fundamental quality of being transitional. In other words, thought in the bardos is not, in actuality, continuous, and the natural mind of Clear Light can be unveiled at any moment of transition through a shift in one’s awareness.

Overview of the Dying and Death Processes

Tibetan books of the dead, in combination, describe the nature of three of the bardos. First is the ’Chi-kha'i Bardo of dying and the initial moment of death. In this state, the earthly body and coarser aspects of mind “dissolve” and the pure consciousness of the natural, discarnate, quiescent mind—the Clear Light—breaks into consciousness, or “dawns,” and is experienced. There is the opportunity to unite with it to manifest the state of absolute Mind beyond duality, called “Dharma-kaya” (Evans-Wentz, 1960, pp. 90, 96; Sogyal, 1992, p. 343), i.e., “Perfect Enlightened Buddhahood,” “Voidness,” or “Oneness.” Second is the Chos-nyid Bardo of between-life. In this state, the deceased experiences having a psychically projected body resembling their previous physical body. They perceive karmically-produced, projected, dualistic polarities of the unconscious mind—the Peaceful and Wrathful Buddhas and knowledge-holding deities. Third is the Srid-pa 7 Bardo of between-life and rebirth. In this state, the deceased experiences having a psychically projected body composed of subtle matter and resembling their earthly body of either their former or next life. This body is called the “enjoyment,” “desire,” “smell-eater” or “seeker of existence” body (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 52, 55). In the Srid-pa 7 Bardo, the deceased desires and searches for a more substantial earthly body, leading to rebirth. During this search, the deceased faces increasingly more terrifying, karmically-produced, desire-based projections. Vajrayana Buddhism teaches that all of these experiences, save Dharma-kaya, are illusory, being “thought- form” projections of the dualistic mind. So, too, are the other bardo states of waking, dreaming, and meditation. This point is relevant to interpreting crosscultural variation in NDEs and DEs as states of consciousness (see below).

The 'Chi-kha 7 and Chos-nyid Bardos are essentially a sequence of “tests” of a person’s understanding of and meditative experience in the nature of Reality and the nature of one’s true Self, beyond the ego-self. The “tests” are learning experiences that provide the person opportunities to grow in awareness of Reality and the Self. At the same time, the “tests” sort persons according to their development into seven different vertically positioned planes of reality or consciousness, which define the quality of their between-life and next life experiences. The planes of reality are Buddhahood (nirvana, in Evans-Wentz’s older terms) and the six lower, dualistic


levels, or “lokas,” of this world of samsara: those of the gods/ “devas” (heaven), titans, humans, animals/“brutes,” unhappy ghosts, and hell. In this way, the Buddhist death process implicitly maintains the purity of different realities in the cosmic system, as does the death process explicitly in the world views of many other cultures (e.g., Budge, 1960; Isaacs, 1980, pp. 228-29; Neumann, 1990; Pasricha & Stevenson, 1986; Plato, 1953; Swedenbourg, 1966; Zaleski, 1987), through a “judgment” or other means.

Learning and sorting occur in the following manner. In the 'Chi- kha'i and Chos-nyid Bardos, over a series of days, the person experiences levels of their consciousness, from their highest or essential Mind to lower aspects of their mind, which manifest karmically accrued latencies. Each aspect of mind is perceived as a light or as a Buddha emitting a light from his heart. If the person recognizes one of the lights early in the first eight days of the sequence as an aspect of themselves and can hold fast to it mentally, they may dwell at the pleasant level of consciousness of that light indefinitely as a Bodhisattva, with a good chance to progress to Buddhahood/Nirvana. On the other hand, the person might be frightened and run from a light, or be attracted to a duller, simultaneously perceived light of a lower level of consciousness that manifests karmically accrued latencies and that is associated with one of the planes of samsara. Or the person might be confused and not be able to hold on mentally to the light. In these cases, the person experiences progressively lower and darker levels of their consciousness until some familiar level is reached. They have a remaining between-life experience and rebirth at that level of consciousness.

In the 'Chi-kha 7, Chos-nyid, and Srid-pa 7 bardos, being free of a body, a person’s consciousness is flexible. This allows the reader of a book of the dead to guide the deceased through the above “tests” and the three bardos in hopefully a more conscious way, so that the deceased might grow. Consciousness in the three bardos is frequently symbolized in Tibetan literature by a red-hot iron bar, which is malleable until it cools and solidifies into form at conception (Lodo, 1987, p. 48).

The rNying-ma-pa and dGe-lugs-pa schools of Tibetan Buddhism differ in their descriptions of the dying and death processes in four primary ways. (1) The rNying-ma-pa school believes that, after the dissolution of the earthly body and coarser aspects of mind, the Clear Light dawns twice for the common person. In dGe-lugs-pa descriptions, the Clear Light appears only once. (2) The Chos-nyid bardo of the Peaceful and Wrathful Buddhas and knowledge- holding deities is described in only the rNying-ma-pa school. (3) Both the rNying-ma-pa and dGe-lugs-pa schools hold to a model of dying whereby the process of dissolution of the earthly

Death and Near-Death: A Comparison of Tibetan and Euro-American Experiences

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body and coarser aspects of the mind produces a sequence of experiences (e.g., seeing mirages, smoke, sparks) that culminate in the dawning of the Clear Light, which is death. This “forward dissolution” is then experienced in reverse order, leading to the “reaggregation” of a more subtle, between-life body. However, according to the rNying-ma-pa school, dissolution and reaggregation occur only once, in the Chi-kha'i and Chos-nyid bardos, respectively. According to the dGe-lugs-pa school, dissolution occurs in the 'Chi-kha 7 bardo and reaggregation in the Srid-pa'i Bardo, followed by up to six more “small deaths” of dissolution and reaggregation in the Srid-pa 7 Bardo. The last “death” leads to physical rebirth. (4) In the rNying-ma-pa school, the subtle body of the deceased in the Chos-nyid and Srid-pa 7 Bardos is thought to have a form similar to the previous earthly body. In the dGe-lugs- pa school, the subtle body in the Srid-pa 7 Bardo is thought by some to have a form similar to the future earthly body. Others hold that early subtle bodies of the deceased have a form similar to the previous earthly body, whereas later subtle bodies have a form similar to the future earthly body (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, p. 55). These four differences between the two schools are pointed out below as information about the books of the dead is summarized and integrated.

The Dying and Death Processes

Dying and the ’Chi-kha 7 Bardo. The process of transition between the waking bardo in life and the ’Chi-kha 7 Bardo is described in detail in dGe-lugs-pa texts translated by Lati & Hopkins (1985) and less fully by Lodo (1987) in the rNying-ma-pa tradition.

In essence, dying involves the sequential “dissolution” of the several life-bearing winds and then the several aspects of mind. The life-bearing winds, which range from breathed air to subtler currents of energy, perform the bodily functions and serve as the “mounts” for consciousness. The dissolution of a coarser wind allows a subtler wind to manifest, both externally as physiological signs of dying and internally as a perception.

The dissolution of the first four winds, which are associated with the four elements of earth, water, fire, and air, respectively bring the appearance of mirages, smoke, sparks within smoke, and a sputtering butter-lamp to the dying person’s mind (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 16-17). Alternatively, they bring the sequential appearance of female Buddhas and colors associated with the elements (Lodo, 1987, pp. 3-4). Kinesthetically, the four dissolutions bring the feelings that everything is falling apart from earthquakes, being flooded by water, burning, and then being blown away by winds (Lodo, 1987, pp. 4-5). The fifth through seventh dissolutions in

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volve the sequential opening of the seventh, second and third, and fourth chakras (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 42-43). These openings allow the gathering of winds at the heart, the downward migration of one’s male essence (the white drop, or bindu) obtained from one’s father’s semen, the upward migration of one’s female essence (the red drop, or bindu) obtained from one’s mother’s blood, the meeting of these essences in the heart, and, consequently, the simultaneous dissolution of coarser to subtler aspects of mind (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 13-20, 30). During the fifth through seventh dissolutions, the thirty-three coarse “conceptions,” the forty middling conceptions, and the seven more subtle “conceptions” of the mind dissolve. Some examples of these conceptions include lack of desire, sorrow, fear, thirst, shame, pride, heroism, depression, and laziness. Lodo (1987, p. 5) calls the coarse, middling, and subtle conceptions angers, desires, and kinds of ignorance. As the coarse, middling, and subtle conceptions dissolve, the dying person respectively perceives a vacuity sequentially filled with white light, red light, and thick darkness. These are called the subtle minds of “white appearance,” “red appearance” and “black near-attainment” (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 38-41). The white light of the fifth dissolution is slightly dualistic. Thus, it seems to correspond in form, though not its order of appearance, to the Light perceived in Euro-American NDEs. The white light is believed to occur when breathing has stopped yet the person’s consciousness is still within their physical body. The thick darkness of the seventh dissolution has an analog in the dark void in Euro-American NDEs. The eighth dissolution involves the coming to rest of all but the most subtle life-bearing winds and transforming of the drops. These processes bring the dawning of the nondualistic Clear Light. The appearance of the Clear Light is often likened to the dawning of a crisp, open autumn sky in Buddhist literature. However, in the Bardo thos-grol chen-mo, the Clear Light is also called the “dazzlement” and is likened to a vibrant landscape in springtime (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. lxxiii). This metaphor resembles some Euro-American NDEr’s descriptions of the “portal to heaven,” yet so do some descriptions of some planes of the Srid-pa'i Bardo much later in the death process (Lodo, 1987, p. 46; see below). The appearance of the Clear Light constitutes the actual point of death and begins the 'Chi-kha 'i Bardo (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, p. 45).

A person may remain more or less conscious through the above dying process, depending on how practiced they are in yogic meditation. Skillful meditators are said to experience a “swoon”— a temporary loss of consciousness—during the second half of the dawning of the mind of near-black attainment (Evans-Wentz, 1960, pp. 29,44; Lati & Hopkins, 1985, p. 44). Their consciousness is regained with the dawning of the Clear Light. For the common person, the swoon extends throughout the entire period during which the mind of near-black attainment is revealed and the Clear

theeightdissolutions


Light dawns, lasting about three and a half days (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 93). It is said that the Clear Light dawns, but is not perceived. Thus, the person is unaware that they are making a transition between life and death and “awakes” to the next, Chos- nyid Bardo, not knowing that they have died. Analogously, some Euro-American NDErs do not think that they are dying and out of their body, initially, when having an out-of-body experience.

The books of the dead teach that each of the transitions between the bardos of waking, experiencing reality, and rebirth (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 29), as well as before and after the bardo of sleeping and dreaming (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, p. 20), are constituted by the forward dissolution and then reaggregation into a physical, subtle, or dream-body, as relevant. Thus, each bardo is separated from others by a swoon. This belief concords well with the occurrence of the dark void in Euro-American NDEs, its occurrence in multiple possible positions within a NDE (Figure 1), and the interpretation of the void as the mind’s representation of a transition between states of consciousness (Ring, 1980, p. 238).

Ideally, as the Clear Light dawns, the guru of the deceased or a lama, who has meditatively been tracking their progress, reads to them the portions of a book of the dead that describe this experience and its meaning. The person is reminded of their meditative practices, told that they and the Light are inseparable, and encouraged to recognize the Light as their true self and unite with it so as to create Dharma-kaya and be liberated. However, most persons, if they witness the Clear Light at all, cannot do this because they lack practice in Tantric meditation and have not learned how to focus their mind. Ego thoughts, karmically produced thoughts, or weeping relatives may distract the deceased. Also, the deceased may simply be confused as to whether they are living or dead (Evans- Wentz, 1960, p. 157). Thus, a small quiver occurs inside the person’s body, the very subtle life-bearing wind and consciousness passes from the heart through any of several exits to the outside, and the Clear Light fades (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, p. 49; but see Lodo, 1987, p. 11).

In the rNying-ma-pa tradition (Evans-Wentz, 1960, pp. 97-101), the person experiences a second Clear Light, somewhat dimmed by their karma, about a “mealtime” later. At this stage, attaining Buddhahood/Nirvana by uniting with the Light is still possible.

The Chos-nyid Bardo. Following the dawning of the Clear Light, for those who do not perceive it or recognize it or cannot hold fast to it, the dissolution process is reversed. The deceased awakens to either the Chos-nyid Bardo, according to the rNying-ma-pa tradition, or the Srid-pa'i Bardo, according to the dGe-lugs-pa tradition.


ideally, the

guru or

a lama reads

to them

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The person perceives himself to have a subtle body similar in form to that in their previous life.

In the Chos-nyid Bardo, the deceased experiences karmically- produced apparitions, i.e., predispositions of their mind due to their past actions. These are the Peaceful deities from one’s heart (fourth chakra), the Knowledge-holding deities from one’s throat (fifth chakra), and the Wrathful deities from one’s brain (sixth chakra) (Lodo 1987, p. 40). These deities are experienced over fourteen days.

The first apparitions to appear are the five Peaceful Buddha deities in divine (Tantric) embrace with their consorts and accompanied by their Bodhisattva retinues. The Buddhas arise one by one, and then jointly in a mandala configuration with other deities, over six days. Each represents a “realm” of the mind, which is associated with a different cardinal direction and element. Each Buddha emits from its heart a light of a different color which flows into the heart of the deceased.4 Each light represents a different form of wisdom, which is the antidote to one of the five psychological “poisons” of ignorance, anger, pride, greed, and jealousy, respectively (Lodo, 1987, pp. 29, 35). One or more alternative, duller lights associated with various planes of samsara and poisons appear simultaneously with each Buddha. The person thus has the opportunity to choose between and merge with higher or lower levels of their consciousness and to grow in consciousness with the meditative guidance of their guru or lama. With these lights also come the sounds of a thousand thunders, which the person is told are their own and therefore, need not be frightened. The person is encouraged by their guru or lama each day to merge their consciousness with the perceived Buddha, that they might obtain Buddhahood and spend their remaining, between-life time in the peaceful, divine realm of mind associated with that Buddha.

On the seventh day, the person perceives fifty-two Knowledge- holding deities who send forth various colored lights. The Knowl- edge-holding deities are neither peaceful nor wrathful (Lodo, 1987, p. 37). Also perceived is the alternative duller light of the plane of animals. The person thus again faces a choice between states of mind. They are encouraged to merge with one of the Knowledge- holding deities, that they might spend their remaining, between-life time in one of the samsaric heavens (pure Paradise Realms or pure lands) associated with that deity.

Those who cannot identify with the Peaceful Buddha deities are next confronted with the blood-drinking Wrathful deities for seven days. First appear the five Wrathful Buddha deities, one by one, in divine embrace or dancing with their consorts. Each Wrathful

thepersonisencouragedtomergetheirconsciousness


appearanceof

theLord

ofDeath

Buddha is the dark side of one of the Peaceful Buddhas. The Wrathful Buddhas appear in the same order as their Peaceful counterparts. The person is instructed to recognize these, too, as aspects of their consciousness, and to unite with them. In merging with a Wrathful Buddha, the person will obtain Buddhahood and spend their remaining, between-life time in the peaceful, divine realm of mind associated with the Peaceful counterpart of the Wrathful Buddha. In running away, the person will only fall into deeper and more terrifying levels of the intermediate state. The analog to this process in contemporary psychosynthesis and archetypal depth psychology is meeting and integrating one’s shadow, the dark sides of one’s anima and animus, one’s inner critic, and one’s various demons. On the thirteenth and fourteenth days, the person who has not recognized the darker sides of themselves represented by the Wrathful Buddhas perceives fifty-eight other Wrathful deities (including eight Gaurima, eight Takenma, four doorkeepers and twenty-eight Wang Chuk Ma). If these are not recognized, then all of the Wrathful deities appear jointly as the Lord of Death. The Lord of Death dismembers the person, who, despite great pain, cannot die. This symbolizes the difficulty of extinguishing the lesser, ego-self as the person clings to this self-image.

