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KEY MESSAGES
� Rural−urban linkages, characterised by themovement of people,
cash and goods, remain significant in Zimbabwe. The strength of
theselinks varies over time and space, and depends on a number of
variables, not least household economic status.
� Stakeholders need to start approaching migrationas one element
of typical livelihood strategywhich can provide benefits to the
householdunit, rather than as a negative coping strategy.
� The existence of rural urban linkages can impactupon many of
the underlying causes ofmalnutrition. This research has found that
themost obvious of these is food security, which is directly
affected by these linkages. Child carepractises − such as breast
feeding and weaning −are also affected.
� Rural urban linkages have both positive andnegative
implications for nutrition. Certainlinkages are born out of
necessity due to weak livelihoods, while others manifestregardless
of whether a household is in crisis or not. Identifying the
negative effects oflinkages should lead to policy interventions
which may alleviate the damage.
� For typical poor households the advantages of having rural
urban linkages are initiallyaccrued to the urban migrant. Poor
householdsdo not send or receive remittances.
� Rural and urban components of the householdare part of one
economic unit. This implies thata holistic approach is needed,
which takes intoaccount the fact that policies and
programmesimplemented in urban areas will have knock oneffects in
rural areas and vice versa.
RURAL-URBAN LINKAGESZimbabwe
Full reports available from www.actionagainsthunger.org.uk
January 2012
Action Against Hunger www.actionagainsthunger.org.uk
Action Against Hunger | ACF International is an international
humanitarian organisation committed to ending childhunger.
Recognised as a leader in the fight against malnutrition, ACF works
to save the lives of malnourished childrenwhile providing
communities with sustainable access to safe water and long-term
solutions to hunger. With 30 years of expertise in emergency
situations of conflict, natural disaster and chronic food
insecurity, ACF runs life-saving programmes in some 40 countries
benefitting nearly 5 million people each year.
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE2
¹ Zimbabwean Central Statistical Office, (2009). Monthly
InflationFigures. CSO: Harare.
FIGURE 1: CHRONIC MALNUTRITION, ZIMBABWE
CONTEXT At independence in 1980, the Zimbabwean
economyexperienced a period of gradual growth and
relativestability. A diverse economy, dominated by
agriculturalproduction was complemented by a strongmanufacturing
base. However, since the mid nineties,years of political, economic
and social upheavalcombined with recurrent drought has brought
thenation to the brink of collapse. At its height in August2008,
inflation stood at an eye watering 231 millionpercent, before the
Zimbabwe dollar was suspendedin April 2009.¹ The demise of the
formal economy andmost public services followed. Unemployment
hasremained above 80% for the last two decades, pushingmany people
into the informal economy.² The situationis exacerbated by an AIDS
epidemic, which has hit theeconomy hard, leaving many children
orphaned.Improvements have been noted since 2009 throughthe
formation of a coalition government and adoptionof a US$-based
economy but the country is still reelingin the aftermath of a
decade-long crisis. Chronic
% C
hild
ren
< 5
yrs
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
UrbanRural
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
20
0020
0120
02
2003
20
04
2005
20
06
2007
20
0820
0920
1020
11
malnutrition in children under 5 is high, with bothrural and
urban rates above twenty five percent, asindicated in Figure 1,
left.
Traditionally, ACF’s target group has been the ruralpoor. Now,
however, it is becoming increasinglyrecognised that in many places,
there is no longer aclear cut distinction between rural and
urbanlivelihoods. Rather, they are interconnected on manylevels.
Recognising that this rural-urban gap no longerexists, that
households often have one foot in the ruraleconomy and another in
the urban economy, impliesthat ACF needs to understand the system
as a wholerather than focussing exclusively on the rural
sector.Rural urban linkages and interactions play anincreasingly
significant role in local economies and inthe livelihoods of a
large number of people.
Understanding the impact of rural urban linkages onthe main
causes of childhood undernutrition, and the
² United Nation World Food Programme [WFP], (2012) Zimbabwe
CountryProfile- Overview. Available at;
http://www.wfp.org/countries/zimbabwe[Accessed; 31/01/2012].
FIGURE 2: MAP OF ACF ACTIVITIES
Gutu
Masvingo Town
Masvingo Town
LegendResearch LocationACF Areas of Operations
Gutu
Hwange
Kariba
Harare
Mutare
Bulawayo
ACF has been implementing integrated programmes in Zimbabwesince
2002, combining short and medium term integratedinterventions in
agriculture, water and sanitation and nutritionin rural areas of
the southern provinces. In May 2010, ACF beganan urban intervention
in Masvingo Town. Vegetable gardens havebeen established, pit
latrines built and water points establishedin five separate areas
of Masvingo town.
