The Authorship of the Tibetan Medical Treatise Cha lag bco brgyad (Twelfth Century AD) and a Description of its Historical Background

* This paper was presented at the `National Seminar on Tibet × Past and Present´,March 22˜23, 1998, Visva Bharati University, Santiniketan, India.

The Authorship of the Tibetan Medical Treatise Cha lag

bco brgyad (Twelfth Century AD) and a Description of its

Historical Background*

BARBARA GERKE

INTRODUCTION

The Gyushi (rGgyud bzhi; lit. ̀ The Four Tantras´) are the most famousand fundamental works of all Tibetan medical literature. So pervasive is theirin„uence that they have been in continuous use since the twelfth century. Thispaper deals with a medical text concerning the Gyushi known as the Cha lagbco brgyad (lit. `The Eighteen Implementations´). This text was of major im-portance for traditional Tibetan medical studies between the twelfth and six-teenth centuries AD. Subsequent to this period, it largely disappeared from themedical curricula. Its authorship is generally attributed to the outstanding phy-sician of the early twelfth century, Yuthog Yontan Gonpo the Younger (gYuthog yon tan mgon po gsar ma; AD 1112-1203; hereafter referred to as Yu-thog). This treatise should not be viewed and analysed apart from the vast cor-pus of Tibetan medical literature and its history. Rather it should be viewed interms of its historical context. Studying the eighteen texts in this way raises anumber of interesting questions. Why did they enjoy such popularity for ƒvehundred years and then suddenly disappear? Who were their authors and howis the development of traditional medicine in Tibet at that time re„ected intheir compilation?

Part one of this paper concentrates on the medical history related to thework. Part two examines the eighteen texts and their diverse authorship.

The Lhasa edition of the seventeenth century version of the Cha lag

bco brgyad was reprinted in LOKESH CHANDRA 1968. Other private manu-script versions may be available from individual physicians scattered through-out the Himalayan region. An incomplete edition of the original blockprintmanuscript forms the major part of the Tibetan medical manuscript collection

28 Traditional South Asian Medicine 6 (2001)

1 The non-canonical Tibetan medical manuscripts at the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, arecatalogued as ST 109 to 123.

at the Museum of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta.1 Eleven of the eighteen worksare available at the museum. Seven of these are clearly mentioned as beingauthored by Yuthog. One could assume that the remaining xylographs derivefrom the same source, but further research shows that other historical worksascribe them to di‚erent authors, even in the case of those texts of this collec-tion that explicitly designate Yuthog as their author. Such divergence of opin-ion regarding their authorship, and the historical background, are discussed inthis paper. This debate lends further insight into the history of Tibetan medicalliterature that was moulded by its amalgamation with other medical culturesand nurtured by its own indigenous traditions.

Unfortunately, the date of publication of the Cha lag bco brgyad is notmentioned in the xylographs at the Asiatic Society. They were all published,however, in Ganden Puntsoling (dGa' ldan phun tshogs gling) which is one ofthe main Tibetan Gelugpa (dGe lugs pa) monasteries. Situated 62 km north-east of Lhasa, it was founded in 1416 by Tsongkhapa (Tsong kha pa), the headof the Yellow or Gelugpa sect. It became one of the important block-printingpresses in Tibet along with others at Derge, Lhasa, Kumbum, and Narthang.The technique of wood blockprints was introduced to Tibet from China onlyin the ƒfteenth century and was expensive with the result that handwrittencopies were much in use.

PART ONE: Historical Background

An overview

In the history of Tibetan medicine there have been two eminent physi-cians by the name of Yuthog Yontan Gonpo (gYu thog yon tan mgon po). Yu-thog Yontan Gonpo the Elder (AD 708˜833) lived during the early period ofthe introduction of Buddhism to Tibet (seventh to tenth century). He was head

of the ̀ New Medical School´ as one of the nine private court physicians (rgyal

po bla sman dgu) of King Trisong Deutsen (Khri srong lde'u btsan; AD 755-

B. Gerke, The Authorship of the Cha lag bco brgyad 29

2 THINLE 1991, p. 34.

797).2 At that time, scholars were occupied with the translation of medicalworks from neighbouring countries and with the task of accumulating know-ledge. As Guenther put it in the foreword to DARGYAY 1977˜1978:

The important point is not so much the fact that texts weretranslated but what these translations achieved by stimulatingthe minds of the people who were eager to absorb and assimi-late new ideas.

Not a single piece of original writing by Tibetan doctors can with cer-tainty be ascribed to this period (BOLSOKHOEVA 1993, p. 11) even though thebiography of Yuthog the Elder attributes `countless works´ to him (RECHUNG

1973, p. 312). Most scholars believe that none of these works has survived.

Exceptionally, RECHUNG 1973, p. 285, attributes Text 8 of the Cha lag bco

brgyad to Yuthog the Elder, but in this he di‚ers from other sources.Yuthog the Younger (1112˜1203) was born during the later period of

Buddhist expansion in Tibet from the tenth century onwards. His predecessor,Rinchen Zangpo (Rin chen bzang po; AD 958˜1055), gave new inspiration tothe in„uential medical school at the monastery of Tholing (mTho lding), inWest Tibet. This school had been established during the eighth century. Be-cause of the geographical proximity of Western Tibet and the Centres of High-er Studies in North India, where Buddhism was still „ourishing, RinchenZangpo concentrated on the translation and editing of Indian texts. He trans-

lated 158 texts altogether, including medical treatises, such as V¢gbha¿a's A¼¿-

¢Ëgah²dayasa¾hit¢.V¢gbha¿a may have lived from AD 550 to 600 (MURTHY 1991, p.