The Srid-pa 7 Bardo. In the rNying-ma-pa tradition, those who have not recognized or been able to unite with the lights or deities of the ’Chi-kha'i or Chos-nyid Bardos, or who have fled them in fear, owing to their bad karma, plunge to the lower and lower levels of consciousness of the Srid-pa'i Bardo. The Srid-pa'i Bardo is a twilight-like, hazy state of consciousness not unlike the “gray,” “murky,” “confusing” void described by some Euro-American NDErs who have attempted suicide (see above; also Sogyal, 1992, pp. 328-29). Also, many of the experiences of the deceased in this bardo have analogs in positive Euro-American NDEs. The following description of the Srid-pa'i Bardo is summarized from Evans- Wentz (1960), unless indicated otherwise.

In the Srid-pa'i Bardo, the person finds that they have a body similar in form to that in their previous life, but of extraordinary powers. All senses are heightened. The person is capable of traveling instantly wherever they wish, passing through solids, and shape-shifting (Evans-Wentz, 1960, pp. 158-59). Yet the person does not realize they are dead. The person sees his or her home and relatives in mourning and tries to contact them and convince them that he or she is still alive. When communication is impossible and the person feels like an outcast, the person comes to realize for the first time that they are dead.

Being pure consciousness, which the person has not yet learned how to calm and control, they are unable to rest in one place. The person visits their old haunts but is not able to loiter. They are


blown in various directions as is a leaf by fierce blasts of snow or rain-filled winds—the winds of their own karma. They see apparitions, hear threatening voices that say “strike, slay,” and terrifying loud noises like mountains crumbling, angry overflowing seas, and roaring fires (i.e., the four elements). The person runs to the edge of deep, fearful precipices, and feels like they are being squeezed into the cracks of a rock. All of these experiences are aspects of the person’s mind (e.g., anger, lust, stupidity). The person desires to enter a body and tries to get into bodies repeatedly, but finds them frozen, cremated, or decomposed.

The person is then judged by the Lord of Death and two “Geniuses” (guardian beings) who count out the person’s good and bad deeds with white and black pebbles. Lying about one’s deeds is not possible because the Lord of Death, who is symbolic of one’s guilt, looks into the Mirror of Karma, where one’s deeds are vividly reflected, which is symbolic of one’s memory. The Lord of Death then again dismembers the person who, despite intense pain, cannot die. This situation represents the difficulty that one’s ego has in dealing with the dark sides of oneself.

Next, the person sees their own funeral and division of inheritance. Interference in these matters will cause the person to be born in the plane of unhappy ghosts or Hell. In contrast, those who have accumulated good karma have delightful experiences throughout the Srid-pa’i Bardo. For example, they may experience being inside a heavenly palace, in a tall building or on a throne (Lodo, 1987, p. 46). Finally, as rebirth approaches, colors associated with the six planes of samsara shine from them. The person is attracted to the color of the plane in which they are to be reborn and experiences entering a corresponding landscape, such as a heavenly palace, a lovely garden, a place of natural beauty, a cave, or a heap of burning wood (Lodo, 1987, p. 46). The person’s subtle body fades and takes on the color of that plane of rebirth.

Importantly, as the person passes through lower and lower levels of the Chos-nyid and Srid-pa'i Bardos, there is a change in the means by which release can be obtained from experiences in those levels into more pleasant levels or states of mind. Knowledge of the Self and meditation are effective in the first thirteen days of the Chos- nyid Bardo. Devotion, faith, and prayer are effective when facing the Lord of Death on the fourteenth day. Remembering compassion is effective in the Srid-pa'i Bardo. This sequence expresses the relative values that Tibetan Buddhism places on knowledge/discrimination, meditation, devotion, and love as different paths to Oneness. Likewise, the Peaceful deities of the Chos-nyid Bardo that first appear are Buddhas that represent the highest realms of the mind, whereas later come the Knowledge-holding deities from the lower throat and heart centers. The relative values placed by Ti

rebirthandcolorsassociatedwithsamsara


betan Buddhism on the various paths to Oneness differ from those expressed in Christianity and Euro-American NDEs (see below).

In the final phases of the Srid-pa'i Bardo, the person comes to enter a womb and is reborn. There are several more or less desirable means for entering a womb. These are beyond the scope of this article.

Contrasting with the above, rNying-ma-pa description of the Srid- pa'i Bardo, which is given in Evans-Wentz (1960) and Lodo (1987), is the brief dGe-lugs-pa view presented in Lati and Hopkins (1985, pp. 19, 49-51). In this version, the Srid-pa'i Bardo lasts anywhere from a moment to seven days, during which the person in their “smell-eater” body searches for odors for nourishment and an appropriate womb for rebirth. The form of the smell-eater body is similar to either the previous or future earthly body of the deceased (see above). If the person does not find an appropriate birthplace by the end of seven days, they undergo a “small death” of forward dissolution and reaggregation and are reborn into a second Srid- pa'i Bardo. The search for a birthplace continues. The cycle of search, death, and rebirth is repeated up to seven times, i.e., forty- nine days, until an appropriate birthplace is found.

MAHAYANA TIBETAN BUDDHIST AND CONTEMPORARY

EURO-AMERICAN CHRISTIAN WORLD VIEWS

As preparation for understanding differences between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan bardo experiences in their tone and content, it is necessary to summarize some basic ways in which Mahayana Tibetan Buddhist and contemporary Euro-American, Christian world views differ. At least some of the systematic contrasts between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan bardo experiences correlate with differences in culturally learned world views.

The characterizations of Tibetan Buddhist and Christian world views drawn here are derived more so from the basic teachings, spiritual vehicles and experiences, and deeds of their founders and/ or early followers, which are the essential cornerstones of the traditions, than from subsequent theological interpretations and creeds. These essentials are more likely to relate to Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan bardo experiences.

Christianity is a very diverse religion (Smith, 1986, p. 409; Nielsen et al., 1989), having many sects with differing beliefs about the nature of death and the cosmos, and having changed through time in these beliefs. However, the essentials of the tradition—specifically the primary teachings of Christ and the spiritual experiences of the Apostles and early Christians (Smith, 1986, pp. 412-33)—


thesearch

fora

birthplace

are also among the central themes of various liberal Christian movements in America today and over the last few decades. It is these essential Christian themes within this recent period that are most appropriate to our study, because this is the time from which the Euro-American NDEs examined here are drawn. Temporal correspondence of the studied NDEs and beliefs is necessary if the various possible synchronic and diachronic, evolutionary relationships between culturally learned world views, expectations, perceived near-death experiences, and interpreted experiences are to be untangled (Peay, 1991; Ring, 1985).

There are two fundamental ways in which Tibetan Buddhism and contemporary Euro-American Christianity differ and which are reflected in bardo experiences and NDEs. These are the different emphases placed on (1) meditation and knowledge of the self and reality versus love of others, and (2) karma and moral judgment versus forgiveness.

Meditation, Knowledge, and Love

All of the major world religions offer perennial wisdoms on the nature of life, reality, and the self. Among these is the existence of an essential state of Oneness (e.g., the Hindu Brahman, the Buddhist Dharma-kaya, the Judeo-Christian God, the Sufi Hidden Essence) that transcends the dualism and separations of this material world in time and space. Each of the major religions also offers a series of paths for participating in or achieving Oneness. These include the Paths of Knowledge, Meditation or Contemplation, Love, Devotion, and Service. In Hinduism, these five paths are classified as the four “yogas,” literally means for yoking or joining with Oneness. They include the Jnana yoga of intellectual discrimination, the Raja yoga of meditation, the Bhakti yoga of heartfelt love and devotion to a deity and/or other humans, and the Karma yoga of work and service in the world (Nielsen et al., 1988; Walsh, 1989).

Although each of the major world religious traditions considers each of the five paths to Oneness, the different traditions emphasize the different paths to varying degrees. Also, emphases have shifted within traditions as they have developed through time. In the starkest contrast, it can be said that Mahayana Tibetan Buddhism focuses on the paths of knowledge and meditation, whereas contemporary Christianity focuses on the path of essential, unconditional love. This contrast can be seen as follows.

The most fundamental teaching of Buddhism, Buddha’s First Noble Truth, is that life is suffering, duhkha. Suffering includes

fivepaths


compassionrequiresmental

shift

both physical and psychological pain. It derives from the ego’s (relative mind’s) resistance to change—the ego’s desire-based attachments to things of life that are essentially impermanent. Suffering also derives from the ego’s self-grasping and self-cherishing nature, when in fact the self is impermanent. Third, suffering originates in unenlightened perception of things within categories and as separate rather than as essentially one. Finally, suffering derives from the chains of interdependent actions that link persons and animals to each other’s misdeeds and suffering.

Being ultimately mental-perceptual in nature, suffering can be overcome by awakening to and coming to know the nature of the self and reality. The most fundamental vehicle for this transformation is experiencing the Oneness of the absolute mind—the Clear Light, Ground Luminosity, or Rigpa (Sogyal, 1992, pp. 47,259-61, 342-44). This is achieved primarily through the Paths of Meditation and Knowledge, rather than the Path of Love.

Love is recognized in Tibetan Buddhism through the practice of compassion: the empathic identification with the suffering of others. Like meditation, compassion is an essential means that Buddhism uses to face suffering and find Oneness. Through compassion for the other and then all sentient beings, attention is shifted away from the self-cherishing, self-grasping, divisive nature of the ego (Sogyal, 1992, pp. 189-90) to the greater Whole. The practice of extending “loving kindness” to others, i.e., the path of Love, is one means for developing compassion (Sogyal, 1992, pp. 195-96). The Bodhisattva epitomizes this practice. Ultimately, however, developing compassion requires a mental shift in understanding and perception, which can be achieved through reframing practices such as mirroring and empathy, and which requires meditation (e.g. Levine, 1987; Sogyal, 1992, pp. 196-202). The absolute mind must be unveiled and Oneness experienced through meditation for a fully compassionate relationship to be realized and suffering to be overcome. Even a good heart can be obscured by the confusion of the mind. Meditation disarmors the heart of the relative mind’s illusions and allows sincere compassion to rise. Thus, in Buddhism, the journey of the heart is envisioned as a part of the path of knowledge and meditation, rather than as the primary path of transformation.

In contrast to Tibetan Buddhism’s emphasis on meditation, Christianity emphasizes essential, unconditional love, or what early Christians called agape, as the path to Oneness. Love recieved from God and extended toward all neighbors regardless of their qualities (Smith, 1986, p. 415) is the primary vehicle for altering one’s perception of reality and overcoming separation. Christ’s ministry was founded on his overwhelming love for people and deeds of loving kindness, including healing and counselling, which drew his


followers to him (Smith, 1986, pp. 412-14). The Buddha’s ministry emphasized right mindfulness and righ absorption (i.e., meditation) as fundamental to right knowledge, aspiration, speech, behavior, livelihood, and effort (Smith, 1986).

The difference between Tibetan Buddhism and essential Christianity in their emphasis on paths toward Oneness is directly reflected in their broadest views of the nature of reality. In Buddhism, ultimately the one true reality is Mind, the formless unconditioned Truth and Light of Dharma-kaya (Becker, 1985, p. 6; Sogyal, 1992, pp. 342-43). In a contrasting focus in Christianity, God’s “infinite Love” is central. The universe is basically friendly and safe in that God provides each person their needs through His love (Smith, 1986, p. 417), which is the source from which a Christian can love and help all others unconditionally. This loving warmth and safety of the Christian cosmos is one reason for the joy that is said to have pervaded the lives of early Christians (Smith, 1986, p. 428). A loving and joyful cosmos is also emphasized in some contemporary, New Age Christian movements and in older, charismatic Christian sects.5 The greater warmth and safety of reality and life in the essential Christian world view compared to that of Tibetan Buddhism is manifested directly and in several ways in Euro-American NDEs compared to the experiences described in Tibetan books of the dead and ’das-log literature (Epstein, 1982).

Karma, Judgment, and Forgiveness

A second and related way in which Tibetan Buddhism differs from essential and contemporary Christianity is in its concern about karma. Karma literally means “action.” The law of karma says in part that the quality of one’s future in this life and other lives, including the nature of one’s moral being, depends to a great extent on one’s current actions. “What you will be is what you do now,” the Buddha said (Sogyal, 1990, pp. 92-93). Thus, karma conceptually links the quality of a person’s nature—their moral character—to their actions. By extension, the concept allows the judgment of a person by their deeds. Thus, in the books of the dead, the Lord of Death judges a person by showing them their good and bad deeds in the Mirror of Karma. Finally, as a motivator of behavior, the concept of karma is, in part, at the practical level, linked to fear and guilt.

In contrast, contemporary Christianity focuses on forgiveness as a vehicle for manifesting unconditional love to the other, regardless of their actions. This includes God’s forgiveness of all humans, who have already been saved through the Christ. Thus, the person is conceptually separated from his or her deeds and can be loved and accepted unconditionally rather than judged. Smith (1986, pp. 428-30) holds that release from the burden of guilt about one’s self

what you will be iswhat you do now


contrastsin

culturally-learned

worldviews

worth and release from fear of death, which are the correlates of God’s forgiveness, are primary reasons for the joy said to epitomize the early Christians.

The distinction of Christianity’s emphasis on God’s forgiveness and loving acceptance from Tibetan Buddhism’s emphasis on karma’s fear-inducing judgment is directly reflected in differences between Euro-American NDEs and the DEs reported in the Tibetan books of the dead (see below).

Over the course of the history of Christianity in Europe and America, the Church’s interpretation and common man’s view of the nature of death and salvation has shifted, with judgment and fear varying in their importance (Aries, 1981). These ideational shifts generally correspond to the level of fear versus love expressed in European “otherworld journeys” and NDEs of the various periods (Zaleski, 1987). These changes are beyond the scope of this paper.

In sum, Tibetan Buddhism and contemporary Euro-American Christian thought in the United States differ in their emphasis on conceptions of the ultimate nature of the universe as Mind or Love, in the paths to Oneness on which they focus, in the relationship of a person’s nature to their actions, and in the roles of judgment and forgiveness in the dynamics of the cosmos. These contrasts in culturally-learned world views are expressed in the tone and some of the content of Euro-American NDEs compared to the experiences described in the Tibetan books of the dead and 'das-log literature.

