"The Siege of Jerusalem" and Biblical Exegesis: Writing about
Romans in Fourteenth-CenturyEnglandAuthor(s): Suzanne M.
YeagerSource: The Chaucer Review, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2004), pp.
70-102Published by: Penn State University PressStable URL:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/25094273 .Accessed: 24/12/2013
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JSTOR Terms and ConditionsTHE SIEGEOF JERUSALEM ANDBIBLICAL
EXEGESIS:WRITING ABOUT ROMANSIN FOURTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND by
SuzanneM. Yeager Almost sixtyyearsago, theroleofthe Jews
intheCroxton Playof the Sacramentcameinto question asCeciliaCutts
suggested a metaphorical reading ofthe play's textual
characterization;1 she argued thatthe Croxton Jews, in
rejectingChristianity, were portrayed insuch a way asto represent a
different group which deliberately excludeditselffromortho dox
Christianity?that is, theLollards.2 Alternatively, Steven Kruger
has suggested thattheCroxton Jews are representative ofthe
specifically Jewishbody, andhisreassessmentlinks corruptions ofthe
Jewishbody to Christian bodily miracles.3In interrogating theroleof
Jewishidentity, ElisaNarinvanCourthas posited a
paradoxical"Jewishpresence" in medieval English narrativesas
literary,theological, andvisual represen tationsof Jews continued
long aftertheir expulsion from England in 1290.4 Likewise, Sheila
Delany hasshownthatthe Jews continuedtoinflu ence English
writerswiththeir"absent presence."5 Critics reading the
late-fourteenth-centurypoem The SiegeofJerusalem varysimilarly
intheirassessmentof Jewishidentity.6 While Mary Hamel has suggested
thatthe Jewsportrayed inthe Siegerepresent a homoge nized group of
Jews, Saracens, and heretics,7 Ralph HannaIIIandNarin vanCourthave
argued thatthe Jewsportrayed inthe Siegeoccupy a posi tion
particular to medieval Jewishpeople.Setting the Siege initstextual
environmentof Yorkshire, Hanna suggests a Lancastrian reception
ofit whereinthe Jewsrepresent thosekilledintheYorkshire massacrein
1190.8In light ofherresearch on Augustinian historians,
NarinvanCourt argues for parallels between first-century
andmedieval Jews,explaining thatthe Jew^wajew mustbeconsideredwhen
reading the Siege.9 Inthese critiques ofthe Siege, twostrandsof
thoughtregardingJewishidentity emerge: thatofthe literal,
historical readingsuggestedby Hannaand Narin van Court,
andthatofthe nonliteral, typologicalreadingput for ward by
Hamelandothers. THECHAUCER REVIEW, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2004. Copyright
?2004The Pennsylvania State University,University Park, PA This
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ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER71
Theworkofthesescholarshasdonemuchtoaddresstheroleofthe Jews
inthetext. Curiously, however, comparatively littlehasbeendone to
explore theroleofthe Romans, whoare characterizedinvariable ways.
Myapproach herewillbuild upon themodel providedby Suzanne Conklin
Akbari, who argues that Jewishidentity inthe poeticSiegeof
Jerusalem is variable, designating bothinbono Christian identity
andin maloMuslim identity.10 WhenoneexaminesthebehavioroftheRomans
against theideasof medievalChristian exegetes, onefindsthat they
are depicted as depravedpersecutors ofthefaithfulandasvictoriouswar
riorsforChrist.Whilethe Siege fits loosely withinthe genre
ofcrusadelit erature, as Hamelhas shown, theworkbecomesmuch
morethan a crusadingpoem whenone acknowledges the portrayal ofthe
Jews from the Augustinian tradition together mththe depiction
oftheRomansfrom the exegetical tradition.In investigating
thehistorical siege'sbackground in both traditions, Iwillexaminethe
writings of Joachim of Fiore, Ralph of Coggeshall, andRanulf
Higden, in ordertoshow how, in England, the dualideaofRome?bothas
city and as personification oftheChurch? was shifting
initsculturalvalence. Medieval exegeticalinterpretation
ofthehistorical siege of Jerusalem showsthatbiblical exegesis
oftheeventinfluencedthe reception ofthe poem and inspired medieval
commentary on themoralstateofwestern Christendom. Although
literaland typologicalinterpretations ofthe Romansofthe
poeticsiegeplace themintheroleofChristianswhodo battlefortheir
faith, the exegeticalapplications demonstratethatthe Romansalso
occupied an antagonistic role:thatoftheAntichrist.As medieval
exegetessought to place thehistorical siege withinthecontext
ofbiblical historiography and prophecy,they reliedonthe writings of
Josephus, which comprised thecentralsourceofinformation regarding
thehistorical siege of Jerusalem in70C.E.FormedievalChristian
exegetes,Josephus's accountofthe Jewish war represented a history
of theRoman siege thatcouldbeusedtosubstantiateChristiandoctrine.
Josephuspresents thefirst portrayal oftheRomaninvolvementin
Christian historiography outsideofthebiblicalaccount.Itis through
examinationofthevarious exegetical commentariesthat usejosephus's
Jewish Warthat one findsakindofculmination ofJosephan biblical
exege sisinThe SiegeofJerusalem, asthe poem takesits place ina
traditionthat relied on thecommemorationofthe sieges ofthat
holycity.11 Beforeturn ing to Josephus, however, Iwilloutlinethe
depiction ofthe Romansinthe poem andconsiderwhat a literal
interpretation oftheirrolereveals. Certainly thereisroom
foraliteral reading ofthe Romans, although
theculturalfictionoftheir Christianity makesit unlikely that
theyrep resent any Roman group beforethetimeofConstantine.
Moreover, the fictitiouselementintroduced through
thechivalricframeworkin which This content downloaded from
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JSTOR Terms and Conditions72 THECHAUCERREVIEW they
actremovestheRomansofthe poem one step furtherfromactual Romans,
forthe courtlytropes enacted by theRomansofthe poem did
notexistuntil long afterthefalloftheRoman Empire. Oneis left,then,
witha kindofRomancharacter composite derivedfromChristiannar
rativeandmedievalromance.InordertoexaminetheRomansinthe poem as
specifically Roman, that is, notasa typological substitutionfor any
other group, onemustconsiderthemasa group constructed by an English
authortocreateafictitioushistorical past. Thus, inthe Siege
Rome'scultural identity is reassigned andChristianizedovertwohun
dred yearsprior toitsactual recognition.According tothe poem,
Vespasian,along withhis sons, convertsto Christianity andvowsto
avenge thedeathofChrist bybesiegingJerusalem: Cytees vnder S[yo]ne,
nowis 3our sorow vppe: Pe dej) of derewor]3 Cristdereschalbe
3olden. (299-300;cp.348) Though the campaign is
initiallyorganizedby Nero asa meanstosecure tributefromthe
holycity, Titusand Vespasian aresaidtolendtheirlead ership to
accomplish Christianends. Along with Christianizing the ancient
rulership of Rome, the poem assertsRome's place asa holycity?
anassertionthat wouldhaveinterested Englishsupporters ofUrbanVI.
Inthis case, theaudienceseesthecharacter Pope Peterin action,
preach ing tothe Romans, interacting withthe Emperor, and
handlingholy relics (205,224-28). Although alloftheseeventsare
fictitious, they add tothesensethattheRoman papacy, not Avignon,
was directly linkedto the presence ofPeteratthecultural height
oftheRoman Empire.12 Adding tothe religioussignificance of Rome,
theVeilofVeronicais establishedasanauthenticRomanrelic (235-64).
Atthetimeofthe poem's distribution, the Veilof Veronicawasoneofthe
most popular relics in Rome, forit wassaidtoshowthe image
ofthefaceofChrist.Herein the poem, the Veilis described as having
sacred healingpowers:13 Peris no gome [o]nj^is [grounde] ]3at is
grym wounded, Meselry ne meschef, neman vponerjse, Pat knelej)
dounto JDatclo]s andonCrist leuejs, Botalle hapnej) to helein [an]
handwhyle. (169-72) Inthe Siege the importance ofRome asthe
spiritual centerofwestern Christendomisattachedtothe powers
oftheVeil. Clearly theVeilis of greatimportance: itisreceivedin
Romewith anoble processionjust as ifit wereChrist himself;likewise,
Peterkneelsand weeps beforeit This content downloaded from
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JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER73 (221-28). Itshatters
pagan idolswithits mere presence, exudinglight andasweetodor
(237-44). Finally, it heals Vespasian, whohasbeensuf fering
fromaninfestationof wasps in hisnose.After performing these
miracles, theVeilisidentifiedasa specifically Romanrelic (253-64).
Through Veronica'sveilandotherrelicsfrom Jerusalem, the poem shows
a Romeenriched by its spoils fromthe Holy Land; eventhefixturesof
the Temple, the religious centerof Jerusalem, are packedup andmoved
to Rome, leavingnothing ofthe Temple behind.This imaginaryhistory
created by the Siege thus provides an authenticating
narrativeforRome's titleas spiritualcapital of Christianity.
Incontrasttoenriched Rome, Jerusalem isleftbareofits relics,
wallowing in spiritualpoverty.Through theChristianizationofthe
early Romansthe poet relocatesChristian genealogy,moving it
fromtheEasttothe West; throughout thenarrative the poet's revision
implies thatnascent Christianitygrewup in Rome, not Jerusalem.
Readerswitnesstheutterobliterationofthe Holy Land asallofits
spiritual andmaterialrichesaretaken away to Rome; sotoo arethe
early rootsof Christianitypulled fromPalestineand spirited to Italy
viathewrittenword.14Eventhesudariumof Veronica, takenfrom Jerusalem
toRomeatthe earlystages ofthe poem, foreshadowstheimmi nentmass
pillaging ofsuch treasures, as therelicsof Jerusalem are appro
priated forChristian worship in Rome. The portrayal
oftheRomansaswestern Europeancourtlyknights makesancientRome
suddenly familiar. Moreover, byprovidingcourtly detail, whichis
purely anachronistic, the poetportrays theRomansasa monolithic,
westernChristian force, described using therhetoricofcru
saderomances.EvenTitusis portrayed ina chivalricfashion:he
addressesGodas "corteys Crist"andvowsto avenge him according tothe
rulesof courtly conduct (181). The Siege\>oetportrays
hisRomanswith characteristicsthatwouldhavehad special resonancetoan
audiencewho had participated in campaigns inthe Holy Landor
France,or, by the same token, whowere beingactively
recruitedforthat purpose. Tothis end, the poem showsa
mixofchivalricanddevotional images that would
havebeenusedbothtoentertainanaudienceandto urge itto support the
campaigns. Eventhe poem's linkstoBolton Priory, a hotbedof
Lancastrian activity,suggest the verypractical natureofthe poem asa
recruitment piece.15 Thestrained political climateandfinancialdiffi
cultiesthat Englandexperienced in defending itsbordersand waging
warin France suggest that, ifthe poem wasindeedcommissionedforcru
sade recruitment, it neededto present incentivesfor expendingmoney
andmen already inshort supply.16 Pro-crusade propagandapoured into
England fromwestern Europe,includingPhilippe deM?zi?res's Epistre
of1395to Richard II, in whichhe encourages the Englishking toward
crusading.Although he speaks on behalfofthe French, hedescribesthe
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Conditions74THECHAUCERREVIEW Holy Landas Richard's
propreheritage,purchased withChrist'sPassion.17 Significantly,
deM?zi?resexhortsRichardto"remember Titus, sonof Vespasian,Emperor
ofRome"andtake upcrusading inthe Holy Land.18 Thusthe literary
useofthehistorical siege of Jerusalem wasacommon metaphor
forcrusader activity, asitis here employed to encourage the
fourteenth-centuryEnglish andFrench ontheir foreigncampaigns.19
Through the poem the English who supported the campaigns abroad
couldhaveviewedthemselvesliketheRomansofthe poem who, por trayed
asvaliant knights,slay thousandsof Jews inthe morning and go
hunting and hawking intheafternoon.20 Whetherfocusedon
Englishparticipation inthelatercrusades or, pos sibly, in France,
interpretations ofthehistorical siege of Jerusalem were changing in
ways that musthaveaffectedlate medieval Englishreception ofthe
poem. Chivalric trappings anddevotional images weremadeto function
as militarypropaganda towards inspiringmilitary recruitment. Inthe
poem elaborate preparations aremadeforwarastheRomans ready
theirhorsesand equipment, andthen provision their ships forthe sea
journey: Pan was rotlyng in Rome, robbyng of brynnyis, Schewyng of
scharpe, scheldes ydressed Per wer floynes aflot, farcostes many,
Cogges and crayersycasteled alle; Galeesof gretestreyng]3e with
golden fanes [B]ra[y]d on J)e brodseaboutefoure myle.