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 3
ways in which these linkages can make a contributiontowards
addressing the causes of undernutrition, iskey. With this in mind,
ACF designed a research projectto strengthen our understanding of
how multi spatialhouseholds function. The field work aimed to
answerthe following broad questions: To what extent doesthe
existence of strong links boost household resiliencein times of
difficulty? To what extent are urbanhouseholds able to draw on
assets and resources oftheir rural counterparts in times of stress?
And, towhat extent are rural households able to draw onurban
relatives?
In Zimbabwe, two research sites were chosen: Rujeko suburb in
Masvingo town was chosen as theurban research location, and
Mushayavanhu village inGutu District − approximately 2 hours by bus
fromMasvingo − was selected as the rural location. InRujeko, data
collection involved an initial survey of20 -30 migrant households,
followed by more detailedfocus group discussions (FGDs) for
household economyanalysis, in addition to discussions with recent
migrants(post 2008) and long term migrants, plus a care
givers’focus group. Gutu District was selected partly due toits
proximity to Masvingo Town, but also because ACFhas implemented
various projects in the district andhas good access to the
population. In Gutu, initial
surveys were targeted at the relatives of urbanmigrants. These
were followed up by focus groupdiscussions along the same lines as
the urban site. Keyinformant discussions were also held
governmentofficials from the Ministry of Health and Child
Welfare,the Ministry of Agriculture Extension Service, Ministryof
Local Government, Rural and Urban Developmentand with Action Contre
la Faim (ACF) and CAREZimbabwe staff.
TYPES OF RURAL URBAN LINKAGES Rural − urban linkages,
predominantly characterisedby the movement of people, (both short
and long termmigration) cash and goods, remain significant
inZimbabwe. Migration is entrenched in the history ofsouthern
Africa. Since colonial times, young men haveleft home to work in
the mines in South Africa,Botswana, Zambia, and indeed Zimbabwe.
Althoughthe mines no longer drive the economies of the region,and
miners have long since been retrenched, migrationremains an
integral part of livelihoods, as illustratedby this research.
Masvingo Town, provincial capital is home to a growingnumber of
migrants originating in various districtsacross southern Zimbabwe.
The decision to move to
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE4
town long term is based on a combination of ‘push’and ‘pull’
factors, represented in figure 3 below.These are considered by
individual households beforedeciding to migrate.
According to FGDs, households will perceive differentpush/pull
factors as being more or less important,depending on their wealth
group and theircircumstances. There are a number of reasons
whypeople migrate, and not all of these are economic;the lure of
the ‘bright lights’ of the city for the youthwas noted as a strong
pull factor. As one market traderin Rujeko commented, “I wanted to
experience lifein the city… I wanted to see electricity!” For
middleand better off households, the education system andhealth
facilities in town are a major incentive tomigrate. For this type
of household, it is common forchildren to go to school in town,
staying with relativesif their parents are still in rural areas. By
contrast,poor households are more likely to migrate in search
of better economic opportunities. Ultimately however,the
relative importance of each push/pull factor willbe unique to each
household. The economy in ruralGutu revolves around rain fed
agriculture. However,with increasingly unpredictable patterns of
rainfall,leading to deteriorating yields, agriculture can nolonger
be relied upon to provide the reliable livelihoodbase that it once
did. Poor market infrastructure doesnot help. Limited opportunities
for working on otherpeople’s farms do exist and it is common for
poorhouseholds to generate a considerable proportion oftheir
household food this way. The acquisition of cashfor poor households
in rural Gutu is extremelydifficult. Instead, an intricate exchange
system isused whereby people are paid for their work in kind³,and
they are able to exchange agricultural producefor groceries in
shops. Put simply, people leave theirrural homes, or the musha as
it is known, becauseaside from agriculture, there are few
opportunitiesto generate income in rural areas. As indicated in
FIGURE 3: PUSH AND PULL FACTORS
³ Typically, a labourer will be paid in maize. For example 6
days weeding earns 40 Kg maize grain.
