The cotton textile industries of Southeast Asia and 'Bantu' Africa, 1840s to 1950s William Gervase Clarence-Smith Significant in import substituting industrialisation in Southeast Asia and Africa, cotton textiles rarely gave rise to exports beyond the immediate region. Excessive protectionism and regulation were common weaknesses, generally exacerbated after independence. Tariffs, quotas, licences and monopolies were double-edged swords, providing an initial spur to investment, but causing deep structural inefficiencies. Nevertheless, foundations were laid for future growth. (Brown 1997: ch. 14; Kilby 1975) Rather than replacing craft forms of production, modern textile plant modified them, and sometimes developed them. While artisanal spinning everywhere declined, the same was not true of weaving. Factories, whether local or overseas, made available cheap, strong and reliable machine-made yarn, as well as improved looms or parts of looms. Similarly, craft printing, dyeing, embroidery and clothing manufacture benefited from falling prices of machine-made cotton cloth, chemical dyes, waxes, and so forth. (Booth 1991: 38-9; Vuldy 1987; Johnston 1978: 260, 265) The growth of mechanised cotton factories in Southeast Asia and Africa was uneven. Zones of dense population and artisanal production were generally to the fore, with the availability raw cotton and cheap hydroelectricity as other positive factors. Also favoured were cities, notably transport nodes. Regions which lagged behind tended to have a scarce population, and sometimes a marked specialisation in primary production for export. Industrialists faced a mixed bag of natural and social conditions. Savings could come from cheap energy, land, transport, building 1
48
Embed
The cotton textile industries of Southeast Asia and 'Bantu ... · PDF fileweaving factories in Java and 8 in ... The Indonesian textile industry suffered grievously ... Attempts to
This document is posted to help you gain knowledge. Please leave a comment to let me know what you think about it! Share it to your friends and learn new things together.
Transcript
The cotton textile industries of Southeast Asia and 'Bantu' Africa, 1840s to 1950s
William Gervase Clarence-Smith
Significant in import substituting industrialisation in Southeast Asia
and Africa, cotton textiles rarely gave rise to exports beyond the
immediate region. Excessive protectionism and regulation were common
weaknesses, generally exacerbated after independence. Tariffs, quotas,
licences and monopolies were double-edged swords, providing an initial
spur to investment, but causing deep structural inefficiencies.
Nevertheless, foundations were laid for future growth. (Brown 1997: ch.
14; Kilby 1975)
Rather than replacing craft forms of production, modern textile
plant modified them, and sometimes developed them. While artisanal
spinning everywhere declined, the same was not true of weaving.
Factories, whether local or overseas, made available cheap, strong and
reliable machine-made yarn, as well as improved looms or parts of looms.
Similarly, craft printing, dyeing, embroidery and clothing manufacture
benefited from falling prices of machine-made cotton cloth, chemical
dyes, waxes, and so forth. (Booth 1991: 38-9; Vuldy 1987; Johnston
1978: 260, 265)
The growth of mechanised cotton factories in Southeast Asia and
Africa was uneven. Zones of dense population and artisanal production
were generally to the fore, with the availability raw cotton and cheap
hydroelectricity as other positive factors. Also favoured were cities,
notably transport nodes. Regions which lagged behind tended to have a
scarce population, and sometimes a marked specialisation in primary
production for export.
Industrialists faced a mixed bag of natural and social conditions.
Savings could come from cheap energy, land, transport, building
1
materials and raw cotton. On the positive side of the ledger were also
natural protection, rising populations, growing incomes, and
entrepreneurial dynamism. (Booth 1991: 36) However, skilled labour and
capital were exceedingly costly. Even unskilled labour was expensive, as
low wages were generally more than offset by low productivity. A supply
of local raw cotton could be a mixed blessing, given poor quality and
irregular deliveries. Whether a cotton textile sector would have flourished
without the stimulus of 'infant industry' protection is thus open to debate.