(281-82,289-92) Likewise, siege warfare, popular bothinthe Holy
Landand during the warin France, is explicitly described asTitusand
Vespasian seta siege around Jerusalem and prepare
forthenextassault: Byfor Jse foure 3ates heformesto lenge
Sixt[i]t>ousandby sommewhile ]3e segelaste]?; Setteward on
?>e walles fcatno3tawey scaped, Sixe thousand insercle Ipe
citealleaboute. Was no3t while t>e ny3t lastebot nehyng of
stedis, Strogelyng instelewedeand stuffyng ofhelmes. (421-26)
Oncethe siege hasbeensetaroundthe holycity, the troops makesev
eralassaultsonit andfail repeatedly. In light ofthese frustrations,
Titus outlinestohis generals anewand passivestrategy ofstarvation:
This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013
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ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER75 "Wescholdewith [hunger]
hemhontetohokeoutoftoun [Without wemeorwoundeor any wo elles.] For
\>er as faylej) \>e fode f)er is feyntstrengte And !>er as
hunger is hotehertesbenfeble." (879-82) Such experience with sieges
wouldhavebeenfamiliartoanaudience whohad recentlyfought in France,
been on crusade, orhadancestors whohaddoneso. Inthe
poet'sdepictions of Jewish andRoman skirmishes, the terrify ing
soundsofbattle spring fromthe page withthe repetition ofhardcon
sonantsand lively detail: Bemesblowen anonblonkesto ne3e, Stedis
stampen in Ipe [st]edest[uf]f[ed] steil vndere, Sti{)e menin
stiropys striden alofte, Kny3tescroysen hemself, cacchenhere
helmys. Withloudeclarioun cry and [withcormous] pypys, Tymbris
andtabourristonelande loude, 3euen a sch[r]i[k]andeschout;
schrynken J3e Iewes. (525-31) Along withrealistic descriptions of
warfare, somefictitiouselementsare introducedwithchivalric
depictions ofbattle.Thechivalric imagery in the poempresents a
romanticizedviewof warfare, whereGod'sfavorrests on thesideofthe
all-powerful Romans: SoCristhis kny3tesgan kepe tille complyntyme.
Anhundred jDousand helmesof \>e he{)en syde Were fey fallenin
\)e felde. (612-14) HereChristissaidtoofferhisfollowers potency in
battle against a"hea then" army. The poet'sdepictions ofthe siege
also represent a glamorous portrayal ofwarwheretheRomansare
depicted as knights ofchivalric tales who spend
muchoftheirtimeinthenoble pursuits of holding tour namentsand
resting inlavish pavilions. Indeed, they are shownto beso
successfulinbattlethat Vespasiangives them plenty ofleisuretimeto
pursue their own entertainments.After Vespasian setsa watcharound
the town, he encourages his knights to play: "For wewolhuntenat
t>e hart J)is he^es aboute Andhureracchesrenne amongeJ>is
rowe bonkes; This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue,
24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and
Conditions76THECHAUCERREVIEW Rideto t>e reuerandrere vp]?e
foules, Sefaucouns fie, feleof t>e beste? Ech segge to t>e
solas ]3at hymselflyke[J)]." Princesoutof pauelounspresen on
stedes, Torn [ei] en, trifflyn, and on J)e toun wayten. (889-95)
Here, thesceneseemsto detachthe depiction oftheChristian army from
its Roman identityonly toconnectitwith a specifically western
European literary mode.21Withtheirfantastic courtly
adventuresonthebattlefield andtheirhaulsof militarypraeda,
thecharacterizationoftheRomansas crusadingknights of
medievalromance wouldhaveallowedlate medieval Christianreadersto
experience a feeling of spiritual and temporal kin ship withthose
responsible forthefallofthe Temple,fulfillingscriptural prophecy as
they themselveswentouton crusade. The poet's useof religioustropes
also encouraged suchchivalriciden tificationwiththeRomans.For
instance, byplacing aten-linePassion sequence atthe beginning ofthe
poem, the poet usesthePassion asa lens through
whichthereaderviewstheeventsthat follow, forthesuf fering ofthe
Jews isthusforeshadowed by the suffering ofChrist. Likewise, when
Vespasian encourages his troops before battle, heexhorts
themtorememberthe Passion, urging hismentobemerciless against their
adversary and reminding themthatthe Jews tookno mercy on Christ
(497-504). Theseexhortations imply thattheRoman troops, like their
leaders, aremotivated by theirChristianfaithtothesame degree
thattheir generals are. Vespasian's motivesare explicitly
connectedwith hisChristian faith; long beforeheis crowned Emperor,
heis described as "t>is comelich kyng J)at forCrist
werej)"(954). Not only is Vespasian portrayed as serving
underthecommissionofChristinhis"crusade" againstJerusalem,
butheisshowntohavetaken up a crusader vow.Thus heisloathtoleave
Jerusalem totake up his post in Romeforfearof breaking this
promise,saying: "For Yhaue heylychhey3t hereforto lenge TilleI
t>is toured [t]ounha[ue] takenat [my] wille Andme J)e 3ates ben
3et and 3olden\>e keyes." (977-79) Oneofhis generals, Sir
Sabyn,suggests that, inordertofulfillthis "promise" to heaven,
Vespasian let TitusandDomitian complete the siege in
Vespasian'splace.Sabyn's adviceis orthodox, forcrusaders were
allowedto perform thecrusader vowonbehalfofanother.He says that
whatever Vespasian's armymay accomplish,they doitin hisname: This
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ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER77 "So may?>[e] couenauntbe kept
fcat?>ou to Cristmade: Pyself dest f>at l>y soudiours
byf>yn assentworchen." (999-1000) In following this choice,
thefuture Emperor isthusshownto be an obe dient Christian, a
determinationthatisconfirmed when, uponleaving Jerusalem
totakehiscrownin Rome, he prays forGod's blessing (1023). Titusis
also portrayed asa Christian prince, andthe poet showshim desiring
Christian baptismimmediately afterhisconversionatthe begin ning
ofthe poem: "Telle me tit," quoj) Titus, "whattoknehelafte Tohem
t>at knew hym forCristandhiscrafteleued?" "Nempne J)e Trinyteby
name," quod Nathan, "at Jsries And })ermydbap temedbein
blessedwater." For]} J)ey fettenafontandfoulled hym J)er, Made hym
Cristen kyng ]3at forCristwerred. (189-94) Significantly, Titus
fights forthesakeofChristafterheis baptized, and laterheisshownto
participate in yet anotherChristianinstitution:he takes up
hisfather'scommutedcrusader vow,and, after breaching the wallsof
Jerusalem, hethanksGodforthe victory (1213). TheRomans' militant
Christianity createsa certain unity betweenmedievalChristians and
early Romans. Bybringing ancientRomeintoChristianbrotherhood
withtheidealized crusadingknights ofthefourteenth century, western
medievalChristians could, asit were, take part inthevictoriesofthe
ancientRomans. Turning nowtothe typologicalinterpretations ofthe
poem, onefindsthat exegeticalreadings offerastarkcontrasttothelit
eral reading discussedabove. Typology andtheChristianAssimilationof
Josephus The poeticSiegeofJerusalem offersa narrativewhichatonce
justifies and authenticatesRome's position asa holycity, foras
Jerusalem is destroyed, Romeis enriched through the acquisition
ofitsrelics.Theideathatthe fallof Jerusalem wasthe necessary
precondition fortheriseofRomewas exploredexegeticallybyreligious
writerswhosaw theeventasthe piv otalmomentina perpetualcycle,
withtheroleof Jerusalem's adversaries taken upby different peoples
eachtime.The background ofthis cycle is
thelamentationoverthefallofthe Temple, aform stemming from Jewish
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Conditions78THECHAUCERREVIEW exegetical tradition.AsseenintheBookof
Lamentations, thelaments cameto berecited publicly onthe Ninthof
Ab, the Jewishday of mourn ing inremembranceofthe
Babylonianconquest of Jerusalem and destructionofthe Temple
in587B.C.E. Although theLamentationshave oftenbeenattributedtothe
prophetJeremiah,they wereinfactwritten ina hand (orhands) otherthan
Jeremiah's.22 The poems lamentthefor mer glory of
Jerusalem,comparing that city'spriormagnificence tothe
ruinaftertheinvasion. Along with mourning forthe city'spast, moral
purification islifted up as recompense forcommunal suffering.
Scholars such asE.AnnMatternotethatthelament overthefallofthe
Temple is not appliedsolely tothe period of Babyloniancaptivity,
butalsotothat ofthefallofthesecond Temple in70C.E.Matter suggests
thelamentover thefallofthesecond Temple was perhaps in "response"
totheRoman siege of Jerusalem, likewiseremembered
ontheNinthofAb.23Itis sig nificantthatonelamentcanbe
temporallyexchanged for another, for inthe exchange,
thefallbecomesa typologicaltrope in whichthedif
ferentadversariesofthe Jews, be theyBabylonian or Roman, are per
ceivedasaforceunited againstJerusalem,operating acrosstime.Asthe
Jewishpractice of mourning thefallofthe Temple carriesoverinto
medieval liturgical tradition, wefindselectionsfromthefivebooksof
Lamentationsinthelessonsforthefirstnocturnof Matins on Maundy
Thursday, Good Friday, and HolySaturday.24 Thusboth Jewish and
Christianwriterstreatthefallof Jerusalem ina commemorative, typo
logical sense. ThemedievalChurch'sfascinationwiththedestructionof
Jerusalem, along withthe liturgical andhomiletictraditions
concerning the event, originate fromthethree synopticgospels
thatcontainChrist's prophecy ofthe city's downfall. According
toLuke 19:43-44, Christ prophesied: Quia
venientdiesinteetcircumdabuntteinimicituivalloetcir cumdabuntteet
coangustabunt te undique adterram prosternent teetfilios qui
intesunt.Etnon relinquent inte lapidemsuper lapidem eo quod non
cognoveristempus visitationistuae. Forthe days shallcome uponyou:
and your enemiesshallcasta trenchabout you and compassyou round,
andstraiten you on every side, andbeat you flattothe ground and
your childrenwho arein you. And they shallnotleavein you astone
upon astone: because you didnotknowthattimeof your visitation.25
FromtheseversesmedievalChristian exegetes builtthebeliefthatthe
historicalfallof Jerusalem wasthefulfillmentof
scripturalprophecy.By thefourth century, this particular Lucan
passage wasincludedinthelec tionary asthe gospelreading forthetenth
Sunday after Pentecost, estab lishing it as part ofthe
medievalChristianhomiletictradition.Whilethe This content
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use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER79
Lucanversewas becomingpart ofthe medieval lectionary,Hegesippus's
fourth-century Deexcidiourbis Hierosolimitanae, an abridgement of
]ose\yh\xs'sJewish War, introduceda Christian identity
fortheRomans.In turn, medieval sermonwriterswere inspiredby
thefictionalizedtheme ofChristianRome'sretributionand began
toinclude excerpts from Hegesippus's work. Adding to
typologicalinterpretations ofthefallofthe Temple, direct
assimilationof Josephus isseeninthe portrayal ofthe first-century
Roman army assoldiersofChrist.The development ofthis portrayal is
seenintextsrelatedtoThe Jewish War, suchas Hegesippus's
Deexcidiourbis Hierosolimitanae, mentioned above, andthe
earlysixth-century Latin prose CuraSanitatisTiberii.26Inthe latter,
theRoman Emperor Tiberius con vertsto Christianity after being
healed by the image ofthe Veronica.Such fictionalChristianizationis
alsoseeninthe workofthe anonymous Latin prose Vindicta Salvatoris,
which appeared intheseventhor eighth cen turies; inthis work,
Titusand Vespasian convertto Christianity andact outof revenge
forChrist's crucifixion, announcing that they would"do withthe Jews
asthe Jews haddoneto Christ."27AsHeinz Schreckenberg has shown,28
historiansandbiblical exegetes borrowed Josephus's accountofThe
Jewish War beginning inthesecond century C.E., andit influencedthe
worksof many biblical historians, includingHegesippus, Jerome,
Paschasius Radbertus, and Joachim ofFiore.29 Writings about
Josephus fromthelater medieval periodsuggest that hisworkhadbecome
fullyintegrated intothefabricofwestern Christianity. For instance,
Guy N.DeutschhasshownthatPeter Comestor, authorofthe Historia
scholastica, considered Josephus to be"on par with the
highestreligiousauthority."30Josephus contributedtothe writing
aboutthefallof Jerusalem in medievalbiblical commentarybyprovid ing
informationnotoffered by the Bible, andwhichwas received asthe
exegeticalcounterpart totheOldTestament: just asthe NewTestament
was thought to complement the Old, the Josephan accountwasreceived
as part ofthenewcovenantin biblical history. As part
ofthetraditionof thefallof Jerusalem,Josephus's work represented an
apocryphal fulfill mentofthebiblical prophecies of Isaiah,
Jeremiah, andotherswho warnedof Jerusalem'simpending doom.The
Josephanexegetical tradi tionnot only looksbackto Jerusalem's
demiseinthesecond Temple period, butalsoincludesthe
first-centurysiege,portraying theRomans as the exegeticalequivalent
ofthe Babylonians. The SiegeofJerusalempar ticipates
inthetraditionofthelamentationswiththeaddedelementthat
Jerusalem'santagonists are portrayed as Christians, further
emphasizing the typologicalinterchangeability ofitsadversaries.