RURAL URBANPUSH FACTORSHigh cost of living, job opportunitiesnot
realised, illness
PULL FACTORSImproved job opportunities, better education, better
health services
CASH, GROCERIES, INPUTS, ASSETS
PULL FACTORSCheaper education, psychosocial support,retirement
plan, cultural attachmentt
FOOD
PUSH FACTORSDrought, lack of income generating opportunities
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 5
figure 4, above, typical poor households have threemain sources
of income. Crop sales includes sale ofonions and tomatoes and petty
trade refers mainly toselling wild foods such as insects, wild
meats and wildfruits. The majority of labour is agricultural in
natureand is therefore seasonal.
The overwhelming majority of longer term migrantsinterviewed in
Rujeko (those that had been in the citysince before 2008)
maintained access to land in themusha. In fact, 100% of those
interviewed had visitedGutu at least once in the preceding year.
Respondentscommented that maintaining access to the musha
isimportant for a number of reasons. First and foremost,access to
land enables households to have direct accessto food. Over half of
those interviewed had consumedcrops grown in the musha. This is
evidenced by figure5, opposite which indicates that a typical poor
urbanhousehold derives almost 40% of food income from‘own
production.’ It is the second most importantsource of food, after
purchase. This will partly be fromurban agriculture, but will also
incorporate food grownin the rural areas.
Participants in FGDs in both urban and rural areas notedthat
agricultural production in rural areas involveslabour power from
family members remaining at homeas well as those who have migrated
to the city. It iscommon for migrants (or their spouses) to return
tothe musha during the agricultural season to participate
FIGURE 4: POOR HOUSEHOLD SOURCES OF INCOME, GUTU (RURAL)
in all aspects of agricultural production, from landpreparation
to harvesting. Some people interviewedmanaged to travel back and
forth between town andthe musha, pursuing their regular economic
activitiesalongside agricultural production, but others stayed
inmusha for the whole season, returning to town oncemore when
harvest was complete. The actual quantityof harvest received by
urban migrants varied from lessthan 20kg of maize to over 300kg.
Unsurprisingly, yieldswere determined partly by the size of the
areacultivated and the wealth group of the migrant, butalso by the
climate. Recent migrants (those who movedto the city after 2008),
were much less likely to returnhome for such long stints to help
with agriculturalproduction. This could partly be related to the
desirefor them to prove that they can ‘make it’ in the
city.Returning home too soon, even if only on a temporarybasis was
perceived by younger migrants in particular,as losing face. Less
than twenty percent of recentmigrants interviewed mentioned wanting
to return tothe musha at some stage in later life.
By contrast, for more than eighty percent of long termmigrants,
the ultimate plan was to return to the mushafor retirement. They
acknowledged that if theybecome seriously ill, then they would be
more likelyto return to the musha because health care is cheaperin
rural areas, and family members could care forthem. But beyond the
economic benefit of returningto the musha, most long term migrants
wanted to
8%
40%52%
10%
38%
44%
Crop salesPetty tradeLabour
Own cropsPurchaseBarterFood aid/giftWild food
FIGURE 5: POOR HOUSEHOLD SOURCES OF FOOD, RUJEKO (URBAN)
4%
4%
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE6
return ‘home’. The cultural attachment householdshave to the
musha cannot be underestimated.4 Themusha takes on particular
cultural significance forZimbabweans; as confirmed in our research,
it is theplace of choice to retire to and be buried,
butimportantly, also represents connection to ancestors:
“ It is very important for people in thecity to maintain rural
links; our culture,our history and traditions are in the
ruralareas. People can quickly abandon their
traditions if they lose that connection. ”Obert Mubayi, 51, key
informant, Masvingo
“Everything in the city costs money −rent costs money, bills
cost money, transport costs money, school fees cost
money. Money, money, money. Everything costs…. it is too
expensive. ”
Beatriz, 27, cross border trader and mother of 2
Interviews and FGD in Rujeko found that workingwomen with
pre-school age children regularly leavetheir children in the rural
areas with extended family− usually sisters or parents for short
periods to enablethem to continue with their work. In particular,
crossborder traders, will leave their young children withrelatives
so they can travel across the border to SouthAfrica to purchase
blankets, clothes and shoes for salein Zimbabwe. Without the
ability to rely on theirextended families in rural areas, the
incomegenerating opportunities for these women would beseverely
restricted. Another increasingly commonpractice is for families
with school age children, whonow live most of the time in Rujeko,
to return to themusha during the school holidays, to see family
andto reduce expenditure. As one participant in a FGDcommented,
4 (Andersson 2001b:100) quoted in Potts, D. (2010). Circular
Migration in
Zimbabwe and Contemporary sub-Saharan Africa. Boydell and
Brewer, London.