Key players diverged in their perceptions of the desirability of
fostering textile industries. Metropolitan workers, seeking to guarantee
employment at home, were those most consistently opposed to 'exporting
jobs' to the colonies. Small metropolitan entrepreneurs in declining
regions tended to ally with organised labour, fearing the loss of protected
colonial markets. However, dynamic textile bosses were keen to cut costs
and develop new markets. Colonial elites of all backgrounds generally
backed manufacturing, unless they stood to lose valuable import
licences. These tensions have been explored in greatest detail for the
French and Portuguese empires. (Marseille 1984; Clarence-Smith 1985)
Colonial officials shielded textile industries reluctantly and late, for
they feared proletarianisation and urbanisation. Protectionism was usually
a short-term response to plummeting export revenues, swelling
unemployment, inflation resulting from shortages, and political agitation.
Bureaucrats often discriminated against foreign entrepreneurs, planned
poorly, neglected connections between economic sectors, and adopted a
'beggar my neighbour' attitude towards other empires and countries. They
overvalued exchange rates, to dampen inflation and secure the worth of
remittances to the metropolis, thus hampering exports beyond imperial
markets. This complicated already significant problems of reaping
economies of scale in small and poor territories.
Successive external shocks galvanised bureaucrats into action.
Attempts to set up modern industries in the middle of the nineteenth
2
century have hardly been explored at all, and seem not to have
depended on any more than vague official benign good will. The trade
depression of the 1870s and 1880s led to efforts to turn colonies into a
chasse gardée for metropolitan industries, but at times protecting local
activities as an unintended consequence. The First World War severely
disrupted supplies and stoked inflationary pressures. Although many of
the industrial gains made in 1914-18 proved ephemeral, the 1930s
recession stimulated a renewed and more durable interest in
manufacturing, as import purchasing power dried up and unemployment
swelled, in a context of rising nationalist fervour. Independence, or at
least the granting of a significant degree of political autonomy, was the
final driving force. (Booth 1991: 36-7; Allen and Donnithorne 1954: 256-8;
Dixon 1991: 119)
In addition, the rising tide of Japanese imports acted as a spur to
raising tariffs and imposing quotas. (Sugiyama and Guerrero 1994;
Austen 1987: 136) The stated purpose was generally to preserve the
position of metropolitan industrialists, but the consequences could be
beneficial to local manufacturers and artisans. For areas with abundant
labour, such as Java and Tonkin, Japanese industry was also seen as an
example to be emulated, especially when the recession led to a worrying
surge in unemployment. (Booth 1991: 37; Bernard 1937: 82-4)
Modern textile industries in Maritime Southeast Asia Sparsely peopled zones, concentrating on primary exports, mostly
shunned consumer goods industries, notably Malaya. No modern
spinning and weaving industry developed in the peninsula. (Allen and
Donnithorne 1954: 256) At best, there was some finishing of cloth and
making of garments in Singapore, leading to a modest current of exports
in the interwar years. However, this accounted for only about 2% of the
urban labour force from 1931 to 1957. (Huff 1994: 117, 213, 407)
3
Of the heavily populated areas with an old weaving tradition, the
Philippines were the pioneer in Maritime Southeast Asia. As Spanish rule
was about to give way to that of the United States, the Tondo and
Malabon Cotton Mill was set up in the Manila area in 1897. Employing
some 200 Filipinos, the factory worked mainly with raw cotton imported
from the United States, mixing in a little short staple local cotton. There
were 7,420 spindles and 222 looms in 1905, and the company's coarse
white shirting enjoyed a good reputation. However, the mill went bankrupt
in 1923. (Doeppers 1984: 17-19, 150-1)
The Philippines industry slowly regained significance. The Tondo
mill was sold in 1929 and re-opened in 1930 as Philippine Cotton Mills.