EURO-AMERICAN NEAR-DEATH AND TIBETAN DEATH

COMPARED

Limitations to the Comparison

A comparison of Euro-American NDEs to Tibetan DEs described in the books of the dead can be insightful, but only if the nature and limitations of the comparison are clearly understood. First, whereas Euro-American accounts of NDEs are personal descriptions that come as close to phenomenological experience as words allow, accounts of DEs in Tibetan books of the dead may be more distant from phenomenological experience. The books of the dead most probably derive from an oral tradition to which many persons contributed over many generations (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 77). The tradition was probably shaped by pre-Buddhist indigenous Bon beliefs, cultural diffusion, and politico-religious motivation (Becker, 1985; Nielsen, 1988) before being set in writing. Thus, the


processes of idealization through the creation of a composite summary of death, stylization within established cultural metaphors, and selective editing or re-emphasis, each could have led to religiously defined descriptions of Tibetan DEs that may no longer fit well with individual phenomenological experience. This limitation has been emphasized in the interpretation of other oral and literary traditions describing otherworld journeys (Epstein, 1982; Zaleski, 1987).

A second limitation to the comparison is that only a few summaries of Tibetan DEs are available for study, in contrast to the many individual variations in Euro-American NDEs. Some differences between the Tibetan and Euro-American experiences are expectable simply from the lack of recorded detail on Tibetan DEs.

A third qualification is that phenomena of possibly distinct origin and function are being compared: near-death experiences and supposed death experiences. However, similarities presented below in the content and sequence of Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs lend support to the view that the NDE is the beginning of the death process. Moreover, Ring (1984, pp. 258-59) holds that Euro- American NDEs may be a spiritual means for raising human consciousness in our era, which is similar to the intent of the death process in Tibetan Buddhist belief.

Fourth, accounts of Euro-American NDEs describe, at most, only the beginning of death processes, whereas the Tibetan books of the dead describe entire death processes. Consequently, one can expect some phenomena in the Tibetan accounts to not be present in accounts of Euro-American NDEs: specifically, those events and places beyond the “point of no return.” Thus, any comparison of the content of Tibetan and Euro-American experiences must be asymmetrical. There can only be a search for the occurrence of phenomena experienced by Tibetans among the phenomena experienced by Euro-Americans, not vice versa. This method is used here.

Finally, the sample of NDEs used to make the comparison is not representative of age, sex, occupation, or other demographic categories within the Euro-American population. Instead, the sample is comprised of previously published, example NDEs that authors have characterized as “typical,” “common variants,” “unusual variants” or “deep” (Tables 2 - 4). The sample thus maximizes the diversity of kinds of experiences considered and is unlikely to be representative of the relative frequencies of kinds of experiences. This is acceptable because the analysis focuses on similarities and differences in the occurrence, not the relative frequencies, of various kinds of experiences had by Euro-Americans and described for Tibetans.

anasymmetricalcomparison


Similarities in Content

themost

clearlysharedplaces

andevents

Table 3 provides an asymmetrical comparison of Tibetan DEs to Euro-American NDEs. Common and rare characteristics of Euro- American NDEs, as discussed by several researchers, and their possible and probable analogs in the Tibetan DE are listed, row by row.

Some kinds of perceptions are more clearly shared among the experiences of Euro-Americans and Tibetans. If NDEs are interpreted as the beginning of death processes, then these commonalities would stand as candidates for crosscultural universals in the death process. The most clearly shared places include: (1) one or more dark voids, sometimes filled with sparkles, (2) another world that takes the form of a natural landscape that is filled with light, vibrant in color, and perhaps flowered, (3) a palace or perhaps a city of light within the other world, and (4) a realm of bewildered spirits. The third and fourth features do not occur commonly in Euro-American NDEs and occur in Tibetan DEs only among certain individuals, depending on their karma (Lodo, 1987, p. 46).

The most clearly shared perceived events include: (1) hearing loud noises such as a wind or roar early in the death process; (2) seeing religious figures like Buddhas or Jesus; (3) seeing a white or gold Light that is separate from oneself, defining a dualistic state of consciousness; (4) merging with a brilliant Light so as to create a sense of Oneness or Dharma-kaya\ (5) a life review/judgment; and more generally, (6) events that reveal near-death and death to be learning processes.

Many cognitive, emotional, and sensory experiences are shared among Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs. These include: (1) the realistic quality of the experience; (2) heightening of some or all of the senses; (3) transcendent peace, which is felt by only those of good karma in Tibetan DEs; (4) a sense of floating weightlessly in space or being blown around by a wind; (5) the sense, sometimes, of being controlled in movement by outside forces; (6) the ability at other times to make decisions that control events; (7) initial emotional detachment followed later by (8) emotional involvement; (9) leaving the physical body as a disembodied consciousness, for some Euro-Americans (Ring, 1980, p. 225); (10) finding oneself in a subtle body resembling one’s earthly body, for some Euro- Americans (Moody, 1975, p. 42); (11) a desire to get back into one’s physical body, for some Euro-Americans; several qualities and capabilities of the subtle body, including (12) an ability to pass through solids; (13) an ability to move over great distances quickly; and (14) a telepathic ability to read the thoughts of the living; (15) causing (16) a feeling of loneliness not being able to talk to humans on earth; (17) an inability to lie during the life review/judgment;


(18) a sense of time being altered to nonexistent; (19) a sense of space being altered to nonexistent; and (20) feeling pulled back to earth by emotional attachments or desires.

Explanations of Similarities within an Evolutionary Perspective

Four explanations, singly or more probably in combination, may account for these crossculturally shared and perhaps universal perceptions. Different sets of explanations may apply to different shared traits. These explanations are (1) the biological, which evokes pan-human neurophysiological factors; (2) the depth psychological, which posits a pan-human, collective unconscious filled with archetypal motifs; (3) the experiential, which evokes pan-human worldly experiences; and (4) the nonordinary reality explanation, which posits the experience of pan-human nonordinary realities.

To fully appreciate the role of these explanations in understanding potential crosscultural uniformities in the content of NDEs and DEs, it is essential to see that the factors that each explanation evoke bear the same fundamental relationship to cultural world view, which also influences the content of NDEs and DEs. This relationship is an evolutionary one. Specifically, each explanation posits fundamental kinds of raw experiences—biological, depth psychological, worldly reality, or nonordinary reality—to which all humans are subject in life and/or death. These experiences serve in life as the basis and inspiration for the social creation and evolution of world views, beliefs, and linguistic categories. The contents of these raw experiences are elaborated and modified as they are expressed and given meaning through language, lore, craft, dance, and other cultural expressions in a developmental process. Certain contents are probably also disregarded through cultural and linguistic selection processes. Thus, in life and at death/near-death, fundamental raw experiences come to he perceived through the filters of cultural world views and beliefs that originated in and may he continuously buttressed by, but may no longer be one-for-one maps of, those same raw experiences (Goodman, 1988, pp. 170-71; Leary, 1964; Roberts & Owen, 1988, p. 612). Culture as ideation both originates in and modifies the perception of basic experiences, be they biological, depth psychological, worldly experiential, and/ or nonordinary reality in origin. Moreover, if such basic experiences shift systematically through time, one can expect persons and social groups to adjust their world views and beliefs to accord with those experiences to some degree (e.g., Zaleski, 1987 in relation to Ariès, 1981).

For example, it is well documented that raw, biologically and hallucinogenically based phosphene visual patterns can be cultur-

Death and Near-Death: A Comparison of Tibetan and Euro-American Experiences

theroleoftheseexplanations

87

TABLE 3

General characteristics of Euro-American NDEs' compared to death experiences described in Tibetan books of the dead, regardless of sequence

Present in Euro-Ameriean Near-Death Expericnccs:

Places Experienced

in the body□ totally dark void when leaving the body. or...

□ dark void filled with little sparkling lights whenleaving the body, or...

tunnel when leaving the body out of the body, in vicinity of “the corpse”

□ *realm of bewildered spirits

*border after one leave’s one's body□ void or tunnel to the light or another world

border before the light border before another world

□ another world of light and beautymeadow

□ flowers

□ *crystal or marble “palace”

*city of light

Events Experienced within Places

hears oneself pronounced dead□ hears a loud noise (e.g.. roaring wind, buzzing,

ringing)

leaves body without a distinct location of exit by floating out as a consciousness or going through a tunnel

views own body from the side and above greeted by spirits, guides, or religious figures greeted by deceased relatives, friends see deceased relatives, friends, who are not greeters

□ see spirits, guides, religious figures who are notgreeters

□ sees brilliant, golden, white, or multicolored light,which is dualistically perceived (Might dichotomy retained)

communicates with a brilliant light□ merging with a brilliant light

□ life review□ events reveal that near-death is a learning process

Analogous Phenomenon in the Tibetan Books of the Dead:

in the body□ dark-filled void, the mind of black near-attainment,

'Chi-kha 7 Bardo□ smoke filled with sparks, third dissolution

of the ’Chi-kha 7 Bardo

deceased sees relatives mourning body, own funeral, Srid-pa 7 Bardo

□ deceased sees vague, ghostly images of other deadpersons in twilight, hazy Srid-pa 7 Bardo

□ dark-filled void, the mind of black near-attainment,'Chi-kha 7 Bardo

□ pure Paradise realms, Chos-nyid Bardo

□ the Clear Light of the 'Chi-kha 'i Bardo resembles a“dazzlement produced by an infinitely vibrant landscape in springtime (Evans-Wentz, 1960. p. lxxiii); lovely garden in Srid-pa ’i Bardo (Lodo, 1987, p. 46)

□ heavenly palace in Srid-pa 'i Bardo (Lodö, 1987,p. 46)

deceased sees relatives mourning body□ deceased experiences earthquakes, floods, and

winds in first through fourth dissolutions of Chi- kha 'i Bardo; sounds of 1000 thunders with the Wrathful deities in Chos-nyid Bardo (Lodo,1987, p. 37); sounds of crumbling mountains, roaring fire, fierce winds, overflowing seas in Srid-pa 7 Bardo (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 162)

deceased’s very subtle wind and mind leave body from heart through crown of head (ideal), middle of brow, car, nose, eye, mouth, urinary passage, or anus, which determines the plane of rebirth (Evans-Wentz ,1960, p. lxix; Lodö, 1982, p. 11; Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 49, 53-54)

deceased sees relatives mourning body

□ many Buddhas and deities seen in Chos-nyid Bardo,see above

□ dualistic, white-filled void, the mind of whiteappearance, fifth dissolution, 'Chi-kha 7 Bardo

simultaneous appearance of the 6 peaceful Buddhas, then 52 Knowledge-holding deities shining forth various colored lights in a mandala, Chos-nyid Bardo simultaneous shining of the 58 Wrathful deities, then all Wrathful deities as Lord of Death, Chos-nyid Bardo

□ merging with the Clear Light or any of Peaceful,Wrathful, or Knowledge-holding deities

□ judgment by Lord of Death, two Geniuses□ events reveal that death is a learning process


*saved from death by a supernatural rescue, e.g., a light, voice, hand

jerked back into one’s body suddenly

Cognitive, Emotional, Sensor)’, and Kinesthetic Characteristics

□ real, versus dreamlike, quality

the experience that cannot really be communicated in words because there arc not earthly experiences like it

crisp logic without emotions involved

thoughts speeded up□ heightened, clear senses of vision, hearing, motion

lack of taste, smell, touch, most kinestheticsensations

brightly illuminated or colorful environment soon after leaving the body

□ sense of transcendent peace, calm, and well-beingafter leaving the body and throughout the NDE

lack of pain

□ sense of floating in space, weightlessness

□ sense of being controlled in movement byoutside forces

□ able to make own decisions and control events,e.g., to advance no farther

□ emotional detachment from earthly body andevents as if all is natural, initially, in out- of-body experience

□ emotional involvement (feelings of love, bliss)later, in the presence of the Light

mental detachment from earthly body and events; no judgment

lack of recognition of own earthly body, at first□ leaves physical body as disembodied

consciousness; a more subtle body resembling physical body apparently develops later (Ring, 1980, p. 228)

experience being consciousness without a body during out of body experience

□ experiences having a new body, sometimesresembling physical body

□ *desire to get back in one’s body, subsequently

no evidence of a silver cord connecting the physical and new body during out-of-body experience (Ring, 1980, p. 52)

□ ability to pass through solids

□ ability to move over great distances quickly

no data on reflectivity of the subtle body

□ ability to read the thoughts of the living

□ inability to contact the living

□ deceased commonly believes the apparitions in the bardos to be exterior reality, is frightened and runs from them

commonly is frightened, confused; scattering thoughts because intellect is now separate from the body (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 164)

□ all five senses heightenedall five senses present plus sense of heat

(deceased feels like burning, third dissolution, Chi-kha'i Bardo)

□ feels great misery and terror, indifference,or pleasure, according to karma, in Srid-pa'i Bardo

intense, unending pain as dismembered by Lord of Death, Chos-nyid, Srid-pa'i Bardos; squeezed into cracks of rocks, Srid-pa'i Bardo

□ blown around like a leaf, Srid-pa'i Bardo

□ blown around like a leaf by winds of karma, Srid-pa'i Bardo

□ choice in how to react toward the Clear Lightand deities in 'Chi-kha'i, Chos-nyid Bardos, choice guided by reading book of the dead to deceased; less choice for persons of poor karma in Srid-pa'i Bardo

□ emotional detachment initially whileexperiencing the swoon of the seventh and eighth dissolutions

□ emotional involvement later: commonlyfrightened in Chos-nyid, Srid-pa'i Bardos, emotionally involved in distribution of inheritance

deceased recognizes own body, Srid-pa'i Bardo□ deceased experiences the Chi-kha'i and Chos-nyid

Bardos as disembodied consciousness; perceives a more subtle body resembling the physical body in Srid-pa'i Bardo

experiences being consciousness without a body as perceives the Clear Light of Chi-kha'i Bardo

□ experiences psychically-projected, subtle“desire” body resembling physical body, in Chos-nyid, Srid-pa'i Bardos (Evans-Wentz,1960, pp. 30, 156)

□ deceased desires and seeks another body when seesown and weeping relatives

no mention of silver cord connecting the physical and subtle bodies

□ ability to pass through solids in subtle body, Srid-pa'i Bardo

□ ability to move over great distances quickly insubtle body, Srid-pa'i Bardo

subtle body castes no shadow and is not reflected in water (Lodö, 1987, p. 21)

□ ability to read the thoughts of the living (Lati &Hopkins, 1985, p. 10)

□ inability to contact the living, Srid-pa'i Bardo


□ feel lonely and isolated from the living

*ability to feel the emotions of the living□ inability to lie during life review□ time speeded up or slowed down

□ ordinal-scale time timelessness while with the light

□ space extended or infinite

ordinal-scale spaceloss of sense of space while with the light telepathic thought transference with otherworldly

personagesexperiences ecstatic, overwhelming love, joy in

the presence of the light experiences all universal knowledge, revelation

in the presence of the light precognitive information on personal events precognitive information on world events clarification on what truly matters in one’s life

in the presence of the light multiple events of one’s life are reviewed

simultaneously like a hologram emotional detachment from reviewed events of

one’s life*emotional involvement in reviewed events of

one’s life*ability to select reviewed events of one’s life hears heavenly music *smells heavenly flowers reluctant to return to one’s body

□ sometimes pulled back emotionally by loved oneson earth

□ pulled back by basic desires for life, family

regarded as abnormal by others when they tell their experience

□ feel lonely and isolated from the living, Srid-pa'iBardo

□ inability to lie during judgment in Srid-pa'i Bardo□ sequences of days in the bardos correspond to

sequences of thoughts□ sequences of days in the bardo correspond to

sequences of thoughts□ space infinite for those who merge with the Clear

Light and create Dharma-kaya

sequential counting of one’s good and bad deeds by geniuses during judgment

deceased attempts to lie when judged; dismemberment by Lord of Death causes intense pain

deceased attempts to lie when judged; dismemberment by Lord of Death causes intense pain

□ commonly attracted to mother or father-to-be whilein Srid-pa'i Bardo, leading to rebirth

□ pulled back by desire for a body in the Srid-pa'iBardo

1Most characteristics are compiled from Greyson (1991), Groth-Marnat and Schumaker (1989), Moody (1975, 1977), Noyes and SIymen(1979), Ring (1980, 1984, pp. 36-38, 83). Asterisks indicate rarely occurring features of Euro-American NDEs. Squares indicate similarities between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs.

ally elaborated into world views, beliefs, and art styles, which, in turn, filter and frame the interpretation of such experiences during shamanic journeying (Lewis-Williams & Dowson, 1988; Reichel- Dolmatoff, 1987). The shamanic journey has many analogs to the death process. Similarly, Hallowell (1940) ethnographically documented that the convictions of the Canadian Berens River Saulteaux Indians about the afterlife were based largely on accounts of the nonordinary reality experiences of persons who were considered to have died and returned, whatever the primary cause of those NDEs.