XIX). He seems to have revered the ancient Vedic precepts as well as Bud-

dhist practices that were then popular in India. The A¼¿¢Ëgah²dayasa¾hit¢ is

a systematised text of human illness and therapy in six sections (Sanskrit sth¢-

na), which incorporates the Eight Branches of medical knowledge (Sanskrit

a¼¿¢Ëga, Tibetan yan lag brgyad). The A¼¿¢Ëgah²dayasa¾hit¢ was included in

the Great Triad (Skt. b²hattray¤) of ÿurvedic literature. It reached Tibet via


3 For details see PATHAK/TENZIN/GERKE 1997.4 Several versions of a literal translation of the title have been published, for ex-

ample: `The Ambrosia Heart Tantra: The secret oral teaching on the eight branches of thescience of healing´ (DONDEN/KELSANG 1977); `Tantra of Secret Instructions on the EightBranches, the Essence of the Elixir of Immortality´ (PARFIONOVITCH/DORJE/MEYER 1992, vol.2, p. 4); `The Quintessence Tantras: The Secret Oral Tradition of the Eight Branches of theScience of Healing´ (CLARK 1995, p. 21).

5 KARMAY 1989, p. 20 and EMMERICK 1977.

Nepal presumably in the eleventh century AD.3

Yuthog the Younger established his own medical tradition known asthe Yuthog Nyingthig (gYu thog snying thig), in Central Tibet. This traditionrepresents a new independent direction of Oriental medicine in Tibet. Theprincipal feature of this school was the compilation of indigenous medical lit-erature by drawing on the various traditions that had entered Tibet by that

time as well as the original school of Bon. The Cha lag bco brgyad descendsfrom this new school of Yuthog and his students.

Yuthog Yontan Gonpo the Elder (708-833 AD)

Yuthog Yontan the Elder (rnying ma), born in the Earth-Male-Monkeyyear 708, was one of the most respected physicians in the Tibetan medicaltradition and is said to have lived for 125 years. He was initiated into medicallore by the translator Vairocana (Bai ro tsa na), who was one of the ƒrst Bud-dhist monks in Tibet, and one of the main disciples of Padmasambhava, theIndian tantric who introduced the tradition of Indian Mahayana Buddhism toTibet during the eighth century (KARMAY 1989, p. 19).

Vairocana transmitted the teachings of the Gyushi to Yuthog the Elder.

The term Gyushi (rGyud bzhi) means literally `The Four Tantras´. The fulltitle of this four-volume treatise containing 156 chapters and 5900 verses is

bDud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang ba man ngag gi rgyud, whichcan be translated as `The nectar essence of the eight branches of healing × atreatise of secret oral instruction´.4 Vairocana himself had obtained knowledgeof it from the Kashmiri Pandit Dawa Gaba (Zla ba dga' ba; Sanskrit Candra-nanda).5


6 JP, second sarga, vol. 1, fol. 82. Cf. TAUBE 1981, p. 27.7 According to Jaya Pa½Îita and Sangye Gyatso, the text was concealed by Padma-

sambhava, but according to Klongdol Lama (Klong rdol bla ma) by Yuthog the Elder, and ac-

cording to the Cha lag bco brgyad (LOKESH CHANDRA 1968, p. 331), by Trisong Deutsen andVairocana (TAUBE 1981, p. 27, note 118.)

8 DARGYAY 1977˜1978, p. 97. According to the calculation of Kongtrul Yontan

Gyatso (Kong sprul yon tan rgya mtsho; AD 1813˜1899) in his gTer ston brgya rtsa'i rnam

thar, the discovery took place in AD 1098 (KARMAY 1989, p. 28, note 7).

The concealment and rediscovery of the Gyushi

The historian Jaya Pa½Îita Lobsang Thinle (Blo bzang 'phrin las; here-after JP), born in Mongolia in 1642, wrote:

… during the reign of King Trisong Deutsen, when medicalscientists gathered from all areas and translated many medical

works and commentaries … the famous rGyud bzhi were con-sidered the summit of medical science … .6

Tradition says that the contemporary minds of those who would read

the Gyushi were not yet ready to receive it. Therefore they were concealed as

a `treasure´ (gter ma) inside a pillar on the second „oor of the main temple inthe highest, ƒve-storeyed building in the centre of the monastery at Samye(bSam yas).7

There is still controversy over who actually discovered them and

should be considered as the ̀ Revealer' (gter ston). Most publications mentiona monk called Trapa Ngonshe (Grwa pa mngon shes; AD 1012˜1090)8 and

date the rediscovery to 1038. Besides this tradition, there are other terma (gter

ma) discovery stories about the Gyushi. They generally mention Yuthog theYounger himself as being the `Revealer' (KARMAY 1989, p. 20).

On the origin of the Gyushi

Some two hundred years later, the discussion among scholars about the

origin of the Gyushi × whether it was primarily an Indian or Tibetan work ×had become an important issue that was elaborately discussed and debated. Ingeneral, the Tibetan tradition considers this work as a translation of an Indian


9 They are listed by DASH 1985, pp. 9‚.10 For example W. Unkrig apud FILCHNER 1906, pp. 30, 90˜92.11 So also OBERMILLER 1936, pp. 48˜60.12 The teaching concerning pulse diagnosis is missing in Caraka, Su¡ruta, and V¢g-

bha¿a (TAUBE 1981, pp. 26, note 112).

original, the Sanskrit title being Am²tah²day¢Ëg¢¼¿aguhyopade¡atantra. Butto date, no Sanskrit version has been discovered and the attempt to reconstructthe lost Sanskrit ‡originalˆ from the Tibetan version does not prove its exist-ence either.

Strangely enough, the treatise was not included in the works of ButonRinchendup (Bu ston rin chen grub; AD 1290˜1364), who carefully checkedfor authenticity the Sanskrit and Tibetan literature which was available to him

in the fourteenth century and compiled the Tibetan canon of Kanjur and Tan-

jur. He incorporated twenty-two medical treatises of Indian ÿurvedic origin

in the Tanjur.9 The Gyushi, being the main medical treatise even then, musthave been known to him, since he had worked as a teacher at the Sakya (Sa

skya) monastery, which was widely known as the `Medical City' (sman

grong) as it was the site of a college of Tibetan medicine (TAUBE 1981, p. 53).The content of these ̀ Four Tantras´, however, indeed shows an a†nity

to Indian medicine. Such Indian roots can be traced in the mythological his-

tory described in the ƒrst treatise (rTsa ba'i rgyud) or in the mention of foodsthat are neither found nor eaten in Tibet.10 Also the entire physiology, with its

three basic principles Lung, Tipa and Bakan (rlung, mkhris pa, bad kan) andthe medical terminology, which to a great extent agrees with that used in V¢g-

bha¿a's ̈ yurvedic treatise A¼¿¢Ëgah²dayasa¾hit¢,11 prove a strong Indian in-

„uence on the work. On the other hand, the Gyushi provide teachings concern-ing pulse12 and urine diagnosis based on the ƒve elements and the fundamen-tal principles of Chinese astrology that is not to be found in contemporary In-dian medical literature and therefore must have originated from other sources.Moreover, the tradition of indigenous healing arts that existed in Bon settle-ments in Gilgit, Guge, and Purang among the Shang Shung (Zhang zhung) al-so had its impact on the development of Tibetan medicine. In conclusion, one