Exegeticalinterpretation of Jerusalem's adversaries, ranging
fromthe foesoftheMaccabeestothe Babylonian andRoman forces, wasalso
applied tothefallof Jerusalem in1099totheFrankish army. By the This
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Conditions80THECHAUCERREVIEW twelfth century, crusadechroniclers
employed thetraditionofthefallof Jerusalem toshowthatthe campaigns
werethefulfillmentofbiblical prophecy. As BerylSmalley has
demonstrated, theFirstCrusade inspired a new type of interpretation
of scripturalprophecy thatincludedtwelfth century Franksinits plan:
TheNewTestamentstillfulfilledthe promises ofthe Old; Jerusalem
retainedits four senses; butthe psalmist andthe prophets alsofore
toldtheFrankish conquest ofthe holyCity. Promisesstretchedelas
tically fromthe past tothe present. Isaiah's prophecy: "ThatI may
bring sonsfromafar" (lx,9) foretoldthe victory ofthe Franks, God's
new Israelites, overthe Saracens, hisenemies.31 An example
ofsuchelastic interpretation isseenin Robertthe Monk's
accountofthefirstcrusade.Robertwritesthatthe crusaders, whomhe
calls filiiperegrinorum,giveglory to God byinvadingJerusalem;
helauds theinvasionasthefulfillmentofthebiblical prophecies "tothe
praise and glory ofChrist."32This ecclesiastically
transmittedbeliefthatGod divinely ordainedthe twelfth-century
fallof Jerusalem was strongly influ enced byJosephus, andit echoes
throughout the Siege.35 Shifting CulturalIdentities:From Jerusalem
to Rome Fromaliteralandhistorical point of view,then, theRomans
depicted in the Siege are part ofthe exegetical
traditionofthefallof Jerusalem. The Gospel ofLuke predicts
thefallof Jerusalem toa nameless enemy with unspoken
incentives;however, the fourteenth-centurypoem transforms the image
ofRomefromthatofanunintentional intermediary tothat ofa willing
instrument working tofulfillthe plans ofGod.No longer power-hungry
hordes, theRomansarelike medievalChristiancrusaders who fight
becauseGodwillsit. Titusis no longer a pagangeneral and the pawn of
holyprophecy; heis a mainactorina Christian apocryphal
narrative.Itis forthesakeof Christ,then, thatthe poetic Titushasthe
temple overturnedand plowed underwithsalt. Moreover, medievalaudi
enceswouldhave perceivedby theseactionsthatTituswas fulfilling
Christ's prophecy of Jerusalem's utterdemise ("non relinquent inte
lapi dem superlapidem"): the phrase"they didnotleave onestone
standing upon another"is repeated fourtimesinthe poem
asiftoreiteratethe significance oftheeventasthefulfillmentof
prophecy.34Byportraying theRomans asthe punishers ofthe Jews andthe
avengers of Christ, the poet locatesRomewithinsalvation history
fromalmostthefirst years of theChristian era. Moreover, though
littleofthe poemactually takes place This content downloaded from
212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to
JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER81 in Rome, theshort
episodes thatdo happen theredescribe a city thatis purging itselfof
paganreligion. Thuswewitnesstheold emperors assas sinating one
another, pagan idols shatteringuponexposition tothe Sudarium, and
Vespasianbeing crownedasthefirstChristian emperor. Asthenew
champions oftheChristian faith, theChristianRomansof the
Siegesanctify the once-paganhistory of Rome, making the cityappear
to bethe rightfulspiritualcapital of Christendom, destinedto
betheseat ofSt.Peter. Theliteral reading of Jewsqua Jews, as
HannaandNarinvanCourt have established, andasRomans qua Romans,
asIhave shown, enables certain authenticating ideasaboutRometobe
expressed, aswellas pro viding anarrativeto explain ecclesiastical
thinking about Jews and ChristiansintheLatinWest. Turning nowtoan
exegeticalinvestigation, oneseesthattherolesofthe Jews andtheRomans
werenotstableand couldtake on morallyinterchangeable attributes,
witheither group act ing as antagonists or representatives of
Christianity. Whiletheliteralread ing oftheRomansofthe
Siegeportrays Romeasthe rightfulplace ofthe Church on earth, the
exegeticalreadings ofthe siegeinterpret Romeas asourceof
religiousdysfunction. Insteadof acting asthe champion of Christ,
Romebecomesthe adversary ofGod'schosen Jewishpeople. In turn,
medieval exegetesappropriated the literaryimages ofthe Jews and
Jerusalem and reinterpreted themas medievalChristiansandthe
ChristianChurch.Formedieval ecclesiasts, Jerusalem andtheChurch
were exegetically linked.AsMatterhas shown, John Cassian's
exegetical interpretation of Jerusalem
intheCollationeswasthelocusclassicusoflater medieval
scripturalinterpretations of Jerusalem: Cassian's explanation
ofthefoursensesof scripture, thehistori cal,
allegorical,anagogical, and tropological, culminatesinthe famous
example of Jerusalem, which can beunderstoodhistori cally asthe
city ofthe Jews,allegorically astheChurchof Christ, anagogically
asthecelestial city, "themotherofall" (Gal.4:26), and
tropologically or morally asthehumansoul.35 Gregory the Great,
followingOrigen,expanded the allegorical and tropo
logicalunderstanding ofthe holycity,interpretingJerusalem's adversi
tiesas typological tribulationswhichhaveafflictedtheChurch.36The
development ofthese reinterpretations and shifting
culturalidentities can beseen through the exegesis of many
historicalandbiblicalwriters ofthe medieval period. I
haveselectedthe writings of Joachim of Fiore, Ralph of Coggeshall,
andRanulf Higden to represent thosewriterswho were widely
knownanddrew substantially from Josephus to both portray and
reinterpret thefallof Jerusalem. Inthesewritersonefinds literary
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THECHAUCERREVIEW links madebetweenChristianand Jewishidentity,
fromthe portrayal of Jerusalem as ecclesia, to explanations
ofGod'sfavor upon thosemenwho attempt toinvadethe city. Such
writingssuggest that medieval interpre tationsofthe Siege included,
among other readings, the persecutedJews ofthe poem as
representatives ofthe sufferingbody ofChristians. England and
Josephus:Joachim ofFioreand Ralph of Coggeshall
Althoughexegeticalinterpretation ofthehistorical siegebeganlong
beforethetwelfth century, it wasabbot Joachim ofFiorewhovoicedthe
connectionsbetweenthefallof Jerusalem andthe moralstateofRome most
clearly. Moreover, and perhaps more significantly, he directly
influ encedthe reception ofthehistorical siegeby biblical exegetes
in England, wherethe fourteenth-century versionofthe poem wascom
posed.Joachim, authoroftheLiberde ConcordiaNoui ac Veteris
Testamenti, wasbornaround1135.37
HewasaffiliatedwiththeCisterciansasa young man;however, henever
officiallyjoined theorder.38 Joachim traveledto
Palestinein1167wherehe beganexperiencing his spiritual revelations.
Shortly thereafter, he began hiscareerasanitinerant preacher andin
1181undertook planning hisLiberdeConcordia.AsE. Randolph Daniel and
Marjorie Reeveshave shown, Joachimdevelops the concept ofcon
cordia, his exegetical method, byusing OldTestamentbiblical history
as akindof "key" totheNew Testament, his own present time, andthe
apoc alyptic future.39He explains the methodtohis
scripturalanalysis: Concordiam proprie essedicimussimilitudinem
equeproportio nisnoui acueteristestamenti ... cumuidelicet persona
et per sona, ordoet ordo, bellumetbellumex parilitatequadam mutuis
seuultibusintuentur. Strictlyspeaking, we say thatconcordiais
alikenessof equalpro portion betweentheOldandNewTestament. ..
since, namely, characterand character, orderand order, war
andwarlook upon eachotherfromacertainsimilar standpoint.40
Thusevent prefigures event, characterforeshadows character, andbat
tles areset up asinterconnected occurrences.This exegetical corre
spondence essentializes Joachim's useoftheword concordia, showing
the relationship between patterns in OldTestament history
thatsharesimi laritieswiththeNewTestamentaccounts. Using
theOldTestamentlike a template, heseeks toshownot only how
understanding oftheNew This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216
on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and
ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER83 Testament canbe gleaned
fromconsiderationofthe Old, butthat spiri
tualisintellectusresultsfrom considering both together.41Joachim's
exe gesis showsthateventsand people describedinthe OldTestamenthave
multiplemeanings, for theycorrespond to, andwereseento prophesy,
ina sense, occurrencesintheNewTestament. Joachim writesthatthis
correspondence between people andeventsmakeshistorical patterns
between past and presentapparent,providing evidenceofthedivine.42
However, Joachim's useoftheOldTestamentis notlimitedto interpre
tationsoftheNew Testament; healso brings OldTestament knowledge
tobear upon hisowncurrent events, suchasthethreat against the
ByzantineEmpire.43 Inthis case, Joachim linkstheSaracenthreat
against Byzantium to Hosea's prophecy
thatIsraelwouldbesurrenderedtothe Assyrians.44Joachim writes that,
secundum concordiam, thebiblicalaccount ofthe Assyrians
foreshadowsthe twelfth-century Saracen presence.45 Even beyond
current events, Joachim'sexegesis includes predictions aboutthe
future, especially the Apocalypse; hewritesthatwhatistocomeinthe
Last Days canbeforetold bypast events.46Tothis end, many of
Joachim's contemporaries considered Joachim's Libertobe
prophetic,believing thathiswork predicted thefallof Jerusalem tothe
Muslimsin1187.47 Many of Joachim'sprophecies centeraroundthe city
of Jerusalem as thelocationwheretheLast Judgment willtake place.
