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March 2003
Strong PartiesClean PoliticsThecaseforpartyfundingreform
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CONTENTS
FOREWORD
Margaret Prosser OBE 1
STRONG PARTIES, CLEAN POLITICS
Peter Facey 2
A LABOUR VIEW
Martin Linton MP 13
A CONSERVATIVE VIEW
Andrew Tyrie MP 19
A LIBERAL DEMOCRAT VIEW
Matthew Taylor MP 25
THE EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE
Kaitlin Kalna 28
FURTHER INFORMATION
Scottish Nationalists 32Plaid Cymru 33The Greens 34
www.cleanpolitix.com 35
Bibliography & Biographies 36
NewPoliticsNetworkMarch2003DiscussionPaper
Published:March2003
Editing,designandlayout:BenjaminLinsley
Coverimage:ErikP.Hanson
Photography:KathyKeep&KaitlinKalna
Additionalmaterial :MajaTjernstrm(IDEA),BenjaminLinsley,KaitlinKalna,JaredBosk,
JamieAustin,KathyKeep,(NPN),Dr.JustinFisher(BrunelUniversity)Printed:Halstan&Co.Ltd.,Amersham,Bucks,HP66HJ
Distributed:WarnesMailMarketingLtd,London
The opinions in this paper reflect those of the individual authors only.
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As I write the country is at war in Iraq. There is much concernexpressed in the parliamentary Labour Party and in the partygenerally. Accusations of high handed decision making and of
exclusivity abound. Whatever the rights and wrongs of the situation Ican't think of a better example of the need for strong political parties. Abalance of power between political leaders and party members is centralto our democratic process so that governments under a pressure froma myriad of forces can be tested, questioned and held to account. Strongpolitical parties of course need adequate and secure funding. The everydayexperience of most of the population is of sophisticated communications,
stylish images and professionally provided services. Politics on the back of afag packet has long since passed its sell by date.
Traditionally of course the Labour Party has drawn much of its fundingfrom the trade union movement. More lately, and I believe to its credit,the party has attracted funding from a wider variety of sources with manybusiness men and women donating funds in a practical demonstration ofsupport for Labour's governance of the country.
The introduction of the Political Parties Elections and Referendum Actdesigned to bring transparency to the political finance system has had asharper than intended effect with many large donors hounded by the press,accused of buying political favour or looking for political honours. At the
same time some trade union leaders have declared their affiliations to belined up against policy delivery. Meanwhile party managers try to plan. Theyhave to run policy development, party membership, polling, IT systemsetc with the certain knowledge that there is nothing certain about theirincome levels.
All this leads me to believe that we need to ensure financial supportfor core political activities. The state already provides some funding forpolitical parties, at election time for example and for annual conferences.The principle is therefore established. Core funding from the state for coreactivities would leave the party managers free to develop membershipactivity and involvement leading to a healthier politics all round.
FOREWORD
Margaret Prosser OBE
was a former Deputy
General Secretary of the
T&G Union as well as a
former Treasurer of the
Labour Party
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Whyshouldthepublicbeconcernedwiththehealthofpoliticalparties?
Whyshouldtheycareenoughtocontributemorepublicmoneytosustainthem?
Since1997therehasbeen
increasingconcernforthehealthofelectoralpoliticsinBritain.Thefocusofconcernhaslargelybeenthecollapse inthenumberofpeopleturningouttovote.In199771%ofthoseeligibletovote,didsointheGeneralElection:thelowestturnoutsinceWorldWarII.In2001voterturnoutfellto59%,thelowestsincetheintroductionoftheuniversalfranchise.Turnouthasnotjustdroppedforgeneralelectionsbutacrosstheboard,withsomeof
thelowestturnoutsseeninlocal governmentandEuropeanelections.
Thecausesforthisarenumerous,complex,interwovenandnecessarilysubjecttointensedebate.Thesubjectoflowpoliticalandvotingparticipationisnotthemainfocusofthispaper.Wedo,however,wishtofocusontherolethehealthofpoliticalpartieshastoplayinthismuchbroaderdebate.Inparticular,wewishtodrawattentionto
twoissues.Firstlytherelationshipbetweenpartyfundingpractices,publicperceptionofcorruption,andthecontributionthismakestowardsthegrowingpublicdistaste
forpolitics.Andsecondly,thedevelopmentsincampaigningpractices:thecentralisationofpoliticalcampaign;howthisrelatestodecliningpar tymembershipandinparticulartheeffectofdecreasedpartycampaigningactivityatalocalandinterpersonallevel.
Wewishtoadvocatetheneedtocompletethereformoffundinglaw,whichtheGovernment,inadrivetoendclaimsofsleaze,embarkeduponin1997.Butwewishalsotoillustratetheimmenseopportunitiessuchreformcouldbringifapproachedwiththeseadditionalobjectivesborninmind.Wehavearareopportunitytolookatthegeneralhealthofourparties,tostabilisepoliticalpartymembership,
removetheconcernthatpartiesarebeholdentoafewrichbackers,andtocreatea frameworkunderwhichpartiesseeknewandeffectiveopportunitiestoengagewiththeelectorate.
Sleaze and perceived sleaze
Ifabusinessmanorbusinesswomangives100,000tocharity,heorsheispraisedforputtingsomethingbackintothecommunity.
Ifheorshegivesthesamesumtoapoliticalparty,thequestionaskedis"What'she/shegettingoutofit?".Inmostcasestheansweris"nothing".TherequirementunderthePolitical
Parties,ElectionsandReferendumsAct2000(PPERA)topublishallsignificantdonationsmakesovertcorruptionhighlyunlikely.Butmanywiththewherewithaltomakealargedonationwillhavefinancialintereststhatareaffectedbygovernmentdecisions.Itwillalways
bepossibletofindachangeinpolicythatbenefitsthemandcanbeportrayedasaquidproquo.
Sixmillionairedonorsprovided
morefundingtothepartiesin2001thanalltheirmemberscombined,andtwodonorsgavealmosthalfofallthemoneytheConservativesspentinthe2001electioncampaign.Inshort:peopleare,quitesimply,verycynicalofbigdonors.
InMay2002,anICMpollfortheBBCsTodayprogrammefoundthat74%ofthosequestionedfeltthatthepresentwayinwhichpartieswerefundedgavetoomuchinfluencetorichindividualsandbigbusiness.Also,82%ofthepeoplesurveyedsaidtheyfeltthatthepresentsystemoffundingmadethepublicsuspiciousofpoliticsandpoliticians.Althoughitshouldbenotedthatthisdoesnotnecessarilytranslateintofullpublicsuppor tfor
statefundingatthispoint.
Overthelast10years-underthisgovernmentandthepreviousConservativeadministration-
Strong Parties,
Clean Politics
Peter Facey
is Director of the New
Politics Network
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allegationsregardingtheconnectionbetweendonationsandinfluencehavebeenrife.WhetherithasbeenthecontroversysurroundingLordAshcroftundertheConservativesortheBernieEcclestoneandLakshmiMittalallegationsunderLabour,theproblemswithlarge
donorshavestubbornlypersisted.
Parties and campaigns
Ithasbecomeapparentthatwherethereareactiveandcompetitivelocalparties,voterturnoutismuchhigherthanwhereactivityorcompetitionislower.Therelationshipbetweenturnoutandthemarginalityofaconstituency,forinstance,supportsthisclaim.In2001,therewasa10%difference
inturnoutbetweenthesafestandmostmarginalseatsintheUK.
Therelativeallocationofresourcesdependingonseatmarginalityrelatestoquestionsofpeoplepoweraswellasjustmoney.Politicalpartiesdonothavetheresourcestofighteveryconstituencycampaign,letaloneeverylocalcouncilwardwiththesameresourcestheywould presentlyfightanimportant
marginalseat,norshouldtheynecessarilyeverwantto.Buttheyshouldbeawareoftheeffectstheirpresenttargetingstrategiesarehavinginaneraofdecliningpoolsofpersonpoweravailableincampaigns.Bycompensatingforthisthroughnationalandspecifically
targetedadvertisinganddirectmailcampaigns,ashorttermgoalofwinningamarginalmaywellhavebeenachieved,butitislikelytohavehadlongtermconsequencesintermsofoverallvoterturnout.Inshort:peoplerespondtobeingcontactedpersonally.
Moreovertheeffectofpersonalcontacttopeoplesperceptionofpoliticsinthelongertermissignificant.Ifoversuccessiveelection
campaignsapersonhasneverbeencanvassedpersonally,thelikelihoodofthemhavingapositiveattitudetowardspoliticsandpoliticiansandconsequentlythelikelihoodofthembotheringtovoteislikelytodropsignificantly.
In1964,itisestimatedthatcombinedmembershipfortheLiberal,LabourandConservativepartiesstoodat3.2million.By2002,theirmembershiphadfallen
toaround663,000.Thismeans,forinstance,thattheaveragenumberofpartymembersforthethreemainpartiescombined,isjustoverathousandperconstituencyinGreatBritain.
ArecentstudybyDenver,
Hands,FisherandMacAllisteronConstituencyCampaigninginthe2001Electionfoundthattheaveragenumberofcampaignworkersactivepartymembers-fortheConservatives,Labour,andLiberalDemocratswasrespectively61,32,and20or113intotal.Itfound,however,thatinasafeLabourseatwhichisnotatargetforeithertheLiberalDemocratsortheConservatives,theaveragetotalnumberofcampaignworkers
wasaround68.Itshouldbenotedthatturnout isatits lowestinsafeLabourseatswherethelevelsofactivityareattheirlowest(Fig.1).Itisthereforenotsurprisingthatthestudyalso foundthatthe percentageoftheelectoratecanvassedwasinthewordsofthestudyrelativelymodest.(Fig.2)
Fig.1
Fig.2
Source: Denver, Hands, Fisher and MacAllister 2002
Source: Denver, Hands, Fisher and MacAllister 2002
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IfanythingtheDenver,Hands,FisherandMacAllisterstudyprobablyoverestimatestheresourcesavailabletolocalpoliticalparties,asitdependsonlocalpartiestoaccuratelyreportthenumberofpeopleinvolvedandtheremaybeatemptationto
exaggerate.
Itisnotjustthevolunteercapacityofthepartiesthatisindecline:thenumberofpaidstaffatasubnationallevelhasalsodeclined.InPaulWebbsstudyTheModernBritishPartySystemhefindsthatlocalorregionalstaffhavedeclinedbetween1964and1998byover58%.Thedayswhennearlyeveryconstituencyhadatleastacoupleofpaidorganisers
arelonggone.Therecentincreaseinstatesupportforpoliticalpartieshasdonelittletochangethistrend.Infact,ithashelpedincreasethetrendofresourcesmovingtowardsthecentretowardsthenational,usuallyLondonbasedoffice.
PPERA
Thepresentlegislation,thePoliticalParties,ElectionsandReferendumsAct2000(PPERA),
soughttorestorepublicconfidenceinpoliticsbyestablishingtheElectoralCommissionandthefirstlegallybindingrulesconcerningdonationstopoliticalparties.
ThePPERAstatesthatpartiescanonlyacceptdonationsover200fromUKregisteredvoters,orUKbasedorganisationsandcompanies.Furthermore,straightforwardgiftsofcashorbequests,sponsorshipofpartyevents,andgiftsinkind-such
asprovidingfreeofficespaceorsuppliesshouldbecategorisedasdonations.
PoliticalpartiesarerequiredtomakefourquarterlyreturnstotheCommissioneachyear.Thereturnshouldgivedetailsofcashandnon-cashdonationsreceivedbythepartylocallyandornationally.PartiesmustreportthefollowingtotheElectoralCommission:
Donationstotallingmorethan5,000acceptedbythepartynationallyandor;
Donationstotallingmorethan1,000acceptedbyapartylocallyorregionally.Thoughthesereformshavemade
thesystemmuchmoretransparent,forwhichtheGovernmentshouldbeapplauded,itcannot
beemphasisedenoughthatthesereformshavestillnotendedtheperceptionthatBritishpoliticsissleazyandpotentiallyrathermercenary,letaloneensurethatpoliticalpartiesarehealthyorvibrant.Thereformofpartyfundingpracticeswasstartedadmirably,itisnowtimetofinishthejob.