With some 300 employees, the company had 7,420 spindles and 320
power-looms. However, the machinery was antiquated and profits were
forthcoming) English Calico set up a subsidiary in 1953, Allied Thread, to
jump the trade barriers, and there was one Swiss concern (Yoshihara
1985: 78; Stifel 1963: 95)
The original Vietnamese mill in Hanoi was founded by 'several
large French industrialists,' but Robequain does not give details. Nor
does he indicate whether expatriate Asian capital, notably Chinese,
played any role. (Robequain 1944: 280)
In Burma, South Asians were prominent. The Burma Spinning and
Weaving Company was unusual, in that ownership passed from Indian to
Burmese by 1923, albeit still relying on loans from South Indian Chettiars.
The company soon experienced acute financial problems, and loans from
the government led to nationalisation in 1927, followed by sale in 1938 to
Steel Brothers, a British trading company, which amalgamated it with
other interests to form the Consolidated Cotton and Oil Mills Ltd. (Thet
1989: 73-6)
The Thai government's monopoly was only broken in 1950, when
Shanghai and Hong Kong Chinese capitalists set up Bangkok Cotton
Mills. They used machinery from Shanghai that had presumably been
removed as the Communist grip tightened over China. (Ingram 1955:
121)
In the Belgian Congo, metropolitan textile firms invested overseas.
The two men who set up Texaf in the Congo were Belgian textile
entrepreneurs, who bought a concession from a European settler. (Heyse
1938: 7-8) They benefited from the expertise acquired in their Belgian
operations, as did the Flemish industrialists who founded the Albertville
factory in 1946. (Vellut 1985) However, an unspecified Belgian bank
acquired a controlling stake in Utexléo in the early 1930s. (Strihou 1961:
78)
The Portuguese pattern was slightly different. The Sociedade
Algodoeira de Fomento Colonial, which came to own the mills in both
34
Angola and Mozambique in 1950, was a fusion of three interests.
Companies with concessions to purchase compulsory cultivated colonial
raw cotton formed one strand. The second was a land concession
company in Angola. However, the financial muscle derived from Arthur
Cupertino de Miranda's Banco Português do Atlântico, founded in 1942
on the back of remittances to northern Portugal from emigrants in Brazil.
(Pitcher 1993: 163-5, Clarence-Smith 1985: 169)
In South Africa, investment in garments and textiles differed
sharply. Jews, mainly Ashkenazim immigrating from Lithuania via Britain
from the 1890s, enjoyed a commanding position in the early clothing
industry. (Saron and Hotz 1955: 362-4) The Rhodesian garments
industry, and the private textile sector, were apparently extensions of
South African Jewish activities. (Cinammon 2004) In contrast, the post-
1945 spinning and weaving boom relied heavily on investment by textile
firms from Britain, France and Italy. Lacking power and raw materials at
home to meet shortages due to war, they relocated in South Africa. The
low productivity of African labour was a disincentive, however, and
investment fell drastically from 1951, as world shortages turned to glut.
(Cronje 1952: 26-7)
Wealthy South Asian entrepreneurial communities were at the
forefront of industrial development in East Africa. (Clarence-Smith 1989b)
The small garments sector that emerged in the interwar years was in their
hands, and they repeatedly asked for permission to set up textile
operations. (Swainson 1980: 27; Kilby 1975: 477) In the 1950s, the only
textile mill in Kenya was an Indian concern. (Swainson 1980: 125, 128-9;
Kilby 1975: 477) Despite a monopoly, 22% tariff protection and cheap
hydroelectricity, Calico Printers of Manchester lost so much money in
Jinja that the Uganda Development Corporation bought the mill in 1957.
Astonishingly, Calico Printers remained as managing agents. (Kilby 1975:
478; International Bank 1962: 275) By 1963, the Indian firm of Mehta was
35
building a new textile mill, symbolically situated on the opposite bank of
the Nile. (Pearson 1969: 127)
Southeast Asia and 'Bantu' Africa in comparative perspective Southeast Asia had much in common with 'Bantu' Africa. They
covered a similar area, and were both tropical sparsely populated
regions. Moreover, they had both been almost entirely subjected to
Western colonial rule by the late nineteenth century. However, their textile
histories diverged markedly.