Hisattentiontothe biblicalandhistoricalroleofthe city shows a
complexrelationship among the historical, new, andcelestial
Jerusalems. This relationship is further complicatedby the
strongexegetical linkswithwhich Joachim binds Jerusalem andRome
together. Between Jerusalem and Rome, Joachim
findsconcordiabetweenboththe personalities andeventsinthe
OldTestamentandthoseinthe early ChristianandmedievalChurch. He
suggests anatural progression of leadership,beginning withMoses and
resulting in Peter'sRoman pontificate.Through his interpretation
ofbiblical history,Joachimsays that Jerusalem
shouldbecalledecclesia: Concordat igitur cum Moyse Paulus;
Petruscum Caleb; Iohannes autemcum Iosue. Caleb, iubente domino,
dataestin possessione Ebron; in quoprocessu temporis rex Dauid
possedit ettenuit scep trum regni,priusquamregnaret
inIherusalem.SetetPetrussedit Rome super conuentum fidelium, qui
ibierat congregatus Iudeorumet gentium; in quopostaliquot annos
Romanus pon tifex, qui successit protempore,sollempnem obtinuit
principa tum, prius scilicet quamperueniretur adistumstatumin
quopro visione pacis sanctaIherusalemuocarimerereturecclesia.
ThereforePaulconcordswith Moses, Peterwith Caleb, also John with
Joshua. Caleb, at God's will, gainedpossession of Hebron, in which,
inthe passage of time, King David possessed andruledover This
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Conditions84THECHAUCERREVIEW the kingdom beforeheruledin Jerusalem.
ButPeteralsoruled in Romeoverthe gathering ofthe faithful, a
gathering formedof Jews andGentiles. [In Rome], aftersome years,
theRoman Pope whofollowed [Peter] aftersome time,
obtainedthissolemn prin cipality?that is, beforeit actually
cameintothatstatein which, onaccountofavisionof peace,
theChurchdeservesto becalled holyJerusalem.48 Here,
JoachimcomparesKing David'sruleoverHebrontoPeter'sauthor ity inthe
early Roman Church; healso implies that, inthesamemanner in
whichDavidcametorulethe cityJerusalem, theChurch gradually
increasedits spiritual dominionin Rome. Notably,Joachim writesthat
withtheformal recognition oftheRoman Pope, theRomanChurch
becomesthe"New Jerusalem" on earth: Quibus
nimirumassimulataforeconstat ingenua illachristianorum
infideliumque certamina, quepostprimos Christi apostolorum et
Iudeorumconflictusin populogentili consumata leguntur;usque
uidelicetad t?mpora Constantini quando nouailla Iherusalem,
ecclesiascilicet P?tri, regali estcoronata fastigio,quemadmodum
etuetusiliaIherusalemintribuludain diebusDauid. To [those
conflictsintheOld Testament], of course, itis agreed
thatthoseenormous struggles betweentheChristiansandtheinfi delswere
assimilated; these [conflicts] arereadto havebeenful filled among
theGentile people afterthefirstconflictsofthe Apostles
ofChristandthe Jews. That is, up untilthetimeof
Constantinewhenthenew Jerusalem, that is, theChurchof Peter,
wascrownedwith queenly eminence, inthesame way thatancient
Jerusalem herselfalsowascrowned by thetribeof Judah inthe days
ofDavid.49 AstheNew Jerusalem, RomebecomesGod'sfavored city,moving
the position of spiritual dominanceto early
medievalwesternChristian Europe. Thissentimentis echoedinthe Siege,
as Jerusalem is stripped of its religioustrappings and prestige,
then replacedby Rome. Joachim makesthis progression seem natural,
andnot only biblical, bycalling Rome (ecclesia) the daughter of
Sion; notably,synagoga isthe motherof Sion.50 Joachim
rationalizestheriseofthe daughter overthe mother, or the young
overthe old, asthe predisposition ofthe HolySpirit tolook
towardthatwhichis new. While Joachim establishestheRomanChurch
astheNew Jerusalem, hebuilds up the strongspiritual presence
oftheChurch only to bring it down again. Romeis not only thenext
spiritualcapital ofGod's dwelling This content downloaded from
212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to
JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER85 place on earth,but,
according to Joachim, ittooisdoomedtothesuc cessive sieges
encountered by the city of Jerusalem. TheChurchofRome sharesin
Jerusalem'smight, butitalsosharesinthat city's sorrows. Joachim
looksatthefallen Jerusalem ofthe Old Testament, drawing from
thebookof Jeremiah to depict thebattle-torn city. E. Randolph
Daniel hasshownthat Joachim'searly revelationsinPalestine suggested
to Joachim aconcordiabetweenthe persecution ofthe Jews,Jerusalem,
and theChurch:51 Igitur secundumhuncmodum persone et persone
duorumtes tamentorummutuisseuultibus intuentur;
etnichilominusurbset urbs, populus et populus, ordoet ordo,
bellumet bellum, et siqua esse possunt similia, que
sibiaffinitatesimilitudinum pari causa rationisconueniant. ...
Igitur non solum personapersonam uerumetiammultitudomultitudinem
respicit utestIerusalem Romanam ecclesiam, Samaria
Constantinopolitanam, Babilon Romam,
EgyptusimperiumConstantinopolitanum, ethiissimilia. (myemphasis)
Therefore, according tothis method,[one set of] charactersand
[another set of] charactersfromthetwotestaments regard each other
mutually; andnotthe less, city and city, people and people,
orderand order, warand war, and anything elsewhichcanbecon sidered
similar; whichmatcheachother by an affinity ofsimilar ities, by an
equalargument ofreason. ... Therefore, not only one characteris
compared toanother character, butalsothemulti tudelooks upon
themultitudeas Jerusalem looksatthe Roman Church, Samarialooksat
Constantinople,Babylon looksat Rome, Egypt looksatthe Empire of
Constantinople, and things similar tothis.52 Here,
cityprefigurescity,peopleprefigurepeople, andso on, until
Joachimplaces ancientcitiesinconcordiawithmedieval empires andthe
Roman Church; whattheseentitieshaveincommonistheirstateofruin
fromaformer position ofGod'sfavor.Insimilar fashion, Joachim warns
that Godhas rejected theChurchduetoits sins, andhe portrays thedes
olationoftheChurch aslikethedestructionofhistorical Jerusalem.53
Along withthe comparison betweenRomeand Jerusalem, therela tionship
between Babylon andRomefurther complicates matters byplac ing
theesteemedRomanChurchinclose proximity to desperate and
depravedBabylon. AsReeveshas shown, modern scholars, like medieval
exegetes, continueto dispute the relationship that Joachimposited
betweenRomeand Babylon.54 However, for Joachim, therewasan impor
tantdistinctionbetweenRomaecclesiaandRomacivitas. Indeed, inthe
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Conditions86THECHAUCERREVIEW quotation cited above, Joachim links
Roma, the city, with Babylon the oppressor of Jerusalem inII Kings
25:1-7; for him, Babylon is alsothe wicked city condemned by
GodinIsaiah13:2-22.In spite ofthisdis tinction,however, Joachim
isconcernedwiththecrimesofbothRoma ecclesiaandRoma civitas,and,
asweshall see, heraisesan invective against hismother Church,
warning thatthe wickednessoftheChristianswithin could precipitate
its downfall.As Joachim findsinthe prophetic account ofIsaiahand
Jeremiah, God rejects thechildrenofIsraelfortheirsins? particularly
theirdevotiontoidols.Hewritesthatthesinsofthe Jews, secundum
concordiam, prefigure thecrimina latinorum; heblamesthe
"crimes"oftheChurchforwhathe perceives as God's punishment and
neglect oftheChurch. Comparing OldTestament Jerusalem and
medievalecclesiastical Rome, hewrites: Jeremias adlitteramdeflet
peccata iudeorum.Secundum con
cordiamcriminalatinorum.Defletadlitteramdestructionem
hierusalem.Secundumconcordiamdesolationemecclesiae.
Literally,Jeremiah bewailsthesinsofthe Jews;according tocon cordia,
hebewailsthecrimesoftheLatins. Literally, hemourns thedestructionof
Jerusalem;according to concordia, hemourns
thedesolationoftheChurch.55 Bylinking thedesolationofthe
medievalChurchandthe repeatedsieges of Jerusalem intheOld
Testament, Joachimbegins anewtrendin medieval exegeticalwriting
about Jerusalem. Heholdsthatthebiblical andhistorical persecution
ofthe Jews andthe city of Jerusalem are exegetically linkedto
whathe perceives as God's punishment oftwelfth century
ChristiansandtheRomanChurch.This exegetical method reflects
Joachim's beliefthatGodhad rejectedJerusalem. His interpre
tationalsolinkstheRomanChurchto Jerusalem andmedievalwestern
ChristianstotheOldTestament JewsbesiegedbyBabylon.56 Thusina
Christianmedieval exegetical sense, thetribulationsof Jews and
Christiansalike areboundacross time, so that eventsandindividuals
form part ofa pattern setto repeat itselfuntiltheLast Judgment.
Asthe typologicalrepresentation ofthe moraland spiritual woes
experienced byfourteenth-century Christendom, the Jews andthe
holycity ofthe poemparticipate inthis cycle. Concurrentwiththe
problem ofthesinsoftheChurch was Joachim's prophecy
thatAntichristwouldrisefromtheChurchof Rome, aclaim thathemakesnot
only inanaccountofhisconversationwithRichard I, butalsoin his
Expositio in Apocalypsim.57Long beforethefourteenth-cen tury break
occurred, Joachim condemnedthe corruption he perceived
intheofficeofthe papacybyimplying thatAntichristwould appear in
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ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER87 theformofthe Pope. This
allegationappears in Roger ofHoveden's accountofthe1190 meeting at
Messina, where Joachim warnsRichard I of Antichrist's presence in
Rome: Admirantibusautemcunctis super his quae abillo audiebant,
dixit ei rex, "UbiestAntichristusnatus?Etubi regnaturus est?"