Reform
Acommonangleofcriticism
towardsanynotionofstate interferenceinpoliticalparties,takesthepositionthatpar tiesareautonomous,voluntarybodies,whichchoosetocompeteinelectoralpolitics,butrequiremasssupporttodoso.Iftheydonothavethissupport,theyshouldnotbeartificiallyproppedupbythestate.Thereality is,however,thatpoliticalpar tieshavebecomefundamentalinstitutionsofourdemocracy.Thehealthofour
democraticandpoliticalsystemisinextricablylinkedwiththehealthofourpoliticalparties,andassuchwehaveahugevestedinterestintheirfateandthusa justificationforintervening-toanextent-toensurethattheycontinuetoservethenationappropriately.
Asinstitutionsofcivilsociety,
ourpoliticalpartiesareinlongtermdecline .Theyarecurrentlyweakerthanatanytimesincethe
1950s.Althoughoverthelastfewyearstherehasbeenanincreaseinthenumberofhighprofileindependentsandagrowthinsingle-issuegroupssuchasHealthConcernKidderminster,thereisnoindicationthattheycanofferanalternativetopoliticalpartiesasawayoforganisingmodernpolitics.Nomajordemocracyexistswithoutapoliticalpartysystem.
Therearefewalternativesto
reform.Wecaneitherletpoliticalpartiescontinuetodeclineinpublicsupportwhiletheyclingtoneartotalpoliticalpowerorseektoreversethedecline.Theissue
isnotmerelyoneofsleazeandpartyfinances,itistherelationshiptothehealthofourparties,theircampaigningpotentialandtheimplicationsforthelongtermhealthofourdemocracywewishtostressinourdeliberations.
Options for reform
Donations from Individuals,Companies and Trade Unions
Somehavearguedthatmaking
politicaldonationspublic,asispresentlyrequiredunderthePPERAshouldbesufficient:thateverythingelseisamatterbetweenthedonorandtherecipientparty.Political
parties,likethedemocracytheyoperateinneedtobeinapositiontocommandbroadbasedsupportnotonlyonafewwealthydonors.ItsimplyisnthealthyforanypartyinthiscasetheConservatives-tobedependentontwodonorsforoverthreequar tersoftheamount spentintheaGeneralElection,butstillbeappealingforwidespreadsupportfromthecountry.Politicsnotonlyneedstobecleanofsleazeandcorruptionitneedstobeseento
beclean.
Aslongasareasonableconnectioncanbedrawnbetweendonationstoapartyandapolicydecision,therewillbesuspicionofcorruptionorundueinfluence.
Individuals
Overthelasttwoyears,large
donationsbyindividuals,suchaJohnPaulGettyIIwhogave5million
totheConser vativepar tyorLordSainsburywhogave2milliontotheLabourParty,havecaughttheheadlines.Thesedonationsrepresentedrespectively18.3%and39%ofwhattheLabourandConservativePartiesspentnationallyinthe2001GeneralElection.However,itisnotjustverylargedonationsthathavecausedpubliccontroversy,evendonationsasrelativelysmallas10,000havebeencausefornewsstories.
Asitstands,thereisnolimiton
theamountindividualscandonatetopoliticalpar ties.
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CompaniesSincetheintroductionofthe
PPERA,anydonationmadetoaregisteredpoliticalparty,politicalorganisation,oranyotherpoliticalexpenditureaggregatingover200ayearbyacompanymustbe
detailedinadirectorsannualreporttoitsshareholder s.Therepor tmustdetailtowhomthedonationwasmadeandthetotalamountofcontributionstothatsource.Donatedmoney,subscriptionfees,ormoneyspentpayingexpensesforapoliticalorganizationareallconsideredtobecontributions.Significantly,companiesmustalsoobtainshareholderconsentbeforeincurringapoliticalexpenditureordonation.
Today,veryfewcompanies
donatingtopoliticalpartiesarehouseholdnames.In1997,companiessuchasVodafone,Dixons,P&O,ScottishandNewcastleandTarmacdonatedatotalof300,000topoliticalpar ties.In2001,theydonatednothing.
Bloomberg(UK)Ltd,Labours
largestaggregatecompanydonorbetweenFebruary2001andthe
endofSeptember2002,cameinatnumber43intheLabourpartyslistofdonors.TheConservativeParty,however,isstillmoredependentoncompanydonations,butevenherethereisashiftawayfromhouseholdnames.TheConservativePartystoptwoaggregatecompanydonorsbetweenFebruary2001andtheendofSeptember2002wereIIRLtd(giving1,066,000.00)andNorbrookLaboratories(GB)Ltd(giving1,015,000.00.)Whilethese
contributionsaresignificant,neitherofthesecompaniesarehouseholdnames.
Theoveralldeclineindonations
fromthebusinessworldislargelyduetotheimpactofthetransparencyelementsofthePPERA,butcouldalsobeattributedtoanextenttothegeneraldip inpopularityoftheConservativeParty.Whetherunderthepresentlegalarrangementsbusinesseswould
startgivingtotheConservativePartyagainasadifferentphaseinthecycleofelectoralpopularitywerearrivedat,isdifficulttosay.Anecdotalevidencedoessuggest
thatbusinessesnowsimplyconsideritnotworththeirwhileengaginginthisareaofpublicaffairsactivity.Largecompanies,particularlycommonhouseholdnames,seemtohavedecidedthatdonationstopoliticalpar tiesarenowmoretroublethantheyareworth.
Trade UnionsTheTradeUnionandLabour
Relations(Consolidation)Act1992regulatestradeuniondonations.Atradeunionneedsapoliticalfundonlyifitwishestoengageinpoliticalactivitiessuchasgivingmoneyorservicesdirectlytooronbehalfofcandidatesorpoliticalparties.Apoliticalfundisestablishedbyamajorityballotofallmembersof
thattradeunion.Itisalmostwhollyfinancedbycontributionsfrommembersandanyofthesecanoptoutofcontributing.Thefundmaybemaintainedforuptotenyearsafterwhichthemembershiphastobereballoted.During2003,forinstance,Amicus,Labourssecondlargestaffiliate,willholditspoliticalfundballot.
Somehavearguedthat
donationsfromtradeunionsshould
notbethoughtofinthesametermsasbusinessdonationsasthebulkofdonationsareaffiliationfeespaidonbehalfofindividualmemberwhohavecontributedthefundsthemselves,andthatmembershavetherighttooptoutofthescheme.
Theessenceoftherelationship
betweentradeunionmembers,theunionandapoliticalpartyisnotinanywaythesubjectofcriticisminthispaper.Itisunique
andinmanyrespectsreflectsexactlythekindoflocalgrassrootspoliticalactivismtheproposalsinthispaperaspires towards.Thecriticismrestssolelywiththedegreeofcontroloverthepoliticalfundtheunionexecutivesandgeneralsectarieshave.ThedecisionoftheRMTin2002toreduceitscontributiontotheLabourpartyfromover90,000tojustover20,000isagoodillustrationofthisproblem.Thedecisionwas
notbasedonareductioninunionmembers,bythosepayingthepoliticallevy,orbyanydecisionofindividualRMTmembers.Instead,thedecisionbytheRMT
tocutitscontributionwasbasedprimarilyonpolicydisagreementsbetweenitsleadershipandtheLabourGovernment.ThesensethatanindividualorsmallgroupofindividualscanwieldsuchdisproportionateinfluenceoveranationalpoliticalpartyorHer
MajestysGovernmentisoffensivetomostpeoplessenseoffairplay;ofameritocracyofargumentandinfluenceinafreeandfairliberaldemocracy.
Theinvolvementofcivicsociety
organisationssuchastradeunionsinthepoliticallifeofthiscountry-particularlyatatimeofdecliningparticipationinotherpoliticalinstitutions-shouldbeembracedandcelebrated.Itwouldbewrong,
however,topresumeandtoassertassomehavethatchangestothemechanismbywhichmembersfeesareorarenotpassedontopoliticalpartieswouldinanywayunderminetradeunionism.Anunderlying principleoftheproposalsofthispaperisthattradeunionismshouldbestrengthenednotunderminedbythenewarrangementsproposedhere.
Cap on Donations
Themosteffectivemethodof
removingtheclaimthatmoneybuysinfluenceistointroduceacapondonations.TheIPPRintheirrecentpaperKeepingItCleanarguedforacapof5,000foralldonationswhetherfromindividuals,companiesortradeunions.Theexactlevelatwhichacapshouldbesetshouldbedeterminedbyanindependentbody,butwewelcometheproposalbytheIPPRandwouldsupporta
capbeingsetintheregionofafourfiguresum.
Thetwomostrealisticoptions
forcreatingacapare:
Tocapalldonationsatthesamelevel,i.e.5,000.TheexactlevelatwhichthecapwouldbesetwouldbedeterminedbytheElectoralCommission.
Capcorporateandtradeunion
donationsatadifferentlevelfromindividualdonations.
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TheCanadianGovernment,forinstance,hasintroducedlegislation-withthebackingofthetradeunionmovement-thatwillcapindividualdonationsat$10,000butwouldbantradeunionandcompanydonationstopoliticalpar tiesaltogether(seeCanadacasestudy).
Thepurposeoftheproposalsinthispaperistoremovetheexcessesofpartyfundingpracticeswhichareoffensivetotheelectorate.Itisnotintendedtocompletelychangethenatureofrelationshipsbetweenpoliticalpartiesandinterestedgroups.Itwouldthereforeseemexcessivetocompletelylegislateagainstanyrelationshipbetweenbusinesses,tradeunionsandparties.Wethereforerejectthe
Canadianmodel.Furthermore,tointroduceacaponsomedonations,suchascompaniesorindividualdonations,andnotonothers,wouldbepoliticallybiasedandwouldunderstandablefailtogainanydegreeofcross-partysupport.Acapshouldthereforeapplyatthesameleveltodonationsfromallsources.
Affiliation Fees
TheLabourPartyisuniquein
Britaininthatitismadeupofdirectandaffiliatemembers.In2002,itisestimatedtheLabourPartyhad272,000individualmembersand2,744,709affiliatedmembersviatwenty-twotradeunions,theCooperativePartyandsocialistsocieties.
Asstatedabove,theinvolvement
oftradeunionsinthepartypoliticsofthecountryissomethingtobecelebrated.Butifweintendtoremoveoratleastsignificantlyreduceconcernaboutundueinfluenceoflargedonors,whilst
atthesametimeensuringthatpoliticalpartiesarehealthyandremainactive,thensomeelementsoftherelationshipbetweentradeunionsandtheLabourPartyneedtoevolve.
Inorderforaffiliationfeesnot
tobesimplyregardedascorporatedonations-andsubjecttothesamedegreeofsuspicion-andthencriticisedwheneverthereisadisagreementbetweenanaffiliated
unionandLabourGovernment,thentherelationshipmustbealteredastobemorefundamentallybasedontheactiveconsentofindividualtradeunionists.Affiliationmoneymustbeseentobegoingfromindividualmembers,withtheirconsent,toapoliticalpartywiththeunionactingasencouragement,supportandconduitbutnotbrokerofbehind-closed-doorsdealsbasedonamalgamatedlevies.ThiswouldbeahealthydevelopmentforboththetradeunionmovementaswellasthepartiesgainingaffiliationatpresentlargelytheLabourParty.