13 The relationship between V¢gbha¿a and rGyud bzhi are dealt with in detail by EM-

MERICK 1977, according to whom the Tibetan translation of the A¼¿¢Ëgah²dayasa¾hit¢ forms

a basis of the rGyud bzhi. (Cf. TAUBE 1981, p. 26, note 111.)14 The text was published in facsimile by T.Y. Tashigang as sMan dpyad zla ba'i

rgyal po. The Somar¢jabhai¼ajyas¢dhan¢, an Indian medical work by N¢g¢rjuna, in its Tib-

etan translation (Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod 135), Leh 1989, reprinted by Tibetan Medicaland Astro Institute, Dharamsala 1994. According to the colophon the text was translated intoTibetan during the time of King Trisong Deutsen by Hashang Mahayana (Hwa shang ma haya na) and Vairocana.

15 According to TAUBE 1981, p. 32.

can assume that the present version of the Gyushi is based on Indian sources,

mainly the A¼¿¢Ëgah²dayasa¾hit¢ by V¢gbha¿a,13 and must have been con-siderably elaborated and re-edited by Yuthog under the in„uence of Chinese

medical texts, such as the Somar¢ja (Tib. Zla ba'i rgyal po)14 and his own ex-perience based on indigenous Tibetan medical knowledge.

According to Desi Sangye Gyatso (sDe srid sangs rgyas rgya mtsho)(AD 1653˜1705) Yuthog re-edited V¢gbha¿a´s text in conformity with Chineseideas:

Yuthog Yontan Gonpo only added single parts to the incom-

plete paragraphs of the original text (rtsa) of the rGyud bzhi,

with the help of the text Zla ba'i rgyal po, that was translatedfrom Chinese, and others, for the purpose of adapting the quin-

tessence (of the rGyud bzhi) to (the conditions of) Tibet. He

added some parts to the bDud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa

(bsang ba) man ngag gi rgyud, that is in the Phyi ma rgyud and

Man ngag rgyud numerous supplements, in the rTsa rgyud a

number of chapters (rgyud le'u grangs) and in the bShad brg-

yud (some) supplementary chapters, etc., … .15

The teaching of the Gyushi was transmitted from teacher to student

over the centuries and the lineages are documented in various historical thob

yig. A thob yig is a repertory that provides historical background to the line-


ages but often attaches myths to facts. In the case of the thob yig by Jaya Pa½-Îita medical history is described till the second half of the eighteenth century.

Yuthog Yontan Gonpo the Younger (AD 1112˜1203)

Even though there is controversy about the `Revealer' and the time of

the rediscovery of the Gyushi, it is clear that this terma (gter ma) reached thehands of Yuthog in the twelfth century. Without going further into this discus-

sion, it is interesting to note that even though the original version of the Gyu-

shi from the eighth century was available to Yuthog the Younger in the twelfthcentury, he felt the need to travel extensively and inquire further about medi-

cine in India. One account from the sixteenth century, the mKhas pa'i dga'

ston by Tsugla Trengwa (gTsug lag phreng ba; hereafter TT), describes him(TT, fol. 47) overcoming great hardships with the help of an Indian goddess ofmedicine (sMan gyi lha mo). His knowledge of the Indian sciences is said tohave made him a leader of many Indian Pandits and Siddhas. At the age of 76he disappeared in light without leaving any physical residues behind (cf. TAU-BE 1981, p. 43).

The numerous vitae concerning Yuthog in the various thob yig de-scribe him as an extremely gifted person. Like Jaya Pa½Îita, Tsugla Trengwaalso recounts the life story of Yuthog with all his miraculous healings and Sid-dha attainments. But as in most Tibetan historical writings, it is often impos-sible to distinguish between legend and historical facts.

Yuthog travelled through the highlands of Tibet to receive the oral in-structions and explanations of respected teachers such as Dardag from CentralTibet (dBus pa dar grags) (TAUBE 1981, p. 35). Furthermore, other commenta-

ries on the Gyushi were already available to Yuthog before he was eighteen.Therefore one can assume that he must have had quite an extensive know-ledge of what was known as Tibetan medicine at that time when he ƒrst jour-neyed to India (TAUBE 1981, p. 45).

The Gyushi are written in metrical form and often in a style so crypticthat they are not intelligible without a commentary or oral explanation from an

experienced teacher. Was the content of the Gyushi still incomprehensible toYuthog or was his desire for medical knowledge simply not satisƒed by it? Inthe eighth century, Yuthog the Elder in his prophecies foresaw that the young-


er Yuthog would have to journey to India because the lineage of the quintes-

sence of preparing the medicines (bdud rtsi sman sgrub) would be corruptedand would need to be reformed through new instructions by the `sixteen god-desses of Medicine´ in India (RECHUNG 1973, p. 316).

Of royal descent, born in Central Tibet in the Fire-Male-Horse yearAD 1112, Yuthog journeyed to India six times in quest of traditional Indianmedical knowledge. Through him, medical science in Tibet was again en-riched and revived by the infusion of contemporary Indian practices of heal-ing. His journeys took place at an important time as, shortly afterwards, the Is-lamic conquest was to destroy the „ourishing culture of Buddhism and, alongwith it, most of its extensive literature of medicine and other sciences, espec-ially that of Northern India. Thus Yuthog contributed enormously to the sur-vival of medical knowledge of Indian origin on the isolated plateau of Tibet.