Respondit ei Joachim ... quod Antichristusillein urbeRomana jam
natusesse creditur, etineasedem apostolicam obtinebit. Butwith
everyone aroundhim marveling overthose things which they heardfrom
him, the king saidto him, "Wherewasthe
Antichristborn?Andwherewillhe reign?"Joachim answeredhim thatitis
believedthatthe Antichristhad already beenborninthe city, Rome,
andwillobtainthe apostolic seatinthat city.58 Joachimperceives
Antichristto bea mortalthreatto western Christianity arising
fromthe spiritual heartofits empire.Along with Roger's account
ofthe meeting withthe king,Joachim'sExpositiopredicted a pseudo
Pope,appearing asa "quasi universalis pontifex."59AlthoughJoachim
never explicitly identifiesthe RomanChurchwiththe city of Babylon,
he does, asReeveshas shown, expect a "pseudo-Pope" asoneofthemani
festationsoftheAntichrist.60AftertheGreat Schism, many fourteenth
century audiencesinwestern Europe and Englandeagerlyadapted
Joachim's remarksaboutRomeand Babylon tosuitthetimes.61For
instance, theFrenchwriter Jean de Roque taillade, inhisVademecumin
tribulatione, interpretsEngland intheroleof Antichrist against
the"true Pope," andattributestheFrenchdisastersinthe
HundredYears'Warto the workofthissamefoe.62Like Roque taillade,
Telesphorus ofCosenza produced nationalist interpretations of
Joachim's texts, claiming that Joachim's calltoreform signaled
theobliterationoftheRomanChurch through theSchism.63As Reeves,
Sandra Zimdars-Swartz, andDelnoC. Westhave shown,
EnglishWycliffites alsoused Joachim'sprophecies as anindictmentof
Rome, andthis rallyingpoint was employedby later
ProtestantReformers.64 Thematically,Joachim'stypologies madea
strongimpression on those Englishexegetical
writerswhoweretofollowafter him; Reeveshasnoted thathisworkheld
specialcurrency in fourteenth-centuryEngland as Joachim's
criticismoftheRomanChurch was employedby the English exegetes.65
Combinedwiththe materialfromthe Josephan traditionof thefallof
Jerusalem, biblical exegesis inthehandsof English ecclesiasts
becamea powerful toolforcommentontheGreatSchism. Joachim's workwas
disseminated broadly across Europe andinto England atan earlystage,
and, forabriefmomentinthelatetwelfth century, was per ceivedto
promoteEngland asthelast hope of winning the Holy Land. This
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Conditions88THECHAUCERREVIEW Traditional scholarship holdsthatthe
pseudo-Joachite work, Super Hieremiam,66 introduced Joachim's
workstotheFranciscanOrderinthe secondhalfofthethirteenth century,
butMortonW.Bloomfieldand
Reevesshowthathisworkdisseminatednorthofthe Alps before 1240,
andthat Joachim's first English audienceincluded Anglo-Normans in
thetrainofRichardI on theThirdCrusade.67Atthis meeting,Roger of
Hoveden reports that Joachim tellsRichardthat Godhaslefttherestora
tionofthe Holy LandforRichardaloneto accomplish; hethen predicts
thatRichardwillkillSaladinandrestore Jerusalem to Christianrule.68
Such astatementmusthavedonemuchtoelevatethe urgency ofthecru
sadeinthe eyes ofthe English crownandtoraisethestatusof English
participation inthe campaigns. However, Danielhasshown that, after
Richard'sfailureto captureJerusalem intheThird Crusade, Joachim
consideredthecrusadesto bea"futile enterprise,"becoming convinced
that spiritual reform, andnot valor, wouldwinthe day.69 Other
English chroniclersbesides Roger were
intriguedbyJoachim'sprophecies; for example,Ralph of Coggeshall
offersanaccountbasedin part onaninter viewbetween Joachim
andtheabbotofthe Cistercianhouseof Persigny.70 Asweshall see,
Ralph, an Englishpriest whoreliedon Joachistexege sis, expands the
exegeticalrelationship that Joachim believedRome and Jerusalem to
share; inthis expansion,Ralph attributeswestern Europe's
lossesinthe Holy Landtothe poorspiritual stateof Europe, atheme
preachedespecially in Englandduring thetimeofthe Siege
poem'sproduction. Ralph wasabbotoftheCistercian abbey of Coggeshall
in Essex, England, from1206untilhisdeathin1218.71 Although
scanthistorical evidenceexiststo provide detailsabout Ralph's life,
itis believedthathe began hisChronicon Anglicanum in 1198,
almostten years afterSaladin tookover Jerusalem.72 Atthis time,
England had justbegun itsfull fledgedparticipation intheeastern
campaigns, with manyEnglish tak ingup
theCrossfortheThirdCrusadeunderRichardI. For Ralph, the
culminationofhisChroniconis hisaccountoftherelicofthetrueCross.
Constantinople isshowntobe politically unstableafterthe fall;thus,
he implies, itis fitting to movetherelictoasafer place.73Ralph's
useof Joachim ofFiore's exegesis onthe Babyloniansiege of Jerusalem
shows that Ralph wasalso interrogating
theroleoftheRomanChurchandthe morality ofwesternChristendom. Ralph
makes special noteof Joachim; not only
doesheofferanaccountofhislifeand works, buthealsoshows how Joachim,
inhis Concordia, compared thetribulationsoftheOld Testament Jews
withthoseof westernChristians. Likewise, Ralph reiterates how
Joachim likenedtheseventribulationsoftheOldTestamenttothe opening
oftheseven seals, which wastotake place beforetheendofthe
world.74Oftheseven persecutions, sixhavebeenmetedouttotheOld This
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ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER89 Testament Jews; thesesix
OldTestamenttrialsforeshadowthesix being metedoutto Christians,
secundumconcordiam. Ralph's accountof Joachim's work pays
particular attentiontothefallof Jerusalem. Ofthe six persecutions
he mentions, hetakes special careto explain thefifth fully,
forthefifthtribulation explains theSaracen expulsion ofthe
Crusadersfromthe city: Quintam vero persecutionem,quam sub quinta
visioneet quinti sigilliapertione distinxit, dicit agitemporibus
nostris a Sal??dino et ejus successoribus, qui terram
Hierosolymitanam invaserunt, et matrem Syon acivitate sua
Hierusalem transmigrarecompulerunt, orbatasancta Cruce, civitateet
regno, etChristianorumcerimoniis etomni gloria suaillisinlocis
spoliata. Moreover, he says thatthefifth persecution, whichhedistin
guishedby thefifthvisionandthe opening ofthefifth seal, is
enactedin ourown times by Saladinandhissuccessorswhohave
invadedthelandof Jerusalem, and theycompelled mother Syon to
movefromher city Jerusalem?Jerusalemhaving beenrobbed ofthe Holy
Cross, the city and kingdom, theceremoniesofthe Christians, andher
everyglory inthose places.75 Ralph uses Joachim'sexegetical
methodto explain thatthe capture of Jerusalemby
SaladinsharesconcordiamwiththeOldTestamentaccount ofthe
Babyloniancaptivity.RalphrepeatsJoachim's biblical exegesis in
orderto justify thesubstitutionofRomefor Jerusalem as God's
holycity. Itis asif Jerusalem, withoutthe Temple orits relics, is
powerless; on these grounds he writes, "mother Syon is compelled
toleave Jerusalem,"just as Jews ofthesixth century B.C.E.hadbeen
compelled todo. Moreover, like Joachim, who justifies
theRomanChurchastheNew Jerusalem,Ralph alsodiscussesthe problems
ofhis contemporary Rome. Hewritesthat"New Jerusalem," or theRoman
Church, isunderattack as well.Tothis end, Ralphexpands on
thethemeofChristianmalfea sancein hisdiscussionofthesixthseal
marking the coming of Antichrist, whohas alreadybegun to
flourishinthe city ofRome.76 Sedut malignitas
diabolicaeadinventionis jampropagata, facilius per
Antichristisaevissimam persecutionempossit in Christicolas ubique
dilatari, credibileest primitus SarracenosAntichristi prae cursores
paulatim terras Christianoruminvadereetsuodominio subjugare, sicut
eos jam fecisse cernimus; ita utnullusChristianus princeps,peccatis
Christanorum exigentibus, adeo potens exsistat, qui
Antichristisaevissimae persecutioni etvesanae tyrannidi audeat, vel
possit, rebellandoresistere. (myemphasis) This content downloaded
from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject
to JSTOR Terms and Conditions90THECHAUCERREVIEW But just so thatthe
malignancy ofdiabolical devising whichhas already been propagated
may be spread more easilythrough the savagepersecution of
Antichrist, everywhereagainst Christians, it is believablethatthe
Saracens, precursors of Antichrist, bit by bit are invading
Christianlandsand subjugating themtotheirdomin ion, just
aswehaveseenthemtohavedone already, totheextent that, onaccount of
the sins of the Christians, no Christian prince exists whois
powerfulenough to dare or beabletoresistthe mostvicious persecution
andfrenzied tyranny of Antichrist byrebelling.77 The Saracens, or
"the precursors ofAntichrist"as they are called above, are
portrayed as pawns involvedina planagainst Christendom. Joachim
attributestheirsuccessin driving Christiansfromtheirlandinthe
CrusaderStatesto Antichristhimself.For Ralph, the reign of Babylon,
thefalloftheCrusader States, andtheriseofAntichristare intercon
nected.78This interpretation is by nomeansexclusiveto Ralph, for
many medievalwriters explored theconnectionsbetweenthe reign of
Antichristandtheriseof Muslim power inthe Holy Land.Thewidedis
persal ofthis image, however, suggests that western Europe and
England werebothinterestedin explaining
theriseofanon-Christianforce throughexegetical means.Asseeninthe
quotation above, itis impor tanttonotethat Ralph
didnotattributethefalloftheCrusaderStates solely totheriseofthe
Saracens, butalsotothesinsofwestern Christendomitself.
Byimplicating western Europe and England inthe fall, hemakesa
separate distinctionthat"Antichrist"isalsoseen apart
fromtheSaracens. Byshowing Antichrist asaforceassociatedwith
Christian immorality,Ralphposits a separate rolefor Antichrist,
attribut ing western Europe's lossof Jerusalem not just toSaladin's
power, but alsoto Christiansin. Byattributing thelossofChristian
territory inthe Holy Landtotheirown corruption,Ralph
likenswesternmedieval Christianstothe sixth-century B.C.E. Jews
discussedinIsaiahand Jeremiah, forthese prophetssimilarly
attributethe Babyloniancaptivity tothesinsofthe Jews. He predicts
thatthefallofRomewillbesimilar tothefallof Babylon, a comparison
made possible, he says, onaccount oftheconfusionof"manifold
idolatry" in both.79In turn, theChristians cannotresistAntichrist
norcan theyconquer theSaracensonaccount oftheir own prodigious
sins. Uniting Christiansand Jewsthrough their sharedmoral
weaknesses, Ralphexplains thatChristiansinfulnessis alia bility
inthe fightagainst Antichrist.80 According to medieval exegetes,
sinfulnesslost Jerusalem for Jews andChristiansalike.81The Siegeof
Jerusalem may have participated inthistraditionbased on the very
nature ofits subject matter.Aswehave seen, theroleofneither Roman,
Jew, nor Christian occupied a fixedandimmutable place inthe
exegetical frame This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on
Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and
ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER91 work.Like Jerusalem the city, these
peoples weremadeto play several rolesinorderto
teachChristiandoctrine.The popularity oftheworks of Joachim and
Ralph of Coggeshall illustratesthe wide dispersal ofsuch
interpretations of Jerusalem's demise. Ralph's Chronicon, along
withtheadditions accruing to it, remained popular in England
overthenexttwocenturies.Severalchroniclersbor rowedfrom it, among
themRanulf Higden, a Benedictinemonkatthe abbey ofSt. Werburgh in
Chester, whousedtheworksof Hegesippus, Ralph's Chronicon,
andtheLatinversionof Josephus in composing his Polychronicon
inthe1320s.82The Polychronicon was widely availablein
England,especially inthesecondhalfofthefourteenth century; the work
disseminated among theecclesiasticalinstitutionsin Latinandwastrans
latedinto English atleast twice, once byJohn Trevisainthe 1380s,
and again inthefifteenth century.83 The popularity of Ralph's work,
both directly andas mediated by Higden,suggests thatits message
struck a chordwithits medieval English audience.The topical
natureofthe Chroniconis borneout through thenoted rise, afterthe
westernChristian lossof Jerusalem to Saladin, of English sermons
against thesinsofthe laity in medieval England. Just as Ralph's
Chroniconcontributedto England'sperception thatthe
lossoftheCrusaderStateswasinsome way connectedtothesinful ways
ofthe west, sotoolaterchroniclerscorrelatedtheroleof Antichristwith