Forexample,UNISONoffers
itsnewmemberstheoptionofcontributingtoeithertheAffiliatedPoliticalFund,therebyaffiliatingtotheLabourPar ty,ortotheGeneral
PoliticalFund,whichisindependentofanypoliticalparty.However,eveninthiscasethereisnothingonitsapplicationexplainingtoaprospectivememberthattheyhavetherighttooptoutofthepoliticalfundalltogether.TheapproachUNISONhastakenshouldbe
embracedbutdevelopedfurthertomakethechoicessubscribingmembershavemoreexplicit.
Theovertdifferentiation
betweentradeunionparticipationandpoliticalpartyparticipationinthetermswhichweproposewould,mostcrucially,alloweachtobecelebratedandsoldtoprospectiveparticipantsseparatelyandontheirindividualmeritsinawaywhichismuchmoredifficult
when,asispresentlythecase,thewatersaresomuddiedbetweenthetwo.Ifindividual tradeunionistshaverealchoicetooptinoroptoutofpayingtheaffiliationfee,itisfairtoregardtheircontributionasan individualdonationthatiscollectedbytheaffiliateduniononbehalfofthepar ty.Thisoptionneedstobearightofwhicheverynewmemberisinformed,ratherthanarightthatmembershave,buttheuniondoesnotactivelyinformmembersorprospectivemembersof.
Ifthelawwerereformedin
thismanner,thenthepresent requirementfortradeunionstoholdexpensiveballotsontheirpoliticalfundseverytenyearscouldalsobereformed.Thisshouldinnowaypreventunionsfromcollectively
Fig.3
Source:The Electoral Commission
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affiliatingtoaparty,butsimplyensurethatitameaningfulreflectionoftheirmemberswishes.
Lowering campaign limits
ThePPERAintroducedfor
thefirst timeaspendinglimitfor politicalparties.ForUKGeneralElections,aparty'sspendinglimitforthetwelvemonthsuptopollingdayis19,230,000forGreatBritainand540,000forNorthernIrelandbasedon30,000perconstituencycontested.
Thiscoversexpenditureby
thepar tiesforthe followingactivities:partypoliticalbroadcasts;advertising;unsolicitedmaterialtoelectors;manifestoorotherpolicydocuments;marketresearchandcanvassing;media/publicity;
transport;andralliesandevents.Inadditiontothisthereis
alimittoindividualcandidatesexpenditure:5,483plus6.2pperelectorinarural(county)constituencyor5,483plus4.6pperelectorinanurban(borough)constituency.
Inthe2001GeneralElection,
partieswereallowedtospend24,000foreachconstituencythey
contested.
Onesimplewayofreducingtheamountspartiesfeeltheyneedtoraisewouldbetoreducethelimitfornationalexpenditure.Byraisingtheamountpar tiescanspendlocally,anaddedincentivewouldbecreatedtoimprovecampaigning,recruitingandotherpoliticalactivityatalocallevel.
Funding activity
Weneedtobehonestabout
theclearcontradictionbetweenpublicdesireontheonehandfor
politicalpartiestobemoreactiveand,ontheother,wantingtorestrictthesourcesfromwhichtheygettheirmoney.Atthemomenttheyareheavilydependentontradeunionsandafewcompaniesorrichdonors.
Relyingonpartymembership
isnotenoughanymore.Partymembership,ashasbeenshown,isindecline.Thesimpletruthisthatpoliticalpartiesneedmoneyandresources.Wecaneithercontinuetodependonlargedonationsorwecanfindamoredemocraticwayoffundingparties.Ifwechosethelatterroute,wehavethe opportunitynotonlytoensurethatpartiesaresufficientlyfunded,butthatweorganisepar tyfundinglawsoastoencouragegreateractivitybypartiesatalocallevel,and
moveawayfromthetrendtowardscentralisedcampaigningactivity.Thebenefitsofthiswouldbetwofold:firstlythatlocalcampaigningactivityincreasesturnoutatelections(ashasbeendemonstrated).Andsecondlythatthisincreasedactivitywouldstandanexcellentchanceofturningaroundthedeclineinpartymembershiptrends,therebyreducingthelikelihoodthatpartiessimplybecomeevermorereliantonpublicfundsoverthecoming
decades.Anynewformofpublicsubsidy
forpoliticalpartiesshouldhavetheaimofencouragingwiderpoliticalparticipation,andincreasedlocalpoliticalactivity.Thereareavarietyofoptionsfororganisingthedispersalofpublicfundstopoliticalparties.Theoneswehaveconsideredherefallintothefollowingcategories:
Moneyforvotes
Taxrelief
Membershipandmatching
donations
RegisteredSupporters
Money for VotesPublicfundscouldbeallocated
tothepar tiesonthebasisoftheamountofvoteswonatageneralelection.ThisisthesystemusedinAustraliaandwasthemainrecommendationoftheHoughtonCommittee.
Eventhoughthesimplicityof
thissystemisattractive,itwoulddonothingtoencouragewiderparticipationinpolitics,wouldstrengthenthewinnertakesalltendencyinBritishelectoralpoliticsandcouldleadtoagreatercentralisationinpoliticalparties.
Tax reliefAtpresent,politicalparties,unlike
charities,areunabletoreclaimthetaxondonations.In1998theCommitteeonStandardsinPublicLifeunderthechairmanshipofLordNeill-initsreportonTheFundingofPoliticalParties-concludedinfavouroftaxreliefondonationsupto500topoliticalpartiesatthestandardrate.Itisimpor tanttonotethatthisistheonlymajorrecommendationtheGovernmentfailedtotakeupfromtheNeillreport.
Evenwithathresholdfixedas
lowas100andsetatthestandardratefortaxrelief,thepoorersupportersofapartywouldloseout,asitwouldonlyapplytotaxpayers.Bygivingdonationstopoliticalpartiesasimilarstatustothoseofchar ities,itwouldatleastimplythatweasasocietyregardpoliticalactivityasaworthwhilepublicgood.
Case Study: AustraliaRegistered political parties are entitled to election funding where an endorsed candidate receives at least 4% of the firstpreference votes.
The amount a party receives is indexed every six months to increases in line with the Consumer Price Index.In December 2002, the amount was 184.253 cents per eligible vote.
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Membership and matchingdonations
Attheheartofanypolitical
partyareitsmembers.Theyprovideitwithactivists,funders,andcandidates.Politicalactivityatalocallevelisprimarilydependent
onthem.If,aswepropose,itisdesirabletoencouragegreaterparticipationinpartiesthengivinganincentivetopartiestorecruitandretainmemberswouldbeagoodwayofgoingaboutit.
Thiscouldbedonebyoffering
tomatchfundsformembership subscriptionsanddonationsuptoaceilingofsay20.Forexample,ifapartyreceivedamembershipsubscriptionof10itwouldreceive
another10frompublicfunds.Combinedwithabanonlargedonations,thiswouldhavesome
degreeofeffectinensuringthatpartiesareaccountabletotheirmembersandthroughthemtothepopulationasawhole.Whilstthisoptionmayhavetheeffectofhaltingthedeclineinpar tymembership,itisunlikelytoproducetherevivalinpartymembershipthatinour
opinionisnecessary.
Registered supportersInordertosucceedinrevitalising
politicalpartiestoanysignificantdegree,wehavetolookbeyondthenumberofpeoplewillingtosimplydonatetoparties.Simplyhavingpartiesfundedbyblockgrantsnotconnectedtotheparticipationofindividualswoulddonothingto
achievethis.Boththetaxreliefandmatch
fundingoptionsworkontheprincipleofgivingofpublicmoneyinreturnforanactionthatsocietyregardsasaworthwhilepublicgood,inthiscasedonatingmoney.Ratherthansimplyvaluingmoney,whynotvalueparticipation?
UnderaRegisteredSupporterssystem,partieswouldreceiveafixedsumsuchas20foreveryregisteredsupporter.Partiescouldsignpeopleupthemselvesorcitizenscouldproactivelyrequestaformwhentheyregisteredtovote.ThissystemissimilarinprincipletothatusedintheUnitedStatestofundpresidentialelectioncampaigns(seeUSCaseStudy).
Inreturnforacceptingmoney,
partieswouldhavetoensurethatindividualsreceivedcertainprivileges,suchastherighttovote
Case Study: GermanyThe public subsidy is calculated on the basis of the most recent election result. For the first 5 million votes, each party receivesDM 1.30 per annum and DM 1 thereafter. The party must have obtained at least 0.5 percent of the vote in the last election (or 1percent of the vote in a state election) to be eligible.
In addition, DM 0.5 is granted for every DM 1 received by the party in membership dues up to 6,000 DM. Political parties cannot
receive more than half their income from public funds. There is an annual limit on the total amount of public money available topolitical parties; it was DM 245 million in 1999.
Case Study: US Presidential Elections - Opt in Public Funding
Each US taxpayer has the choice of giving three dollars to the Presidential Campaign Fund from their taxes by ticking a box ontheir income tax return form. This money is then used to fund the following: Presidential primary candidates can receive matching funds for donations from individuals. Individuals can donate up to
$1,000, however, only the first $250 will be matched by public funds. To qualify for these funds, a candidate must raise at
least $5,000 worth of private contributions from individuals in twenty different states. They must also accept a spending limit,which in 1996, was $30.91 million.
Presidential candidates can also receive public funds to finance their general election campaigns. Republican and Democratic
candidates who win their partys nomination for President are eligible to receive these public funds; however, if they acceptthese funds, they cannot raise private contributions to fund their campaign as well. Candidates can also spend up to $50,000of their own funds. In 1996, the fund for each candidate was $61.82 million. Third-party candidates can qualify for publicfunds after the general election only if the candidate receives at least five percent of the popular vote.
Federal funds can also be granted to each major party to pay for its National Presidential Nominating Convention. The base
amount for these funds is $4 million, which is adjusted for inflation each year of a Presidential election. In 1996, each partywas eligible for $12.36 million in public funds.
The interpretation of the freedom of speech provision in US Constitution (1st Amendment) has made it difficult in practice torestrict campaign donations and expenditure and has created a number of loopholes. In 2002 Bipartisan Campaign Reform Actwas passed. It is to early to evaluate if it will achieve its objective of reducing the influence of money in US politics.
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forcandidates,tovoteforpartyleader,ortohaveasayinpolicymaters.Ineffecttheserightsequatetoacer taindegreeofmembershiprights:theexactdegree,however,wouldbeuptotheindividualpartiestodetermine.
Partieswouldhavetorenewregisteredsupportersregularlyandwouldstillbeencouragedtorecruitfullmembers.Ifconcernaroseaboutthetotalamountapartywasbeginningtobeabletoraise,thenParliamentortheElectoralCommissioncoulddecidetocapthetotalamountofmoneyavailabletopar tieseachyear.
Weproposethissystemas
themosteffectiveintermsof
thecriter iawehavelaidoutasitwouldstandthebestchance
ofencouragingahighlevelofengagementwithpoliticalpartiesofeithersupporterormembertype-whileensuringthatpar tiesareresponsivetotheirsupporters.Atthesametime,unliketaxrelief,itwouldnotdisproportionatelybenefitthosepartieswhich
representwealthiersectionsofsociety.
Complementary steps
Subsidising Campaign CostsPoliticalpartiesarecentralto
ensuringelectionsareanactiveandinformativeexerciseindemocracy.Subsidisingthecostofcampaigningisonewaytounderminetheneedfor
hugecashflowsinandoutofparties,atthesametimeasensuringnational
andfairdemocraticcriteriaaremet.Evidencesuggeststhatwhere
politicalpartieshavemoreactivepersonpower-inanelection-atalocallevel,theturnoutishigher.InCanada,theyhaveasystemofrefundswherebyexpenditurebylocalcandidatesreceivesahigher
rebate:50%asopposedto22.5%atanationallevel.Thishastheeffectofencouraginglocalcampaignexpenditure.
TheHoughtonCommitteerecommendationsincludedsomethingsimilarintheirreportin1972.AccordingtotheElectoralCommissionin2001,55%ofcandidatesfromthefourlargestpartiesspentlessthan50%ofthepermittedamountandonly28%of
candidatesfromthesamepartiesspentmorethan80%.