The most striking and suggestive difference lay in the links
between artisans and modern mills. Textile factories in Southeast Asia
almost invariably developed in close symbiosis with hundreds of
thousands of weavers and dyers. Their main strategy was to turn out yarn
for indigenous looms, or cloth for batik, embroidery and lace producers.
Governments shored up this strategy by disseminating improved
machines and techniques. In contrast, modern mills in Africa seemed to
turn their backs on local artisans, seeking out hydroelectric sites where
they could obtain cheap power and control the entire productive process
from start to finish. At best, they provided cloth for Jewish or South Asian
garments workshops.
The reasons for this profound difference are not easy to grasp. A
weaker cotton weaving and dyeing tradition in Africa probably forms part
of the answer. However, so little has been published on this sector that it
is hard to be sure. Moreover, this should not have precluded a
determined official campaign to diffuse the necessary skills.
Weaker expatriate entrepreneurial groups in Africa may also go
some way towards explaining the difference. Not until the very end of the
period considered here did South Asian, Jewish, Arab, Greek, or even
Portuguese traders obtain much leverage over textile enterprises in
Africa. On the one hand, they faced powerful and organised White settler
36
communities, determined to frustrate their rapid economic advance. On
the other hand, they encountered metropolitan industrialists and bankers
desiring to control the process themselves. To be sure, there were
elements of this situation in Southeast Asia, notably in Vietnam, but the
relative power of economic actors differed.
That Southeast Asia's growth was initially the more rapid of the two
regions partly reflected greater distance from colonial metropoles, and
correspondingly greater proximity to dynamic textile exporters in East
Asia. This made Western protectionism harder to enforce, as the 'tyranny
of distance' ensured that duties high enough to protect metropolitan
manufactures would simultaneously stimulate local enterprise. The
existence of the Congo Free Trade Zone somewhat complicated matters,
but not to a sufficient extent.
Conversely, the Second World War and its aftermath explain a
certain reversal of roles from 1942. Japanese forces occupying
Southeast Asia were obliged to adopt crude autarkic policies almost as
soon as they had taken over. After the war, bitterly contested
independence struggles perpetuated violence and instability for decades,
and led to waves of nationalisation and economic mismanagement. In
contrast, the war sparked off a phase of rapid African industrialisation
untouched by fighting. Delayed independence also meant that it took
longer for Africa to succumb to the destabilising political processes that
ravaged the foremost Southeast Asian textile producers.
In the long run, however, the Southeast Asian scenario was more
conducive to progress. Once stability had returned to most of the region,
with Burma as the major exception, it was possible to build on human
capital resources that had been shaken but not destroyed. The result has
been the proliferation of 'Asian tigers' in the region. In contrast, large
integrated African mills, like much of the modern sector of the economy,
had few or no moorings in civil society. Once the crutch of authoritarian
37
colonial or settler rule had been removed, these enterprises often
became white elephants.
38
References:
Administration Italienne de Tutelle de la Somalie (1954) Plans de développement économique de la Somalie, années 1954-1960,
Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato.
Allen, G. C., and Donnithorne, A. G. (1954) Western enterprise in Indonesia and Malaya, a study in economic development, London:
George Allen & Unwin.
Alpers, Edward A. (1975) Ivory and slaves in East Central Africa, London:
Heinemann.
Alpers, Edward A. (1983) 'Futa Benaadir; continuity and change in the
traditional cotton textile industry of southern Somalia, c.1840-1980,'
in Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch and Alain Forest, eds., Entreprises et entrepreneurs en Afrique, XIXe et XXe siècles, I, 77-98, Paris:
L"Harmattan.
Angelino, P. De Kat (1930-31) Rapport betreffende eene gehouden enquête naar de arbeidstoestanden in de batikkerijen op Java en Madoera, Batavia: Landsdrukkerij.
ANSOM (1939) Affaires Économiques, Défense Nationale, Carton 13, M.