Yuthog's version of the Gyushi

The K¢lacakra Tantra reached Tibet in AD 1027. V¢gbha¿a's A¼¿¢Ë-

gah²dayasa¾hit¢ was translated into Tibetan in the same century. Yuthog alsowas a†liated with the medical lineage of Atisa who came to Tibet in AD 1042

and taught the ̀ eight branches of healing´ (yan lag brgyad pa) to Tibetan phy-sicians from Nethang (sNe thang) (TAUBE 1981, p. 44). All these scripturesreached Yuthog, and he included their knowledge in his own writings.

An important and interesting question which is also yet to be addressed

is how the original version of the Gyushi was re-formulated by Yuthog and towhat extent sources other than Indian, such as Chinese, Persian and nativeTibetan based on the old Bon tradition and other folk traditions of Tibet, wereincluded.

Rediscovery of Yuthog´s version of the Gyushi in the sixteenth century

Yuthog prepared a handwritten version of his new edition of the Gyu-

shi. He then placed it in hiding and it was rediscovered only in 1542 by thefamous physician Zurkha Lodo Gyalpo (Zur mkhar blo gros rgyal po, AD1509-1579). During this time the medical teachings had gone through a periodof decline and had su‚ered from many corrupt interpolations. Of course, `re-

discovery' implies `re-interpretation' as well as continuity (Guenther apud


DARGYAY 1977˜1978, p. vi). Lodo Gyalpo published this authentic revisededition and thus made an important contribution to the continuity of Yuthog'slineage in Tibetan medicine (THINLE 1991, pp. 218˜220).

The lineage continues

Yuthog's lineage, which combines medical practice with spiritual in-structions and esoteric insight, survived. In 1696, the Chakpori Medical Col-lege, also known as Menpa Datsan (sMan pa grwa tsang), was founded on oneof the Lhasa hills, facing the Potala from where the Fifth Dalai Lama, Nga-wang Lobsang Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho; AD 1617˜1682)had before his death initiated its establishment through his regent SangyeGyatso (AD 1653˜1705). The college uniquely integrated medical practicewith Buddhist teaching. Here Yuthog's lineage was kept alive by the monasticmedical practitioners.

After 1959, when Menpa Datsan fell into ruins, along with some of thelast few masters of Tibetan medicine, the lineage entered India, where Yuthoghad received his initiations about 750 years ago. Some of the lineage holdershave made the attempt to gather students and disciples, and have settled in theHimalayan region and even crossed the borders into the Western countries.History surprises.

PART TWO: The Cha lag bco brgyad

Yuthog presented his discoveries in various medical writings. Of these,

the Cha lag bco brgyad (lit. `The Eighteen Implementations´) became themost famous. It is a compilation of eighteen independent medical texts touch-ing upon numerous subjects of Tibetan medicine. This work was of major im-portance to medical studies till the middle of the seventeenth century, es-pecially among the physicians of Dangti (Brang ti) and Zurlug (Zur lugs), twoof the schools of Tibetan medicine (TAUBE 1981, p. 42).

Controversial authorship of Yuthog's writings × sources of analysis

In Tibet it was customary among students to pay homage to their

teachers (bla ma) by attributing to them the authorship of their compositions.And curiously enough, teachers prepared books in the students' names as well.Modern day researchers, therefore, face di†culties in verifying the authenti-


16 We have used the German translations by TAUBE 1981.

city of authors and their xylographs.

The authorship of the Cha lag bco brgyad is not entirely attributable toYuthog despite what is generally claimed, as certain chapters were written byhis students and others were, it seems, translated from Chinese sources. In or-der to clarify the matter the following works were consulted:

Two versions of the Cha lag bco brgyadSeventeenth century: The colophons of the seventeenth century Lhasa

edition of the Cha lag bco brgyad, reprinted in LOKESH CHANDRA 1968.Date of publication not mentioned: The colophons of the eleven avail-

able xylographs of the Cha lag bco brgyad (including the index) in the collec-tion of non-canonical Tibetan medical manuscripts at the Asiatic Society Cal-

cutta. The xylographs that comprise texts of the Cha lag bco brgyad are: ST109 (= Index), ST 110 (= Text 1), ST 112 (= Text 4), ST 113 (= Text 3), ST114 (= Text 10), ST 115 (= Text 11), ST 116+ ST 123 (= Text 13), ST 117 (=Text 7), ST 118 (= Text 18), ST 120 (= Text 15), ST 121 (= Text 17).

Historical works

Sixteenth century: The mKhas pa'i dga' ston16 by Tsugla Trengwa(gTsug lag phreng ba; AD 1504˜1566), also known as Chogyal Dondub (Chosrgyal don grub). The composition of this work started in 1545. The chapter onmedical history was completed in 1563˜1564. Even though this work is not asdetailed as JP, it is of interest because it was compiled about 140 years earlier(TAUBE 1981, p. 8).

Late seventeenth/early eighteenth century: The repetitorium Chos kyi

thob yig gsal ba'i me long by Jaya Pa½Îita Lobsang (Blo bzang 'phrin las)also known as Shakya Tsunpa Lobsang Thinle (Shakyaí btsun pa blo bzang

´phrin las), who was born in 1642 in Mongolia. The thob yig was completed in1702 (Beijing Block Print. Four Volumes, 298+316+320+304 fols.). Thechapter on medicine is in the second sarga, I/77-108. The chapters on medicalhistory were translated into German by Manfred Taube (TAUBE 1981).

Both works agree in their comments on the authorship of the Cha lag


bco brgyad. Jaya Pa½Îita's list of authors refers most probably to an olderwork, dated approximately 140 years earlier. But it is certain that Jaya Pa½Îita

did not merely copy the information from mKhas pa'i dga' ston, as much ofhis data is not available in Tsugla Trengwa's work (TAUBE 1981, p. 41).

Commentary on the GyushiSeventeenth Century: Desi Sangye Gyatso's (sDe srid sangs rgyas rgya

mtsho; AD 1653˜1705) ̀ Blue Lapis Lazuli´ (VaiÎ¦rya sngon po; completed in1687-1688) (TAUBE 1981, p. 9). This text presents a formidable critique of the

Cha lag bco brgyad, which caused a drastic decline in its popularity.