Case Study: Canada
On the 29th January 2003 a Government Bill was introduced to reform and tighten the rules governing the funding of politicalparties and candidates.Current SituationThe Canada Elections Act provides that:
Registered parties that obtain 2% of the vote at a general election (or 5% where they stand candidates can be reimbursed
for 22.5% of their election expenses. Individual candidates can receive a rebate of 50% of their expenses if they receive at lest15% of the vote in their riding (constituency).
Individuals can receive a tax credit (tax relief) up to a maximum of $500 on donations to candidates or political parties. Individuals, corporations, unions and other organisations can make political donations and there are no limits on the amount
that can be donated.Proposed LegislationThe proposed legislation seeks to:
Introduce an annual limit of $10,000 on donations by individuals to registered parties and their electoral district associations,candidates and nomination contestants.
Prohibit companies, unions and organisations from making contributions to any registered political party or any leader-
ship contestants and it restricts them to donating up to a maximum of $1,000 in total to a partys candidates, nominationcontestants and electoral district associations.
Provide for an annual allowance to registered parties in the amount of $1.50 per vote received by the party in the previous
general election, provided the party has received in the last election either 2% of valid votes cast nationally or 5% of votes inthe constituencies where the party stood a candidate.
Increase the amount registered political parties can have election expenses reimbursed for, from 22.5% to 50%. Lower
the percentage of votes that a candidate must obtain in his or her constituency to qualify for reimbursement of electoralexpenses from 15% to 10%.
Increase the maximum amount tax credit to $650 for political donations of $1,275 or more.
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Thoughsuchasystemwouldcertainlyhelpencouragemorecampaignactivity,particularlypoorerandlesscompetitivelocalparties,itdoesnothingtoensurethatpartiesareactiveallthetimeorareabletocovertheirday-to-dayrunningcosts.Unlikesomeoftheothermeasures
proposedthough,thissystemwouldbenefitnewpartiesandindependentsaswellasestablishedparties,therebymakinglocalracesmorevibrantandcompetitive.
Extending help in kind
AlthoughBritaindoesnothavea
traditionofdirectstatesuppor tforpoliticalpartiesthereisatraditionofpoliticalpartiesreceivinghelpinkind,particularlyinorderto
communicatewiththeelectorate(PartyPoliticalBroadcasts;PartyElectionBroadcasts;FreepostfortheElectionAddress)
Atatimewhenpartiesareattheirweakestforseveralgenerations,extendingtheirpoliticalcommunicationsoptionsmayhelppromoteactivity.Forexample,throughextendingFreepostforlocalelectionsandincreasingthequantityofsuchatgeneralelections.Atthe
sametimetheconceptbehindfreepoliticalbroadcasts,wherebypartiesarenotallowedtoadvertise,butinreturnbroadcastersareforcedtoprovidealimitednumberoffreebroadcastscouldbeextendedtoareassuchasbillboardsorlocalauthoritiesallowingcontrollednumberoflamppostposterboardsashappens insomeUKcitiesandinmuchoftherestofEurope-therebyremovingasignificantcosttopar ties.
Whotofund
Naturallyassoonastheissueofintroducingpublicfundingofpoliticalpartiesisraised,thequestionofeligibilityforthisfundingarises.Alimitneeds,ofcourse,tobesetonwhichpartiesareallowedtobeincluded.Ifyousetthelimittooloosely,thepotentialthatyoumayfundpartieswithnorealsupportorextremistpartiesarises.Alternatively,
ifthebarrierissettoohigh,theregulationscouldactasabarriertoentrythatpreventsnewpar tiesandmovementsfrombecomingestablishedand,inaffect,protectthe
existingpartymonopoly.
TheHoughtonCommitteein1972triedtodealwiththisbyrecommendingthreewaysinwhichpartiescouldqualifyforstatefunding.Toqualifyapartywouldhavehadto:
(a)havesavedthedepositsofitscandidatesinatleastsixconstituencies,or
(b)havehadatleasttwocandidateselectedasMembersofParliament,or
(c)haveoneofitscandidatesreturnedasanMPandreceivedatotalofatleast150,000votes.
Sincethen,Britishpoliticshasbecomemorecomplicated.Parties
suchastheGreensandScottishSocialistPartyhaveemergedandhaveenjoyedsuccessinEuropeanordevolvedelectionsbutnotinWestminsterelections.Theywouldthereforenotquali fyundertheHoughtonformulathesepartieswouldnothavequalified.EvenifwesimplylookatWestminster,wenowhaveDrRichardTaylorwhositsinParliamentasanindependentMPandrepresentsKidderminsterHospitalandHealthConcern--a
registeredpoliticalpartythathas30councillors.Anysystemshouldbeflexibleenoughtocoversuchgroupsandpartiesaslongastheyhavesignificantsupport.
Mostofthefundingsystems
describedhere,suchasregisteredsupportersormatchfunding,dontnecessarilyrequireathreshold.Ifitisdecidedthatoneisrequiredforpoliticalreasons,thensomethingalongthelinesofanupdated
Houghtonformula--reflectingtheimpor tanceoflocal,devolved,Europeanandnationalelectionswouldthenberequired.
Valuing Political Activity
InBritain,wehavealongtraditionofvaluingandcelebratingtheinvolvementofpeopleand organisationsincommunityandcharitableactivity.Thegovernment
hasestablishedprogrammestopromotevolunteer ingand communityactivity.Ithasalsosetatargetofincreasingvoluntary&communitysectoractivity,including
increasingcommunityparticipation,by5%by2006.Whilsttosomeextentitisnotsurprisingthatpoliticianslackconfidenceintheirownareaofcommunityactivityandfeelreluctanttoincludepoliticalpartyactivityinthesesortsoftargets,itisaregrettableindication
ofhowpoliticalpartieshavebeencutofffromtheconceptofcommunityservice.
Thisdifferentiationcanbeseen,forinstance,intheverydifferentamountsofrespectpoliticiansmanagetocommandfromthegeneralpubliccomparedwithcharityandpublicsectorworkers.MORIinasurveyoftheleveloftrustworthinessvariousgroupsofprofessionalsareregardedwith,
foundthatpoliticianswerethoughtofastheleastlikelytotellthetruth,withonlyjournalistshavingthesamelowstanding.Thisperceptionisspreadingtoincludepoliticalpartiesthemselvesandhelpingtogenerateanatmosphereofanti-politics.
Itisimportantthatwestartdefendingpoliticalpartiesaspublicinstitutionsandrecognisetheirimportancetoourcivicaswellaspoliticalculture.
Doing it by themselvesBycallingforincreasedpublic
fundingofpoliticalparties,wearenotremovingthenecessityforpoliticalpartiestoreformthemselves.Politicalpar tieshavetofindnewwaystoengageandinvolvetheelectorate.Byincreasingpublicfundinginthewaywehaveproposed,wewouldbecreatingaframeworkwherebypartiesare
encouragedtodomorethemselvesandnottobecomeevermoredependantonthestate.
Conclusions
Withouthealthypoliticalparties,representativedemocracybecomesdifficultifnotimpossibletoverylooselyparaphraseBenjaminDisraeli.Thoughtherearemanyelementsoftodayspoliticalparties,
theoperationofwhichweshouldcontinuetocriticiseandcalltobereformed:politicalpartiesneverthelessremainavitalandnecessarypartofourdemocracy.
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Involvementandengagementwithpoliticalpartiesisatanalltimelow,andthereisnoindicationthatthetrendofthe last50yearshaseitherbottomedoutorstartedtoreverse.Atthesametimeelectoralpoliticshasbecomeevermoredominated
bypoliticalparties.
Moreover,thepublicregardforpolitics,politiciansandpoliticalpartiesisatanalltimelow.Themediascandalsconcerningthewayinwhichpartiesarepresently
fundedhavecontributedsignificantlytothisdecline inesteem.
Wehaveavitaloppor tunitytostabilisepoliticalpartymembership,removetheconcernthatpartiesarebeholdentoafewrichbackers,andcreateaframeworkunder
whichpartiesseekopportunitiestoengagewiththeelectoratemore.Andwhoknows,wemaymanagetokick-star tarenaissanceinpoliticalpartyactivity.Butevenifoursuccessismoremodestthanthis,whatwedoknowforabsolutecertainty,is
thatwithoutreform,wecanexpectonlymoreofthesorrydeclinewehavehadtoobserveoverthelastfewdecades.
The New Politics Network
Summary of Recommendations
1. Donation caps: There is strong, public perception that politicians are for sale and that politics is a sleazy business. As longas parties are dependent on a limited number of large donors this perception will persist. Therefore donations from individuals,groups, companies and trade unions should be capped.
Recommendation: The Electoral Commission should set the exact level of the cap, but we would recommend a figurebetween 5,000 and 10,000 pounds.2. Trade Unions Affiliations: There must be a direct link between the individual paying the affiliation fee and the party.Otherwise, trade union affiliation fees are regarded simply as corporate donations.
Recommendations: Reform the way trade unions affiliate allowing individuals to knowingly opt in or out of paying
the affiliation fee and not just the political levy. While also ensuring that individuals are informed of their rights, in return therequirement to hold political fund ballots every 10 years should be scrapped.
3. Reduce National Spending Limits: At present, political parties can spend up to 20 million nationally. One way toreduce the amount of money parties have to raise is to cut the amount parties can spend.
Recommendation: Reduce the National Campaign Limit from 20 to 10 million pounds.
4. Increase Constituency Limits and give a rebate on constituency election expenses: There has been a steadycentralisation in British elections with more emphasis moving to the centre.
Recommendation: To help shift the balance towards local activity, constituency spending limits should be increased up to 20%.This would allow the average spending limit for a county constituency to improve from 9,640 to 11,568. At the same time,
candidates/agents should be able to reclaim up 50% of the money declared in their election returns. This allowance would giveparties greater incentive to spend money in local campaigns.
5. Matched Funding or Registered Supporters: As well as removing the dependency on a limited number of largefunders the objective of reform must be to strengthen parties and increase participation and engagement.
Recommendation: Introduce a system of registered supporters whereby parties receive a limited donation per registeredsupporter. If this is not acceptable then a system of matched funding for donations up to 100 would be introduced.
6. Who should qualify for support: The purpose of increasing public funding is not to protect parties from competition orto maintain the present party system.
Recommendation: To qualify for support a party should either have an MP, MEP, an elected member of a devolved assembly or
parliament, 20 councillors or an elected mayor. To qualify for a rebate in a constituency a candidate should have to receive 10% ofthe vote.
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Parties
Membership
Approximately272,000members,downfrom405,000shortlyafterthe1997election.
Where does the money come from?
Despitethechangesoverthelast10yearsthepartyremainsdependentontradeunionsforalargepercentageofitsincome.Its2002accountsshowanincomeof3.4millionfrommembershipsubscriptionsand6.3millionfromtradeunionaffliations.DuringtheEightiesandearlyNineties,LabourstruggledtokeeppacewithaConservativepar tybankrolledbybigbusinessandsubstantialforeigndonations.However,since1997individuallywealthybackersincludingthelateLordHamlynandLordSainsburywerejoinedbydefectorsfromtheConservativepartyincludingChristopherOndaatje.Thetideseemstohaveturnedagain.DonationsfromRichardDesmond,LakshmiMittal,PaulDraysonandothershavearousedsuchcontroversythatdonorsarestayingaway,leavingLabourincreasinglyreliantontheunionsoncemore.
Existing State Funding
Traditionally,supportfrompublicfundshasbeenconfinedtooppositionparties,exceptforfreepartypoliticalbroadcastsand
candidatemailingsatelectiontime.However,thenumberofspecialadvisers,manyofwhomarepoliticalappointee'shasrisensharplyunderLabour.Thetotalsalarybillforspecialadvisersin2001to2002was4.4million,thoughthisincludesnonpoliticalspecialists.Labourwillalsobenefitfromsome500,000tospendonlong-termpolicydevelopmentfromafundadministeredbytheElectoralCommission.