Similarly, for households that remain split (with themother and
children staying in rural areas, while theirhusbands live and work
in Masvingo), it is common forthe children to visit urban areas
during school holidays,but usually for shorter periods. If work
commitmentspermit, their fathers will also come to the musha
tovisit when possible. Participants in FGDs in urban areasnoted
that the spread of mobile phone technologyacross the region has
already made communicationbetter. This is reinforced by the fact
that 84 % ofhouseholds interviewed in Gutu had spoken to
theirrelatives in urban areas, by phone, at least twice inthe past
year, something which would not have beenpossible a few years ago.
Although ownership of mobilephones may be out of reach for many
poor households,it is common for those who do own them to allow
othercommunity members to borrow their phonesoccasionally. While in
its infancy at present, there aretelecommunications companies
promoting the use ofthe mobile phone network as a means of
transferringcash across the country. This is likely to expand
inpopularity as phones become more accessible for thosein rural
areas.
In sum, the majority of people interviewed in Rujekofelt that
retaining a foothold in rural areas, keepingin touch with the
musha, is beneficial. Keeping therural link alive spreads risk by
diversifying thehousehold livelihood base and
strengtheninghousehold’s asset base. On the other hand, urban
areasprovide a place of refuge where single mothers forexample, are
able to avoid social costs which wouldhave come to bear had they
remained in ruralcommunities. In addition, FGD highlighted
theimportance of the musha as a place where traditionalcultural
practises and knowledge are preserved andprotected. For them,
maintaining the rural linkprovides a means of safeguarding the
intergenerationaltransfer of these important cultural values.
Participants in FGD highlighted that it is mainly middleand
better off rural households that benefit from flowsof cash from
urban areas within Zimbabwe, such as
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 7
Masvingo, Bulawayo, Mutare and Harare, but also fromfurther
afield in South Africa. As discussed further inthe next section,
poor households are unlikely to sendor receive remittances. For the
most part, cash isbrought home in person, or sometimes migrants
maygive cash to relatives or friends to pass on. Notsurprisingly,
the quantity of cash sent back to the ruralareas varies
significantly. According to participants inFGD, the closer the
family tie, the more likely it isthat remittances will be sent back
on a regular basis.They pointed out that close family members such
aschildren, spouses and siblings are most likely to supporttheir
families by sending back cash regularly whereasextended family will
help out in a crisis but areotherwise focused on supporting their
own immediatefamilies. The quantity of cash sent to the rural
areasvaried widely, from $50 to more than $500 per
month.Remittances are an important source of income forbetter off
and middle rural households, representing18% of total income for
better off households in Gutu,as indicated in figure 6, above.
In rural Zimbabwe, grandparent headed householdsare common
place. This is largely due to the HIV/AIDSepidemic which has had
catastrophic effect on thecountry. Grandparents are left to look
after theirgrandchildren after their own children have died.
Inthese cases, aunts and uncles living in urban areas are
13%
22%
42%
Crop salesSale of livestock &livestock products
BusinessTradeRemittances
FIGURE 6: BETTER OFF HOUSEHOLD SOURCES OF INCOME, GUTU
(RURAL)
more likely to send cash to their parents to supportthese
orphaned children. As indicated in figure 7below, it was reported
that aside from cash, themajority of urban migrants bring non food
items −groceries − with them when returning home for a visit.The
most common items listed were cooking oil, soap,flour, sugar, soya
chunks, salt, and tea. Thesecommodities are cheaper in the city,
and in some casesare not readily available in rural areas. Migrants
alsocommented that they would send agricultural inputsback to the
musha at the beginning of the agriculturalseason; in most cases
this refers to seeds only, butwealthier households also reported
sending new toolsevery couple of years.
Interestingly grain was also reportedly sent back torural areas
by 20% of urban households interviewed.On further probing, it was
found that this is a relativelyrecent phenomenon, starting in
response to successivefailed harvests relatively recently. It could
be arguedthat this represents a preventive strategy employedby the
urban component of the household to avertfood insecurity in the
rural household; in other wordsa spatial redistribution of food
security.