Additional sourcesIn an e‚ort to relieve any further doubts on the question of authorship,

at times supplementary information is taken from two additional sources:Eighteenth century: Klongdol Lama Nawang Lobsang (Klong rdol bla

ma ngag dbang blo bzang; born in 1719) and his gSung 'bum (Beijing blockprint fols. 42˜72). The chapters on medicine are presented in the works en-

titled Ming gi grangs, vol. ma fols. 11˜13.Nineteenth century: Akhu Rinpoche Sherab Gyatso (A khu rin po che

shes rab rgya mtsho; AD 1803˜1857), dPe rgyun dkon pa ´ga´ zhig gi tho yig

don gnyer yid kyi kunda bzhad paí zla ód ´bum gyi snye ma (edited by

LOKESH CHANDRA 1963, 3, pp. 503-601). In chapter 20 (gSo ba rig paí skor)297 titles of Tibetan medical works are mentioned. The author was a studentof the Fifth Dalai Lama and a teacher of Jaya Pa½Îita. He is said to have beenthe reincarnation of Klongdol Lama, the famous scholar of the eighteenth cen-tury, introduced above (TAUBE 1981, p. 9).

The group of authors

Before presenting the eighteen texts it is important to look at Yuthog'sdisciples, who often are mentioned as authors of some of the eighteen imple-mentations. Tradition has it that Yuthog was surrounded by students às nume-rous as the sand grains on this earth´. More important in verifying his impor-tance as a medical scholar than this characteristically Tibetan metaphor arethose students that have been mentioned by name. In Yuthog's biography byTsugla Trengwa, the most important students of the famous physician are:


17 JP: sTon pa a tshes. The Cha lag bco brgyad mentions him as a student of Yu-thog's midlife (LOKESH CHANDRA 1963, pp. 332‚.) (TAUBE 1981, p. 44, note 186).

18 The Cha lag bco brgyad mentions him as a student of Yuthog's later life (TAUBE1981, p. 45, note 189).

19 JP, fol. 89. At another place (vol. 1, fol. 91) JP also mentions Ja Yeshezung (rJa yeshes gzungs) (TAUBE 1981, p. 47).

20 JP, fol. 89 (TAUBE 1981, p. 47).21 Listed by Akhu Rinpoche (LOKESH CHANDRA 1961, nos. 13 123˜13 126).

Jangman Lebbe (lJang sman sleb be), Balman Nyimapal ('Bal sman nyi madpal), Ja Yeshezung (rJa ye shes gzungs), Tonpa Atse (sTon pa a tses)17, Shag-ram Nyimapal (gShag ram nyi ma dpal), Yuthog Soseng (gYu thog bsodseng), Sumton Yeshezung (Sum ston ye shes gzungs) and Getse Rogchung(dGe brtse rog chung).18 In comparison, 140 years later, Jaya Pa½Îita states:

Among his most important students the ƒrst is Sumton Yeshe-zung (Sum ston ye shes gzungs)19; others were Jangman Lebbe(lJang sman sleb be), Balman Nyimapal ('Bal sman nyi madpal), Tonpa Atse (sTon pa a tses), Shagram Nyimapal (Shagram nyi ma dpal), Yuthog Sonam Senge (gYu thog bsod namsseng ge) and Geshe Rogchung (dGe bshes rog chung).20

Yuthog's students Sumton Yeshezung and Ja Yeshezung

Among all these students, Sumton Yeshezung and Ja Yeshezung de-serve the most attention. It is not clear whether these two names refer to thesame person, as at times they are both mentioned in the same list. Sumton Ye-

shezung wrote the index (dkar chag) to the Cha lag bco brgyad, and both stu-dents appear as authors or co-authors of several of its works. Sumton Yeshe-zung independently composed a number of treatises on Tibetan medicine.21 Itseems that his importance was only realised more than a century after the pub-

lication of the mKhas pa'i dga' ston, because Tsugla Trengwa, at the end ofthe sixteenth century, mentions Sumton Yeshezung only as the seventh in thelist of Yuthog's students.

On the other hand, Jaya Pa½Îita, in the early eighteenth century, places


22 JP vol. 1, fols. 88, 90, 91, 100 (TAUBE 1981, p. 48).23 TAUBE 1981, p. 42, note 167 (JP vol. 1, fol. 99).24 TAUBE 1981, p. 42 (JP vol. 1, fol. 100).25 TAUBE 1981, p. 39.

him ƒrst in the list (JP vol. 1, fol. 99) and refers to him quite often in his thob

yig.22 The reason for this elevation in status could be some form of special re-cognition that he received from the monastic and political community aroundthe Fifth Dalai Lama and Desi Sangye Gyatso. Surprisingly, Ja Yeshezung isalways mentioned ƒrst by both historians in the enumeration of Yuthog's stu-dents. Which of them deserves the honour of being attributed the authorship forthe ƒve works (Texts 3, 4, 5, 6, 8) is unclear as both of them appear in the lists.

Sumton Yeshezung's main student was Gyimchog Tsoje Zhonu Yeshe(Gyim phyogs 'tsho byed gzhon nu ye shes), who, in Lokesh Chandra's edi-

tion of the Cha lag bco brgyad (LC), is mentioned as the author of part 1.2 of

Text 12. This clearly indicates that the texts of the Cha lag bco brgyad werewritten over at least two generations. Looking further we ƒnd that in one colo-phon JP mentions the physician of Dangti, Palden Gyaltsen (Brang ti dPalldan rgyal mtshan), as the author of Text 4. The colophon reads: `This com-mentary was requested by Yuthog Menpa Geshe Manju (gYu thog sman padge shes manju) from the physician of Dangti, Palden Gyaltsen (dPal ldan rg-yal mtshan)´ (TAUBE 1981, p. 42). This reference, of course, could also meanthat Palden Gyaltsen only continued the tradition of this text.23 However, thisphysician is mentioned by JP in the seventh generation after Sumton Yeshe-zung. This would date his writings at least a hundred years later.24 The fourthtext may accordingly have been added to the collection much later.

