People’s War on Drugs in Kachin State: Indication of Failed Policies

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies People’s War on Drugs in Kachin State:

Indication of Failed Policies

21 March 2016

Article The creation of Pat Jasan and its ‘people’s war on drugs' have brought to light a number of

key drug-related problems facing not only the Kachin State but also the rest of the country.

Praised by some Kachin activists for finally addressing drug problems, they are also

criticized by others for violating human rights and not providing any services to

marginalized communities, including drug users and poppy farmers.

Supporters of the Pat Jasan movement are happy that finally someone is taking action

against the drug problem in the Kachin State. However, without addressing the root

causes of problematic drug use, production and trafficking in the Kachin State and

country as a whole, the problem is unlikely to go away.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies A staff member coaxes information from a drug user at a drug rehabilitation center in

Kachin State, Myanmar / Photo credit Pailin Wedel

Communities in the Kachin State have launched a ‘people’s war on drugs’. Known as Pat Jasan (‘Prohibit Clear’), a new organisation was formed two years ago to combat the worsening drug problem among the local population. The self-appointed committee decided to take law enforcement into their own hands as they feel the government is not doing enough to stop the flow of harmful drugs into their communities.

The Pat Jasan vigilantes, often dressed in military-style uniforms and

armed with stick and batons, have arrested and beaten drug users and put

them into forced treatment camps, and they have sent teams into opium-

growing areas to eradicate poppy fields. The Pat Jasan has been praised

by some Kachin activists for finally addressing drug problems, but

criticized by others for violating human rights and not providing any

services to marginalized communities, including drug users and poppy

farmers. Most recently, their poppy eradication efforts led to open conflict

with opium farmers and local militia groups.

The creation of Pat Jasan and its war on drugs have brought to light a

number of key drug-related problems facing not only the Kachin State but

also the rest of the country.

First, there are widespread and serious drug-related problems in Myanmar.

Problematic drug use has been reportedly rampant for at least two

decades, and there is little evidence to suggest that the situation is

improving. Some areas in the country, especially Kachin and northern

Shan States, are facing a heroin epidemic, with devastating consequences

for local communities. Injecting heroin use is one of the main drivers of the

spread of HIV/AIDS in the country, and HIV prevalence among injecting

drug users in the Kachin State is, according to statistics released yearly by

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies the Myanmar Ministry of Health, among the highest in the country and in

South-East Asia. Scores of young people die prematurely every year of

drug use problems, including overdoses, although reliable data does not

exist. Problems caused by drug addiction within families and communities

have never been more acutely felt. According to a representative of a

Kachin civil society organisation: “More Kachin people have died of drug-

related problems than because of armed conflict."

Second, current policies to address these problems are clearly failing. The

response by the central government and local authorities to this tragedy is

very inadequate. The current legal framework focuses on arresting and

criminalizing drug users. Arrests conducted by law enforcement agencies

mostly target drug users or small-scale dealers. In contrast, very few major

traffickers, corrupt officials or militia leaders involved in the drug trade are

ever prosecuted. As a result, a very large part of the prison population in

Myanmar, especially in northern regions, consists of drug users.

Drug treatment facilities, too, are largely insufficient. There are only two

public hospitals offering drug detoxification services for the entire Kachin

State – in Myitkyina and Bamaw, and not a single government-run

rehabilitation centre is operational at present. Overall, the weakness of the

national response starkly contrasts with the enormous show of

opportunism and business priority that are deployed to exploit the rich

natural resources of the Kachin state, including jade, timber and gold.

Third, there are many links between drugs and the continuing conflict in

the country. After decades of civil war, many conflict actors rely on the

drug trade to finance their armies and operations. Corruption is a big

problem in Myanmar, and many representatives of government agencies

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies and the Tatmadaw also profit from the drug trade. In consequence, drug

producers and traffickers appear to have been given a free hand by the

authorities.

Myanmar government officials privately admit that several Tatmadaw-

supported militias are heavily involved in amphetamine and heroin

production and trade. However, their relationship with the Tatmadaw,

whose priority is security and not drugs, makes these militia groups

untouchable. Many of these militias have no other political objectives than

to maintain the status quo and continue with their businesses. Some of

their leaders have even been elected into parliament in the 2010 and 2015

general elections.

At the same time, there has been a tendency to blame ethnic armed

opposition groups for the drugs trade, some of which have strong anti-

narcotics policies and who are calling for federal reform, based on

democratic principles, to resolve the country’s social and political

problems. This marginalization of those calling for reform has greatly

frustrated local communities and raised serious questions about the

sincerity of central governments to address the country’s drug problems,

listen to ethnic nationality grievances and aspirations, and achieve a

sustainable peace.