18%
5%
FIGURE 7: PROPORTION (%) OF URBAN HOUSEHOLDS SENDING ASSETS
‘HOME’ TO RURAL AREAS
60
50
40
30
20
10
0Cash Groceries Inputs Grain
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE8
RURAL-URBAN LINKAGES AND COPING ABILITY: DO THEY MAKE A
DIFFERENCE IN TIMES OF CRISIS? We have seen that the majority of
migrant householdsinterviewed in urban Rujeko maintain links of
somesort with their rural area, the strength of which isdependent
on a number of factors. The question towhich we now turn is, to
what extent do these linksmake a difference in times of crisis?
The rural economy in Masvingo Province revolvesaround rain fed
agricultural production, with somewealthier households also keeping
livestock. The onlyother economic activity of note is trade,
whichrequires a certain level of capital outlay to coverstart-up
costs; such costs are beyond the capacity ofmost poor households.
For them, sending a memberof the household to an urban area
(Masvingo or furtherafield) represents a risk spreading strategy.
The logicbeing that if harvests fail, which is becoming arelatively
common occurrence, the rural componentof the household will be able
to draw on incomeearned by those in the urban areas in order to
covershortfalls in food income. However, reality issomewhat
different. Our research has shown thatmigrants need to reach a
certain level of food security
themselves, before being in a position to send cashhome. In many
instances, those remaining in ruralareas do not benefit from the
income earned in townfor a number of months, since the migrant
hasnumerous costs he/she must cover, such as rent, bills,transport
which must first be paid, before being in aposition to send any
cash home to the musha. Asindicated in figure 8, below, this
category consumesthe lion’s share, almost 40% of total expenditure
forthese households.
9%
39%
FIGURE 8: POOR HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE, RUJEKO (URBAN)
8%3%
7%
14%
20% Staple foods Non staple foodsHousehold
itemsInputsClothesEducationTransport/bills/rent
“ I am looking after 3 of my grandchildren alone, their parents
diedlast year. None of my children are at
home any more. They have left for thecity. I speak with all my
family regularly,
every week at least. I am lucky, my children send home money
quite
regularly. When they come and visit me,I am usually able to send
them back withsome food produced here, whether it’s
a bag of maize or ground nuts or some vegetables. ”
Abiya Zimutu, 73 resident of Gutu
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 9
Furthermore, until the migrant is established in town,it is less
likely that he/she will return to the mushato help with
agricultural production, so there will beless labour power
available at critical times of year.This may imply that yields are
lower, or incomegenerated reduced, putting a further strain on
thehousehold. As one participant in a FGD in Gutucommented,
risk, taking advantage of a diverse range of
seasonalopportunities across the spatial divide, to generatefood
and cash. Investment is channelled back into therural area, the
musha thereby boosting householdresilience, and strengthening
safety nets. The factthat many middle income and better off
householdschoose to keep on investing in the rural areas
despiteresiding in the city further demonstrates the
perceivedimportance of the musha, not least as a place tosafeguard
assets which can be passed to futuregenerations.
IMPLICATIONS OF RURAL-URBANLINKAGES FOR NUTRITIONThe existence
of rural urban linkages can impact uponmany of the underlying
causes of malnutrition. Thisresearch has found that the most
obvious of these is foodsecurity, which is directly affected by
these linkages.
The case of Memory Tabneni, a single mother with a13 year old
daughter, demonstrates well the impactthat maintaining rural links
can have on urbanhousehold food security. Memory lives in Rujeko
butlike many, she still has access to land in the rural areas,where
her grandfather lives. He grows maize, groundnuts, round nuts, kovo
and cabbage. Memory has astall selling tomatoes, onions, and
oranges at the smallmarket in Rujeko. She is able to cover the bus
fare tothe musha to help with planting and will then return
20%
15%
FIGURE 9: BETTER OFF HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE, RUJEKO (URBAN)
“There is a time lag between the migrant leaving for town, and
the [rural] household feeling the benefits,
it may take months or even years. Some never do ”
Zivengwa Nunangangwa, 71, resident of Gutu
8%3%
18%3%
12%
13%
8%
Staple foods Non staple foodsHousehold
itemsInputsHealthClothesEducationAlcohol/tobaccoTransport/bills/rent
In fact, many participants in FGDs perceived that it isthe
migrants who move to urban areas who benefitmost from maintaining
linkages with their rural area.Those left behind felt that, for the
most part, theydid not feel the benefits to the same extent.