the corruption oftheRomanChurchasseeninthe Papal Schism.In
ordertoexaminesuch interpretations, onecannotlookto Higden
becausehisdeathin1363or1364antedatesthe split. However, further
comment regarding the Papal Schismitselfis availableinthe Appendix
to Higden'sPolychronicon. Here, an anonymous authoraddsanaccount
oftheelectionof Bartholomew, archbishop of Bari, as Pope Urban VI,
along withthecardinals' attempt to depose him, andtheelectionofthe
antipope. Thisaccountis biasedinthefavorofthe English,though not
obviously so; however, thechroniclerdoestakecaretomentionthe
detail, unwelcomein Englisheyes, thatthisnew pope is "consanguineum
regis Franciae" (a relativeofthe King of France).84 In spite ofhis
politi cal leanings, thewriter seemsmore
concernedthattheSchismoccurred inthefirst place thanheis aboutthe
political situationwith France; thus he concludes,
"itahorribileschismain capite universalisecclesiaeest exortum"
(thus thehorribleSchismtook place attheheadofthe Universal
Church).85 Similarly, theseeventsreceive nocommentfrom Trevisain
spite ofthefactthathisother translations, suchas thoseofthe
Dialogas interMilitemet Clericumand archbishopFitzRalph's
antifraternal Defensio Curatorum, suggest thatTrevisamadea pastime
of commenting on the corruption he perceived withintheChurch.86
However, as Walter Ullmannhas shown, although few English
chroniclerscommentat length This content downloaded from
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JSTOR Terms and Conditions92 THECHAUCERREVIEW aboutthe Papal
Schism, thosewhodorefertoitendowUrbanwith unquestionedauthority
and, in contrast, showutter contempt for Clement, thecourtat
Avignon, andtheFrenchcrown.87 Anextensive English
accountoftheSchismwas producedby Thomas Walsingham, a monk writing
atSt. Albansin1377.AntoniaGransdenhas shownthat Walsinghammay have
begun hiscareer bywriting theSt. Albanscontinuationof
Higden'sPolychronicon.88 His primary work, ahis tory of England,
writtenasa continuationto MatthewParis'sChronica Majora,
locateshimwithinthetraditionofhistorical writing foundedat
St.Albans byRoger of WendoverandMatthewParis.89InhisHistoria
Anglicana andSt.Albans Chronicle, hedocumentsthe beginning ofthe
Schism, followsits course, and displays anti-French
feelings.90Walsingham showsthatinalettersentto Pope Urban VI,
hisformercardinalsattack himandhiselectiontothe papacy,referring
tohim as, "apostaticus, anathematizatus,Antichristus,
ettotiusChristianitatisinvasoracdestruc tor."91 Suchinvective
suggests thattheecclesiasticalwriterslike Ralph of Coggeshall had,
through theircriticismofthe papacy anddiscussionsof Antichrist,
preparedEngland forthenext step in exegeticalinterpreta tion:the
antipope asAntichrist. Likewise, thisassociationcirculated widely
acrosswestern Europe,appearing inthe language oftheFrench
ecclesiasts, asseeninthe example aboveandinlatercommunications.92
Almost twentyyears aftertheoutbreakofthe Schism, theuse oftheterm
"Antichrist"inassociationwiththe papacy was employedby theLollards
intheirConclusiones against the Church, fixed upon thedoorsof
Westminster Abbey andSt.Paul'sCathedralin1395.93 Relatedtothe
corruption attributedtotheChurchwerethesinsof Christendomin
general; the perceived stateof moral decline, which was
correlatedwiththeGreat Schism, continuedtobe thought tofomentthe
lossoftheCrusaderStates.Both Higden andTrevisatake part inthistra
ditionintheiraccountofRichardFslossesinthe Holy Land.Asifto jus
tify Richard's defeat, Higden writesthatthefailureis part ofGod's
plan tochastenChristendom: Sic igitur
ChristusRexnostermalishominumbene utens, dum terrenamsuam Jerusalem
... inmanustradit hostium, coelestis suae Jerusalem
uberioralucrasubtiliter conquisivit.Itaquepropter
nostrorumdefectumetdedecus temporumoportet civitatemsanc
tamconculcaria gentibus usque ad tempusquod solusDeusnovit. Andso
Christ our king,using men'sevil well, whilehe gives over hisland
Jerusalem ... intothehandsofthe enemy, he subtly con quers
thefertilerichesofhiscelestial Jerusalem. Andthus on
accountofourdefectsandshameful times, itis right thatthe holy city
be trampledbypeople untilthetimewhichGodaloneknows.94 This content
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use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER93
According to Higden, Godhimself planned thelossof Jerusalem; the
Muslim occupation of Jerusalem wasinfacta type of punishment or
purification ritualfortheChristians.Thisbeliefinthe
spirituallyjusti fiedlossof Jerusalem continuedtobe perpetuated in
England. Trevisa elaborates on this passage whenhe presents
atranslation clarifying that, although the earthlyJerusalem was
lost, thecelestial Jerusalem, oreter nal salvation, couldbe
gainedbyenduringpunishment forsins. Thus, byenduring theMuslim
conquest, westernChristians pay akindof penance andthus progress
towardtheirown heavenly salvation.Trevisa's translationofthe
passage confirms a medievalviewthatthelossof Jerusalem is a
justpunishment meantto strengthen Christendom; by suf fering
defeat, they wouldwinthecelestial Jerusalem instead:"So Crist oure
kyng usej) wel f>e eveldedesof mankynde, whilehe takef)J)e
er^elich Jerusalem into l>e hondesof enemyes ... and
bringej)J)erynne for]} wyslichelargewynnyng of hi3e Jerusalem in
hevene."95Itis asifthe lossofthe earthlyJerusalem is necessary to
produce the celestial, more valuableone.Trevisa'stranslation
suggests that although western Christianshadlost hope of winning
backtheirterritoriesinthe Holy Land,nevertheless, they felt they
stillowned Jerusalem, albeitina more spiritual, sublimatedfashion.
Itisin light ofthis explanation or necessity, if you will, of
losing the earthlyJerusalem thatI considerthe Siege. As English
involvementinthe HundredYears'War upheld a split
intheChurchdictated by nationalis tic loyalties united against
France, thetraditional exegesis thatlinkedthe suffering
ofRometothatof Jerusalem likewiseinfluencedthe poem's reception in
England.96 Inthe poem the depiction ofthe Jews, likethe depiction
ofthe Romans, is elastic; not only dothe Jews ofthe poemrep resent
Jewishgroups who come beforeandafter them, but they also rep
resentmedievalChristians.In England's historicalchroniclesmedieval
Christiansinthe Holy Land, likethe Jews inthe poem, sufferdeath by
the sword, andfalltosicknessandstarvationintheir attempt to keep
Jerusalem.97According tothe exegetes,hope for attaining the
physical Jerusalem issofar gone thatan eternalidealofthe city is
evoked instead; so,too, theactual city inthe Siege is annihilated,
withthe Temple torn apart stone by
stone.98ThisretributionforChristiansinis borneoutin Higden
andTrevisa's exegeticalinterpretation that Jerusalem wouldbe
trodunderthefeetofthe enemy untilChristendomearnedGod'sfor giveness
anddeservedthe city ina celestialsense. Thus they wouldhave
toearntheireternalrewardin heaven:thecelestial Jerusalem. In
replacing the materialwiththe spiritualgoal, the physicalcity no
longer matters, anditsannihilation inaugurates a period
ofrenewalforwestern Christendom.Thetextthusboth explains Christian
inability to keep the city and justifies the power
ofRome.Asfarasthe English werecon This content downloaded from
212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to
JSTOR Terms and Conditions94THECHAUCERREVIEW cerned,Rome, like
Jerusalem, wasatthe mercy of Antichrist, though this timeit
struggled underthe perceived threatofa corruptpapal govern mentat
Avignon insteadofMuslimarmies. Rome, Joachim's "New Jerusalem,"
wouldrise up and perform theofficesofa sacred earthlycity just as
Jerusalem haddone. The image ofthefallof Jerusalemoccupied the
mindsof medievalbib licalcommentatorsforoverfourteencenturies.The
exegetical inter pretation ofthe siege held currency asan
appliedmetaphor forthe moralstateoftheChurchandthe society
ofChristiansasa whole.With theadventofthe crusades, the
siegeimageacquiredgreaterproportion, as
thefortunesofthecrusadersroseandfellinthe Holy Landandwere
interpretedaccording tosacred Scripture. Fromthe interchangeable
typological modelof first-century Romansas early medieval
Christians, tothe portrayal of Jerusalem andthe Jews
astheChurchandthe Christian soul, theroleofthe besieger and
besieged was interpreted vari ably,depending on the exegetical
context.In Josephus onefinds perhaps the very first exegete
oftheRoman siege, forit washewhorelatedthe eventsofthe Jewish warin
light ofhis knowledge ofthe prophetic works andthe Lamentations;
asmentioned above, he"corrects"messianic prophecy infavorofhisRoman
captors,only tobe"emended" againby Joachim ofFiore.Whateverthe
case, the predisposition ofa society to insertitself literally
intoitssacred texts, interpreting itscurrentcircum stancesintheir
contexts, canbeobservedinthe manipulation ofthehis torical siege of
Jerusalem. Significantly, not just the general historicalfactofthe
city's demiseat thehandsofthe Romans, but Josephus'sspecific
accountofThe Jewish Warinfluencedromanceand religiousgenres alike.
Josephus's influence isallthe moreremarkablenot only becausehewasa
Jewish writerbor rowedintothewesterncanon by Christian writers,
butalsobecause one can perceive the agenda ofthoseChristian
adapters as theyshaped Josephus's accountfortheirownends.The city
of Jerusalem, seenatonce asa metonym forthe Jewishpeople,
theChristianChurchand soul, and the city of heavenly salvation,
occupies a multivalent place inthe spec trumof
symbolicreligiouslanguage.Religious writerssuch as the anony mous
Hegesippus,Jerome, Paschasius Radbertus, Joachim of Fiore, and
Ralph of Coggeshallrepresent a merehandfulofauthors usingJosephus
tocreatebiblical commentary basedon typologies. Asmedievalecclesi
asticalwritersmined Josephus's accountofthe Jewish warfor
exegetical material, they foundnumerous parallels that suggested
tothemthatthe Roman triumph over Jerusalem wasanother step
inthedivine pattern of salvation history. Whilethe exegetes
haveshownhowmedievalaudiences interpreted theliteral presence
oftheRomansin biblical history, this depiction also This content
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use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER95 reveals
moreinformationtothereader concerning the Jews. AsNarin vanCourthas
shown, the first-centuryJews ofthe Siege may havebeen viewed as
medieval Jewsthrough the Augustinian tradition. Alternatively,
asHamel argues, they may havebeen perceived asthenon-Christian
adversary ofthe crusades, thusas part ofamore generalizedbody of
Saracens.Tothese readings I wouldadd that, foran English audience,
theroleofthe Jews wouldhavealso cometo represent the plight ofthe
English nationitself. Indeed, asthe Jews ofthe Siege aremadeto
repre sentChristendomunder threat, they are portrayed asa people
with whomto sympathize andfromwhomto gaininspiration inthefaceof
adversity. AsNarinvanCourthasdemonstrated through her study onthe
Augustinian historians, the Siege poet's
treatmentofhissourcesshowsthe influenceoflate
twelfth-centuryAugustinian attitudestowardthe Jews.99
NarinvanCourt'swork on Augustinian writers, suchasWilliamof
Newburgh andThomas Wykes, showsthat they considereda Jewishpres
ence necessary in orderthatChristianscouldrememberChrist'sPassion.
Newburgh citesPsalm 59:12, "Slay them not, lest mypeopleforget," in
defenseofthe Jews.100 Indeed, not only do Newburgh and Wykesargue
thatthe Jews areusefulto Christiansandthereforebetterleft unharmed,
they alsoshow outrage atthe inhumanity ofthecrimes against the Jews
andcondemnChristian barbarityagainst them.Thismoral response
resultsin Newburg'scastigation ofChristianviolenceand subsequent
defenseofthe Jews.Noting thatthe Siege poetmay havebeeninfluenced
by Newburghthrough other Augustinian historianssuchas Wykes, Narin
vanCourtfinds precedents forthe poet'ssympatheticportrayal ofthe
Jews. Like Wykes whocondemns crueltyagainst the Jews, the Siegepoet
showstheinfluenceof Jewish "toleration"inhisrevisionsofhissources
andhumane descriptions ofdefeated Jews.101 Whileseveralscholarshave
addressedtheissueofthe poem'ssympatheticportrayal ofa suffering
Jewishpeople, I wouldaddthatthe exegeticaltypologies oftheactual
siege offervaluableinformation regarding this portrayal.