Against this backdrop of failure, communities in the Kachin State have

decided to take things into their own hands. Initiated by members of the

Kachin Baptist Convention, the Pat Jasan was set up. But the movement

has rapidly gained momentum and is now gathering support way beyond

its KBC start. Its popularity is the result of long-time accumulated

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies frustration and anger endured by communities living in the Kachin State

over neglect and ineffective drug policies.

Supporters of the Pat Jasan movement are happy that finally someone is

taking action against the drug problem in the Kachin State. However,

without addressing the root causes of problematic drug use, production

and trafficking in the Kachin State and country as a whole, the problem is

unlikely to go away. Blaming and targeting the weakest links in the drug

trade – marginalised drug users and opium farmers – is also problematic

as these people need social support rather than punishment. It will not

solve the underlying crisis. Punishing them will only push them into further

misery and poverty. Instead, it is time that the government and other

concerned actors start targeting those really controlling and profiting from

the trade: i.e., the larger traffickers and those who support them.

In the field, the problems do not end here. In recent months, the militant

activities of Pat Jasan have risked creating new conflicts among the local

population. In particular, Shan communities in the Kachin State have

complained that the arrest of members of their community by ethnic

Kachin Pat Jasan members, and sometimes handing them over to the

armed opposition Kachin Independence Organisation, is feeding into

existing tensions between Shan and Kachin communities. At this critical

period in the country’s history, this is a very sensitive issue that needs to

be handled carefully. As Myanmar’s political transition continues, it is

important to promote peace and inclusion rather than aggravating

community grievances and conflicts.

In summary, among the many challenges facing the country today, it is

now vital to acknowledge the magnitude of the drug use epidemic in the

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies Kachin State and other northern regions, and to develop a set of policies

that will match the severity of problems caused by drug use and

production. To be successful, such policies should be made in

consultation with affected communities, who include drug users

themselves and impoverished poppy-farmers growing opium as a means to

survive.

A real debate also needs to be held around the different strategies that can

be adopted to tackle the detrimental problems caused by drug use and

production. After decades of the international ‘war on drugs’, a growing

number of countries are moving away from this one-dimensional approach

and are recognizing that strategies merely based on repression have

actually failed to produce results and only made matters worse. Most

recently, the United States of America, which has long led this international

endeavour, has begun considering different approaches to drug control

because of this history of failure. Therefore, as international strategies

change, the question is whether another ‘war on drugs’ in the Kachin State,

launched out of frustration, is really the best option.

The encouraging news is that there are alternative methods that have

proved effective in addressing the most serious problems caused by drug

use and production. Many countries have already introduced them with

success, and there are many experiences and materials available that can

be learned from. In general, such policies consist of placing the focus of

interventions on supporting the most vulnerable – the drug users and

small-scale impoverished farmers – rather than punishing them, while

police and judicial efforts are re-directed on dealing with major drug-related

offences.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies Based upon these experiences, what will be needed at the community level

in Myanmar in the coming years is the provision of effective treatment and

services for drugs users in different parts of the country, which are

voluntary, based on needs and respect human rights. Similarly, as most

opium-cultivating communities grow poppy as a livelihood strategy, the

development of their communities should be prioritized rather than

arresting individuals and destroying their livelihoods.

In short, the drug crisis in the Kachin State is an urgent warning of the

failures of anti-narcotic policies in the past and a wake-up call for inclusive,

informed and reflective actions that are in partnership with the local

peoples in the future.

This commentary is part of a project funded by Sweden.

Myanmar Commentary

Given the exceptional time of change in Myanmar, in the coming months the Transnational

Institute will be putting out occasional commentaries, both by TNI and invited individuals,

to reflect the challenges of a land in transition. This will be in addition to TNI’s regular

Briefing and Report series. These commentaries are intended to contribute broader

understanding to the many challenges facing the country and its peoples as a new

parliament and government take office in 2016.

These commentaries are part of a project funded by Sweden.

About TNI

The Transnational Institute (TNI) is an international research and advocacy

institute committed to building a just, democratic and sustainable planet.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies For more than 40 years, TNI has served as a unique nexus between social

movements, engaged scholars and policy makers.

Tel: + 31 20 662 66 08

Email: [email protected]

http://www.globalpost.com/article/6743690/

2016/03/08/myanmar-pat-jasan

Myanmar is quietly experiencing its

largest uprising in years Patrick Winn

on Mar 10, 2016 @ 8:15 PM

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies

Tu Nan, a former heroin user, raises his hands during morning prayers at the

Youth for Christ Centre near Naung Chein in Myanmar's Kachin state, July 9,

2013.