The eighteen texts of the Cha lag bco brgyad 25

In the following analysis, the eighteen texts are introduced with titleand authors (for a summary see pp. 44‚.). Di‚erences in spellings of titles indi‚erent versions are added in brackets.

Text 1:

Title: Khog dbug ('bubs) khyung chen lding ba


Author: Yuthog, as also stated in AS and LC, but according to JP vol. 1, fol.91 written by a Bonpo or Nyingma physician and according to TT, fol. 49, byYeshezung or one of Yuthog's students. TT comments on this text: `… its

phrases (tha snyad) are not inspiring and imitate the opinions of others …´(TT, fol. 49). SG, vol. 4, fol. 224, lines 2‚. (p. 1458) calls this work an èpi-

gone´, that is, a piece which is directly quoted from a book (dpe blangs pa), inthis case, a book of Chinese divination. (TAUBE 1981, p. 42)

Text 2:

Title: sTong thun mdzes pa'i 'ja' risAuthor: As Text 1. This text is missing in the AS collection.

Text 3:

Title: Sa dpyad (bcad) stag mo'i rngam thabsAuthor: No author is mentioned in LC. AS attributes the authorship to Yuthoghimself, but JP claims the actual authors were four of Yuthog's students, i.e.Ja Yeshezung, Shagrampa Nyimapal, Balsam Nyimapal and Sumton Yeshe-zung (JP vol. 1, fol. 91). No details are available from TT. SG calls this workan epigone like Texts 1 and 2.

Text 4:

Title: Âika mun sel sgron meAuthor: No author is mentioned in LC. TT attributes the authorship to Ja Ye-shezung or other disciples of Yuthog (TT, fol. 49), and JP states that the textwas written by the four students Ja Yeshezung, Shagrampa Nyimapal, BalsamNyimapal, and Sumton Yeshezung (JP vol. 1, fol. 91). As mentioned in theAS collection, Yuthog himself was the author. But Desi Sangye Gyatso deniesYuthog's or Sumton's authorship for this text. According to him, it was writ-

ten by a non-Buddhist (ma dad pa zhig gis byas) and àpart from some thera-

peutic advice does not further the understanding of the Gyushi´ (SG, vol. 4,fol. 224, lines 2‚. ⟨p. 1458⟩).

Text 5:

Title: 'Grel ba 'bum chung gsal sgron nor bu'i 'phreng mdzesAuthor: According to the colophon in LC, the author was Yuthog's student


Jñ¢nadhara (= Ye shes gsungs). This statement is supported by Akhu Rin-poche's work (LOKESH CHANDRA 1963, 13125). TT mentions Ja Yeshezungor another disciple of Yuthog (TT, fol. 49) as the author. JP states that the textwas written by the four students, Ja Yeshezung, Shagrampa Nyimapal,Balsam Nyimapal, and Sumton Yeshezung (JP vol. 1, fol. 91). He also claims

that the text was corrected some time later (dus phyis) by the scholar Paljor

(mkhas pa dPal 'byor). Desi Sangye Gyatso makes the same comments re-garding its authorship and value as in the case of Text 4. This text is not avail-able in the AS collection.

Text 6:

Title: rTsod bzlog gegs sel 'khor loAuthor: According to LC, this work was compiled by Yuthog's teacher Tshoje

Konkyab ('Tsho byed dkon skyabs). AS mentions Yuthog, and according toJP, the text was compiled by Yuthog's students, Ja Yeshezung, ShagrampaNyimapal, Balsam Nyimapal, and Sumton Yeshezung (JP vol. 1, fol. 91). TTalso mentions Ja Yeshezung and others. As for Texts 4 and 5, Desi SangyeGyatso denies their authorship for this work and launches the same criticism.

Text 7:

Title: sKor tshoms stong thun bcu gcigAuthor: In the AS collection, no author is mentioned. Three other sources,however, TT and JP and LC, attribute this work to Yuthog.

Text 8:

Title: Ming don brda sprod rnam lnga (a medical glossary)Author: LC mentions a scholar named Vairocana, JP, in accordance with TT,ascribes the authorship to Ja Yeshezung, Shagrampa Nyimapal, Balsam Nyi-mapal, and Sumton Yeshezung (JP vol. 1, fol. 91). This work is not availablein the AS collection. Text 8 is the only work of this collection that is in onesource (RECHUNG 1973, p. 285) attributed to Yuthog the Elder.

Text 9:

Title: Rin chen spungs pa'i mdzes rgyanAuthor: TT and JP, both mention Yuthog. No author is mentioned by LC and


the text is not available in the AS collection.

Text 10:

Title: Kha 'thor rin cen phung poAuthor: The colophon in AS reads: ̀ from the oral lineage heard by the Sages´,which may mean Yuthog and his lineage. TT and JP ascribe the authorship, onwhich there is no data in LC, to Yuthog.

Text 11:

Title: Lag len dmar khrid yig chungAuthor: All sources agree that the author of this work is Yuthog.

Text12:This work is divided into three parts. TT and JP attribute the general author-ship to Yuthog. The text is missing in the AS collection. Only the colophonsin LC give further details:

1st Title: brGyud pa'i rnam thar med thabs med paAuthor: The ƒrst part is attributed to Yeshezung. The second part, which islarger than the others di‚ers completely in content and style. Its lyrical rhythmwas added somewhat later by Tshoje Shonu Yeshe ('Tsho byed gzhon nu yeshes), a student of Yeshezung.

2nd Title: rTsa'i spra sgrub med thabs med paAuthor: This text is of Chinese origin, and was translated by Vairocana. Thecolophon also mentions a Trapa Ngonshe (Grwa pa mngon shes) .

3rd Title: Sri'u gso ba med thabs med paAuthor: Of Chinese origin, translated by Vairocana.

Text 13:

Title: Yang sbabs gab pa bco brgyadAuthor: The author is Yuthog according to all sources.

Text 14:

Title: Khyad par zab pa rnam gsumAuthor: This text is not available in the AS collection. There is no data in LC,but TT and JP mention Yuthog as author.


Text 15:

Title: mKhas khyad ngo mtshar bzhi sbrugs (sprugs)Author: The colophons of AS and LC do not mention any author. TT and JPboth ascribe the authorship to Yuthog.