This evolutionary perspective on the relationship between fundamental raw experiences and world view has three implications. First, one can expect the four explanations to account for only the most fundamental features of NDEs and DEs that are potentially shared crossculturally, not the detailed contents that may or may not be shared. Details are more likely to relate to cultural ela-


boration and selection. For example, one or more of the four explanations might better account for perceiving a natural, vibrant, otherworld landscape, generally, than the detailed content of the landscape.

Second, and following from the first, the biological, depth psychological, experiential, and nonordinary reality explanations complement rather than contradict explanations that focus on world view and enculturation. Specifically, the explanations that NDEs are culturally-constructed experiences (Zaleski, 1987) or are the product of learned expectations (DeSpelder & Strickland, 1983, p. 403) are incomplete. They do not address the origin of the content of cultural constructions in fundamental raw experiences. They also do not consider the complex feedback relationships that may exist between raw experience, world view and expectation, and perceptions filtered by world view, as world views evolve or experiences shift. For example, Ring (1985) has documented that NDEs currently are a source of personal, spiritual evolution; Peay (1991), in turn, shows how these experiences and persons are shifting Euro- American views of death.

A third implication of the evolutionary perspective is that NDEs and DEs can be expected to sometimes waiver from the learned expectations and world view of the experiencer. This is so because evolving world views and beliefs are not one-to-one descriptions of raw experience. In fact, this partial lack of correspondence is what one finds, as documented below. This supports the contention that explaining NDEs solely as culturally constructed experiences or as projections of learned expectations is an incomplete explanation.

The biological explanation. One explanation of the features that are shared among Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs is panhuman neurophysiology and the biology of death. Experiencing visual fields of color and light, the dark void, bodily sensations such as weightlessness and infinite spaciousness, and hearing loud noises are examples of shared traits that more obviously might have correlates in biological processes. Hearing loud noises was thought by Bardo thos-grol chen-mo commentator Evans-Wentz (1960, pp. 237-43) to be a pan-human, physiologically based phenomenon associated with the dissociation of consciousness from the body rather than a spiritual-parapsychological phenomenon. In contemporary psychological studies, Grof (1985, pp. 93-95) has attributed hearing analogous loud noises at the beginning of deep altered states of consciousness to the biological correlates of a shift in awareness from exterior reality to realities of the unconscious psyche.

A notable dissimilarity between the Tibetan and Euro-American experiences which is unexpected, given pan-human biology, is the

panhumanneuro-physiology


“illusions,” “hallucinations, ”

“apparitions ”

experience of moving through a tunnel. Cerebral anoxia is one known trigger of tunnel vision. The structure of the visual cortex has been suggested as the cause of the tunnel form (Blackmore & Troscianko, 1989). Yet the tunnel experience is not described in the Tibetan DE or published das-log experiences (Epstein, 1982).

The depth psychological explanation. A second possible explanation of the experiences shared in Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs is the psychological projection and subsequent culturally and personally filtered perception of pan-human, archetypal content of a collective unconscious (Jung, 1960, 1971a, 1971b) upon dying and death. Possible examples of this explanation include the archetype of day/consciousness experienced as a white or gold light; the archetype of night/unconscious experienced as a dark void; the archetypes of the Wise Old Man, Great Father, or Hero clothed as culture-specific, religious characters; the archetypes of Growth and Learning experienced as a life review/judgment and as a realization of the nature of near-death or death.

The Tibetan books of the dead, themselves, offer this interpretation of the dying and death process. Entities experienced during the ’Chi-kha'i, Chos-nyid, and Srid-pa'i Bardos are said to be nothing more than the unfolding and projection of one’s own essential Mind, or the dualistic content of the limited mind, as thought- forms. All of these experiences are held to have no real existence outside of and separate from oneself. They are called “illusions,” “hallucinations,” and “apparitions” in being projections falsely separated from oneself and in being produced by and filtered during their perception by personal and broader karmas (Evans- Wentz, 1960, pp. 31-32).

The experiential explanation. A third explanation of the shared traits is pan-human worldly experience. Universal, repeated, emotionally loaded experiences in the biophysical and social world, which have been psychologically idealized over many generations and populations, were hypothesized by Jung (1971a) to be the causes of psychological archetypes. Universally shared worldly experiences would thus be part of any depth psychological explanation of crossculturally shared death or near-death perceptions as archetypes of the collective unconscious.

At the same time, pan-human worldly experience can be evoked independent of pan-human archetypes as an explanation of some features shared by Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs. Neardeath and death may simply bring the projection and perception of personally idealized worldly experiences that have been generalized through their repeated experience, cognitive classification, and filtering by cultural-linguistic categories and world views. Some of these experiences would be shared by all humans. For

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology. 1993, Vol. 25, No. I92

example, the experience of night is shared by all humans and could be projected and perceived in idealized form upon death as a dark void for all persons in all societies, with personal and/or culture- specific idealization. It would not be necessary to posit an archetypal Night Void. Similarly the personally and/or culturally idealized sun and day might be projected and perceived upon death as a white or golden light.

The nonordinary reality explanation. This explanation holds that similarities occur between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs because, upon death or near death, all humans experience the same nonordinary, exterior reality, although perceived through varying personal and cultural filters. Any of the shared experiences listed above might be explained in this manner. Additionally, this explanation requires the persistence, in near-death and death, of certain common qualities of the human condition, which are evoked when interacting with nonordinary reality. Examples of these qualities are feeling lonely upon not being able to communicate with living loved ones and emotional attachment to one’s body.

On the Metaphysical Nature of Death

If one assumes that a NDE is the beginning of a death process, then the observed crosscultural similarities in Table 3 may reveal some fundamental properties of death. First, consciousness at death is similar enough to consciousness during life that the experiencer has difficulty recognizing that they have shifted realities (see also Ring, 1980, pp. 82-83). This concords with the Tibetan Buddhist belief that all of the bardos, including life, dying, between-life, rebirth, meditation, and dreaming, are fundamentally similar in their dualistic structure and in having a continuous time-space structure in appearance.

somefundamentalpropertiesofdeath

Second, the death space is like life in that it is in part an active classroom for learning. Lessons in death may vary among cultures (see below), just as they vary among cultures in life, but the heuristic quality of death remains constant.

Third, the death process, like life, involves choice, which is the basis for both learning and the creation of personal experience. This is not a conclusion one would draw from popular views of the Euro- American NDE, which unfortunately caricaturize it as a more passively and mechanically experienced process.

Fourth, one fundamental, possibly universal lesson of the death process is to accept both light and darkness from the point of view of light. Euro-Americans see both their light and dark deeds in their life review (e.g., Moody, 1975, p. 67) within the caring love of the


Light. The Tibetan books of the dead encourage the deceased to recognize both the Peaceful and Wrathful deities as aspects of themselves. The Tibetan books of the dead go further than the Euro-American NDE by encouraging the deceased not simply to accept darkness, but to psychologically integrate it and overcome the duality of light and darkness by merging with the Wrathful deities. The reward for this is the state of consciousness associated with their Peaceful counterparts.

Fifth, the initial phases of death are peaceful, in part as a result of emotional detachment (see also Ring, 1980, pp. 91-92). These phases include experiencing a dark void and the out-of-body experience for most Euro-Americans and the period of “swoon” for Tibetans. In later phases of death, the emotions reappear. For example, Euro-Americans experience overwhelming love and bliss in the presence of the Light and sometimes are “pulled back” by bonds of love to earthly loved ones. Most Tibetans experience fear in the Chos-nyid and Srid-pa 7 Bardos and may be reborn through emotional attractions to visions of their future parents.

Sixth, human desires, as distinct from and causing the emotions, manifest in later phases of death. These include desires for life, a body, having a family, and other reasons for rebirth or being “pulled back.”

Seventh, death is initially experienced by consciousness disembodied: the Euro-American out-of-body experience and Tibetan experience of the Clear Light. Only as death progresses is a more subtle, immaterial body perceived. The qualities and capabilities of this body are very similar in the Tibetan and Euro-American cases (Table 3), and resemble descriptions of the nature of “ghosts” in parapsychological literature (Ring, 1980, pp. 220-32) and crosscultural lore.

Differences in Content and Their Explanation

Some of the differences between Euro-American NDEs and the Tibetan DE (Table 3) provide insight into the effect of learned cultural world views and beliefs upon these experiences. The fundamental and perhaps surprising conclusion to be drawn is that not all differences in the death/near death experience that vary systematically between cultures are learned. Some systematic differences do not relate to differences in either world view or expectation. Instead, they may reflect innate differences in culture-specific levels of the collective unconscious or to differences in the nonordinary realities that are experienced.

Certain differences between Euro-American NDEs and the Tibetan DE clearly concord with and may be derived from differences


sevenfundamental

properties

94

between learned Christian versus Buddhist world views and beliefs. These include: (1) the Light, Jesus, angels, and other figures of light seen by Euro-Americans compared to the Buddhas and deities experienced by Tibetans; (2) the typically golden color of the Light seen by Euro-Americans (Ring, 1980, p. 56) compared to the Clear Light seen by Tibetans; and (3) the heavenly music heard by some Euro-Americans but not by Tibetans. These differences in experiences may derive from differences in world views, which are internalized over life and then psychologically projected and perceived during the dying process.

Other differences between Euro-American NDEs and the Tibetan DE also seem, on first appearance, as though they might derive from differences between learned Christian versus Buddhist world views and beliefs but, on deeper examination, do not. As discussed above, Mahayana Tibetan Buddhism differs from contemporary Christian thought in the emphasis of its vision of the universe as ultimately Mind moreso than Love. Also, it focuses on the Paths of Knowledge and Meditation over the Path of Love as the vehicles for overcoming separation and attaining Oneness. Finally, it assumes karma and judgment, rather than forgiveness, to be the dynamics of the cosmos that motivate personal spiritual growth. These distinctions in world view clearly concord with the following modal differences between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs. (1) The Light in Euro-American NDEs brings the message that love, and secondarily growing in knowledge, are the lessons of life. In contrast, Tibetan DEs emphasize growing in knowledge about the nature of the self and reality. (2) The Light is identified as love and knowledge by Euro-Americans whereas the Clear Light is the projected, natural, discarnate, quiescent Mind for Tibetan Buddhists. (3) The Light brings ecstatic love and bliss to the Euro- American, whereas the Tibetan may not recognize or be attracted to the Clear Light and may fear other deities associated with lights of various colors. (4) Euro-Americans have constructive, supportive life reviews whereas a spiritually untrained Tibetan has a judgment ending in dismemberment. (5) Euro-Americans are often greeted or guided through near-death by loving and supportive relatives or friendly spirits whereas the Tibetan is left alone in death to challenging “tests.” (6) Euro-Americans are sometimes “pulled back” to earth by bonds of love to survivors whereas the spiritually untrained Tibetan is reborn as a result of primal desires, which are “conceptions” of the mind.

Closer examination shows that these six systematic crosscultural differences do not, however, derive from differences in learned world view and belief, at least for Euro-Americans. This is so because Euro-Americans vary personally and subculturally in their particular beliefs and expectations about the above features of the afterlife, yet the above features are nevertheless experienced al

worldviewdistinctionsandmodaldifferences


most uniformly across Euro-Americans. Specifically, and first, many Euro-Americans still retain vestiges of the Roman Catholic belief, of the Late Middle Ages (Aries, 1981), that death involves some kind of judgment and weighing of the soul. A recent Gallup survey (Sheler, 1991), which found that about 60% of Americans currently believe in hell, implies that a large percentage of Americans believe in some kind of assessment of the soul. Yet, to date, no Euro-American NDE has been reported in the research literature to involve a judgment or weighing. Instead, supportive life reviews in the context of love are usually experienced. Second, some Euro- Americans also retain vestiges of the Roman Catholic belief of the Late Middle Ages that death involves some kind of “battle” or “pull” between “good” and “evil” forces for the individual. This view contrasts with each of the six features enumerated above, which focus on death as an experience of love. Third, most survivors of “surcease suicide,” who expect to end all consciousness and pain through death (DeSpelder & Strickland, 1983, pp. 353-54), nonetheless have NDEs typical of the Euro-American, which may include a life review in the context of the love and compassion of the Light. Fourth, children, who have been enculturated to believe that angels will take them away at death, see unexpected spirits: “angels without wings” (DeSpelder & Strickland, 1987, p. 463; Morse, 1990, pp. 6-9,29). The same is reported among the deathbed visions of children (Barrett, 1926). Fifth, children who have been raised in families with other than contemporary Christian beliefs nevertheless can have NDEs typical of contemporary Christians. For example, a Euro-American child brought up in the Eastern philosophies nevertheless had a NDE in which he saw God as an old man with a beard (Morse, 1990, p. 54). A Mormon child was conducted to Jesus by an angelic-like guardian spirit; such guardians are not a part of Mormon beliefs (Morse, 1990, pp. 6-7). Thus, the explanation that expectations based on Christian world view and beliefs about death are the origin of features of Euro-American NDEs that are uniform within the culture, yet differ from the Tibetan DE, is not bom out for some features. Other explanations must be found.

Two alternative explanations logically arise. These minimally would explain the six systematic crosscultural differences just considered, but could also apply to the other three mentioned previously.

A depth-psychological explanation. This explanation holds that those systematic differences between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs that do not derive from differences in world view and expectation are projections of innate contents of a hypothetical level of the unconscious psyche that varies from culture to culture or culture area to culture area. Such a culture-specific, collective or group unconscious would be distinct from Jung’s (1971a, 1971b) pan-human, collective unconscious in its more limited geographic- demographic expanse and in the specificity of its imagery content.


featuresexperienced

almostuniformly

acrossEuro-

Americans

96

It would contain the mythological personages and core themes of a culture or culture area that are specific expressions or “upwellings” of more general archetypes from the pan-human collective unconscious (Johnson, 1974, pp. 1-6; 1983, pp. xiii, 2-3). The Buddhas, Jesus, angels, and core cultural themes of Knowledge and Love would be examples. A similar culture-specific, collective level of the mind, which is projected outward individually as “shared illusion,” is inferred in Mahayana Buddhism (Becker, 1985, p. 15). Thus, in this explanation, births in different cultures bring minds with different innate content which, at death, are projected outward and perceived as different external “realities.”