Theinfluence of medieval exegetes like Joachim of Fiore, wholike
Gregory theGreat compared the plight of Jerusalem andthe Jews
tothatoftheChristian Churchand Christians, initiated just sucha
"sympathetic"interpretation ofthe Jews, forinthe Jews
medievalChristian exegetes sawthemselves. Thusin investigating
theroleofthe Romans, onecan findfurtherinfor mation regarding
theroleofthe Jews, the sympathetic natureoftheir portrayal, andthe
English audienceitself. Throughexegeticalinterpre tation,
medievalChristiancommentatorsfounda way to explain western Europe's
tribulationsinthe Holy Land through aseriesof typologies, linking
theirown place in history toa cycle of suffering associatedwith
Jerusalem sincethe Babyloniancaptivity.Byplacing thefallofFrankish
Jerusalem tothe Muslims alongside the long successionof
historically This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue,
24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and
Conditions96THECHAUCERREVIEW and biblically recordedfallsof
Jerusalem, westernChristiansboth explained theirlossin scriptural
termsand brought themselvesintoa cycle of history associatedwiththe
Holy Land. Considered together, the exegeticalreading ofthe poem
thatinter prets the Jews asa typological Christian people
andviewstheRomans as theAntichristseems contradictory totheliteral
reading ofthe poem wherefictitiousRomansarelinkedtotheChristian
crusading forcesof western Europe. Ontheone hand, the
typologicalinterpretation neces sitatesacounter reading ofthe Siege
whereintheRoman aggressors becometheadversariesof Christendom,
andthe Jewishsiege victims occupy a martyr-like role as
Christians.Ontheother hand, theliteral reading appears muchmore
straightforward as it portrays a fictionalized
RomanforcewhoseChristianrootslinkthe poem's audienceto past mili
tarygrandeur and spiritualauthenticity. Whilethese exegetical
andlit eral interpretations seem incompatible, taken togetherthey
offer an apt reflectionofthetimein whichthe poem was produced in
England. In fact, upon closer inspection theresultsofboth
readingsyield similar results: asacriticismofthe Papal Schism, the
exegeticalreading ofthe poem wouldhavebeenincirculationatthe
precise historicalmoment ofthestrifewith Avignon. Likewise,
theliteral reading ofthe poemsup ports theChurchofRome bycreating a
history ofRome'stieswiththe holycity Jerusalem.Through both
readings, the position ofRomeas spir itual capital is justified
evenasthe Papal Schismis questioned. Moreover, both readingspresent
a moralcalltoarmsinthefaceof Muslim occu pation ofthe Holy Land.The
exegeticalreading, however, expands into areasof interpretation
wheretheliteral reading cannot:it not only calls foritsaudienceto
participate ina campaignagainst theadversariesof Christendom, be
they Antichristor Saladin, butalso urges Christian
reformfromwithin.The Siege showstheroleoftheRomans shifting in
itscultural valence; italsoshowstheroleof Jerusalemshifting from a
materialrelic soughtby the English, tothatof acelestial city
attained through moralreformofthesoul. Centre for MedievalStudies
Universityof Toronto Toronto, Canada (suzanne.yeager@utoronto. ca)
Versionsofthis paper were given attheconference"Between Empires:
Orientalism Before1600"at TrinityCollege,CambridgeUniversity,July
14,2001, andbeforethemem bersoftheMedievalRomance Society
atthe37thInternational Congress onMedieval Studiesatthe University
of Western Michigan, Kalamazoo, Michigan,May 2, 2002.Iam grateful
tobothaudiencesfortheir thoughtful comments, especially toTamara
This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013
16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and
ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER97 O'Callaghan. I
alsowishtothankSuzanneConklin Akbari, David Klausner, and George
Rigg oftheCentreforMedievalStudiesatthe University of Toronto, and
Ralph HannaIII ofOxford University, allofwhom generously
sharedtheir knowledge andwise suggestions. 1.Norman Davis,ed.,
TheCroxton Playof the Sacrament, in Non-CyclePlays and Fragments,
EETSSS1 (Oxford,1970). 2.Cecilia Cutts, "TheCroxton Play:
AnAnti-Lollard Piece," Modern LanguageQuarterly 5 (1944): 45-60,
at55.SeealsoGail McMurray Gibson, TheTheatre of Devotion:East
Anglican Society intheMiddle Ages(Chicago, 1989), 35-38. Here,
onenotesthe important textualdis tinctionthatthe Jews
arenotidentified asheretics (those whoabandon Christianity), but
asthosewho rejectChristianity. 3.StevenF. Kruger, "TheBodiesof Jews
intheLateMiddle Ages," inTheIdea of MedievalLiterature:New Essays
onChaucerand MedievalCultureinHonor of DonaldR Howard, ed. James
M.DeanandChristianK.Zacher (London,1992), 301-23. 4.ElisaNarinvan
Court, "SociallyMarginal,Culturally Central: RepresentingJews in
LateMedieval English Literature," Exemplaria 12 (2000): 293-326.
5.Sheila Delany, Chaucerandthe jews: Sources,Contexts, Meanings
(NewYork,2002),ix; regarding theterm"absent presence,"Delany
referstoGloria Cigman, "The Jew asan Absent-PresenceinLateMedieval
England," TheSeventeenthSacksLectureoftheOxford Centrefor
Postgraduate Hebrew Studies, delivered May 29, 1991 (Delany, xi).
6. Ralph HannaIIIandDavid Lawton,eds., The Siegeof Jerusalem,
EETSOS320 (London,2003). Seealsotheearlieredition by E. K?lbing
andMabel Day, eds., The Siege ofJerusalem, EETSOS188 (London,1932).
All quotations arefromtheHannaandLawton edition, cited by
linenumber.The poem is datedtothelatefourteenthto early fifteenth
centuries.HannaandLawton classify itas part
ofthealliterativerevivaland argue fora monastic authorship fromthe
West Riding of Yorkshire, originating fromthemonasteries of
Whalley,Salley, or Bolton; seeHannaand Lawton,eds., Siege,
xxx-xxxvi,lii?liii; Ralph Hanna III, "Contextualizing The
SiegeofJerusalem, " Yearbook of Langland Studies6 (1992): 109-21,
at 114; andChristine Chism, "The SiegeofJerusalem:Liquidating
Assets," Journalof Medievaland Early ModernStudies28 (1998):309-40,
at334nl. Manuscript evidence sug gests thatthe poem was popular
inlatemedieval England; seeHannaand Lawton, xii-xxvi; and Mary
Hamel, "The SiegeofJerusalem asa Crusading Poem," in Journeys
Toward God: Pilgrimage and Crusade, ed.BarbaraN. Sargent-Baur
(Kalamazoo,Mich.,1992): 177-94, at187. 7. Mary Hamel,
"SiegeofJerusalem,'' 177-80. Following asimilar typological method,
but withadifferent interpretation,
SuzanneConklinAkbarihasshownthatthe identity ofthe SiegeJew
isintertwinednot only withthatofmedieval Jews,
butalsowiththatofboththe Christianandthe Muslim ("Placing the Jews
in LateMedieval Literature," inOrientalismand the Jews,
ed.DerekPenslarandIvanKalmar [Hanover,Mass., forthcoming]). 8.
Hanna, "Contextualizing," 110-11.SeealsoDavid Lawton, "TitusGoes
Hunting and Hawking: ThePoeticsofRecreationand Revenge inThe
Siegeof Jerusalem," in Individuality andAchievementin Middle
EnglishPoetry, ed.O.S. Pickering(Woodbridge,
Suffolk,1997),105-17;here, Lawton's interpretation also posits a
uniquelyJewishpres enceinthe poem(see113-14). 9.ElisaNarinvan
Court, "The SiegeofJerusalem and Augustinian Historians: Writing
About Jews in Fourteenth-CenturyEngland," ChaucerReview29
(1995):227-48, at 228. NarinvanCourt'sarticlehasbeen reprinted
inChaucerandthe Jews: Sources,Contexts, Meanings, ed.Sheila Delany
(NewYork,2002), 165-84. My articlewillrefertothe page
numbersinChaucerReview.BonnieMillaralsocommentsontheroleofthe
poem'sJews inherinformative book, The SiegeofJerusalem inIts
Physical,Literary andHistoricalContexts (Portland,Ore.,2000). 10.
Akbari, "Placing the Jews,"forthcoming. 11.The Siege
wasderivedfromadiversecollectionof literary anddramatic sources,
among whichHannaandLawtoninclude Josephus'sfirst-centuryJewish War,
originally writ tenin Greek, whichwasavailabletothe Siegepoet
inLatintranslation.Forfurtherinfor mationon Josephus's
worksassourcematerialforthe Siege, seeHannaand Lawton,eds., Siege,
xl?lii. 12.Formoreon thenarrativedistinctionsbetweenOldandNew Rome,
seeChristine Chism, AlliterativeRevivals (Philadelphia, 2002),
181-83.SeealsoPatricia Price, This content downloaded from
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JSTOR Terms and Conditions98THECHAUCERREVIEW "Integrating Timeand
Space: The LiteraryGeography of Patience,Cleanness, The Siegeof
Jerusalem, andSt. Erkenwald," Medieval Perspectives 11
(1996):234-50, at 242-46. 13.In actuality, therelic's
perceivedability tohealalsomadeit popular inthelater medieval
period. Moreover, a fourteenth-centuryEnglish
audiencewouldhavebeenfamil iar withthesacred object, forwiththe
instability ofthe Holy Land, Roman pilgrimage was onthe rise; in
RometheVeilwasa popular attraction, rivaling
thebonesofSt.Peterinits appeal to visitingpilgrims. See
JonathanSumption,Pilgrimage: An Imageof Medieval Religion
(London,1975), 243-49. 14.The Temple'sJubileetrumpets were brought
from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus.See Julia Bolton Holloway, The
Pilgrim andthe Book (NewYork,1992),61; Josephus, The Jewish
War,VII.162, trans.G.A.Williamson (Harmondsworth, Eng., 1970),
372-73. 15.Scholarssuchas Stephen Runcimannand ChristopherTyerman
haveshownthat towardtheendofthefourteenth century,crusading
initiatives werenotmade by the English crown;instead, membersofthe
nobilityarranged theirown campaigns. For instance, asLouis II,
dukeofBourbonrecruitedmeninFranceto fightagainst the Ottoman
Muslims, hewas joinedby an Englishcontingent recruitedunder John of
Lancaster. Though this group wasdefeatedattheBattleof Nicopolis in
1396, theirefforts represent thelastand largest
oftheinternationalcrusades. Likewise, Englishnobility also
wentoncrusadeintheBaltic during lullsintheHundredYears' War,
showing that, atleast among thelower nobility, the crusadingimpulse
wasaliveandwell.WiththeLancastrians engaged thus, together
withtheircontroloverBolton Priory wherethe poem was perhaps
produced, itseems altogetherpossible thatthe Siege
wasinfactcommissionedtoencour age othernoblesto participate
inthecrusades.SeeSteven Runcimann, The Historyof the Crusades,
3vols. (Cambridge,Eng., 1954),3:455-64; and
ChristopherTyerman,England andthe Crusades, 1095-1588 (Chicago,
1988), 265-72. 16.Theideaofthe poem asarecruitment piece, as
positedby Hamel, suggests thatit derived power from feelings of
upper-classEnglishsociety towardtheirfaithandtheir place in
Englishsociety; see Hamel, "SiegeofJerusalem,"
188-89.Suchvaluesareseeninthe fourteenth-century continuationof
Holy Land legacies andvow redemptions ofdeceased family members,
andinnoblehouseholdsthattook pride intheir crusadingheritage?for
example, somedecoratedtheirhomeswith tapestriesdepicting crusade
legends anddis playedfamily relicsthat proved (or
merelysuggested)past crusade participation; see Tyerman,England
andthe Crusades, 260-61. Contemporarypopular literatureandsermons
continuedto testify tothe importance ofthecrusadesin spite ofthe
manyobligations at homeandinFrance.RichardII paidlip servicetothe
crusade, offering his encourage ment, thoughrarelyanymoney,
ashewasinterestedin using thecrusadeto improve his
publicimage;seej.J. N. Palmer, England, FranceandChristendom
(Chapel Hill,N.C.,1972), 242-44. 17. Philippe de M?zi?res, Epistre
auRoiRichart [Letter toRichard III, ed.andtrans.G.W.