Text 16:

Title: rGyud chung bdud rtsi snying poAuthor: This text is not available at the AS. JP and TT give Yuthog as authorbut LC gives Dawa Ngonga (Zla ba mngon dga'). Desi Sangye Gyatso com-ments that this text is hardly of any use for a deeper understanding of the ̀ Oral

Instruction Tantra' (Man ngag gyi rgyud), the third part of the Gyushi (SG,vol. 4, fol. 224, lines 2‚. ⟨p. 1458⟩).

Text 17:

Title: gSo dpyad mu tig 'phreng baAuthor: All sources mention Yuthog as author. But Desi Sangye Gyatso com-ments that it is not a useful text (see Text 16).

Text 18:

Title: Phan byed (bya) sngags 'bum dkar poAuthor: According to LC, this work is of Chinese origin and was translated byVairocana. It is not available in the AS collection and is also not mentioned in

the passages on the Cha lag bco brgyad by TT and JP.

The data regarding the eighteen texts of the Cha lag bco brgyad andtheir authorship derived from four di‚erent sources may be summarised asfollows:Yuthog's students: Ja Yeshezung, Shagrampa Nyimapal, Balsam Nyimapaland Sumton YeshezungYuthog's teacher: KonkyabAuthors of the 18 texts according to AS, TT, JP and LC:


26 According to RECHUNG 1973, p. 285, Yuthog the Elder.27 Colophon: `from the oral lineage heard by the sages´.

Text AS TT JP LC

1 Yuthog Yuthog´sstudents

Bon-po orNying-maphysician

Yuthog

2 not available Yuthog´sstudents

Bon-po orNying-maphysician

Yuthog

3 Yuthog no mention Yuthog´sstudents

no mention


Yuthog´sstudents

no mention

5 not available Yuthog´sstudents

Yuthog´sstudents

Yeshezung


Yuthog´sstudents

Yuthog´s teacher

7 no mention Yuthog Yuthog Yuthog

8 notavailable26

Yuthog´sstudents

Yuthog´sstudents

Vairocana

9 not available Yuthog Yuthog no mention

10 Orallineage27

Yuthog Yuthog no mention

11 Yuthog Yuthog Yuthog Yuthog


12 not available I-III: Yuthog I-III: Yuthog I,1: studentsI,2: Tshoje ShonuYesheII-III: Chinese


14 not available Yuthog Yuthog no mention

15 no mention Yuthog Yuthog no mention

16 not available Yuthog Yuthog Dawa Ngonga


18 not available no mention no mention Chinese

Desi Sangye Gyatso´s Criticism of the Cha lag bco brgyad

During the reign of the Fifth Dalai Lama, the Regent Sangye Gyatso(1653˜1705) who was also a physician and author, compiled a new and de-

tailed commentary on the Gyushi, known as `Blue Lapis Lazuli' (VaiÎ¦rya

sngon po). In this commentary, he criticised the Cha lag bco brgyad. His com-ments have been included here, as they had a major impact on the popularity

of the Cha lag bco brgyad. The whole paragraph reads:

This cha lag bco brgyad is generally viewed as the most im-portant [work] among the explanations and additions [of the

rGyud bzhi]. This view, however, does not withstand close in-spection. The sixteenth text and the seventeenth text are not

really necessary for the understanding (mkho ba chung ba) of

the Man ngag rgyud, [the third of the four treatises,] of whichthey explain the content. The ƒrst, second, and the third texts

are only plagiarisms (dpe blangs pa) from Chinese divination.The fourth, ƒfth, and sixth texts are most certainly not from theElder or Younger Yuthog, or from Vairocana or Sumton [=

Sumton Yeshezung] but from a non-Buddhist (ma dad pa zhig


gis byas); their content × apart from giving some advice for

therapy × does not help in understanding the rGyud bzhi. (TAU-BE 1981, p. 42)

How legitimate this criticism is only a closer study of the content willreveal. Sangye Gyatso's work has been the main commentary used in Tibetanmedical studies from its completion in 1687˜1688 right through to the present

day. His criticism of the Cha lag bco brgyad had such an impact on other con-temporary writers that various historical accounts written around the end of

the eighteenth century, such the gSung 'bum, do not even mention Yuthog's

treatise as pat of the medical literature. Jaya Pa½Îita's thob yig, on the otherhand, written at the beginning of the eighteenth century, shortly after the pub-

lication of the `Blue Lapis Lazuli', still mentions it next to the Gyushi as themain medical work of the time (TAUBE 1981, p. 42).

CONCLUSION

The divergence of opinion about the authorship suggests that there

must have been various editions of the Cha lag bco brgyad circulating amongphysicians in Tibet. The authorship cannot be traced with certainty for allworks. Based on all sources consulted for this paper, only three of the eighteentexts (Texts 11, 13, and 17) are with certainty attributable to Yuthog. Text 7must also have derived from Yuthog, with three out of four sources mention-ing him.

As far as Texts 9, 10, 14, and 15 are concerned, no controversy occursover the authenticity of Yuthog in the data available, though the sources areincomplete. Most probably these works are from Yuthog as well, so that eightof the texts can be ascribed to him. Texts 3, 4, 5, 6, and 8 seem to have origi-nated from Yuthog´s students or other physicians related to the lineage, butwere added to the collection later. Altogether there are thirteen of these. It isinteresting that in the nineteenth century, Akhu Rinpoche included this treatise

in his bibliography under the name of ̀ 13 or 18 Implementations´ (cha lag bcu

gsum mam bco brgyad). It appears that the authorship of Texts 1, 2, and 16was given, perhaps in honour, to Yuthog much later. There seems to be a cer-tain Chinese in„uence in Texts 12 and 18. It seems probable that the collection


was started by Yuthog and edited, compiled, and elaborated upon by hisstudents over a period of another two hundred years.

The interpolations which were infused into Yuthog's original version

of the Cha lag bco brgyad are a good example of what happened to many ofthe medical treatises in Tibet. Since works were disseminated as handwrittencopies, which were prepared until the ƒfteenth century and even later, scribescould easily change, delete or add paragraphs to original writings with theresult that later researchers have great di†culty in detecting the primarysources. Moreover, the common practice of not mentioning the actual authorbut of mistaking dedication to a teacher or student for authorship has led tosome confusion among researchers.