A nonordinary or bands-of-reality explanation. An alternative explanation of the systematic differences found between Euro- American NDEs and Tibetan DEs is that members of these two cultures participate in different hypothetical bands of external reality that extend not only through life, but into death. Birth within different cultures would offer different paths in both life and death. A person would be bom into and live in a culture that poses certain issues and alternative solutions, requires certain decisions, and thus emphasizes a certain range of lessons, providing opportunities for personal growth in certain areas. This band of reality and its lessons would extend into death. Thus, for example, Euro-Americans learning the Path of Love in life also learn it at near-death as they are greeted by loving and supportive relatives or spirits. Tibetans learning the Paths of Knowledge and Meditation in life and death are not so greeted.

The idea that persons of different cultures participate in different bands of reality, which have different content and which constrain experience differently, is supported by several kinds of research on altered states of consciousness. Goodman (1988, 1990) found that different postures used by shamans and meditators in different cultures systematically evoke different kinds of trance experiences in motif and theme even today when the postures are taken by contemporary Euro-Americans in rattle-induced trance. For example, if one journeys in the posture of the Bear Spirit of the nineteenth-century Northwest Coast Indian shaman, this evokes the experience (Goodman, 1990, pp. 20, 100-106, 168-175) of one’s body or head being split open, and the receiving of a flow of healing energy. In contrast, journeying in the posture of the West African Bijogo evokes a death and rebirth experience. Different body postures appear to serve as doorways to different bands of reality pertinent to different cultures of different places and times. For Goodman (1988, pp. 46, 170), these realities vary systematically with the habitat and evolutionary type of the society.

The idea of distinct “bands of reality” that are culture or culture- area specific is similar to Sheldrake’s (1981, pp. 71-74) concept of

differentpathsinbothlifeanddeath


differencesin

contentof

NDEs and DEs concord

with differences

inworld-view

biological species which are kept distinct by different “morphogenetic fields.” In both the conceptions of cultural bands of reality and biological species, material forms, activities, and experiences in life are constrained within set ranges and set trajectories of growth and evolution.

The depth psychological and nonordinary reality explanations of the systematic differences found between Euro-American NDEs and the Tibetan DE have been presented above as though they are logical alternatives. This duality corresponds to the Western philosophical distinction between inner psychological reality, which may be projected and perceived, versus outer reality which is perceived and filtered through mental constructs. However, this distinction is unnecessary from the point of view of some philosophies. The Tibetan books of the dead teach that outer and inner reality are truly one, that outer reality is the objectification of mind—simply one’s own thought-forms (Evans-Wentz, 1960, pp. 31-32). For example, the Peaceful and Wrathful deities are at once projections of the psyche and real (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. xxxvii). Plains Indian philosophies teach that outer reality is simply the “mirror” of the inner self (Storm, 1972, pp. 4-27). In Jungian psychology, outer reality ultimately mirrors inner psyche, and this can cause synchronicities in life. The oneness of inner and outer has also been posited as the esoteric premise behind some of Christ’s most essential teachings, such as “I am my brother’s keeper” and “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.”

In sum, some systematic differences in the content of Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs concord with differences in the learned world-view and beliefs of these cultures. These systematic differences in experience may derive from different projected expectations about death that relate to world-view and belief. Alternatively, these different experiences may derive from differences in the nonordinary realities engaged during dying by Euro-Americans versus Tibetans, and may have served as the bases for development of the differing world-views of Euro-Americans from Tibetans. Data do not clarify which of these explanations is most appropriate.

At the same time, some of the contents of Euro-American NDEs that differ systematically from Tibetan DEs clearly do not concord with and derive from learned Euro-American beliefs about the afterlife, because these vary personally and subculturally. Experiences do not necessarily meet learned expectations. This finding may be used to suggest the existence of an innate, culture-specific collective level of the unconscious psyche, or of culture-specific bands of reality that extend through life and death, or both, which are then experienced at near-death and possibly death. Some differences between Euro-American Christian and Tibetan Buddhist world-views may have developed in relation to, but only approxi


mating experiences deriving from, this level of the psyche or these bands, leading to some experiences that do not follow from belief or expectation, as documented in the Euro-American case.

The above dissection of Euro-American NDEs into possibly culturally learned components, and unlearned, depth-psychological or nonordinary reality components counters Zaleski’s (1987, pp. 195- 99) view of NDEs and how they are to be understood. Zaleski holds, first, that all aspects of NDEs are culturally constructed, in that through their telling and retelling, they are shaped by culturally learned linguistic categories and beliefs. Second, she takes NDEs to be personal “narrative wholes” or “dramas” that, being enmeshed in and expressed through cultural categories, cannot be decomposed into elements of varying origin. These two characterizations of NDEs are not empirically supported here by the discrimination of unlearned, possibly depth-psychological or nonordinary reality aspects of NDEs from their possibly culturally learned aspects. Moreover, coming to understand the various sources of the elements of NDEs does not necessarily deny their personal, social, or pan-human meaningfulness, as Zaleski (1987, p. 198) argues.

Similarities and Differences in Structure

Here, Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs will be compared for two aspects of their structure: (1) specific similarities and differences in the sequencing of places and events that are perceived; (2) more general, fundamental properties of perceived places as alternate realities and the essential relationships between them.

Sequencing. Table 4 compares Euro-American NDEs to Tibetan DEs for the sequencing of their places and events. Allowing for differences in content, a common general sequence is found: (1) being in the body; (2) hearing a loud noise apparently while consciousness dissociates from the body; (3) experiencing a dark void, sometimes filled with small sparkles; (4) being out of the body, in the form of disembodied consciousness or within a new, subtle body; (5a) dealing with earthly issues such as realizing one is dead, sometimes wanting to get back into one’s body, and seeing/visiting the living; (5b) experiencing a “being” (i.e., the Light, the Lord of Death) that is omniscient; (5c) having a life review or judgment; (6) seeing another world; and (7) being pulled back to earth to continue life or for rebirth because of emotional attachments or desires. Experiences 5b and 5c are reversed relative to experience in the two sequences. However, even within Euro-American NDEs, experience 5b of seeing the Light, varies greatly in its sequential position.

comparisonoftwoaspectsofstructure

It is significant that these similarities arise, despite the fact that a near-death process is being compared to a supposed death process.


TABLE 4Typical sequence of places and selected events experienced in deep Euro-American NDEs compared to

the sequence in the Tibetan books of the dead1

Euro-Americans

□ in the body with ordinary consciousness

Tibetan Books of the Dead

□ in the body with ordinary consciousness

□ hear a loud noise before/while leaving the body, as consciousness withdraws from bodily senses (roaring wind, buzzing, ringing)

□ appearance of mirages, smoke, sparks in smoke, sputtering butterlamp. or four female Buddhas; feeling of falling apart from earthquakes, being flooded, burning, blown by winds

□ dark void while leaving the body (optional)

sense of transcendent peace, well-being associated with the void

tunnel by which leave the body (optional)

the dualistic white light (mind of white appearance) a dualistic red light (mind of red increase)

□ a dark void (mind of black near-attainment) nondualistic Clear Light of natural mind secondary, dimmer Clear Light

□ out of the body □ out of the body

sees own body from a distance, experiences being simply consciousness or having

a new, ethereal body with heightened senses and extraordinary powers

□ dealing with earthly issues:desire to re-enter own body by some as a first-

order response realization of being dead sees the living; experiences the inability to

communicate with the living; feeling alone greeted by deceased relatives, friends, guides border to further progress (optional) void or tunnel to the light and/or another world border to further progress (optional)

□ the golden, white, or multicolored light (dualistic)

□ life review with the light

□ appearancc of Peaceful, Wrathful, and Knowledge-holding deities; Lord of Death in Chos-nyid Bardo, each bearing lights of various or multiple colors

□ judgment by the Lord of Death in Chos-nyid Bardo

sounds of 1000 thunders with Wrathful Deities in Chos-nyid Bardo

twilight, hazy Srid-pa'i Bardo□ realization of new body with extraordinary powers

and heightened senses□ dealing with earthly issues:

seeing the living mourn experiencing the inability to communicate

with the living; feeling alone realization of being dead visiting old haunts, blown by winds of karma

seeing threatening apparitions, hears loud noises like mountains crumbling,

overflowing seas, roaring fires unpleasant body sensation of being squeezed into

cracksdesire and attempt to re-enter own or other’s bodies

□ seeing another world of light and beauty □ pure Paradise realms, Chos-nyid Bardo

□ pulled back to earth by emotional attachments or desires

□ seek rebirth because of emotional attachments or desires

1Squares indicate the same or similar positioning of places or events in the sequence of Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs.

100 The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1993, Vol. 25, No. 1

This gives greater confidence to the assumption made above, that the near-death experience is simply the beginning of the death process. In turn, this supports the validity of the fundamental, metaphysical properties of death outlined above.

The similar sequencing of Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs also suggests that the sequential model of dying posed by the Tibetan books of the dead may hold crossculturally. This model includes the several steps of the “forward dissolution” of the earthly body and coarser aspects of the mind followed by reaggregation into a subtle body (see above). Shared experiences 1-4 pertain to the dissolution and reaggregation processes. The shared experiences include a swoon or dark void, which Tibetan Buddhists—spiritually untrained and skilled meditators alike—are said to experience and which common Euro-Americans might also be expected to perceive. Not shared is witnessing the dawning of the nondualistic Clear Light, which only skilled Tantric meditators are said to perceive and which common Euro-Americans would thus not be expected to perceive. At the same time, reaggregation into a subtle body upon leaving the physical body is a perception that is inconsistently reported for Euro-Americans (see Moody, 1975, p. 42 versus Ring, 1980, p. 225).

Fundamental properties of alternate realities. Several more general structural similarities are found between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs. First, the boundary between consciousness during life while in a body and consciousness during dying and death while outside a body, is directionally biased. The dying or deceased can see and hear the living for extended periods of time, but generally not vice versa. Among Euro-Americans, survivors sensing a deceased person is quite common but the duration of the experience is usually brief (Longman et al., 1988). Among Tibetans, survivors have been reported to sense 'das-log experiencer (Epstein, 1982), but the typical frequency and duration of such events is unclear.

A second structural similarity between Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs is that the boundary between consciousness during life while in a body and consciousness during dying and death while outside a body is differentially permeable to different modes of sensation. The dying or deceased can see and hear the earthly realm but not touch it in most cases. Longman et al. (1988) reports for a sample of Euro-Americans that survivors sense a deceased loved one through touch in only about 10% of all cases of some kind of sensing. Epstein (1982) cites only a couple of cases where Tibetan survivors sensed a ’das-log experiencer by their touch.

Third, the life and after-death planes are perceived to be positioned vertically. Most Euro-Americans who experience moving through

theboundaryisdirectionallybiased


how perception

may change

through the

events of a

NDE

a tunnel have the sense of moving upward toward the Light. Similarly, the six Tibetan Buddhist lokas or planes of consciousness in this world of samsara are said to be positioned vertically. Vertical positioning of nonordinary realities is posited almost universally in the cosmology of shamanic cultures (Eliade, 1964, pp. 259-79), which formed the foundations for the cosmologies of contemporary world religions that also posit this. In shamanic cosmologies, the shaman commonly is said to journey to the Lower Worlds through a tunnel (Hamer, 1980), or to ascend to the Upper Worlds via analogous structures such as the world pillar, world tree, world ladder, cosmic mountain, cosmic rainbow, stairs, a cord, a vine, or a chain (Eliade, 1964, pp. 487-92).

Fourth, in both Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs, perceptions of time and space are radically altered. Ring (1980, pp. 96-97) reports that the modal response of core Euro-American NDErs about how they experienced time and space is that these did not exist. A small percentage of respondents experienced the speeding up or slowing of time and the extension of space.

However, these statistics do not distinguish how perception may change through the events of a NDE. NDErs describe being out of the body and perceiving the earthly world, moving through a tunnel, and perceiving another world, as though they were operating within a three-dimensional spatial system with a horizon line, or at least a sense of the vertical. It is in the presence of and when merging with the Light that the NDEr typically speaks of losing all sense of space or feels space is infinite. Similar variation is described in the Tibetan books of the dead. The Tibetan DF.r sees visual fields of color during the first through eighth dissolutions of dying and the 'Chi-kha’i Bardo, and the presence of deities within fields of color during the Chos-nyid Bardo, rather than three- dimensional landscapes with a horizon line and sense of space, or personages within landscapes. However, during the Srid-pa'i Bardo, the DEr perceives the earthly world or another world within a three-dimensional spatial system. Thus, perceptions of space shift through Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs.

In contrast to the sense of space, the sense of duration of time is transformed more pervasively in both Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs. Euro-Americans frequently comment on their loss of sense of the duration of time while in the dark void, in the tunnel, out of their body, in the Light, and in the other world. The Bardo thos-grol chen-mo (Evans-Wentz, 1960) mentions that “days” of the bardos are not earthly days, but correspond to separate thoughts that vary in earth time.

Fifth, space can be experienced without time, but not vice versa. For example, while out of their body, Euro-Americans experience


the earthly realm and another world as three-dimensional landscapes with a horizon line, but may be unable to estimate durations of time within these realms. In the earthly realm, NDErs may experience the ability to travel anywhere in a moment’s thought, as if time does not exist or is greatly compacted (Moody, 1978, pp. 46, 52). So, too, may Tibetans in the Srid-pa’i Bardo (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 159). Thus, space appears to be a more fundamental dimension of psychological experience than time. This property makes sense, for humans normally track time through changes observed in space. This psychological experience contrasts with Einstein’s relative model of the universe, where time and the three dimensions of space are considered equally fundamental dimensions.

Sixth, in both Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs, time and space as known on earth are not simply either present on a uniform, continuous scale or are entirely absent. Both can exist on an in- between, “ordinal scale” of measurement.

By “ordinal-scale time” is meant that events are experienced in a sequence or order, but each with unclear duration and an unclear duration between them. Thus, a Euro-American often can report the sequence with which events took place in many segments of a NDE, but is unable to estimate the total duration of the NDE or these events (e.g., Moody, 1975, p. 49; Ring, 1980, p. 96). Only when in the presence of or merged with the Light may the Euro-American experience a complete absence of time. A simultaneous or nearly- simultaneous life review in the presence of the Light (Moody, 1975, pp. 64-65) is an example of this absence of sequential time.

This characterization of some parts of Euro-American NDEs as being sequential and perceived on an ordinal scale whereas other parts are perceived as simultaneous, contrasts with Ring’s characterization ofNDEs as holographic. Ring (1980, pp. 235-37) posits that the entire core NDE, not simply experiences in the presence of the Light, occurs simultaneously. He also suggests (personal communication, 1993) that supposedly ordinal-scale perceptions of time may actually reflect the necessary sequencing that occurs in narrative descriptions of simultaneously experienced NDEs. Neither of these interpretations seem to accord with the varying nature of time perceived over the course of some individuals’ NDEs.