Policy on party funding
TonyBlairhassaidthatraisingmoneyforthepartyistheaspectofthejobhelikesleast.PeterMandelsonhaswritteninfavourofstatefunding,andMikeO'Brien,nowaForeignOfficeMinister,proposedasystemquitesimilartotheCleanMoneyproposalontheCleanpolitix.comwebsite.Somepartytraditionalistswouldbeopposedtolimitsondonations,ortowideningstatefunding,astheyseethelinkwiththeunionsasessentialtomaintainingtheparty'sroots.Theleadershipisinfavourofwiderstatefunding,butwouldnotpushitthroughwithoutaconsensus.
Campaign expenditure in 2001 General Election
LabourPartyexpensestotalledapproximately10.9millionforthe2001GeneralElection.AccountingforalmosthalfofLaboursexpenditure,wasthe5millionpricetagonadvertising.Whilepartypoliticalbroadcastscostabout272thousand,ralliesandothereventsreached1.2million,andmarketresearch/canvassingamountedto869thousand.Moneyspentonunsolicitedmaterialtoelectorsandmanifestodevelopmentwere1.4millionand517thousand,respectively.Expenditureconnectedtomediatotalled750thousand,andmoneyspentontransportcost774thousand.
Labour Party
Source: www.cleanpolitix.com
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THISGovernmenthaseveryreasontobeproudofthePoliticalParties,Elections
andReferendumsAct.Itwasthiscountrysfirstcomprehensivelegislationonthefundingofpoliticalparties.Itbroughtinthebanonoverseasfunding,thelimiton
campaignspendingandthedutytodiscloselargedonations.Ahistoricachievement,butnot,ofcourse,theendofit.Itneveris.
ThereisnowaneedforasecondPoliticalPartiesActtobringinasecondstageofreform.IdontthinktheGovernmentwillbehardtoconvinceonthispoint.Ministershavebeendismayedtodiscoverthatthedisclosureprovisionsofthenewacthavenotputan
immediateendtopressstoriesaboutsleaze.OnthecontrarythepresshashadafielddayeverytimetheElectoralCommissionhaspublisheditsquarterlylistofdonors.Transparencyhasjustmadeiteasierforthepresstogathertheinformation.
Newspapershavenotconcentratedonthebiggestdonations,suchasthe5milliondonationfromthebetting
tycoonStuar tWheelertotheConservativeParty,butonmuchsmallerdonationstotheLabourPartywhichcanbeportrayedaspresentingethicaldilemmasforthe
Government,suchasthe125,000fromthesteelmagnateLakshmiMittal,the100,000fromtheDailyExpressownerRichardDesmond,the50,000fromPaulDraysonofthepharmaceuticalcompanyPowderjectandthe36,000conferenceeventsponsorship
fromEnron.Atnopointhasanynewspaperofferedanyevidenceofanyimproperinfluenceinconnectionwithanythesedonations,butthepresswillrunfordayswithasleazestoryevenwhenthereisnoevidenceofsleaze.
ItsnotdifficulttounderstandwhymembersoftheGovernmentshouldfeelaggrieved.Wereformedthesystem,wecleaneduppolitics,weendedsleaze,butnowwe
aregettingnoneofthecreditwedeservebecauseofthepublicitysurroundingofahandfuloflargedonations.
Itsbeenasteeplearningcurve,butwhatelsedidweexpectwhenweintroducedtransparencyintothepoliticalsystem? Itshappenedineverycountrywhendisclosurehasbeenintroducedandwearethelastcountr yinwesternEuropeandnorthAmericatointroduceit
thatthepresshashadafielddayonthedaywhenthepartiesannualreportsarepublished.AsProfessorKeithEwing,oneofthearchitectsoftheAct,pointedout,weshould
alwayshaveexpectedthepresstodowhattheyaresupposedtodo,whichistoshineabrightlightandpokearoundwithalongstick.Thatisthepointofdisclosure.Itstruethatourpresshasbeenmoreobsessivethanthepressinothercountries,butthatisbecause
halfourpressispartisanandtheotherhalfisparanoidsotheywillallascribethemostnefariousmotiveseventothemostinnocentdonations.
Whatweareoverlookinghereisthatdisclosurewassupposedtoworknotjustasasearchlightbutasadeterrent,makingdonorsmorereluctanttogivemoneyandpartiesmorecautiousaboutacceptingit.Itisalreadydeterring
donors.AccordingtoaLabourPartyfundraiserthebigdonorsarerunningscared.TheyfindtotheirdismaythatoncetheyhavebeentaggedaLabourdonorinthepresstheirconductbecomesnewsworthyoncompletelyunrelatedmatters.Andifindividualdonorsarerunningforcover,soarecompanydonors.Shareholderballotsmadeitmoredifficultforthemtogivemoney.Accordingtoviewofthepublicrelationsdirectorofacompany
thatusedtomakedonations,thegovernmenthasmadeitalmost
Martin Linton MP
is Labour member for
Battersea
How we got into the
sleazepit..
.. and how we couldget out.
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impossibleforcompaniestogivemoneywithoutappearingcorrupt.BPhasevenannounceditisnotmakingcorporatedonationstoanypoliticalpartyanywhereintheworld.
TheLabourPartyhasalso,some
mightsaybelatedly,becomemoreselectiveaboutthedonationsitwillaccept.IthasissuedaStatementonDonationsandinMay2002itsetupanethicscommitteetovetdonors.Transparencyisthusoperatingonthedemandsideaswellasthesupplyside.AsProfessorEwingsaid:Ithastakentimefortransparencytohavethedesiredimpact,withthepartiesnaivelyassumingthatbecausedonationsarenowdisclosed,itdidnotmatter
whatwasrevealed.Therewasnotinitiallyasensethattransparencywasdesignedtorequirethepartiestomoderatetheirbehaviourtoexercisecareaboutthepersonsfromwhomtheytookmoney.
Thereis,inotherwords,anorganicprocessleadingfromthefirstPoliticalPartiesActtothesecond.Essentially,disclosureandshareholderballotswerealwaysgoingtoreduceindividualandcompanydonationswithoutprovidinganalternativesourceoffinance.Thiswasboundtopushthepartiesfurtherintodebt,andmaybeintobankruptcy.Thisisturnwaslikelytomakethepartieslookwith
envyatthepositionineveryotherEuropeanandNorthAmericancountrywheretheyalreadyhaveaformalsystemofstatefundingforpoliticalparties.SoitisnosurprisethatthefirstActhascreated pressureforlowerspendinglimits,forcapsondonationsandfora
greaterdegreeofstatefunding.
TheGovernmentforesaw,whenitpassedthePoliticalPartiesAct,thatlegislationonthefundingofpoliticalpartieswouldneedtobereviewedonaregularbasis.ThatisoneofthereasonswhyitsetuptheElectoralCommissionwiththepowertoreview legislationandrecommendreforms.Soitisnosurprisethatinitsreportonthe2001election,publishedinJuly
2001,theCommissionundertookinthelongertermtoconsidertheargumentforacaponpoliticaldonationsandstatefundingofpoliticalparties.
Lookingfurtherbacktothespringof2000,whenthePoliticalPartiesElectionsandReferendumsBillwasonitswaythroughtheHouseofCommons,theverysameissuesofspendinglimits,donationscapandstateaidwerebeingmovedasamendmentsatcommitteestage.Asamemberofthatcommittee,Imovedamendmentstoreducethespendinglimitfrom20millionto15million,tointroduceacapondonationsof_millionandtoincreasethebudgetforpolicy developmentgrants,theonlyelementofstatefundingintheBill,from2millionto10millionayear.
InOctober2002theInstituteforPublicPolicyResearch(IPPR)issuedtherepor tofaresearchprojectonpartyfunding,KeepingItCleanthewayforward forstatefundingofpoliticalparties,byMattCainandMatthewTaylor,recommendingalowerlimitoncampaignspending,acaponindividualdonationsandanovelmatch-fundingapproachtostateaid.
AlthoughtheIPPRisclosetotheLabourParty,therepor tcarriedaforewordbytheConservativeMPSirGeorgeYoungsupportingallthreeproposalsandConservativefront-bencher
AndrewLansleyattendedthelaunchandurgedhispartytosupportallthreerecommendations.TheLiberalDemocrattreasurerTimRazzallalsowelcomedthereport.ThethenchairmanoftheLabourParty,CharlesClarke,saidtheGovernmentwasseriously
consideringloweringthecampaignspendinglimitandintroducingmatch-funding.Acapondonations,hesaid,wouldbemoredifficult.
ApaperbyProfessorKeithEwingforanotherleft-of-centrethink-tank,Catalyst,advocatedalowercampaignspendinglimitandanincreaseinstatesupportforpoliticalparties,butalsoarguedagainstthecapondonations.Thustheproposalforalowerspendinglimit
appearstoenjoyall-partysupportalready.Thishasitsownironiesforme.Iarguedinthecommitteethat,whileitwasahugeadvancetointroduceanationalcampaignspendinglimitforthefirsttimeinourhistory,itwouldnotbiteifitwassetat20millionandshouldbereducedto15million.AsItoldthecommittee:IdonotbelievethattheLabourpar tywouldget20millionatthenextelection,letaloneneedtospendit.IamsurethattheConservativeswouldnotget20million.Whowouldputup20milliontogetthemelectednexttime?TheamendmentwasopposedbyboththeGovernmentfront-benchandevenmorestronglybytheConservatives.YetmyforecastprovedalltooaccurateandbythetimetheBillhadreachtheLords,theConservativePartytreasurerandallegedtaxexileLordAshcroftwassocertainhispartywouldnotbeabletoraise20millionthathevotedforamendmentstoreducethelegallimitto15millionandthento13million.
TheBillwasenactedwitha20millionlimit,butintheeventtheHomeSecretaryexercisedhispowertoreducethelimitto15millionbecausetheActhadbeeninforceforonlyfourmonthsbeforetheelection,andasitturnedoutnoneofthepartiescameclosetospendingeventhat.TheConservativesspent12,751,813,downfrom28millionatthepreviouselection,Labour10,945,119andtheLiberal
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Democrats1,361,377.
NowProfessorEwingisrecommendingthatthe20millionlimitshouldbereducedatleastto15mill ionwhichwasactuallythefigurethatheproposedwhenhegaveevidencetotheNeill
CommitteeonbehalfoftheLabourParty.TheIPPRhasgonefurtherandproposedalimitof12millionintheelectioncampaignandalsoalimitonhowmuchapartycanspendinanyoneyear,startingat20millionandreducingto15million.
Ipersonallyfeelwecouldnowgotoa10millionlimit ifwewanttoachieveanendtotheelectionarmsraceandarealdownwardstep
changeinelectionspending.Giventhattherewill alwaysberoomforargumentoverwhethersomeitemsshouldcountascampaignexpenses,itisinevitabletherewillbesomedrift.TheCanadiansreckonthattheirpoliticalpartiesprobablyspend$5milliondollarsmorethantheofficialcampaignlimit.Ifwewanttoholdcampaignspendingbelow15million,weshouldsetthelegallimitat10million.10millionisalsoafigurethattreasurersofthetwolargerpartiescanraisecomfortablyfrommembersandsmalldonationswithouttheneedtotrawlforbigdonors.
Theissueofstatefundingisrathermorecomplex.Ifitisaskedasastraightquestion:Areyouinfavourofthestatefundingofpoliticalparties?,thepublicisinvariablyagainstitbyabigmajority.Buttheydontseemtomindaboutthevariousformsofstate-aid-in-kindthepartiesalreadyreceivefreepost,freehalls,freeconferencesecurity,freepartypoliticalswhichareworthanestimated80millionayear.NorhasanyoneobjectedtothefirstformofstateaidincashintroducedbythePoliticalPartiesAct,the2millionalreadybeingpaidinPolicyDevelopmentGrants.ThereisnoparticularreasontosupposethepublicwillraiseanoutcryifthereisamodestextensionofthePolicyDevelopmentGrantsorgrantsforthetrainingortreasurerandagentsoryouthwork.