In Tibet the active exchange of knowledge with India had stopped bythe end of the twelfth century. The inter-cultural in„uences of the Chinese,Greek, Persian and Indian traditions which were incorporated into the indi-genous medical traditions of Tibet date back to the twelfth century AD or ear-lier. Many such treatises went through a gradual transformation of both con-tent and language, during the centuries of the development of the enormouscorpus of Tibetan medical literature, most of which has yet to be researched.

REFERENCES AND ABBREVIATIONS

Akhu Rinpoche Sherab Gyatso (A khu rin po che shes rab rgya mtsho): dPe rgyun

dkon pa ́ ga´ zhig gi tho yig don gnyer yid kyi kunda bzhad paí zla ́ od ́ bum

gyi snye ma. Edition in LOKESH CHANDRA 1963, vol. 3, pp. 503-601. Cf.TAUBE 1981, p. 9, note 26.

AS = The colophons of the eleven available xylographs of the Cha lag bco brgyad(including the index) in the collection of non-canonical Tibetan medicalmanuscripts at the Asiatic Society Calcutta.

BOLSOKHOEVA, Natalia D. 1993: Introduction to the Studies of Tibetan Medical

Sources. Kathmandu.

CLARK, Barry 1995 (trans.): The Quintessence Tantras of Tibetan Medicine. NewYork.

DARGYAY, Eva M: 1977˜1978. The Rise of Esoteric Buddhism in Tibet. New York/Delhi.

DASH, Bhagwan 1985: Tibetan Medicine. Delhi.DONDEN, Yeshi (annotator); KELSANG, Jhampa (trans.) 1977: The Ambrosia Heart


Tantra: The secret oral teaching on the eight branches of healing. Vol. 1.Dharamsala.

EMMERICK, R.E. 1977: `Sources of the rgyud bzhi´, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Mor-

genländischen Gesellschaft. Suppl. III.2, pp. 1136-1141.FILCHNER, W. 1906: Das Kloster Kumbum in Tibet. Ein Beitrag zu seiner Geschich-

te. Berlin.JP = Jaya Pa½Îita Lobsang Thinle (Blo bzang 'phrin las): Chos kyi thob yig gsal ba'i

me long. Completed in 1702. Beijing Block Print, 4 vols, 298+316+320+304fols. The chapter on medicine is in the second sarga, vol. 1, fols. 77v-108v.Cf. TAUBE 1981, p. 5, note 2.

KARMAY, Samten G. 1989: `Vairocana and the rgyud-bzhi´, Tibetan Medicine 12, pp.19‚.

Klongdol Lama Nawang Lobsang (Klong rdol bla ma ngag dbang blo bzang): Gsung'bum. Beijing Block Print, fols. 40-72. The chapters on medicine are in theworks entitled Ming gi grangs, vol. ma, fols. 11-13. Cf. TAUBE 1981, p. 9,note 25.

LC = LOKESH CHANDRA 1968.

LOKESH CHANDRA 1961: Eminent Tibetan polymaths of Mongolia. New Delhi.

×××× 1963 (ed.): Materials for a history of Tibetan literature 1˜3. New Delhi.

×××× 1968 (ed.): Yuthog´s Treatise on Tibetan Medicine. New Delhi. ¹atapi¿aka Ser-ies. 72.

MURTHY, K.R. Srikantha 1991: V¢gbha¿a's A¼¿¢ñga H²dayam. English & Sanskrit.Vol.1. Varanasi. Krishnadas Ayurveda Series 27,

OBERMILLER, E.E. 1936: `Puti izucheniya tibetskoj medicinskoj literatury´, pp. 48˜60

in: Bibliograƒja Vostoka 8˜9.1935 (Moscow 1936). English translation by

H.C. Gupta, `Ways of Studying Tibetan Medical Literature´, Tibetan Medi-

cine 12 (Dharamsala 1989), pp. 9‚.

PARFIONOVITCH, Y.; DORJE, Gyurme, MEYER, F. 1992 (ed.): Tibetan medical paint-

ings: illustrations to the Blue Beryl treatise of Sangye Gyamtso (1653-1705).London 1992 (2 vols.).

PATHAK, S.K.; TENZIN, S.; GERKE, B. 1997: `Vagbhata´s Astanga Hrdaya Samhita

and its importance to Indo-Tibetan Medical Studies´, AyurVijnana 3, pp. 18-22.

RECHUNG Rinpoche Jampal Kunzang 1973: Tibetan Medicine, illustrated in original

texts, presented and translated. Berkeley/ Los Angeles (also: Publications ofthe Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine, New Series 24, London).


SG = Desi Sangye Gyatso (sDe srid sangs rgyas rgya mtsho): gSo ba rig paí bstan

bcos sman blaí dgongs rgyan rgyud bzhi gsal byed bai Î¦r sngon po ma lli

ka (completed in 1687-1688). Beijing Block Print. 38+261+537+233 fols.(Cf. TAUBE 1981, p. 9 note 29.) Reprint Lhasa 1982, 2 vols. (1468 pp.).

TAUBE, M. 1981: Beiträge zur Geschichte der medizinischen Literatur Tibets. SanktAugustin.

THINLE, Jampa 1991 (ed.): Gangs ldzong gso rig bstan pa'i nyin byed rim byon gyi

rnam thar phyogs bsrigs zhes bya ba. Dharamsala.

TT = Tsugla Trengwa (gTsug lag phreng ba): Dam pa'i chos kyi 'khor los bsgyur ba

rnams kyi dar ba gsal bar byed pa mkhas pa'i dga' ston zhes bya ba'i legs

par bshad pa. A short title for the same work is lHo brag chos 'byung. Thework was reprinted by Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi 1961. In this edition anexposé on the history of medicine is to be found in chapter ƒve under the

sub-heading: sPyir rig gnas ji ltar byung tshul, fols. 44˜50, as well as inchapter 17 of the work.

The Authorship of the Tibetan Medical Treatise Cha lag bco brgyad (Twelfth Century AD) and a Description of its Historical Background

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