Tibetan DEs also appear to have both sequential, ordinal-scale segments and simultaneous segments. The first six dissolutions during dying, the appearance of the Peaceful, Wrathful, and other deities in the Chos-nyid Bardo, and the many events of the Srid- pa'i Bardo are reported as sequential experiences. Their experience on an ordinal rather than uniform, continuous scale is clearly described: “days” of the Chos-nyid and Srid-pa'i Bardos correspond to separate thoughts that vary in earth time. In contrast, the

“ordinal-scale time ”


period of swoon, during the perception of the dark void and sometimes the Clear Light, is described as a timeless, thoughtless state from which the person “awakes” (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 29).

The changing nature of time through Tibetan DEs is supported by other descriptions of it (Lati & Hopkins, 1985, pp. 69-73) which liken the death process and Tantric meditation to each other. Tantric meditation begins with sequential mental imaging. Only in its culmination, when the Clear Light of the natural, quiescent mind is revealed, is there experience without sequences of thought and, thus, without a sense of time.

Finally, support for the existence of ordinal-scale time more generally is found in the lore of Australian Aborigines and perhaps the experiences of clairvoyants. The Aborigines speak of two kinds of time: the passing time of daily life and the “Great Time” of the Dreamtime, the time of Creation. Events in the Great Time have sequence but cannot be dated (Brennan, 1988, p. 23). In a possibly similar manner, clairvoyants have been found to experience two kinds of time: ordinary linear time and a time in which events are witnessed in a sequence but from a point of view of being and experiencing the sequential flow (LeShan, 1966).

By “ordinal-scale space” is meant that places are experienced in a directional sequence, but each with an unclear expanse and an unclear distance between them. In both Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs, ordinal-scale space is experienced when the dying or deceased travel almost instantaneously to wherever their thoughts are directed. Direction is sensed, but the distance travelled is unclear. Euro-Americans may experience this when having an out- of-body experience (e.g., Moody, 1978, pp. 46, 52). The Bardo thos-grol chen-mo describes this as one of the capabilities of the desire body in the Srid-pa'i Bardo (Evans-Wentz, 1960, p. 159).

The experiences of ordinal-scale time and ordinal-scale space are not limited to the near death or death processes. Transformation of uniform, continuous-scale time or space into ordinal-scale time or space is an ability attributed to some shamanic practitioners. Time may be “expanded” or space may be “squeezed” or “folded” with great mental concentration so that the shaman can physically traverse space more quickly than would be possible under ordinary conditions. The famous Apache shaman, Geronimo, is reported to have lengthened nights in order to allow himself and his band to travel greater distances and escape from the pursuing U.S. military (Debo, 1976, p. 145). The now deceased San Carlos Apache medicine man of Peridot, Arizona, Philip Cassadore, reported to ethnographer Dr. Elizabeth Brandt that Geronimo also folded space to escape (Brandt, personal communication, 1993). An anonymous


“ordinal- scale

space”

104

ethnographer of high professional credentials also reported to me the details of experiencing space folding on several occasions with a contemporary Apache shaman.

Thus, time and space are not experiences that simply exist, as ordinarily experienced, or otherwise do not exist. “In-between” experiences of time and space are possible. These range from (1) the uniform, continuous-scale time and space of ordinary reality to (2) expanded or contracted continuous-scale time and space to (3) ordinal-scale space and time with directions and sequences but unclear distances or durations to (4) simultaneous, apparently holographic existence without time or space.

In sum, comparing the structure of Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs reveals some fundamental, perhaps crossculturally uniform properties of the dying and death process. These include the several steps of the “forward dissolution” of the earthly body and coarser aspects of the mind followed by reaggregation into a subtle body, the directionally biased and differentially permeable nature of the boundary between consciousness inside and outside of the body in regard to the senses, the perceived vertical positioning of nonordinary realities experienced during death, and the changing nature of space and time through the death process. Many of the properties described above concord with the experiences of mystics and meditators (Ring, 1980, pp. 218-52) as well as traditional shamans—the first mappers of the death space. These properties are readily accepted in the Tibetan Buddhist world view, where the bardos of life, death, and meditation each come to be seen as having the same essential qualities as one’s consciousness expands.

CONCLUSION

This article has explored variations in near-death and death experiences, both to reveal their multiple causes and to suggest some of the general contents, properties, and meanings of the death space.

The Euro-American NDE is a composite phenomenon that is not fully explainable by any one cause. Multiple factors may affect the content and/or structure of a Euro-American NDE, and possibly death in general. These belong to multiple phenomenological levels and include: personal circumstances surrounding death or near death; one’s personal life-history and system of meaningful symbols; age and gender; culture and subculture-specific learned beliefs and symbols that are projected and/or filter perceptions; culture or culture-area specific projections or bands of reality that are not learned; and pan-human levels of consciousness, worldly experiences, and/or aspects of nonordinary reality.

fundamental,perhapscrossculturallyuniformpropertiesof thedying anddeathprocess


Learned beliefs about death concord with and probably determine some of the content of Euro-American NDEs, as well as Tibetan DEs. However, some systematic differences between death-related experiences in these two cultures are clearly not the product of enculturation. Two possible causes of these experiences include the projection of a culture-specific, collective level of the unconscious psyche at near-death and death, and/or participation in culture- specific “bands” of external reality that extend through life and death. Moreover, the causal relationship between belief systems and death-related experiences is one of feedback and evolution: ideation originates in, yet also modifies, the perception of basic experiences at near-death and death, be those basic experiences biological, depth psychological, worldly experiential, and/or nonordinary reality in origin. NDEs and DEs cannot adequately be understood as solely “cultural constructs” or “wholes” that are not reducible to elements of varying origin (Zaleski, 1987).

It appears that Euro-American NDEs and Tibetan DEs share certain general kinds of places (e.g., a dark void, naturalistic other world) and events (e.g., perceiving a nondualistic Light, having a life review/judgment), as well as cognitive, emotional, and sensory characteristics (e.g., quickness and clarity of thought, transcendent peace, heightened senses). Time, space, and the capabilities of the subtle body and consciousness are also altered in similar ways in Euro-American and Tibetan experiences.

Most basically, it appears that the death space, at least for Euro- Americans and Tibetans, is much like life in its essential purposes, functioning, and meanings. It would appear that the death space is a reality for learning, based on choice, and offering opportunity for growth. Although specific lessons may vary personally and culturally, there may remain in death more essential human adventures: to accept darkness with light from the point of view of light and to integrate both, and to deepen both our capacity to love and our understanding of reality and the self. Significantly, acceptance, integration of opposites, love, and knowledge-based understanding are among the most fundamental prerequisites for healing, for making whole again (Levine, 1987). Death, like life, may bring an opportunity for the learning, growing, and healing for which, it may be said, we all take birth.

NOTES

1Shaman in traditional cultures commonly journeyed to the Lower World(s) by initially following a root, animal burrow, or crack in the earth downward, or by diving into a body of water or a hole called the “jaws of the earth” or a “smoke hole,” each of which might become a tunnel. Sometimes shaman traveled through the tunnel with a “nish” or by “flying,” as in Euro-American NDEs, and emerge in a Lower World landscape (Eliade, 1964, pp. 202, 204; Hamer, 1980, pp. 32-37).


itappears

thatthe

deathspace

ismuch

likethelife

space

106

The dark tunnel is also thought to be the interior of the body in the views of traditional shamanism, contemporary alternative healing, and some contemporary Christian philosophy. A shaman might journey into the dark-tunnel interior of a patient’s body to find and diagnose an illness (Hamer, 1980, p. 152). The Sioux and other American Indians envisioned the body as a “tube” through which Great Spirit could be channeled (Mails, 1978, p. 100; 1991). The alternative healer, Brennan (1988, p. 68), holds the tunnel experience in NDEs to be the soul going up the body along the primary energy axis of the spine and leaving the body in the bright light of the crown chakra. The channelled Christian “philosopher,” Emmanuel (Rodegast & Stanton, 1989, p. 137), says the tunnel experience is the transition of the soul from inside to outside the body when the soul has remained “in the body longer than is necessary after the body begins to die.” It is said to be optional; a more timely and direct release circumvents the tunnel experience.

2The variations that are found among Euro-American NDEs in the sequential positions in which events occur suggests that Ring’s (1980, p. 32) weighted score coefficient for scaling the depth of a NDE may not be a consistent measure. The coefficient uses the occurrence of both events and places to measure the progress that a person made through a NDE, whereas the occurrence of only places may be a more appropriate framework for assessing progress.

3Tradition holds that one book of the dead, the Bardo thos-grol chen-mo was composed in the eighth century a.d. by Padma-Sambhava (Guru Rinpoche). Padma- Sambhava was a Tantric yogi who introduced Vajrayana Buddhism to native Tibetans who practiccd other (perhaps Bon) beliefs; he supervised the building of the first Buddhist monastery there. As the originator of the rNying-ma-pa tradition, Padma-Sambhava supposedly hid his various texts, including the book of the dead, to be revealed at a more appropriate time. According to tradition, Karma-Glingpa then discovered some of Padma-Sambhava’s texts, including the Bardo thos-grol chen-mo, in 1326.

4Thc flow of light from a Buddha’s heart to the heart of the deceased symbolizes the compassionate nature of enlightenment. This compassion arises from the realization that all sentient beings suffer.

5For example, in one New Age Christian philosophy, “love is the deepest reality” and one’s “true nature.” The universe is “friendly” and filled with “joy” rather than suffering (Rodegast & Stanton, 1987, pp. 15, 144,202).

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Rowan, John. The transpersonal: Psychotherapy and counseling. London: Routledge, 1992. $15.95, 238 pp.

Those who know John Rowan, a major figure in British humanistic psychology, will know that he is widely read, has written on areas as diverse as motivation, ego and gender issues, and brings together multiple intellectual streams. They will be expecting his book on psychotherapy to be similarly broad-ranging and their expectations will be met.

The Transpersonal covers a large number of areas and transpersonal thinkers and clinicians. Rowan draws most especially on William James, Roberto Assagioli, Carl Jung, Abraham Maslow, Stanislav Grof, Frances Vaughan and especially Ken Wilber. He covers a large number of topics including the men’s and women’s movements, visualization, major transpersonal clinical practitioners, and critiques of transpersonal psychology. His bibliography is extensive and broad.

Yet the book can also be frustrating since, although it covers many topics, it often does not cover them in depth. To begin with, the definition of transpersonal is a narrow one and Rowan says that “the transpersonal is the shallows of mysticism.” He therefore views the province of transpersonal psychology as the subtle realms (sambhogakaya) and effectively excludes from consideration the vast range of deeper mystical, spiritual and causal transpersonal phenomena. While there is a rationale for focusing on the subtle experiences in psychotherapy, the attempt to limit the field to these experiences makes it significantly narrower than many researchers think of it.

Some topics are discussed too briefly to be useful. For example, among the criticisms of transpersonal psychology, behaviorism and materialism receive a single paragraph. Yet materialism is perhaps our culture’s dominant metaphysics and usually denies the value and validity of transpersonal phenomena. “The Christian critique” gets two paragraphs. But Rowan presents it as the Christian critique, with no acknowledgment that there are vast numbers of Christian viewpoints ranging from some fundamentalists who regard a transpersonal experience as the work of the devil, to some liberal Christians who are very sympathetic to transpersonal phenomena and concepts.

Similarly, although meditation receives several pages, only one small area of meditation and its application are considered. No mention at all is made of the several hundred research studies done on it.

BOOK.

REVIEW

Roger Walsh

Book Reviews 111

There is a curious combination of excellent criticism of various “myths” popular in some humanistic and transpersonal circles, coupled with a remarkably uncritical acceptance of other, equally questionable claims, that at the very least require detailed, careful analysis. For example, Rowan rightly points to the problem of the lack of critical thinking in some circles, e.g., the uncritical acceptance of the hundredth monkey phenomenon and of the therapeutic effectiveness of psychic surgery. He also gives an excellent summary of the Senoi dream mythology whereby workshops abound in Senoi dreamwork even though the Senoi have never heard of the practices they supposedly originated.

However, he then goes on to make claims which are perhaps equally questionable and, if advocated, need to be very carefully supported. Consider, for example, the unsupported claim that “there is consciousness in the fetus before there is a brain to have that consciousness” (p. 208).

Likewise, among leading practitioners of transpersonal psychotherapy he devotes a section to Lisa Saan who does “soul-directed therapy” and who states that “experienced psychotherapists who have died are eager to help less experienced psychotherapists who are still alive.” Whether the dead psychotherapists are any wiser for having died, whether death necessarily qualifies them as transpersonal therapists, and how much they charge are not mentioned. It’s enough to make one a behaviorist!

There are also more subtle issues. For example, Rowan also profiles Jean Bolen among leading transpersonal therapists, largely on the basis of her books, Goddesses in Every Woman and Gods in Every Man. There is no question that Bolen’s books have proved very popular, but there is a question as to whether they are dealing with transpersonal experiences or collective experiences.

Rowan also takes on Zen Buddhism which he says “has a lot to answer for, in my opinion, in leading people up the garden path in this respect. All the Zen people seem to go on about this same idea—that enlightenment is a once-for-all, all-or-nothing thing.” Yet this is a popular misconception which overlooks the centuries-Iong debate in Chan and Zen over “sudden enlightenment” versus “gradual enlightenment” as well as the recognition that there are stages and depths of enlightenment, as portrayed, for example, in the second half of the Ten Oxherding Pictures. As Harada Roshi comments (in Kapleau’s The Three Pillars of Zen) “enlightenment is capable of endless enlargement.” Unfortunately, the insights offered in this book are offset by its misconceptions.


Brueton, D. Many moons: The myths and magic, fact and fantasy of our nearest heavenly body. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992.

Clift, J.D. Core images of the self: A symbolic approach to healing and wholeness. New York: Crossroad, 1993.

Dobkin De Rios, M. Amazon healer: The life and times of an urban shaman. Bridport, Dorset, England: Prism Press, 1992.

Estes, C. P. Women who run with the wolves: Myths and stories of the wild woman archetype. New York: Ballantine, 1992.

Evans, D. Spirituality and human nature. Albany, NY: S.U.N.Y. Press, 1992.

Faivre, A. & Needleman, J. Modern esoteric spirituality. Vol. 21 in World Spirituality: An encyclopedic history of the religious quest. New York: Crossroad, 1992.

Friedman, M. A heart of wisdom: Religion and human wholeness. Albany, NY: S.U.N.Y. Press, 1992.

Goleman, D. & Gurin, J. Mind/body medicine: How to use your mind for better health. Yonkers, NY: Consumer Reports Books, 1993.

Hendlin, S. J. When good enough is never enough. Escaping the perfection trap. New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1992.

Kilby, R. W. The study of human values. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1993.

Kornfield, J. A path with a heart: A guide through the perils and promises of spiritual life. New York: Bantam, 1993.

Leonard, L.S. Meeting the madwoman: An inner challenge for feminine spirit. New York: Bantam, 1993.

Lorik, P. Superstitions. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992.Lowinsky, N.R. Stories from the motherline: Reclaiming the

mother-daughter bond, finding our feminine souls. Los Angeles: Tarcher, 1992.

Lucas, W. Regression therapy: A handbook for professionals. Volume 1: Past-life therapy: Volume II: Special instances of altered state work. Crest Park, CA: Deep Forest Press, 1993.