Coopland(Liverpool, 1975), 28-29 (English), 101-2 (French). 18.de
M?zi?res, Epistre, ed.andtrans. Coopland, 16-17 (English), 89-90
(French). 19. Along withtheseincentivesfordirect participation, the
poemmay alsohavebeen intendedtoincrease support ata
moreindirectlevel: throughpublicfundraising. As Simon Lloyd has
shown, by thethirteenth century, crusadehadbecome increasingly
insti tutionalizedand integrated within English
socialstructurestotheextentthat England's
mosteffectiveroleinthecrusadeswas through donationsof
gifts,legacies, alms, andmon etaryredemption
ofcrusadervows.SeeSimon Lloyd,EnglishSociety andthe Crusade,
1216-1307 (Oxford,1988), 239-46. 20.Lawtonidentifiesthe courtly
activitiesof hunting and hawking as signifiers ofiden tity. In
Siege, thisisa specifically Christian identity; see Lawton,
"TitusGoes Hunting," 113-17. 21.AsLawtonhas shown, these
courtlyimages serveto signify theChristianconversion ofRome ("Titus
Goes Hunting," 116-17). 22.E.Ann Matter,
"TheLamentationsCommentariesofHrabanusMaurusand Paschasius
Radbertus," Tradition (1982):137-63, at138. 23. Matter,
"Lamentations Commentaries," 138. 24. Matter, "Lamentations
Commentaries," 138. This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on
Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and
ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER99 25.Allbiblicaltranslationsinthiswork
aretakenfromthe English translationofThe CatholicBible:
Douay-Rheims Version (NewYork,1941). SeeLuke19:43-44.SeealsoLuke
21:6, Matthew 24, Mark 13:2; alsoOldTestament prophecies in
Jeremiah 9:11,26:18; Micah 3:12; Lamentations 2; andZechariah14:2.
26.Ernstvon Dobsch?tz,ed., CuraSanitatis Tiberii, inTexteund
Untersuchungen zur geschickte deraltchristlichen literature, Neue
Folge, Bd.III (Berlin,1899). Seealso K?lbing and Day, eds., Siege,
xvi. 27.Constantinde Tischendorf,ed., Vindicta Salvatoris, in
Evang?licaApocrypha (Hilde sheim,1876,repr.1966),471-86; also
Appendix II.Seealso K?lbing and Day, eds., Siege, xvi. 28.Heinz
Schreckenberg, Die Flavius-Josphus-Tradition in
AntikeundMittelalter (Leiden, 1972). 29. Hegesippus,HegesippiQui
DiciturHistoriaeLibri V, ed.Vincent Ussani, Corpus Scriptorum
EcclesiasticorumLatinorum 66; Jerome, InHieremiam Prophetam,Corpus
ChristianorumSeriesLatina 74; seealsoCommentarioruminEsaiam I-XI,
Corpus ChristianorumSeriesLatina 73; andPaschasius Radbertus,
Expositio in Lamentationes, Corpus
ChristianorumContinuadoMediaevalis85. Joachim of Fiore, L?berde
Concordia, ed. E. Randolph Daniel, Transactions of the American
PhilosophicalSociety 73 (1983):xii; seealso Joachim of Fiore,
ConcordiaNoviacVeterisTestament (Frankfurt a. M.,1964). Forallrefer
ences relating toBook5ofthe Concordia, I haveusedtheFrankfurt
edition; foreditorial reasons,
themoremodernDanieleditionoftheConcordiadoesnotcontainBook5. 30.
Guy N. Deutsch, Iconographie del'illustrationde Flavius Josephe au
temps de JeanFouquet (Leiden,1986), 20. 31. BerylSmalley, The
Studyof the BibleintheMiddle Ages (Oxford,1953; repr.1983), xi.
32.Robertthe Monk, RobertiMonachiHistoria Iherosolimitana, in
Recueildes Historiensdes Croisades, HistoriensOccidentaux
(Paris,1866; repr.1967), Vol. III, Bk. IX, Ch.24.Seealso
Smalley,Studyof the Bible, xi. 33.Aswellas influencing
themedievalcultural reception ofthe crusades, Josephan exegesis
hada long-livedimpact,
aslatemedievalecclesiasticaldramaonthecontinent producedgreatplays
ofthe first-centurysiege thatrivaledthePassionand Corpus Christi
plays intheir length and popularity.By thelatefourteenth century,
dramatic, liturgical, and literary sourcesensuredthatthe
first-century Roman conquest wasassimilatedinto themoral teachings
oftheChurch.See Stephen K. Wright, The Vengeanceof OurLord:
MedievalDramatizations of theDestruction ofJerusalem
(Toronto,1989), 1-18. 34.See Siege, lines 356,982,1019-20,
1289-96.BiblicalreferencesaretoLuke19:44. SeealsoLuke 21:6, Matthew
24, andMark 13:2; OldTestament prophecies referto Jeremiah
9:11,26:18; Micah 3:12; Lamentations 2; andZechariah14:2. 35.
Matter, "Lamentations Commentaires,"142; and John Cassian,
Collationes XIV.viii, ed.J.Pinchery, Sourceschr?tiennes54
(Paris,1958), 189-93. 36. Matter, "Lamentations
Commentaries,"143n24; Lamentations 1:2; and Gregory the Great,
Moralia 13.12.15, Corpus ChristianorumSeriesLatina143A:677. 37.
Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, xii. 38.In fact, in 1194,
Henry VI gave foundation privileges to Joachim tostarthisown house.
39.E. Randolph Daniel, "Apocalyptic Conversion:The Joachite
Alternativetothe Crusades," in Joachimof FioreinChristian Thought,
ed.DelnoC. West, 2vols. (NewYork, 1936),1:301-28, at304-5. Marjorie
Reeves, The Influenceof Prophecy inthe LaterMiddle Ages: A
Studyinjoachism (Oxford,1969),4-6, 16-20. 40. Joachim, Liberde
Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 1, Cap. 2,62; listed by book,
part, chapter, and page number. Except where noted,
alltranslationsofLatintextsare my own. 41."Diximusenim quod
exconcordiaduorumtestamentorum proceditspiritualis intellectus"
(Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 106,125r; listed by book, chapter,
andfolio number). 42. ConcerningJoachim'sscripturalinterpretation
ofOldandNewTestamentcharac ters, see Joachim, Liberde Concordia,
ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 1, Cap.2, 62. 43. Joachim, Liberde
Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 2, Cap. 7, 181.
44.SeeIsaiah8:1-10. 45. Regarding theMuslim occupation ofthe Holy
Land, Joachim writes: "tangit decem tribus praedicens
illasessetradendasin manus regumassyriorum. Secundumconcordiam This
content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013
16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and
Conditions100THECHAUCERREVIEW tangit ecclesias
grecorumquasdepopulati suntsaraceni." (He touches upon thetentribes
predicting that they weretobehandedovertothe kings ofthe
Assyrians.According tocon cordia, he says that [this eventrefers
to] theGreekChurchwhichwasdevastated by the Saracens.) (Joachim,
Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 94,122v). 46. Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5,
Cap. 93, 122v. 47. Vitajoachimi abbatis, in Herbert Grundmann,
"Joachim ofFlorisundRainervon Ponza," DeutschenArchiv
f?rErforschung des Mittelalters16 (1960): 437-546. Joachim's Vit?is
foundon 528-39; see 529.Thefirstof Joachim's
threerevelationswhileinthe Holy Land wasthatGodhad
rejectedJerusalem. See Vita,532-33; also Grundmann, 492. 48.
Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 3, Pt. 2, Cap. 1, 287.
49. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 3, Pt. 2, Cap. 2,
289. 50. Referring to Jerusalem,Joachim writes:"Etrecte filia
Sionuocaturecclesiaaddif ferentiam synagoge,que fuitmater Sion;
nimirum quia iniliafuerunt patres, inista pro patribus
filiinatisunt.Et quia Sanctus proph?tieSpiritus nontarn
pret?ritarespicitquam futura, utsedenouaSion loqui monstraret,
nequ?quam earnmatremSionuocareuoluit sed potius filiam nuncupauit."
(And rightly theChurchiscalled Daughterof Sion, withref
erencetothedifferenceofthe Synagogue, whichwastheMotherof Sion;
certainly, since theFatherswereinthatone [i.e., theold Jerusalem],
butinthisone [i.e., thenew Jerusalem],
thesonswerebornthefathers.Andsincethe HolySpirit of prophecy looks
notso muchtothe past astowardthe future, inordertoshowthatitis
speaking aboutthe new Sion, it
didnotwishtocallher"MotherSion"butrather "Daughter.")Qoachim, Liber
de Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 4, Pt. 1, Cap. 39,394). 51.
Daniel,ed., Joachim, Liberde Concordia, xiii. 52. Joachim, Liberde
Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 1, Cap. 2, 64. 53. Joachim,
Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 4, Pt. 2, Cap. 27, 394. Joachim
contrasts ad litteram, meaning a literal, historical interpretation
tothe typological {adconcordiam). In thereformofthe Church, asinthe
rebuilding ofanew Jerusalem,Joachim seesanew
Rome.ThisnewRomanChurchwillberebuiltafteritsdesolationand
punishment,just likethe old, temporalJerusalem mustbe destroyed
inordertobuildtheeternal one:
"Predicitsecundumlitteramreedificandamiterumhierusalem.Predicitsecundum
con cordiamreleuandamasuocasuecclesiam ... Utdiscat intelligere
iudeusnouam hierusalem qu[a]e fundataestRome." (Literally, he
predicts a rebuilding of Jerusalem again.According to concordia, he
predicts a raisingup oftheChurchfromits devastation ...so thatthe
Jewmay learntounderstandthenew Jerusalem, whichwasfoundedat Rome.)
(Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 107,125r). 54. Marjorie Reeves,
The Influenceof Prophecy inthe LaterMiddle Ages: A Studyinjoachism
(Oxford,1969),6-9, 397-98. 55. Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 107,
125r-v. 56. Vitajoachimi abbatis, in Grundmann, "Joachim of
Floris," 529.Thefirstof Joachim's threerevelationswhileinthe Holy
LandwasthatGodhad rejectedJerusalem. 57. Joachim of Fiore,
Expositio in Apocalypsim (Frankfurt a. M.,1964), fol.168r. 58.
Roger of Hoveden, Gesta r?gis HenricisecundiBenedicti Abbatis,
ed.William Stubbs, RollsSeries 49, 2vols. (London,1867), 2:153. 59.
Joachim,Expositio, fol.168r. 60. Reeves, Influenceof Prophecy, 9.
61. Marjorie Reeves, Joachimof Fioreandthe Prophetic Future
(London,1976), 77-82. 62. Jean de Roquetaillade(Joannes de
Rupescissa), Vademecumin tribulation, ed.E. Brown, Appendix
adFasciculumRerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum
abOrthuinoGratioeditum Coloniae MDXXXV, II (London,1690),
496-507.Seealso Reeves, Influenceof Prophecy, 321-34. 63.
Telesphorus of Cosenza, CommentariainOraculum Cyrilli, ed.E.
Donckel, in Die Prophezeiung des Telesforus, ArchivumFranciscanum
Historicum, xxvi (1933): 29-104.Seealso Reeves, Joachimof Fiore,
79-82. 64. Reeves, Influenceof Prophecy, 83n5,
82-84.SeealsoMortonW. Bloomfield, Piers Plowmanas