For middle and better off households, the picture isslightly
different. For these households, the benefitsof linkages are felt
by both rural and urbancomponents. They are more likely to remit
cash torural areas on a regular basis, sometimes making
asignificant contribution to household income, as seenin the
previous section. In turn, they are more likelyto benefit by
bringing food produced in rural areas forconsumption in town,
thereby freeing up income to bespent on other essentials such as
rent, bills, educationand health, as indicated in figure 9,
above.
They also have the added bonus of being able to usefamily in
rural areas for childcare purposes, and forinstilling important
cultural values, which cannot befound in town.
In sum, those who can access, and exploit, elementsof both the
rural and urban economy are able to spread
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE10
“ It is really important to have links with town, as my children
can grow upknowing the countryside and knowing
town too… they will be ok.”FGD participant, Gutu
“Usually, come harvest, I can bring back enough maize to last me
and mydaughter around six months. I am lucky. I can always go back
to my grandfather
and stay with him … but I don’t stay long, I always want to
come
back to town.”Memory Tabneni, 34, vegetable trader, Rujeko
urban
to her stall in town while simultaneously going backand forth
during the season to help with weeding.
For people like Memory, having access to land in therural areas
translates into a significant food source:she estimates that 50% of
the maize consumed in herhousehold originates in the musha.
Furthermore,income that may otherwise be spent on purchasingfood in
urban markets is freed up for other essentialssuch as rent, health
costs or school fees. Memory’scase is typical of a middle income
household straddlingthe rural urban divide.
“ In rural areas we used to cook withpeanut butter. Now we have
cooking oil,which is much better for us .”
FGD participant, Rujeko
Care practises such as breastfeeding and weaning,may also
affected by rural urban linkages. The Ministryof Health advises
mothers to exclusively breastfeedfor the first six months, and to
introducecomplementary foods while continuing to breastfeeduntil
the child is twelve months. FGD participantscommented that many
urban women introduce solidfoods younger than six months. This is
perhaps relatedto the fact that urban mothers are less likely to
beable to take their children to work with them. Rather
they need their babies to be of a certain weight sothey can be
left with a carer in town, or with familyin rural areas so they can
go out to work. Stoppingexclusive breast feeding before six months
has clearimplications for nutrition. Infants are not capable
ofdigesting solid foods before six months of age, and asa result
they may end up with diarrhoea, which is oneof the most common
underlying causes of malnutrition.
Long term and recent migrants felt that the diets oftheir
infants and babies had improved since moving totown. The overriding
perception among thoseinterviewed was that modern processed foods,
thosethat could be purchased from shops, were equally, ifnot more
nutritious than fresh foods typically consumedin rural areas, as
the following statement shows:
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE 11
In fact, our research found that, as a rule, infants’diets were
more diverse and nutritious in rural areas.Consumption of empty
calories in the form of snackssuch as popcorn, sweets, iced lollies
and crisps, boughtfrom roadside stalls is relatively common for
urbandwellers. Infants may also be given bread and teabetween
meals. Tea is high in tannin which inhibitsabsorption of iron,
which can have implications forchild development.
Contrary to expectation, our research found thatinfants in rural
areas are more likely to consumenutritious food in the crucial
weaning period. Herebabies are often weaned on nhopi − a mixture
ofmashed pumpkin, peanut butter and maize meal. Thisimplies that
infants of urban mothers who are left inrural areas with their
families may in fact benefit frombeing left behind, as long as they
are not weaned too
LINK OUTCOME IMPLICATION
Urban migrants maintain access to land in rural area
Proportion of HHfood for urban migrants comes from musha
• Expansion of sources of food: spreads risk• Frees up
expenditure for use on other essentials such as
rent, bills, healthcare• Urban HH maintains dietary diversity.
Less likely to
purchase empty calories in urban areas
Urban migrants participate in agricultural produc-tion in rural
area
Rural households able to maximize returns from land
• Rural household benefits from labour power of urban relatives.
Able to plant at the right time
• Rural household may use seeds brought by urban dwellers
Urban migrantsleave children withrural relatives
Migrant able to pursue income generating activities
• Migrant expands sources of income: spreads risk • Separation
from mother at young age results in stopping
exclusive breastfeeding before the recommended age • Solid foods
may be introduced too early BUT infants are
more likely to be given nutritious food on weaning
Urban migrantstake or send groceries back torural areas
Rural householdssave cash (or kind) asdon’t need to barterfor
these goods
• Frees up limited cash/kind to purchase/exchangefor other
goods
Urban migrantssend remittancesback to rural areas
Rural households income increased
• Enables HH to increase expenditure on non-agricultural
products such as cooking oil, non food items, school fees etc
• Urban migrants are not able to accumulate capital
TABLE 1: RURAL URBAN LINKAGES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR NUTRITION
early, as indicated in Table 1, below.