Peter, 'Rapport (mobilisation commerciale et industrielle) Afrique
Équatoriale Française,' 23-24 Feb 1939.
Antlöv, Hans, and Svensson, Thommy (1991) 'From rural home weavers
to factory labour: the industrialization of textile manufacturing in
Majalaya,' in Paul Alexander, Peter Boomgaard, and Ben White,
eds., In the shadow of agriculture: non-farm activities in the Javanese economy, past and present, 113-26, Amsterdam: Royal
Tropical Institute.
39
Austen, Ralph (1987) African economic history, internal development and external dependency, London: James Currey.
Azevedo, João Maria Cerqueira de (1958) Angola, exemplo de trabalho,
Luanda: author's edition.
Beinart, William (1982) The political economy of Pondoland, 1860-1930,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Belgium (1949), Ministère des Colonies, Plan décennal pour le développement économique et social du Congo Belge, Brussels:
De Visscher.
Bernard, Paul (1937) Nouveaux aspects du problème économique indochinois, Paris: Fernand Sorlot.
Bertieaux, Raymond (1953) Aspects de l'industrialisation en Afrique Centrale, Brussels: Institut des Relations Internationales.
Booth, Anne (1991) 'The economic development of Southeast Asia,
1870-1985', Australian Economic History Review, 31, 1, 20-52.
Bouesse, David (1971) 'L'évolution du commerce extérieur du Congo-
Brazzaville entre les deux guerres mondiales, 1920-1937,' Thèse
de Maîtrise, Université de Paris-I.
Bravo, Nelson Saraiva (1963) A cultura algodoeira na economia do norte de Moçambique, Lisbon: Junta de Investigações do Ultramar.
Brett, E.A. (1973) Colonialism and underdevelopment in East Africa, 1919-1939, London: Heinemann.
Brigden, J. W. (1934) Report on trade and economic conditions in Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, 1933, London: Department of Overseas Trade.
Brigden, J. W. (1936) Economic conditions in Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, October 1935, London:
Department of Overseas Trade.
Brown, Ian (1989) 'Some comments on industrialisation in the Philippines
during the 1930s,' in Ian Brown, ed., The economies of Africa and Asia in the inter-war depression, 203-20, London: Routledge.
40
Brown, Ian (1997) Economic change in Southeast Asia, Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Brown, Ian (2000) 'Material conditions in rural Lower Burma during the
economic crisis of the early 1930s; what the cotton import figures
reveal,' in Peter Boomgaard and Ian Brown, eds., Weathering the storm; the economies of Southeast Asia in the 1930s depression,
109-20, Leiden: KITLV Press.
Capela, José (1975) A burguesia mercantil do Porto e as colónias, 1834-1900, Oporto: Afrontamento.
Castro, Armando (1978) O sistema colonial Português em Africa, meados do século XX, Lisbon: Editorial Caminho.
Cator, W. J. (1936) The economic position of the Chinese in the Netherlands Indies, Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Cattelani, G. (1897) L'avvenire coloniale d'Italia nel Benadir, Naples: F.
Giannini e Figli.
Cinnaman. John (2004) 'The Jews of Manicaland,'
http:www.zjc.org.il/showpage.php?pageid=155
Clarence-Smith, William Gervase (1979) Slaves, peasants and capitalists in southern Angola, 1840-1926, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Clarence-Smith, [William] Gervase (1985) The third Portuguese empire, 1825-1975, a study in economic imperialism, Manchester:
Manchester University Press.
Clarence-Smith, [William] Gervase (1989a) 'The effects of the Great
Depression of the 1930s on industrialisation in Equatorial and
Central Africa,' in Ian Brown, ed., The economies of Africa and Asia in the inter-war depression, 170-202, London: Routledge.
Clarence-Smith, William Gervase (1989b) 'Indian business communities
in the Western Indian Ocean in the nineteenth century', The Indian Ocean Review, 2, 4, 18-21.