Damir SagoljReuters

KACHIN STATE, Myanmar — You won’t hear much about it

from international media. But Myanmar, exalted by the West for

veering toward democracy, is in the middle of its largest civilian

uprising in nearly a decade.

Like practically all uprisings in Myanmar, where a domineering

army still holds immense power, this revolt is turning bloody.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies But similarities to past dissident movements end there. Because

the protesters are Christian, there are no burgundy-robed

Buddhist monks stoically facing down troops in the street.

Because it is controversial, the movement is not cheered on by

Aung San Suu Kyi, the White House-backed heroine swept to

power in a November election. And because it is playing out in

hard-to-reach borderlands, it is shrugged off by much of the

global press.

Its adherents are not crying out for democracy per se. But their

goal is no less essential: Reining in Myanmar’s drug trade, a

billion-dollar industry that mires the nation in warfare and chaos.

GlobalPost investigation: Asia's Meth Wars: A journey into Asia's

billion-dollar drug underground

This movement is called Pat Jasan. It’s a network in mountainous

Kachin State, a territory near China that was Christianized by

Americans in the 19th century.

Formed more than two years ago with the help of local Baptist

and Roman Catholic church leaders, Pat Jasan unites not so much

protesters as vigilantes. Clad in fatigues, they raid drug dens, seize

bundles of meth and interrogate addicts at midnight.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies The group is formidable. It claims a whopping 100,000 members.

Though that figure is tough to verify, the movement has

repeatedly proven that it can amass thousands on short notice.

Their crusade is illuminating a poorly kept secret: As GlobalPost

has documented, many of the country’s biggest drug syndicates

are, in fact, armed units controlled by the military. That makes

Pat Jasan the largest civilian movement actively mobilizing

against Myanmar’s all-powerful armed forces.

But unlike more palatable activists, who have long received US

funds to push for a pro-Western democratic system, Pat Jasan is

largely ignored. They will never receive aid from foreign

governments. Their methods, which include flogging addicts until

they repent before God, are just too extreme.

That doesn’t make their grievances illegitimate. Pat Jasan wants

to end the reign of army-backed crime syndicates, which run parts

of Myanmar like little dictatorships.

Where these militias exist, there is no democracy. Only the rule of

bandit kings.

Blood in the poppy fields

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies Pat Jasan’s popularity is fueled by fear that society is

disintegrating at Myanmar’s fringe. The unchecked flow of meth

and heroin in their homeland has reduced already-poor villages to

dismal places, haunted by skeletal men who’ll sell their family’s

last chicken for another high.

“They [the militias] are slowly torturing us to death with drugs,”

says Tu Raw, a top-ranking Pat Jasan leader. “They’re getting

rich from our pain.”

Now the movement is growing bolder.

In recent months, the vigilantes have graduated from smacking

around addicts and forcing them into primitive rehab

camps.They’ve started attacking the drug trade at its source:

poppy fields under the control of “Border Guard Forces” and

“People’s Militia Forces,” armed units that answer to the national

military.

This near-suicidal tactic involves deploying thousands of men and

women with knives to hack up poppies before a coming harvest.

Predictably, it has ended in violence.

After losing one teenage member to gunfire in January — he

was buried in camouflage gear like a fallen soldier — Pat Jasan

staged even more daring missions in late February.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies Yet they were forced to retreat when guards retaliated with guns

and grenades, an assault partially captured on members’

smartphones. The attack left 30 injured, more than 10 seriously.

Pat Jasan has already vowed to return, possibly with weapons.

Drugs sold like vegetables

In the West, Myanmar’s drug trade is too often seen as another

symptom of the nation’s long spell of tyranny — a nasty blight

ranked alongside child soldiers and censorship.

In Washington, DC, it’s a distraction from the primary goal:

Establishing a pro-US government, with limited Chinese

dominance, that offers market access to American corporations.

But Myanmar’s massive drug trade is not a sideshow. It’s a pillar

of the economy.

Hard drugs, specifically meth and heroin, are reportedly the

country’s third-largest export behind jade and natural gas.

According to a US congressional study, Myanmar’s illegal

narcotics trade is worth an estimated $1 to $2 billion per year. The

real figure is quite likely higher.

Narcotics are a primary funding source for militias that control

significant swaths of the country. There are more than 35 such

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies units, operating under the army’s chain of command, and they

wield an estimated 10,000-plus fighters.

“All of these ‘people’s militia forces’ are involved in the drug

trade at some level,” says John Whalen, who retired from the US

Drug Enforcement Administration in 2014 after a 26-year career

spent largely in Myanmar.

“It might be acquisition of methamphetamine precursors,” he

says. “It could be producing or tableting meth … but all of these

militias are intimately involved.”