Participants in FGD perceived hygiene levels and healthto be
particularly challenging in urban areas. Rujekois a high density
suburb of Masvingo, in some unfinishedparts of the settlement rooms
are rented out withoutrunning water or functioning sanitation. The
lack ofregular waste collection, combined with burst sewersand
persistent water cuts lead to an environment inwhich diseases,
particularly diarrhoea, can spreadeasily. The table below clearly
outlines the impactthat rural urban linkages can have on nutrition
security.
CONCLUSIONS & RECOMMENDATIONSRural-urban linkages,
predominantly characterised bythe movement of people, (both short
and long termmigration) cash and goods, remain significant
inZimbabwe. Linkages persist for the majority of urban
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RURAL URBAN LINKAGES IN ZIMBABWE12
and rural households interviewed. The strength of theselinks
varies over time and space, and will depend on anumber of
variables, not least household economicstatus. Furthermore, the
existence of rural urbanlinkages can have both positive and
negativeimplications for nutrition security.
Data collected suggests that certain urban and rurallinkages are
born out of necessity due to weaklivelihoods, while other linkages
manifest regardless ifa household is in crisis or not. The former
type oflinkage, especially for poorer households, tends to
beexploited as a coping strategy − and may cause morelong-term
detrimental effects for nutrition. Forexample, the migration of
mothers during times of foodinsecurity can increase household
income (improvingfood security in the short-term) but it may also
lead toinappropriate weaning practices, influencing the
child’slong-term growth and cognitive abilities. The migrationof a
rural household member to an urban area, maycost the household more
in the short-term (until themigrant finds a form of income) and can
also imply thatthe migrant has switched to the less healthy urban
diet.
Thus, while recognizing that stronger linkages may helpin times
of food insecurity, this paper acknowledgesthat, certain linkages
may also have detrimental effectson nutrition. Identifying the
negative effects of theselinkages should lead to policy
interventions (i.e.enhancing support networks for new rural to
urbanmigrants or increasing non-farm employmentopportunities for
rural mothers) which may alleviatethe damage.
Our research indicates that for typical poor householdsthe
advantages of having rural linkages are initiallyaccrued mainly to
the urban migrant. They are able tocapitalise on consuming food
grown in rural areas: ownproduction represents over a third of food
sources.There comes a turning point when the urban migrantis able
to transfer the advantage back to the ruralhousehold, through
sending remittances back, butanecdotal evidence suggest that there
is a considerable
time lag between the two. This is demonstrated by thefact that
poor households do not send or receiveremittances.
Policy makers need to recognize that rural and urbanelements of
the household are part of one unit: thehousehold. This implies that
a holistic approach isneeded, which takes into account the fact
that policiesand programmes implemented in urban areas will
haveknock on effects in rural areas and vice versa.Strengthening
safety nets in both the rural and urbanareas is key.
Migration has featured as an important part of theregional
economy for hundreds of years. This is notabout to change; people
will continue to migrate fromrural to urban areas, (and usually
back again), in searchof better economic and social opportunities.
So, insteadof perceiving migration as a predominantly
‘negative’coping strategy, stakeholders need to start
approachingmigration as one element of typical livelihood
strategywhich can provide benefits to the household unit. Tothis
end, NGOs could target migrants in urban areas,providing them with
appropriate skill training whichwill improve their chances of
accessing the formaleconomy. This in turn will increase the
likelihood ofremittances being received in the rural
household.Furthermore, NGOs could consider adding
‘recentin-migration’ as a criteria of vulnerability in urban
areas.Monitoring programme impact in both the rural andurban
component of the household would then benecessary.
This research has found that typical poor ruralhouseholds have
few sources of income beyondagriculture. With increasingly
unpredictable rainfall inthe region, a rural economy based solely
on rain-fedagriculture is just not sustainable. In order to
encouragehouseholds to spread risk, instead of
predominantlypromoting agricultural activities such as
communitygardens, NGOs need to explore options for off farmincome
generation which will allow women in particularto become more
financially independent.
By Morwenna Sullivan and Anna Brazier