41
Clarence-Smith, William Gervase (2000) 'Arab entrepreneurs in the
Malay world in the 1930s recession' in Peter Boomgaard and Ian
Brown, eds., Weathering the storm: the economies of Southeast Asia in the 1930s depression, 229-48, Leiden: KITLV Press.
Clarence-Smith, William Gervase (forthcoming) 'Middle Eastern migrants
in the Philippines: entrepreneurs and cultural brokers,' Asian Journal of Social Science.
Cole, R. L. (1968) 'The tariff policy of Rhodesia, 1899-1963', Rhodesian Journal of Economics, 2, 2, 28-47.
Contreiras, Manoel J. Martins (1894) A província de Angola; breves considerações sobre o seu presente e futuro administrativo, agrícola, commercial e financeiro, Lisboa: Livraria Ferreira.
Cronje, F. J. C. (1952) 'The textile industry in the Union of South Africa,'
South African Journal of Economics, 20, 1, 23-30.
Darish, Patricia (1989) 'Dressing for the next life; raffia textile production
and use among the Kuba of Zaïre,' in Annette B. Weiner and Jane
Schneider, eds., Cloth and human experience, 117-40,
Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Davison, Patricia, and Harries, Patrick (1980) 'Cotton weaving in South-
East Africa; its history and technology,' Textile History, 11, 175-92.
DeLancey, Mark W., and Mokeba, H. Mbella (1990) Historical dictionary of the Republic of Cameroon, Metuchen: Scarecrow Press.
Dick, Howard (1990) 'Interisland trade, economic integration, and the
emergence of the national economy' in Anne Booth, W. J. O'Malley,
and A. Weidemann., eds., Indonesian economic history in the Dutch colonial era, 296-321, New Haven: Yale University Press.
Dixon, Chris J. (1991) South East Asia in the world-economy, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press.
Dobbin, Christine (1996) Asian entreprenerial minorities: conjoint communities in the making of the world economy, 1570-1940 ,
London: Curzon Press.
42
Doeppers, Daniel F. (1984) Manila 1900-1941; social change in a late colonial metropolis, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University
Press.
Döpcke, Wolfgang (1992) Das koloniale Zimbabwe in der Krise; eine Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, 1929-1939, Hamburg: Lit.
Du Toit, Bettie (1978) Ukubamba amadolo; workers' struggles in the South African textile industry, London: Onyx Press.
Elkan , Walter (1961) The economic development of Uganda, London:
Oxford University Press.
Gersdorff, Ralph von (1958) Moçambique, Bonn: Kurt Schroeder.
Gleeck Jr., Lewis E. (1975) American business and Philippine economic development, Manila: Carmelo and Bauermann.
Great Britain (1896) 'Statement of the trade of British India with British
possessions and foreign countries for the five years 1890-1 to
1894-5, Parliamentary Papers, 1896, C. 7997.
Griese, John W. (1954) 'The Jewish Community in Manila,' MA Thesis,
University of the Philippines.
Guerrero, Milagros C. (1967) A survey of Japanese trade and investment in the Philippines, with special reference to Philippine-American reactions, 1900-1941, Quezon City: University of the Philippines.
Guillain, Ch. (1856-57) Documents sur l'histoire, la géographie et le commerce de l'Afrique orientale, Paris: A. Bertrand, 3 Vols.
Heyse, T. (1938) 'Cessions et concessions foncières du Congo,' Congo,
I, 7-12.
Hlaing, U Aye (1964) 'Trends of economic growth and income distribution
in Burma, 1870-1940', in Journal of the Burma Research Society,
47, 1, 89-148.
Hoskins, Janet (1989) 'Why do ladies sing the blues? Indigo dyeing, cloth
production, and gender symbolism in Kodi,' in Annette B. Weiner
and Jane Schneider, eds., Cloth and human experience, 141-73,
Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press.
43
Huff, W. G. (1994) The economic growth of Singapore; trade and development in the twentieth century, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Ingram, James C. (1955) Economic change in Thailand since 1850,
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (1962) The economic development of Uganda, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins
Press.