Each unit is situated along a key border drug route, which feeds

the hunger for meth and heroin in China, Thailand and beyond.

The militias’ primary job is to hold down turf for the government

and feed intel to the army. In return, they are given impunity to

self-fund by producing and transporting drugs.

But anyone unlucky enough to live in militia territory is subject to

the reign of armed barons. They make their own rules. They rob

and assault villagers with impunity. They make a mockery of

Myanmar’s yearning for democracy.

They circulate their products locally at dirt-cheap prices: As little

as $3 for a meth pill, $1 for a shot of heroin. Narcotics in some

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies borderland areas are de facto legalized; as one local expression

has it, “drugs are sold like vegetables.”

This is the disorder that birthed Pat Jasan.

A miner injects heroin at a jade mine in Kachin state, Nov. 29, 2015. Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters

Warlords in parliament

The group is now appealing to Aung San Suu Kyi’s National

League for Democracy directly. But like Pat Jasan, Myanmar’s

new ruling party is obstructed by army generals who feel they’ve

already budged enough.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies Since the election, Suu Kyi has devoted her time to negotiating

with the military for the presidency. Becoming Myanmar’s

president is her dream — one she shares with the White House

along with the general population, which granted her an

undeniable majority.

But this dream has dimmed. Suu Kyi is still barred from the

presidency by an army-written clause. This will force her to run

the country through a loyal proxy. Her pick: Htin Kyaw, 69, a

UK-educated advisor and party loyalist who is expected to

dutifully carry out Suu Kyi’s orders.

In other words, Suu Kyi has already tested the generals’ patience.

She is unlikely to antagonize them further by sticking up for a

band of ragtag vigilantes — especially those railing against their

complicity in the drug trade.

That leaves 663 other legislators to take up the cause. Intense hope

surrounds Myanmar’s newly refilled parliament, the fruit of a

tortured struggle backed by the US. Awaiting the formation of a

new cabinet in April, they are already overwhelmed by public

demands to fix Myanmar’s crumbling hospitals, schools, roads

and courts.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies But the odds of this body using its newfound power to shut down

narco-militias appears low.

After all, in an absurd twist, Suu Kyi sits in parliament — albeit

in different houses — with an unrepentant warlord, the

samealleged drug trafficker whose poppy fields Pat Jasan seeks to

destroy.

His name is Zakhung Ting Ying. And as the world giddily

celebrated Myanmar’s vote, this militia commander secured re-

election to the Upper House by threatening any rival who entered

his turf near the Chinese border.

He made good on his threats, the NLD alleges, by ordering armed

men to ambush their candidates’ campaign team and destroy

equipment. News of the attack was drowned out in the jubilee

over the party’s landslide victory.

Success story tarnished

Ting Ying is no one-off.

The new deputy speaker of the Lower House — a man selected by

Suu Kyi herself — is named T. Khun Myat. He’s an ex-militia

chief widely accused of trafficking drugs. (Her party claims that

“not all the accusations are true.”)

This election which kept warlords in parliament was, in former

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s words, “an affirmation of the

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies indispensable role the United States can and should play in the

world.”

America’s stated goal for Myanmar is aiding the “pursuit of

democracy, development and national reconciliation” — all

thwarted by militias running parts of the country like fiefdoms.

US President Barack Obama’s administration acknowledges that

Myanmar has “failed demonstrably” to rein in its drug trade. But

his response has been to sign special waivers allowing the US

tofund and train narcotics police under the military’s command

— the same military that oversees drug-producing militias in the

hilltops.

This troubling paradox is impossible to shrug off. Even a top

officer with Myanmar’s anti-narcotics agency, which now receives

US cash and training, reluctantly admitted to GlobalPost that

army-backed militias are engaged in the drug trade.

“Are they [the military] producing drugs? No. But they are

providing tacit approval for drugs to be produced in these areas,”

says Whalen, the former DEA agent. “And they’re benefitting

from relationships with high-level traffickers.”

Pat Jasan is leading the backlash. But, as a religious vigilante

squad, they are not easy to embrace.

https://www.tni.org/en/article/peoples-war-on-drugs-in-kachin-state-indication-of-failed-policies It is a movement that rages against lawlessness — all the while

resorting to it each time it kidnaps a meth addict and forces him

into shackles.

Nor do its tactics fit the narrative of a classic Myanmar uprising.

But Pat Jasan’s goal — ending impunity for narco-militias — may

be just as crucial as democratic elections.

This movement is not going away. As Tu Raw, the vigilante

leader, explains it: The Pat Jasan struggle is akin to a

“revolutionary war” whose crusaders must “fight this genocide by

any means necessary.”