TherewillbeafewLabourMPsaswellasConservativeswhotakeaprincipledorapopuliststandagainststateaid.ButtheConservativePartywillbeinnopositiontodoso.Theirpartyhasbeensavedfrombankruptcy
largelybythedecisionofthisGovernmenttotrebletheso-calledShortmoneypaidtooppositionpartiesinParliament,increasingtheirsharefromjustunder1millionin1997tonearly3_millionin2002-03.TheyalsoacceptpublicmoneyintheformofpolicydevelopmentgrantsandgrantsfromtheWestminsterFoundation.Theircoffersarealreadyfullofpublicmoney.ThelatestquarterlyreportfromtheElectoralCommission,
coveringthelastthreemonthsof2002,showsthattheConservativePartyreceivedmoremoneyfrompublicfunds-950,604thanitreceivedincashdonations-883,039.OnlywhenthevalueofdonationsinkindareaddedinaretheConservativessavedfrombeingthefirstexampleofapoliticalpar tyfundedmainlybythetaxpayer.
TheConservativesalsomovedanamendmentinfavouroftaxreliefondonationstopartiesaformofstatefundingduringthePoliticalPartiesBill.MorerecentlyTeresaMay,theConservativechairman,joinedwithheroppositenumbersintheLabourPartyandtheLiberalDemocrats inwritingtotheElectoralCommissionsupportingtheuseofpublicmoneyforthetrainingofcouncillors,e-communicationsandinternationalwork.
InitsreporttheIPPRarguesforavoluntaryformofstatefundingwherepoliticalpartieswillbeeligibleforstatesupport,onaformulathatisrelatedtothenumberofvotestheyreceiveandthenumberofmemberstheyrecruit,butonlyforthosepartiesthatacceptamaximumsizefor donations.
TheyalsoadvocateavariationofproposalfromtheNeillCommitteefortax-reliefonsmalldonationstopoliticalpar ties.Underthe IPPRschemesmalldonationstopolitical
partieswouldbematchedbygrantsfromtheTreasury,butonasteeplyslidingscalesoanannualdonationof50mightattractamatchinggrantof50,butanannualdonationof80wouldattractamatchinggrantofonly30.Above100ayearthegrantswouldcease.
TheGovernmentopposedtheoriginalrecommendationoftheNeillCommitteebecauseofthepotentialbiasinfavourofbetter-offtaxpayers.A100taxexemptionwouldbeworth40toahigherratetaxpayer,22toastandardratepayer,10toalowerratepayerandnothingtoanon-taxpayer.ButtheIPPRproposalbasedonsimilartax-creditschemesinGermanyandCanadaisdesignedtoavoidthis
trap.
InhispaperProfessorEwingdrawsadistinctionbetweenstatefunding,whichheopposes,andstatesupport,whichheadvocates.Thedifferenceislargelyoneofdegree.Hewantsstatefunding,againrelatedtothenumberofmembersapar tyrecruitsaswellasthenumberofvotesitreceives,tobelimitedtoamaximumofonethirdofapartysincome.
TheTreasurywouldhaveanannualgrant,cappedatnomorethan70or80million,todistributetothepartiesanditwouldbeusedtocoverexpenseslikeeducationandtraining,butalsocoreactivitiesandorganisationalcosts,suchaspremises,staff,computers,telephones.Thatwouldbethesacrificethattaxpayerswouldhavetomaketoendthepartiesdependenceonlargeindividualdonations.Iftheyaretobedrawnawayfromtheirsugardaddies,wemustallbepreparedtoswallowabitterpillandmakeacontributionourselves,hesays.
Withsuchbroadsupportitmaybepossibletoproceedonthebasisofcross-partyagreement.ItiscertainlytruethatithasbeenintroducedineveryotherwestEuropeancountryonthebasisofcross-partyagreement.InGermanyitwastheChristianDemocratswhointroducedthefirststatefundingregimein1967.
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TheywerefollowedbySwedenandDenmarkin1969,theNetherlandsin1972,theUnitedStatesafterWatergateintheearly1970s,ItalyandCanadain1974,Greecein1984,Spainin1987,FranceandPortugalin1988.Britainwouldhavedonesoin1977had
itnotbeenfortheoppositionoftheConservativePartyunderMrsThatcher.ShehadacceptedstatefundingforoppositionpartiesinParliamentin1975,theso-calledShortmoney,butopposedstatefundingforotherparties.
WearenowuniqueintheEuropeanUnioninnothavingit.Butatthesametimewemustrecognisethepoliticaldifficultiesandsensibilitiesthatstandinthe
way.IronicallytheBritishpublichasbecomemoreopposedtostatefundingasaresultofsleaze,eventhoughitisarguablethatthesleazewascaused,oratleastaggravated,bytherefusalofpoliticalpartiestoagreetoasystemofstatefundinginthefirstplace.Sleazeiswhyweneedstatefunding,butitisalsowhypeopleopposeit.Thereis,however,nopointinpoliticianscomplainingthatthepublicisbeingirrational.Itisuptothemtoregainthepublicstrust.Theycannotsimplyawardthemselvesstatefundingoutoftaxpayersmoneywithoutfirstconvincingthepublicthatitisintheirinterest.
Themostproblematicreformwill
bethecaponindividualdonations.
TonyBlairdidconsidertheidea
briefly,inthewakeoftheEcclestone
affair,whenhewroteinTheTimes
thattheGovernmentshould
bereadytolimitindividualand
companydonationstoamodest
amountandeventoconsiderwhetherthereshouldbebusiness
fundingatall.
IntheeventtheNeillCommittee
recommendedagainstacapon
donationsandtheGovernment
endorsedtheNeillCommittees
view.Atthecommitteestageof
thePoliticalPartiesBill Imovedan
amendmenttoseta250,000limit
onindividualdonations,butthat
wasopposedbytheGovernment.WhentheGovernmentraninto
furtherproblemsovermillionaire
donors,Itabledanearlydaymotion
intheCommonstointroducea
100,000capondonations.That
attractedover100signaturesand
variousamendmenttoreducethe
limitevenlowerto10,000,butno
supportfromtheGovernment.
NowtheIPPRhascomeinwith
aradicalproposalforalimiton
individualdonationsof5,000.Theybasedtheirfigureonwork
withfocusgroupswhichshould
that5,000wasthefigurethat
wouldconvincetheelectoratethat
adonationdidnothaveimproper
motivations.
AndrewTyrieissofartheonly
ConservativeMPwhohascome
outinfavourofadonationscap,
arguingthatbigdonationsfromrich
individualsandtheircompaniesandfromtheunions.willhaveto
stop.TherestoftheConservative
Partymayfinditdifficulttoagree
becausetheystillrelyheavilyonthe
supportofahandfulofmillionaire
donors,butontheotherhandthey
mayfeelthatthenameoftheir
partyhasbeensotarnishedbyits
associationwithsleaze,andthat
theygainso littleadvantageover
Labourinthebattleforindividual
donations,thattheironlyhopeis
toputanendtomillionairefunding
throughacross-partyagreementto
capdonations.
ItmaybetheLabourPartythat
hasmoredifficultyinreaching
agreementonthisissuebecause
oftheambivalentpositionofthe
tradeunions.Atthemomentthe
ElectoralCommisionliststhe
affiliationfeespaidonbehalfof
themembersofeachtradeunion
asthoughtheywereasingledonationtotheLabourPartypaid
byanindividualratherthanas
membershipsubscriptionspaidby
manymembers.Theresultisthat
mostofthemillionairedonorsto
theLabourPar ty,astheyappearin
theElectoralCommissionrepor ts,
areinfacttradeunions.Between
themtheycontr ibuteroughly40%
ofthepartysincome.Thusifthere
wereacaponalldonationsabovea
certainsize,regardlessofsource,theLabourPartywouldbeinsevere
financialdifficulties.
Butthisisanoddwayoflookingat
affiliationfees.Theyarenotasingle
chargeonaunion,butacharge
peraffiliatedmember,anditisthe
individualunionmemberwhohas
therighttodecidewhethertopay
ornot.Itistheindividualunion
memberwhovoteswhetherto
haveapoliticalfundornot.Itis
alsotheindividualaffiliatedunionmemberwhohastherighttovote
inLabourPartyleadershipelections
(althoughuntilrecentlyitwasthe
tradeunion thatdecidedwhether
ornottoholdaballot)andtotake
partintheselectionofLabour
candidates.Inallthesewaystheyare
likemembershipsubscriptions.
However,whenitwassetupin
1900,theLabourPartywasan
organizationofaffiliatedbodies.Ithadnoindividualmembership.In
somerespectsithasretainedthis
corporatenature.Tradeunionscan
voteascorporatebodiesatthe
partyconference(althoughthevote
canbesplit)andtheycandecideas
corporatebodieswhethertoaffiliate
totheLabourParty.Theycaneven
decidehowmanyoftheirmembers
toaffiliateandrecentlyanumber
ofunions,includingTGWU,GMB,
CWU,RMTandUnison,haveeither
reducedorthreatenedtoreduce
theiraffiliationasawayof saving
moneyorofexertingpressureon
aLabourgovernment.Thispractice
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ofunder-affiliationmeans,not
thatfewerwillhavethevoteina
leadershipballot,butthevotesof
allwillbedevaluedinproportion,
eventhoughnoneofthemmay
haveagreedtoreducethelevelof
affiliationinthefirstplace.
Inproposingadonationcapof5,000,theIPPRhasacknowledged
thatthiswouldrequireachangein
thefinancialrelationshipbetween
affiliatedunionsandtheLabour
Party,buthaslefttheballinthe
unionscourtonthebasisthatit
isnotourplacetostipulatehow
thisshouldwork.ProfessorEwing
hastakentheviewthatthepartys
linkwiththetradeunionistoo
importanttobesweptawayasthe
side-effectoftheintroductionofadonationscap.Hesuggestsinstead
thattheLabourPartyshouldadopt
itsownmaximumfigureforprivate
donations-tobesetnohigher
thanthenationalaveragewage
orsalary-whileinsistingthatthe
unionsshouldaffiliateontheirfull
membership.
Neitherhasputforwardwhat
wouldseemtometobethe
commonsensesolutionthatthe
LabourPartyshouldchangethesystemsothataffiliatedmembers
becomeanewcategoryof
members,payinglessthanordinary
membersandenjoyingfewerrights,
butneverthelessentitledtovote
inleadershipballots,innational
executiveelectionsandincandidate
selections.Theiraffiliationfeeswould
bepaiddirectlyandautomatically
totheLabour(orother)party
andwouldnotbeaffectedbya
donationscap.
Itwouldthenbepossibletorefine
thebluntinstrumentofadonations
capbutsettingamaximumsizefor
anindividualdonation,butallowing
corporatedonationsfromboth
companiesandtradeunionstobehigheronthebasisthatthe
membersofthoseorganisations
havetovotetopermitthe
donationstobemadethrough
shareholderballotsinthecase
ofcompaniesandpoliticalfund
ballotsinthecaseoftradeunions
andtradeunionshavetheadded
protectionoftherighttocontract
out.
Thiswouldthenallowthedonationscaptodealwiththe
realmischiefthelargeindividual
donationwhichwillalwaysraise
thesuspicionthataprivatedeal
mayhavebeendoneoratleast
thatthepar tyisgoingtofeelin
somewaybeholdentothedonor.
Andhowevermuchtrustonemay
haveintheindividualsconcerned,
whocanbesurethatapartywont
behaveslightlydifferentlytoabig
donor.Maybetheyllbeworried
aboutjeopardizingthechanceofanotherlargedonation.Or,more
likelyinLabourscase,theylllean
overbackwardsinordertobeseen
tobefair.