Johnson, Marion. (1978) 'Technology, competition and African crafts', in
Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The imperial impact: studies in the economic history of Africa and India, 259-69, London,
Athlone Press.
Kilby, Peter (1975) 'Manufacturing in colonial Africa,' in Peter Duignan
and L. H. Gann, eds., Colonialism in Africa, Volume 4, the economics of colonialism, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Lacroix, Jean-Louis (1967) Industrialisation au Congo; la transformation des structures économiques, Paris: Mouton.
Lamb, Venice and Alastair (1981) Au Cameroun; weaving - tissage,
Hertingfordbury: Roxford Books.
Lefebvre, Gabriel (1947) L'Angola, son histoire, son économie, Liège:
Georges Thone.
McCoy, Alfred W. (1982) 'A queen dies slowly: the rise and decline of
Iloilo city,' in Alfred W. McCoy and Edilberto de Jesús, eds.,
Philippine social history, global trade and local transformations,
297-358, Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Macedo, Alberto Cardoso Martins de (1939) 'Relações entre a indústria
nacional e a agricultura colonial,' Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 57, 267-90.
Marseille, Jacques (1984) Empire colonial et capitalisme français, histoire d'un divorce, Paris: Albin Michel.
44
Martin, Bradford G. (1971) 'Notes on some members of the learned
classes of Zanzibar and East Africa in the nineteenth century,'
African Historical Studies, 4, 3, 525-45.
Matsuo, Hiroshi (1970) The development of Javanese cotton industry,
Tokyo: The Institute of Developing Economies.
Mendinueto, S. R. (1930) 'Industrial development in the Philippines' The Philippine Finance Review, 3, 6, 8-10 & 26.
Meuleau, Marc (1990) Des pionniers en extrême-orient: histoire de la Banque de l'Indochine, 1875-1975, Paris: Arthème Fayard.
Miller, Hugo H. (1920) Economic conditions in the Philippines, Boston:
Ginn & Co.
Miller, Hugo H. (1932) Principles of economics applied to the Philippines,
Boston: Ginn & Co.
Mitchell, K. L. (1942) Industrialization in the Western Pacific, New York:
Institute of Pacific Relations
Mlambo, A. S., Pangeti, E. S., and Phimister, I. (2000) Zimbabwe, a history of manufacturing, 1890-1995, Harare: University of
Zimbabwe Publications [chs. to 1965 by Ian Phimister]
Mosley, Paul (1983) The settler economies: studies in the economic history of Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1900-1963, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Newitt, Malyn (1997) A history of Mozambique, London: Hurst.
Nørlund, Irene (1991) 'The French empire, the colonial state in Vietnam
and economic policy: 1885-1940', Australian Economic History Review, 31, 1, 72-89.
Oki, Akira (1979) 'A note on the history of the textile industry in West
Sumatra,' in Francine van Anrooij, ed., Between people and statistics; essays on modern Indonesian history, 147-56, The
Hague: M. Nijhoff
Palmer, Ingrid (1972) Textiles in Indonesia; problems of import substitution, New York: Praeger.
45
Palmer, Ingrid, and Castles, Lance (1971) 'The textile industry,' in Bruce
Glassburner, ed., The economy of Indonesia, selected readings,
315-36, Ithaca: Cornell University.
Pearson, D. S. (1969) Industrial development in East Africa, Nairobi:
Oxford University Press.
Pelras, Christian (1996) The Bugis, Oxford: Blackwell.
Philippines (1933) Statistical handbook of the Philippine Islands 1932,
Manila: Bureau of Printing.
Picton, John, and Mack, John (1989) African textiles, London: British
Museum, 2nd ed.
Pitcher, M. Anne (1993) Politics in the Portuguese empire; the state, industry and cotton, 1926-1974, Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Poquin, Jean-Jacques (1957) Les relations économiques extérieures des pays d'Afrique Noire de l'Union Française, 1925-1955, Paris: A.
Colin.