May, R. M. Cosmic consciousness revisited: The modern origins and development of Western spiritual psychology. Rockport, MA: Element, 1993.

Miller, J. On suicide: Great writers on the ultimate question. San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1992.

Montgomery, C.L. Healing through communication: The practice of caring. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1993.

Randour, M.L. Exploring sacred landscapes: Religious and spiritual experiences in psychotherapy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.

Ramakrishna Rao, K. Cultivating consciousness: Enhancing human potential, wellness and healing. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993.

Ripinsky-Naxon, M. The nature of shamanism: Substance and function of a religious metaphor. Albany, NY: S.U.N.Y. Press, 1993.

Sogyal Rinpoche. The Tibetan book of living and dying. San Francisco: HarperSan Francisco, 1992.

Whitmyer, C. In the company of others: Making community in the modern world. New York: Tarcher/Perigee, 1993.

BOOKS

NOTED

Book Reviews 113

BOOKS OUR

EDITORS ARE

READING

Maxwell, M. & Tschudin, V. Seeing the invisible: Modern religious and other transcendent experiences. London: Penguin Books, 1990.

. . . Marcie Boucouvalas

Hycner, R. H. Between person and person. Highland, NY: Gestalt Journal, 1988/1991.

Gross, Z. A portrait of the person: A personality theory for the clinician. Santa Monica, CA: Global Village Press, 1992.

Schneider, K. J. Horror and the holy: Wisdom teachings of the monster tale. Chicago: Open Court, 1993.

... James F. T. Bugental

Trafford, A.P. The heroic path: One woman’s journey from cancer to self-healing. Nevada City, CA: Blue Dolphin, 1993.

Nydahl, O. Teachings on the nature of mind. Nevada City, CA: Blue Dolphin, 1993.

. . . Paul M. Clemens

Parman, S. Dream and culture. New York: Praeger, 1991.Hatab, L. J. Myth and philosophy. LaSalle, IL: Open Court, 1990.

Helman, C. G. Culture, health and illness (2nd Ed.). London: Butterworth-Heinemann, 1990.

. . . Stanley Krippner

Sogyal Rinpoche. The Tibetan book of living and dying. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1992.

Luke, H.M. Dark wood to white rose: Journey and transformation in Dante’s Divine Comedy. New York: Parabola, 1989.

Arrien, A. The four-fold way. New York: HarperCollins, 1993.. . . John L. Levy

Halifax, J. The fruitful darkness: Reconnecting with the body of the earth. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1993.

Stein, M. (Ed.). Mad parts of sane people in analysis. Wilmette, IL: Chiron Publications, 1993.

Jamison, K. Touched with fire: Manic-depressive illness and the artistic temperament. New York: Free Press, 1993.

. . . David Lukoff

Gunaratana, H. Mindfulness in plain English. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1992.

Sole-Leris, A. Tranquility and insight: An introduction to the oldest form of Buddhist meditation. Kandy, Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society, 1992.

Sayadaw, U. In this very life: The liberation teaching of the Buddha. Boston. Wisdom Publications, 1992.

... Jacques Maquet


Kramer, J. & Alstad, D. The guru papers: Masks of authoritarian power. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic, 1993.

Lowinksky, N. Stories from the motherline. Los Angeles: Jeremy Tarcher, 1993.

Mitchell, S. (Ed.). The enlightened heart. Berkeley, CA: Ten Speed Press, 1992.

... Sonja Margulies

Appleyard, B. Understanding the present. New York: Doubleday, 1993.

Hughes, R. Culture of complaint. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

Raine, K. India seen afar. New York: George Braziller, 1991.... Huston Smith

Hixon, L. Great swan: Meetings with Ramakrishna. Boston: Shambhala, 1992.

Hixon, L. Atom from the sun of knowledge. Westport, CT: Pir Publications, 1993.

... Frances Vaughan

Poona, H. L. Wake up and roar (Vols. 1, 1992 & 2, 1993). Maui, HI: Pacific Center Publishing, 1992, 1993.

.. . John Welwood

Books Our Editors Are Reading 115

ABOUT THE

AUTHORS

Christopher Carr, Ph.D., is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Arizona State University. Many of his publications are in archaeology and cultural anthropology, and he has taught courses on world views and practices of death and dying, and traditional healing arts. Through community organizations he has counselled the dying and facilitated bereavement groups. His private practice is in personal and spiritual growth.

Bruce Greyson, M.D., is Professor of Psychiatry and Director of the Inpatient Psychiatric Service at the University of Connecticut Health Center. He is Director of Research and Past President of the International Association for Near-Death Studies, and Editor of the Journal of Near- Death Studies.

Francis G. Lu, M.D., is co-editor of the JTP Research Review section. He teaches in the Department of Psychiatry, University of California, San Francisco, and is Chair, American Psychiatric Association Committee of Asian-American Psychiatrists. His many publications include two JTP articles in 1987, and four Research Review articles since 1988.

David Lukoff, Ph.D., is co-editor of the JTP Research Review section. He teaches at Saybrook Institute, San Francisco, and is a clinical psychologist at the Veterans Administration Medical Center in San Francisco. He has authored four JTP articles, and the four Research Review articles.

Jon Ossoff M.A., works as a psychologist at a large New York state psychiatric center. He has been a meditator and student of Eastern philosophy since 1972. He has studied Ayurvedic Psychology with Dr. Vasant Lad at the Ayurvedic Institute, New Mexico, and Ayurvedic pulse diagnosis with both Dr. Lad and Dr. John Douillard at the Maharishi Ayurvedic Center in Massachusetts.

Robert Turner, M.D., is an Assistant Clinical Professor at the University of California, San Francisco, and in private practice in San Francisco and Los Gatos. His training includes an emphasis in Jungian, transpersonal and esoteric psychology. He is currently coordinating a Training/Certification Program in Spiritual Emergence Syndromes.

Frances Vaughan, Ph.D., a Past President of the Association for Transpersonal Psychology, is a psychologist in private practice in Mill Valley, California, and on the Clinical Faculty, University of California Medical School at Irvine. She has published in JTP (1973, 74, 78,79, 82, 91, 92) and many other journals, and is the author of The Inward Arc and Awakening intuition.

Roger N. Walsh, M.D., Ph.D., is Professor of Psychiatry, Philosophy and Anthropology at the University of California at Irvine. He has published previously in JTP (1977, 78, 79, 82, 89, 92) and authored many other articles and books in transpersonal psychology and other fields including neuropsychology, psychiatry and anthropology. He is the author of Staying Alive: The Psychology of Human Survival and The Spirit of Shamanism.


Carr, Christopher. Death and near-death: A comparison of Tibetan and Euro-American experiences.—Variation in the near-death experiences of contemporary Euro-Americans suggests that different features of NDEs are probably caused by different and sometimes multiple factors. These include the personal circumstance of death, personal life-history and personal systems of symbolic meaning, age and gender, culturally learned beliefs and symbols, and pan-human biology. Detailed comparison of NDEs to death experiences described in Tibetan books of the dead, examined in relation to Euro-American Christian and Tibetan Buddhist world views, also suggests that some variation in NDEs may be culture- spccific but not learned. The comparison also gives insight into possible crosscultural similarities and differences in death process, including contents such as the events and places experienced and cognitive, affective, and sensory qualities; their sequential structure; their meanings; and fundamental time, space, and other properties of the realities perceived in death. Biological, depth psychological, experiential, and nonordinary reality explanations, each drawn in relation to the process of evolution of cultural world views, arc offered for understanding the similarities and differences.

Greyson, Bruce. The physio-kundalini syndrome and mental illness.— Near-death and other transcendental experiences have been hypothesized to be related to the awakening of a biological energy known in Eastern traditions as kundalini; and in fact near-death experiencers (NDErs) acknowledge significantly more symptoms of the physio- kundalini syndrome than do control subjects. Apparent phenomenological similarities between some kundalini manifestations and some symptoms of mental illness have led to speculations that kundalini phenomena may be a sign of mental illness, or conversely that kundalini arousal may in some cases lead to mental illness. In this study, a sample of psychiatric inpatients acknowledged as many physio-kundalini symptoms as do control subjects, and significantly fewer than do NDErs, suggesting that kundalini manifestations are not in fact related to mental illness.

Lukoff, David, Turner, Robert & Lu, Francis G. Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychospiritual dimensions of healing.—This is the second in a series of three research reviews focusing on dimensions of healing. Spirituality, the topic of this review of healing research, is an increasingly mentioned concept in therapeutic literature. Here, the authors survey in selected, detailed abstracts: Spirituality of the General Public and Mental Health Professionals (2 abstracts); Phenomenology of Spiritual Life (1 abstract); Assessment of Spirituality (10 abstracts); Social Dimensions of Psychospiritual Healing (3 abstracts); Treatment of Psychospiritual Problems (5 abstracts). They conclude with a favorable impression of the scope and accelerating interest in these topics. Forty-four references are cited. Their next research review focuses on “anomalous experiences and healing.”

Ossoff, Jon. Reflections of shaktipat'. Psychosis or the rise of kundalini? A case study.—Presents a case study of a young woman brought to a psychiatric center in distress, emotionally withdrawn and initially assumed to be psychotic. Unusual involuntary motor behavior and other

ABSTRACTS

Abstracts 117

symptoms leads to changed diagnosis of premature kundalini awakening (PKA), not an illness or psychosis. After one week’s appropriate treatment, the patient is released and contact after 2 months indicates no recurrence.

Walsh, Roger N. & Vaughan, Frances. The art of transcendence: An introduction to common elements of transpersonal practices.—In a synoptic overview, this paper examines assumptions and basic elements in an art and technology of transcendence. Based on assumptions that 1) our usual state of consciousness is suboptimal and 2) the untrained mind can be trained and clarified to catalyze transpersonal potentials, the authors present six common elements in the art of transcendence. Citing historical and contemporary theory and practice, the authors describe relevance and function of ethical training, attentional training, emotional transformation, motivation, refining awareness, and wisdom.


BACK ISSUES OF THE JOURNAL OF TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

1969Vol. 1 No. I

No. 2

1970 Vol. 2 No. 1

No. 2

1971 Vol. 3 No. 1

No. 2

1972 Vol. 4 No. 1

No. 2

Armor, T. A note on the peak experience and a transpersonal psychology. • Assagioli, R. Symbols of transpersonal experiences. • Maslow, A. The farther reaches of human nature. • Maslow, A.H. Various meanings of transcendence. • Maven, A. The mystic union: A suggested biological interpretation. • Murphy, M.H. Education for transcendence. • Sutich, A.J. Some considerations regarding Trans- peronal Psychology.

Harman, W. The new Copernican revolution. • LeShan, L. Physicists and mystics: Similarities in world view. • Masi.ow, A.H. Theory Z. • Pahnke, N. & Richards, W.A. Implications of LSD and experimental mysticism. • Sutich, A.J. The American Transpersonal Association. • Wapnick, K. Mysticism and schi7ophrenia.

Blair, M.A. Meditation in the San Francisco Bay Area: An introductory survey. • Criswell, E. Experimental yoga psychology course for college students: A progress report. • Green, E., Green, A.M., & Walters, E.D. Voluntary control of internal states: Psychological and physiological. • Tart, C.T. Transpersonal potentialities of deep hypnosis. • Timmons, B., & Kamiya, J. The psychology and physiology of meditation and related phenomena: A bibliography.

Fadiman, J. The second Council Grove confcrence on altered states of consciousness. • Hart, J.T. The Zen of Hubert Benoit. • Maslow, A.H. New introduction: Religions, values, and peak experiences. • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Menninger Foundation: Part I.

Goleman, D. Meditation as meta-therapy: Hypotheses toward a proposed fifth state of consciousness. • Green, E.E. & Green, A.M. On the meaning of transpersonal: Some metaphysical perspectives. • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Menninger Foundation: Part II. • Sutich, A.J. Transpersonal notes.

Hendrick, N. A program in the psychology of human consciousness. • Tart, C.T. A psychologist’s experience with Transcendental Meditation. • Tart, C.T. Scientific foundations for the study of altered states of consciousness. • Van Nuys, D. A novel technique for studying attention during meditation. • Weide, T.N. Council Grove III: The third annual interdisciplinary conference on the voluntary control of internal states.

Goleman, D. The Buddha on meditation and states of consciousness. Part 1: The teaching. • Groe, S. Varieties of transpersonal experiences: Observations from LSD psychotherapy. • Sherman, S.E. Brief report: Continuing research on “very deep hypnosis.” • Sutich, A.J. Association for Transpersonal Psychology. • Weide, T.N. Council Grove IV: Toward a science of ultimatcs.

Goleman, D. The Buddha on meditation and states of consciousness. Part II: A typology of meditation techniques. • Krippner, S. (ed.). The plateau experience: A.H. Maslow and others. • Richards, W., Grof, S., Goodman, L., & Kurland, A. LSD-assisted psychotherapy and the human encounter with death.

Back Issues 119

1973 Vol. 5 No. 1

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1974 Vol. 6 No. 1

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1975 Vol. 7 No. 1

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1976Vol. 8 No. 1

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Grof, S. Theoretical and empirical basis of transpersonal psychology and psychotherapy: Observations from LSD research • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Maryland Psychiatric Research Center: Part 1. • Sutich, A.J. Transpersonal therapy. • Trungpa, C. An approach to meditation. • Vilhjalmsson,G. V.,& Weide, T.N. The first international transpersonal conference. • Weide, T.N. Varieties of transpersonal therapy.

Clark, F.V. Exploring intuition: Prospects and possibilities. • Katz, R. Education for transcendence: Lessons from the !Kung Zhu/twasi. • Nitya, Swami. Excerpts from a discussion. • Osis, K., Bokert, E., & Carlson, M.L. Dimensions of the meditative experience. • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Maryland Psychiatric Research Center: Part II. • Weide, T.N. Vallombrosa: A major transpersonal event.

Campbell, I’.A., & McMahon, K.M. Religious-type experience in the context of humanistic and transpersonal psychology. •Casper, M. Space therapy and the Maitri project. • Clark, F.V. Rediscovering transpersonal education. • Crampton, M. Psychological energy transformations: Developing positive polarization. • Goleman, D. Perspectives on psychology, reality and the study of consciousness. • Kennett, J. Translating the precepts. • Redmond, H. A pioneer program in transpersonal education. •Timmons, B., & Kanellakos, D.P. The psychology and physiology of meditation and related phenomena: Bibliography II. • Watts, A. Psychotherapy and eastern religion: Metaphysical bases of psychiatry.

Bernbaum, E. The way of symbols: The use of symbols in Tibetan mysticism. • Frager, R. A proposed model for a graduate program in Transpersonal Psychology.• Jain, M., & Jain, K.M. The samadhist: A description. • Kennett, J. On meditation.• Ring, K. A transpersonal view of consciousness: A mapping of farther regions of inner space. • Stat, D. Double chambered whistling bottles: A unique Peruvian pottery form. • Tarthanc; Tulku. The self-image.

Augustine, M.J. & Kai.ish, R.A. Religion, transcendence, and appropriate death. • Frager, R. & Fadiman, J. Personal growth in Yoga and Sufism. • Kennett, J., Radha, Swami, & Frager, R. How to be a transpersonal teacher without becoming a guru. • Ram Dass. Advice to a psychotherapist. • Shultz, J.V. Stages on the spiritual path: A Buddhist perspective. • Simonton, O.C. & Simonton, S.S. Belief systems and management of the emotional aspects of malignancy. • Trungpa, C. Transpersonal cooperation at Naropa.