Forthefirsttimeinageneration
allthreemainpartiesareprepared
totalkser iouslyaboutendingtheir
dependenceondonationsfrom
wealthyindividualsandreducing
theirspendinginelectioncampaigns.
Atthesametimethepublicareso
wearyofsleazeoraccusations
ofsleazethatmanyofthem
wouldtacitlyacceptanextension
ofstatesupportforpoliticalparties
inreturnforadecisivehalttothe
armsraceonelectionspending
andanendtomillionairefundingofpoliticalparties.
Wemustnevermakeitacondition
thatweshouldfirstachieve
completeagreementbetweenthe
parties.Thatwasthemistakethat
JimCallaghanmadeinthe1970s
anditjusthandedavetotothe
Conservativeswhouseditto
obstructallprogress.Butwedo
nowhaveahistoricchancetolift
politicsoutofthesleazepitintowhichitdescendedinthe1990s
andtodosowithoutaslanging
matchthatwoulddamagethe
reputationofpoliticsstillmore.
Wearethenearestwehavebeen
sincethe1970stofindingacross-
partyconsensusonthisissue.The
Conservativesarethenearest
theyhaveeverbeentosupporting
asignificantloweringofelection
spending,amoveawayfrom
millionairefundingandanextensionofsupportforpoliticalparties.
Thismaybebecausetheyareat
theweakesttheyhavebeenfor50
years,financiallyaswellaselectorally.
Butifwewanttoreformparty
fundingonacross-partybasis,this
isourmomenttoputourstamp
onthepoliticalsystemandtomake
adecisivemovetowardscleanand
openpolitics.
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Parties
Membership
Approximately318,000
Where does the money come from?
Throughoutthe80sanduptothemid90stheConservativesalwaysheldahugeedgeinfinances,receivinglargesumsfrommanyindividualsandcompanies.However,sincetheirlossofpowertheyhavefounddonationsfromthesesourcesdryingup,andhavebeenforcedtorelyuponasmallgroupofwealthyindividualsandcompaniesformostoftheirdonations.
SirPaulGetty,SirJohnPaulII,JohnWheeler,andSirStanleyKalmshaveaccountedforover8millionindonationssincethebeginningof2001.IIRLtdandNorbrookLaboratories(GB)Ltdremaintheirmostconsistentcompanydonors,witheachhavinggivenover1millionsincethebeginningof2001.
SincetheyhavebeenthemainOppositionPartytheConservativeshavehadtoincreasinglyrelyonpublicfunding.
Existing State Funding
TheConservativeshavebeenthemainoppositionpartysincelosingthe1997election,andreceivethebulkofShortmoneyandCranbournemoneythatisgivenout.Sincethebeginningof2001theConservativeshavereceivedover6millionpoundsfromtheDepartmentofFinance&AdministrationandtheElectoralCommission.
Policy on party funding
TheConservativeshavebeenthemostvocalopponentofanykindofstatefundingscheme.However,withtheirincreasingrelianceonpublicfunds,itwillbeharderforthemtocontinuethatargument
Campaign expenditure in 2001 General Election
ConservativePartyexpenditureforthe2001GeneralElectionwasintheorderof12.7million.Advertisingaccountedfor4.4
million,whilepartypoliticalbroadcastcost567thousand,andrallies/eventsreachednearly2million.Moneyusedformarketresearch/canvassingwas1.7million,andmanifesto/partypolicydocumentcostjustover1million.Thepriceofunsolicitedmaterialstoelectorscameinat1.2millionandtranspor tamountedto1.4million.Mediarelatedexpenseswere356thousand.
Conservative Party
Source: www.cleanpolitix.com
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Theelectoratehasconcludedthatpoliticsstinks.Thewidespreadimpressionthat
influenceovergovernmentpolicycanbeboughtbytherich,andthathonoursespeciallypeeragescanbetraffickedaretwoofthemainreasons.Maybetheyare
nolongermistaken.Morestatefunding,intelligentlydeployed,isnowtheonlywaytorestorepublicconfidence.
Thestenchisjusttoopungenttobeputdowntonaturalcauses.ThereistheEccleston1milliondonationtoLabour.WastherereallynoconnectionbetweenthatandFormulaOnesexemptionfromthetobaccoadvertisingban?TheresthePowderJect32million
contractanditsChiefExecutives50,000donation.TherestheMittal125,000.WasthatreallyentirelyunconnectedwiththePrimeMinisterslettertotheRomanianPrimeMinisteronbehalfofMrMittalsfinancialinterests?TherearetheHindujas.Wasthegrantingofpassportstothesebrothersentirelyunconnectedwith1millionfortheDomenotadonationtoLabourbutimportanttothem.SirAnthonyHammondhasnoteven
beenpermittedtoinvestigatethatmoneythePrimeMinisterkepttheDomeoutsidehistermsofreference.ThentheresLaboursblind
trust.JusthowblindcanatrustbewhenthePrimeMinisterschiefdoorkeeperandthemantowhomthewholeNumber10machineanswersJonathanPowell-wasallegedlyrunningthetrust(withGeoffreyRobinson)whenLabourwereinopposition?Theresthe
Enrondonation.Canthepublicfeelsurethattheendingofthegasmoratoriumwasentirelyunrelated?
Theresthehonourslist.Isitjustcoincidencethat,forexample,LordsBragg,Gavron,Haskins(alsothered-tapeTsar),Sainsbury(nowaMinister)madelargedonationstotheLabourPartypriortotheirennoblement?Theunionsareatit,too.ItwasrecentlydisclosedbytheFinancialTimesthatthe
RMTUnionwerethreateningtowithdrawconstituencysupportfromtheirsponsoredLabourMPsunlessthegovernmentchangeditsemploymentpolicy.
Atthispoint,anynon-Conservativereadermayconcludethatthisisapar tyrant.On honoursImshortofananswertotheInstituteforPublicPolicyResearchsrevelationthatpriorto1997about6percentofpublic
companiesmadedonationstotheConservativePartybut50percentofknighthoodsandpeerageswenttothedirectorsofcompanieswhomadesuchdonations.Another
coincidence?Idoubtit.CashforQuestions?Disgraceful,althoughthoseinvolvedwereneverclosetothecentreofgovernmentand,forthatreason,itpalesbycomparisonwiththelinksbetweenmoneyandtheheartoftheNewLabourgovernment.Overall,thingsappear
tohavegotworse.IcannotthinkofanallegedcaseofinfluenceatNumber10boughtforcashundertheTories-andcertainlynothingcompareswiththeMittal,Eccleston,Enroncatalogue-butIcantprovethatitneverhappened.
Theawfultruthisthatthepublicmaynowberighttothinkthatpoliticalfundingstinks.Thingsareataprettypass.Itsnotenoughforthoseofus inparliamentwhocan
seeallthistoholdournosesandwalkby,murmuringtoourselvesthatperhapsit isinourrespectivepartiesinterestsnottosniffaroundtoomuch.
Wemustinhale.Onlyoncewefullyappreciatethefoulodourintheelectoratesnostr ilscanwefindourwaytoasolution.
Theheartoftheproblemlieswithbigdonations,fromrich
individualsandtheircompanies,andfromtheunions.
Andrew Tyrie MP
is Conservative member
for Chichester
Our politics is healthy.
Our party finances stink.
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Thesewillhavetostop.Individualdonationsshouldbelimitedto,say,1000,orperhapsslightlymore.
Donationsfromcompaniesandtradeunionsshouldbebannedaltogether.Decisivelybreakingthelinkbetweenunioninfluenceover
theLabourPar tyandmillionairecaptureofbothpartiescouldprofoundlyimprovetheimageofpolitics.
Institutionalmillionairefundingwillhavetobereplacedwithsomething.Thereisnotamajordemocracywherepartiestrytofinancethemselvesexclusivelyfrommembershipsubscriptionstheyallhavesomeformofstatefundingeitherfromtaxrelieforgrants
orsomeformofmatchingfundingforpartymembershiplists,oramixture.
Iamattractedtomatchingfunding.Partiesshouldbepaidasmallsumforeachpartymembertheyrecruit,subjecttoanoverallcap.Thecashpermembershouldbesetatalevelwhichencouragesrecruitment.
Thesoonerthatactionstartstobetaken,thebetter.Aneasytoimplementalternativetomatchingfundingwouldbetaxreliefforpoliticaldonations,uptoacertain
limit.Taxreliefdoesnotnecessarilyprovideastimulustolocalactivismbutitwouldbeastepforwardoncurrentarrangements.IntheSpring2003budgettheChancellorcouldadopttheproposalsofLordNeillsCommitteeonStandardsinPublicLifewhichsuggestedthe
extensionoftaxreliefforindividualdonationstopoliticalparties.Thetwoapproaches-taxreliefandmatchingfunding-havesimilaritiesand,althoughitmightbemoredifficulttoadminister,theycouldberunintandem.
Therearetwomainobjections.Thefirstisthatitwouldforcepeople,throughthetaxsystem,togivemoneyforcausesinwhichtheydonotbelieve.Thesecondis
thatitmightkilloffwhatiscalledcivicengagementtheinstinctforvoluntarypoliticalactivism.
Iurgethosewhoareconcernedaboutthefirstobjectiontoconsiderthatapproachingtwothirdsofpar tiesGeneralElectioncampaigningactivityisalreadyprovidedbytheState.Fortypercentofallactivitybetweenelectionsalsocomes,incash,orkind,fromtheState.Some isShortmoney(aparliamentarygrantforoppositionparties),specialadviserssalaries,thepolicydevelopmentgrantsandthelike.Mostisstoleninadvertising
revenueforgonefromtheITV,orsimilarlypurloinedfromBBClicencefeepayersthroughtheimpositionofPartyPoliticalBroadcasts(PPBs).
Inadvanceddemocraciesaccesstotheairwavesisalargeslugofthetotalcostofpartypolitics.Inthe
US,forexample,thelionsshareofPresidentialelectionspendinggoesonbuyingTVadvertisingspace.ThearrangementsforUKpoliticaladvertising-wheretheairtimeisfree-arevoluntaryonlyintheory:ifthebroadcastersjibbedtheyknowthatparliamentwouldprobablyimposePPBs.Estimatesofthecostofrunningpoliticalparties,togetherwithabreakdownofthesourceofthecashorbenefitinkind,aresetoutinFig.4&5.
Soweareintheworstofallpossibleworlds:thepublicisalreadypayingforpartiesbutweareretainingthelargeindividual,companyandunionfundingwhich,eventhoughitonlypaysforasmallproportionoftotalpartycosts,corrodespublicconfidence.
Tothecivicengagementconcernatleastthreepointsneedtobeborneinmind.First,mostofthepartycivicdisengagementhasalreadyhappened.Masspartiesaredying.Theircombinedmembershippeakedinthe1950sataround
Estimated cost of party politics in anon election year with percentagecontribution by the State under
present arrangements
Fig.4
Note
CampaignspendingfigurestakenfromtheElectoral
Commission.Partyspendingfiguresderivedfromtheir
accounts.FreepostageaHomeOfficeestimate.Values
ofPPBsandPEBsestimatedfromInstituteofPublicPolicy
ResearchandIndependentTelevisionAssociationestimates
respectively,adjustedforinflationbytheAdvertising
Association'sindexofTVrates.
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4million,excludingtradeunionaffiliation.Thatfigurehasfallenbyovereightypercent.Thecombinedmembershipofthemajorpartiesatthemomentisprobablyonlyalittleoverhalfamillionandfalling,whichisunderhalfthatoftheRoyalSocietyfortheProtectionofBirds.
(Fig.6)ThesedayspeopletaketheirdoseofnationalpoliticsfromTVandradio,orinotherways,notbyputtingontheirhatsandcoatsandgoingtoapublicmeeting.