Post, Peter (1996) 'The formation of the pribumi business elite in
Indonesia, 1930s to 1940s,' Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 152, 4, 87-110.
Quirino, Carlos (1987) Philippine tycoon: the biography of an industrialist, Vicente Madrigal, Manila: Madrigal Memorial Foundation.
Reese, Scott S. (1996) 'Patricians of the Benaadir; Islamic learning,
commerce and Somali urban identity in the nineteenth century,'
PhD, University of Pennsylvania.
Robecchi-Bricchetti, Luigi (1899) Somalia e Benadir; viaggio de esplorazione nell'Africa Orientale, Milan: Carlo Aliprandi.
Robequain, Charles (1944) The economic development of French Indochina, London: Oxford University Press.
Saron, Gustav, and Hotz, Louis (1955) The Jews in South Africa: a history, London: Oxford University Press.
Schwencke, G. (1939) 'De weefindustrie in het regentschap Bandoeng,'
Koloniaal Tijdschrift, 28, 2, 159-70.
46
Segers, W. A. I. M. (1987) Manufacturing industry, 1870-1942,
Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute (Vol. 8 of Changing Economy in Indonesia).
Shiraishi, Takashi (1990) An age in motion: popular radicalism in Java, 1912-1926 , Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Silver, M. S. (1984) The growth of manufacturing industry in Tanzania; an economic history, Boulder: Westview Press.
Sitsen, Peter H. W. (1943) Industrial development of the Netherlands Indies, New York: Institute of Pacific Relations.
Southern Rhodesia (1946) Report of the committee of enquiry into the protection of secondary industries in Southern Rhodesia, Salisbury:
Government Printer ['Margolis report'] Spence, C. F. (1951) The Portuguese colony of Mozambique; an
economic survey, Cape Town: A. A. Balkema.
Stefanini, Giuseppe (1922) In Somalia; note e impressioni di viaggio,
Florence: Le Monnier.
Stifel, Laurence D. (1963) The textile industry; a case study of industrial development in the Philippines, Ithaca: Cornell University.
Strihou, Jacques van Ypersele de (1961) 'Variations des coefficients de
fabrication dans une entreprise congolaise, et équilibre
économique, 1931-1958,' Bulletin de l'Institut de Recherches Économiques de Louvain, 27, 2, 47-96.
Sugiyama, Shinya, and Guerrero, Milagros C. (1994) International commercial rivalry in Southeast Asia in the interwar period, New
Haven: Yale Southeast Asia Studies.
Swainson, Nicola (1980) The development of corporate capitalism in Kenya, 1918-1971, London: Heinemann.
Teixeira, Alberto de Almeida (1934) Angola intangível, notas e comentários, Oporto: Edições da Primeira Exposição Colonial
Portuguesa.
47
Thet, Aung Tun (1989) Burmese entrepreneurship: creative response in the colonial economy, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner.
Thompson, Virginia (1947) Labor problems in Southeast Asia, New
Haven: Yale University Press.
Vail, Leroy, and White, Landeg (1980) Capitalism and colonialism in Mozambique, a study of the Quelimane district, London,
Heinemann.
Vandewalle, G. (1966) De conjuncturele evolutie in Kongo en Ruanda-Urundi, van 1920 tot 1939, en van 1949 tot 1958, Gent:
Rijksuniversiteit te Gent.
Vellut, Jean-Luc (1985) 'Orginalités et limites de l'industrie manufacturière
au Congo Belge, c.1920-1960' unpublished longer version of piece
published in catalogue of Les Belges à l'étranger: 150 ans de réalisations dans le tiers-monde, Brussels 21 March to 24 April.
Vleming, J. L. et al. (1926) Het Chineessche zakenleven in Nederlandsch-Indië, Weltevreden: Volkslectuur.
Vuldy, Chantal (1987) Pekalongan: batik et islam dans une ville du nord de Java, Paris: Ecole des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales.
Yoshihara, Kunio (1985) Philippine industrialisation: foreign and domestic capital, Singapore: Oxford University Press.