Deatherage, C. The clinical use of‘mindfulness’ meditation techniques in short-term psychotherapy. • Garfield, C.A. Consciousness alteration and fear of death. • Goleman, D. Mental health in classical Buddhist psychology. • Hendricks, C.G. Meditation as discrimination training: A theoretical note.• Maqiiet, J. Meditation in contemporary Sri Tanka: Idea and practice. • Wilber, K. Psychologia perennis: The spectrum of consciousness.

Capra, F. Modern physics and Eastern mysticism. • Sutich, A.J. The emergence of the transpersonal orientation: A personal account. • Tart, C.T. The basic nature of altered states of consciousness: A systems approach. • Tarthang Tulku. A view of mind. • Vich, M.A. Anthony J. Sutich: An appreciation.

Leslie, R.C. Yoga and the fear of death. • Ram Dass. Freeing the mind. • Ring, K. Mapping the regions of consciousness: A conceptual reformulation. • Singer, J. A

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1977 Vol. 9 No. 1

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1978 Vol. 10 No. 1

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1979 Vol. 11 No. 1

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1980 Vol. 12 No. 1

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Jungian view of biofeedback training. • Walsh, H.N. Reflections on psychotherapy. • Welwood, J. Exploring mind: Form, emptiness, and beyond. • Williams, R.R. Biofeedback: A technology for self-transaction.

Erhard, W. & Fadiman, J. Some aspects of est training and transpersonal psychology: A conversation. • Keller, M. Henry David Thoreau: A transpersonal view. Welwood, J. Meditation and the unconscious: A new perspective.

Anderson, R.M., Jr. A holographic model of transpersonal consciousness. • Kohr, R. I., Dimensionality in meditative experience: A replication. • Ram Dass& Steindl- Rast, B.D. On lay monasticism. • Walsh, R.N. Initial meditative experiences: Part I.• Welwood, J. On psychological space.

Murdock, M.H. Meditation with young children. • Taylor, E.I. Psychology of religion and Asian studies: The William James legacy. • Walsh, R. N. Initial meditative experiences: Part II. • Washburn, M.C. Observations relevant to a unified theory of meditation.

Boals, G. F. Toward a cognitive reconccptualization of meditation. • Green, A.M.& Green, E.E. Some problems in biofccdback research. • Walsh, R.N., D. Goleman, J. Koknkield, C. Pensa, D. Shapiro. Meditation: Aspects of research and practice. • Welwood, J., F. Capra, M. Ferguson, J. Needleman, K. Pribram, H. Smith, F. Vauchan, R. N. Walsh. Psychology, science and spiritual paths: Contemporary issues.

Kornfield, J. Intensive insight meditation: A phenomenological study. • Meadow, M.J., Swami Ajaya, I.. Bregman, W.H. Clark, G. Green, S. Krippner, L.R. Rambo, K. Ring, C.T. Tart, K. Wilber. Spiritual and transpersonal aspects of altered states of consciousness: A symposium report. • Stensrud, R., & Stensrud, K. The Tao of human relations. • Welwood, J. Self-knowledge as the basis for an integrative psychology. • Wilber, K. A developmental view of consciousness.

Boorstein, S. Troubled relationships: Transpersonal and psychoanalytic approaches.• Trungpa, C. Intrinsic health: A conversation with health professionals. • Vaughan, F. Transpersonal psychotherapy: Context, content and process. • Walsh, R.N. Emerging cross-disciplinary parallels: Suggestions from the neurosciences. • Walsh, R.N. Meditation research: An introduction and review. • Welwood, J. Befriending emotion: Self-knowledge and transformation. • White, L.W. Recovery from alcoholism: Transpersonal dimensions.

Bohm, D. & Welwood, J. Issues in physics, psychology and metaphysics: A conversation. • Boucouvalas, M. Transpersonal psychology: A working outline of the field. • Burns, D. & Ohayv, R. Psychological changcs in meditating Western monks in Thailand. • Drengson, A.R. Social and psychological implications of human attitudes toward animals. • Jamnien, Ajahn & Ohayv, R. Field interview with a Theravada teaching master. • Metzner, R. Ten classical metaphors of self-transformation. • Thomas, L.E. & Cooper, P.E. Incidence and psychological correlates of intense spiritual experiences.

Boorstein, S. Lightheartedness in psychotherapy. • Brown, D.P. & Engler, J. Stages of mindfulness meditation: A validation study. • Langford, A. Working with Cambodian refugees: Observations on the Family Practice Ward at Khao I Dang. •

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1981Vol. 13 No. 1

No. 2

1982 Vol. 14 No. 1

No. 2

1983 Vol. 15 No. 1

No. 2

1984Vol. 16No. I

No. 2

Murphy, M. The Esalen Institute Transformation Project: A preliminary report. • Welwood, J. Reflections on psychotherapy, focusing and meditation.

Hidas, A. Psychotherapy and surrender: A psychospiritual perspective. • Peters, L.G. An experiential study of Nepalese Shamanism. • Smith, K. Observations on Morita therapy and culture-specific interpretations. • Wilber, K. Ontogenetic development: Two fundamental patterns.

Amodeo, J. Focusing applied to a case of disorientation in meditation. Amundson, J. Will in the psychology of Otto Rank. • Earle, J.B.B. Cerebral laterality and meditation: A review. • Epstein, M.D. & Lieff, J.D. Psychiatric complications of meditation. • Goleman, D. Buddhist and Western psychology: Some commonalities and differences. • O'Hanlon, D.J., S.J. Integration of spiritual practices: A Western Christian looks East.

Anthony, D. The outer master as inner guide: Autonomy and authority in the process of transformation. • Lieff, J. Eight reasons doctors fear the elderly, chronic illness and death. • Vaughan, F. The transpersonal perspective: A personal overview. • Walsh, R. A model for viewing meditation research. • Wortz, E. Application of awareness methods in psychotherapy.

Aitken, R. Zen practice and psychotherapy. • Alpert, R./Ram Dass. A ten-year perspective. • Riedlinger, T.J. Sartre’s rite of passage. • Speeth, K. On psychotherapeutic attention. • Welwood, J. Vulnerability and power in the therapeutic process: Existential and Buddhist perspectives.

Friedman, H.I., The self-expansive level form: A conceptualization and measurement of a transpersonal construct. • Grof, S. East and West: Ancient wisdom and modern science. • Komito, D.R. Tibetan Buddhism and psychotherapy: A conversation with the Dalai Lama. • Lane, D.C. The hierarchical structure of religious visions.• Shapiro, D.H. Meditation as an altered state of consciousness.

Boorstein, S. The use of bibliotherapy and mindfulness meditation in a psychiatric setting. • Gallegos, E.S. Animal imagery, the chakra system and psychotherapy. • Hastings, A. A counseling approach to parapsychological experience. • Henderson, B. Self-help books emphasizing transpersonal psychology; Are they ethical? • Henkin, W. Two non-ordinary experiences of reality and their integration. • Kalff, M. Negation of ego in Tibetan Buddhism and Jungian psychology. • Murphy, M. & Donovan, S. A bibliography of meditation theory and research: 1931-1983.

Engler, J. Therapeutic aims in psychotherapy and meditation: Developmental stages in the representation of self. • Komito, D.R. Tibetan Buddhism and psychotherapy: Further conversations with the Dalai Lama. • Welwood, J. Principles of inner work: Psychological and spiritual. • Wilber, K. The developmental spectrum and psychopathology: Part I, Stages and types of pathology.

Armstrong, T. Transpersonal experience in childhood. • Asante, M.K. The African American mode of transcendence. • Epstein, M.D. On the neglect of evenly suspended attention. • Gross, R.M. The feminine principle in Tibetan Vajrayana Buddhism: Reflections of a Buddhist feminist. • Shafranske, E.P. & Gorsuch, R.I., Factors associated with the perception of spirituality in psychotherapy. • Wilber, K. The developmental spectrum and psychopathology: Part II, Treatment modalities.

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1985 Vol. 17 No. 1

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1986 Vol. 18 No. 1

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1987 Vol. 19 No. 1 No. 2

1988 Vol. 20 No. 1

No. 2

Boorstein, S. Notes on right speech as a psychotherapeutic technique. • Metzner, R. Knots, ties, nets, and bonds in relationships. • Scotton, B.W. Observations on the teaching and supervision of transpersonal psychotherapy. • Sovatsky, S. Eros as mystery: Toward a transpersonal sexology and procreativity. • Thapa, K. & Murthy, V.N. Experiential characteristics of certain altered states of consciousness. • Welwood, J. On love: Conditional and unconditional.

Chinen, A.B. Fairy tales and transpersonal development in later life. • Coleman, D., Smith, H. & Ram Dass. Truth and transformation in psychological and spiritual paths. • Lukoff, D. The diagnosis of mystical experiences with psychotic features. • Lukoff, D. & Everest, H.C. The myths in mental illness.

Butcher, P. The phenomenological psychology of J. Krishnamurti. • Knoblauch, D.L. & Falconer, J.A. The relationship of a measured Taoist orientation to Western personality dimensions. • Rothberg, D. Philosophical foundations of transpersonal psychology: An introduction to some basic issues. • Russell, E.W. Consciousness and the unconscious: Eastern meditative and Western psychotherapeutic approaches.

Boorstein, S. Transpersonal context, interpretation, and psychotherapeutic technique. • Chinen, A.B. Elder tales revisited: Forms of transcendence in later life. • Epstein, M. Meditative transformations of narcissism. • Fleischman, P.R. Release: A religious and psychotherapeutic issue. • Tart, C.T. Consciousness, altered states, and worlds of experience. • Welwood, J. Personality structure: Path or pathology?

Dubs, G. Psycho-spiritual development in Zen Buddhism: A study of resistance in meditation. • Teixeira, B. Comments on Ahimsa (nonviolence).

Chinen, A.B. Middle tales: Fairy tales and transpersonal development at mid-life • Davis, J. & Wright, C. Content of undergraduate transpersonal psychology courses.• Echenhofer, F.G. & Coombs, M.M. A brief review of research and controversies in EEG biofeedback and meditation • Lu, F.G. & Heming, G. The effect of the film Ikiru on death anxiety and attitudes toward death • Meadow, M.J. & Culligan, K. Congruent spiritual paths: Christian Carmelite and Theravadan Buddhist Vipassana • Weimer, S. R. & Lu, F.G. Personal transformation through an encounter with death: Cinematic and psychotherapy case studies.

Chinen, A.B.; Foote, W.; Jue, R.W.; Lukoff, D. & Spielvogel, A. Clinical symposium: Challenging cases in transpersonal psychotherapy. • Epstein, M. The deconstruction of the self: Ego and “egolessness” in Buddhist insight meditation. • Hiltunen, S.S. Initial therapeutic applications of Noh Theatre in drama therapy. • Pendzik, S. Drama therapy as a form of modern shamanism. • Wilber, T.K. Attitudes and cancer: What kind of help really helps?

Cumulative index: The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, Volumes 1-20, 1969- 1988. Contents listed by volume year. Alphabetical list of authors. • Lukoff, D. Transpersonal perspectives on manic psychosis: Creative, visionary, and mystical states. • Lukoff, D. & Lu, F. Transpersonal psychology research review: Topic: Mystical experience. • Vich, M.A. Some historical sources of the term “transpersonal.” • Wilbfr, K. On being a support person.

1989 Vol. 21 No. 1

No. 2

1990 Vol. 22 No. 1

No. 2

1991 Vol. 23 No. 1

No. 2

1992 Vol. 24 No. 1

No. 2

Epstein, M. Forms of emptiness: Psychodynamic, meditative and clinical perspectives. • Heery, M.W. Inner voice experiences: An exploratory study of thirty cases. • Roberts, T.B. Multistate education: Metacognitive implications of the mindbody psychotechnologies. • Shapiro, D. Judaism as a journey of transformation: Consciousness, behavior, and society. • Walsh, R. What is a shaman? Definition, origin and distribution.

Carlat, D.J. Psychological motivation and the choice of spiritual symbols: A case study. • Lukoff, D. & Lu, F.G. Transpersonal psychology research review: Topic: Computerized databases, specialized collections, and archives. • Nelson, P.L. Personality factors in the frequency of reported spontaneous praeternatural experiences. • Peters, L.G. Shamanism: Phenomenology of a spiritual discipline. • Schavrien, J.E. The rage, healing and daemonic death of Oedipus: A self-in-relation theory. • Serlin, I. A psycho-spiritual-body therapy approach to residential treatment of Catholic religious.

Epstein, M. Psychodynamics of meditation: Pitfalls on the spiritual path. • Fox, W. Transpersonal ecology: “Psychologizing” ecophilosophy. • Holden, J. & Guest, C. Life review in a non-near-death episode: A comparison with near-death experiences. • Nelson, P. The technology of the praetematural: An empirically based model of transpersonal experience. • Welwood, J. Intimate relationship as path.

Hughes, D. & Melville, N. Changes in brainwave activity during trance channeling: A pilot study. • Lukoff, D., Zanger, R. & Lu, F. Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychoactive substances and transpersonal states. • Tart, C. Adapting Eastern spiritual teachings to Western culture: A discussion with Shinzen Young. • Waldman, M. Reflections on death and reconciliation.

Doblin, R. Pahnke’s “Good Friday experiment”: A long-term follow-up and methodological critique. • Dubin, W. The use of meditative techniques in psychotherapy supervision. • Mansfield, V. Looking into mind: An undergraduate course. • Tart, C.T. & Deikman, A.J. Mindfulness, spiritual seeking and psychotherapy.

Lajoie, D.H., Shapiro, S.E. & Roberts, T.B. A historical analysis of the statement of purpose in The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology. • Montgomery, C.L. The care- giving relationship: Paradoxical and transcendent aspects. • Tart, C.T. Influences of previous psychedelic drug experiences on students of Tibetan Buddhism: A preliminary exploration. • Vaughan, F. Spiritual issues in psychotherapy. • Vigne, J. Guru and psychotherapist: Comparisons from the Hindu tradition.

Bogart, G.C. Separating from a spiritual teacher. • Lajoie, D.H. & Shapiro, S.I. Definitions of transpersonal psychology: The first twenty-three years. • Lukoff, D., Turner, R. & Lu, F. Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychoreligious dimensions of healing. • McNamara, P. A transpersonal approach to memory. • Shapiro, D.H. Jr. A preliminary study of long-term meditators: Goals, effects, religious orientation, cognitions. • Vich, M.A. Changing definitions of transpersonal psychology.

Hughes, D.J. Differences between trance channeling and multiple personality disorder on structured interview. • Loy, D. Avoiding the void: The lack of self in psychotherapy and Buddhism. • Stavely, H. & McNamara, P. Warwick Fox’s “transpersonal ecology”: A critique and alternative approach. • Waldman, M., Lannert, J., Boorstein, S., Scotton, B., Saltzman, L. & Jue, R.W. The therapeutic alliance, kundalini, and spiritual/religious issues in counseling. • Walsh, R.N. & Vaughan, F. Lucid dreaming: Some transpersonal implications.

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