Secondly,wepoliticiansshouldntassumethatthedeclineinmasspartiesnecessarilybetokensasicklypolity.Itistruethatthepublicgaveuponpartiesalongtimeago.Yettheyhaveneverbeenmoreengagedincausesandassociations
thantheyarenow-pressuregroups,single-issuecampaignsandthelike.Ecologygroupshaveseenthelargestincreasewithover1600nowlistedintheDirectoryfortheEnvironment.Therehasalsobeenadramaticincreaseinmembershipofpressuregroups:theGreenMovementhasincreasedmembershipfrom1.5millionin1970,to5millioninthemid1990s,tocitejustoneexample.Peopleareactiveonspecificissuesthatmattertothem,oftenhighlylocal,ratherthanthroughparties.
Icanprovidesomeanecdotal
evidencetoillustratethis.Atthebeginningoftheyearanindependenthospitalwasthreatenedwithclosure inmy constituency.Over75,000peoplesignedapetitiontosaveitinalittleoverafortnight.Evenallowingforsomedoubleandtriplesignatures
thisisaremarkabledegreeofengagement.TheCountrysideAlliancewascreatedfromvirtuallynothinginjustoverayearandhassincebeenabletomobiliseseveralrallies,ontwoofwhichover400,000participated.
Thewiderpublichasprobablyneverbeensowellinformedaboutpoliticsorsocommittedtotheissueswhichmostmattertothem.Thosewhohavetheopportunity
toinfluenceormakedecisionsarebesiegedbylobbiesandpressuregroupinterestsonspecificissues.Ministerialpostbagshavemushroomed.MPsusedtoreceive10to15lettersaweek50yearsago.Todaytheyaverage300.Wearelivinginahighlypoliticallyactiveandissuedrivensociety.Insomerespectsitisananti-partycultureanditiscertainlyoneinwhichdeferencetoformalinstitutionsofalltypeshasallbutcollapsed.ButImnotsurethisisabadthing,particularlyifitalsocomes,inthebroadestsense,withgreatercivicengagement.Itistruethat
therearesomeseriousproblemsofdisenfranchisementfromthepoliticalsystem,particularlyintheinnercities.Butthenotionthatourpoliticalfabriciscollapsingasaconsequenceofdisengagementisjustsomuchnonsense.Itismainlythestaid,oldandby-passedpar ty
politiciansandacademics,forwhomitissomethingtowriteabout,whopeddlethisline.
Thirdly,thosewhobelievestronglyinthecaseformorecivicengagementinpartypoliticsshouldatleasttrymatchingfundingasameansofrevivingit.Theincentiveonpartiestorecruitwouldbestrong.Anintelligentlydevisedformofstatefundingmayprovidethebesthopeofrestoringameasureof
localparty-politicalactivism.Itmightspurpartiesbettertorepresentthosewhoengageininterestgroupactivism,particularlyonlocalissues.Itmightalsodosomethingtocounterthecentralisationthathascomewiththedominanceofthenationalmediainmodernpoliticaldiscourse.
SomemightarguethattheproposalsIhavesuggestedaretooradical.CantwerelyontheMajor/Blairclean-up-shareholdervotingforpartydonationsandthepublicationofadonorregister-toactasadisinfectant?
Note
CampaignspendingfigurestakenfromtheElectoral
Commission.Partyspendingfiguresderivedfromtheir
accounts.FreepostageaHomeOfficeestimate.Values
ofPPBsandPEBsestimatedfromInstituteofPublicPolicy
ResearchandIndependentTelevisionAssociationestimates
respectively,adjustedforinflationbytheAdvertising
Association'sindexofTVrates.
Estimated cost of party politics in anelection year with percentagecontribution by the State under
present arrangements
Fig.5
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Sadlyno.Ifitcouldreasonablybearguedthattheseinitiatives-theestablishmentoftheNolan,Neill,FilkinCommitteesandthecreationoftheElectoralCommission-hadrestoredpublicconfidenceIwouldprefertoleaveitatthat.Buttheyhavenotrestoredpublicconfidence.
Onthecontraryandparadoxically,thesereformsmayhavemadethingsworse,forseveralreasons.First,thenewcommitteesareinadvertentlyaggravatingtheperceptionofsleaze,bydrawingthepublicsattentiontoevenrelativelyminortransgressions.Thesecommitteesareasdependentuponmediaattentionaseveryotheractorinpubliclifefortheirworkandthemobilisationofawide
publicsapprobationforit.Andthemedia,understandablyenough,knowthatnewsworthinessdoesnotlieinameasuredreportbutinemphasisingandexaggeratingeveryshortcomingwhichthesebodieshavespotted,howevertrivial.Itwouldbeveryworryingifthedisinfectant-theMajor/Blaircommittees-mayinadvertentlybecontributingtothedeathofthepatient-cleanpartypolitics.
Thereareotherreasonswhyweneedtothinkcarefullybeforeempoweringandenlargingtheanti-sleazecommittees.Thecombinedannualcostofrunningthesesleaze-bustersat15-20
million,isprobablyroughlythesameasanyreasonableincrementinstatefundingimpliedbymyproposals.Ofcourse,thatisnottheendofthestory-onecouldnotmerelybesubstitutedfortheother.Somemonitoringwouldstillberequired;nordoesstatefundingnecessarily
eradicatesleaze,asrecentGermanscandalsillustrate.Nonetheless,anyvalueformoneyassessmentofanti-sleazefundingneedstotaketheburgeoningcostof thesleaze-bustingcommitteesseriouslyandweighitagainstothermethodsofrestoringpublicconfidence.
Secondly,thereformshavedestroyedthebroadbaseoffundingthathadexistedbydeterringmostfirmsfrommakingdonations.This
hasleftthemainpoliticalpartiesinthehandsofadwindlingnumberofwealthyindividualdonors.Theelectorateareevenmorelikelytodistrustdonationsfromthisselectgroupthandonationsfromlargecorporations.Itisaskingalotoftheelectoratetobelievethatthesepeopleneverbendanear,hintatadealorangleforagong.Idont.
Thirdly,thepartiesthemselvesdonthelp.AnynumberofWicksCommitteesonstandardsinpubliclifeorFilkinesquesleaze-busters,willnotbeabletodomuchtohelpifpartiesaredeterminedtomakepoliticalcustardpiesoutoftrivia.
WecantstaywhereweareandImconfidentwewont.Whateverthereformroutetakenitisessentialthatfirmcapsbekeptontheoveralllevelofcampaignspendingatnationallevelthisiswidelyacceptedinmostcountries.Moneyshouldneverbeabletobuypower.
ThetragedyisthatpoliticsasawholeinBritainisprobablylesscorruptthaninanyothermajordemocracy,notjustthecivilservicebutparliament,too.Aseriesofmainlyminorscandalsoverthepastdecadehaveencouragedanorgyofpartypoliticalmud-slinging.Thepublichavebeenleftwiththeimpressionthateveryoneinpubliclifeisonthemake.
Theoppositeisthetruth.TheMPsIknow,onallsidesoftheHouse,arededicatedanduncorrupt.Butthecurrentstructureofparty
fundingisnowencouragingthewrongconclusiontobedrawninthepublicmind.
Wemustcleanuptheimageofparties.Partiesmatter.AsDisraelisaid:withoutpartiesparliamentarygovernmentisimpossible.He
mighthaveaddedthatwithoutpublictrustinthemdemocracycannotfunction.
8/22/2019 Strong Parties Clean Politics
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Fig.6
Notes: ExcludesTradeUnionaffiliation,whichhasalsofallen.
ThereisabreakinLabourPartycomparabilityfrom1980.
TheLiberalDemocratswereformedin1989.
Sources: LabourPartyNECreports.
Whiteley,SeydandRichardson,True Blue.
MPinto-Duchinsky,British political finance 1830-1980.
PersonalCommunicationLiberalPartyLeader'sOffice(1980).
ConservativeCentralOffice.
LiberalDemocratPartyHQ.
ButlerandButler,British Political Facts, 1900-2000.
NCSR,British Social Attitudes, 2001/02 edition.
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Parties
Membership
Approximately73,000members,belowthe1990speak.
Where does the money come from?
TheLiberalDemocratshaveneverhadaccesstofundsonthesamescaleasthetwolargerparties.Theirtotalelectionspendintherun-upto2001wasintheregionof4million,againstaround20millionforLabourandtheConservatives.
TheirlargestprivatebackeristheJosephRowntreeReformTrustLtd.
Othersupportersarewealthyindividualsandasmatteringofprivatecompanies.Recently,therehasbeenarapprochementwiththeunionsandUNISONhasprovidedaround60,000offundingtotheLiberalDemocrats.
Existing State Funding
TheLiberalDemocratsreceivethesecondlargestshareofShortMoneyAndCranborneMoney,toassisttheiroppositionworkin
Parliament.TheywillalsohaveashareinthepolicydevelopmentfundadministeredbytheElectoralCommission.
Policy on party funding
TheLiberalDemocratsarethepartymostinfavourofreformingthefundingsystem.Theyhaveattackedbothlargeprivatedonationsandthecreepingextensionofexistingblockgrantsfromthepublicpurse.MatthewTaylor,theLiberalDemocratsShadowChancellor,recentlyproposedacapondonationsaccompaniedbymatchfundingofsmallcontributions.
Campaign expenditure in 2001 General Election
TheLiberalDemocratscampaignexpenditurereachedover1.3million.Mostwasspentontransportat593thousand,andthemediaat230thousand.Costsforadvertisingwere196thousand,ralliesandothereventswere73thousand,andpartypoliticalbroadcastswere55thousand.Manifesto/partypolicydocumentamountedto91thousand,andmarketresearch/canvassingwas
66thousand.Unsolicitedmaterialtoelectorswaspricedatover54thousand.
Liberal Democrats
Source: www.cleanpolitix.com
24
8/22/2019 Strong Parties Clean Politics
27/39 March 2003 25
Matthew Taylor MP
is the Liberal Democrat
member forTruro & St
Austell
Thefundingofpoliticalpartiesandinparticular,ofelectoralcampaignsisbecomingan
importantissueinalldemocracies.ThisisespeciallytrueintheUK,wherethemajorpartiesarebecomingincreasinglydependentonatinynumberofpersonallywealthy
individuals.Inmyview,thisprocesshasadetrimentaleffectonthereputationofallpoliticalparties,anditistimeforittoend.
Atthelastelection,someindividualsmadesingledonationsofasmuchas5million.ThatsmoreinonedonationthantheLiberalDemocratscouldspendintotal,infact,morethantwiceasmuch.Suchhugedonationsraisethequestionofwhatindividualswantandwhatmightbe
giveninreturn,addingtoageneralbeliefthatpoliticiansarecorruptandthatfavoursareofferedinreturnformoney.Mostpeoplewontdrawagreatdistinctionbetweendonationstopoliticalorganisationsandthethoughtthatthepartymightbeinsomeoneelsesbackpocket.
FewofusbelieveacashstrappedPartyTreasurerwillnotleavewindowofopportunityforanindividualorgrouptopushforsomethingthatis
intheirinterests.Attheveryleast,theywillhavealevelofaccessthatnootherpersonislikelytohave.AseatatthetoptableorpersonalmeetingswithCabinetMinistersmaybe
intendedasnomorethanaThankyou,butitlookslikespecialaccessandinpracticeislikelytobejustthat.
InresponsetosuchconcernstheNeilCommitteerecommendedthatalldonationsshouldbepubliclydeclared,butthishasnotdelivered
thesolutionthatwasanticipated.Itcertainlymadetheprocessopentopublicscrutiny,butthepublicdidnotlikewhatitsaw.ThereisanelementoftruthwhenMinistersarguethereasonthisGovernmenthasbeenattackedsomuchissimplybecausetheyaretheonlyGovernmenttohaveputtheinformationsopubliclyontherecord.Theresultofthisincreasedscrutinyisthatfewbusinesseswillnowmakeadonationtoanypoliticalparty,andmeanwhile
membershipofallpoliticalpartiesisnose-divingaspoliticsbecomess