Strange Glamour: Fashion and Surrealism in the Years between the World Wars by Victoria Rose Pass Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Supervised by Professor Janet C. Berlo Program in Visual and Cultural Studies Department of Art and Art History Arts, Sciences and Engineering School of Arts and Sciences University of Rochester Rochester, New York 2011
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Pass (2011) Fashion and Surrealism in the Years Between the World Wars TESIS DOC UNIV ROCHESTER
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8/15/2019 Pass (2011) Fashion and Surrealism in the Years Between the World Wars TESIS DOC UNIV ROCHESTER
Figure 2. Man Ray's Noire et Blanche, in French Vogue, May 1926 359
Figure 3. A.M. Cassandre, Cover of Harper’s Bazaar, September 15, 1937 360
Figure 4. Paul Smith, Kenyon and Eckhardt, Gunther Fur ad, Harper’s Bazaar, September 15, 1937
360
Figure 5. Paul Smith, Kenyon and Eckhardt, Gunther Fur ad, Harper’s Bazaar, October 1937
361
Figure 6. "Saints and Sinners," Man Ray photographs with Vertès drawings, Harper’s Bazaar, September 15, 1937
361
Figure 7. "Peruvian Magic," drawings of Schiaparelli's Inca inspired designs,including the Shocking pink chullo used by Dalí for the RueSurréaliste at the Exposition Internationale du Surréalisme,
Harper’s Bazaar, October 1937
362
Figure 8. Man Ray photographs of Schiaparelli's hats for Tristan Tzara's "D'unCertain Automatisme du Gout," in Minotaure, October-December1933.
362
Figure 9. Gala Dalí wearing a Schiaparelli evening coat from the winter 1937-38 collection with Salvador Dalí, and Jane Clark wearing the ―Dregsof Wine,‖ embroidered evening jacket from the same collection, withher husband Kenneth Clark (then director of London‘s NationalGallery of Art) at a 1939 opening night party at the Museum of
Modern Art.
363
Figure 10. "Plane Clothes," by Amelia Earhart, in Harper’s Bazaar, January1929
363
Figure 11. "The Sweater Costume is Favored by the Sportswoman," Vogue March 15, 1927
364
Figure 12. "St. Moritz in the Snow," Harper’s Bazaar, March 1930,photographs by Seeberger
364
Figure 13. Vogue cover with Susan Lenglen-style tennis costume, July 15, 1927 365
Figure 14. Ad for Contouration facial treatments, Vogue, September 28, 1929 365
Figure 15. Photograph by George Hoyningen-Huene from "Why Not BeBeautiful?," Vogue November 15, 1926Caption reads: "The sanctum of the modern beauty doctor is ashygienic in every detail as a famous surgeon's operating theater."
366
Figure 16. Constantin Alajov, cover of The New Yorker, October 2, 1926 366
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Figure 61. Madame Vittorio Crespi wearing a pale blue evening dress with ashimmering Rhodophane apron, Vogue, January 1935
390
Figure 62. "An X-Ray of Fashion," Harper’s Bazaar, September 1933 390
Figure 63. Schiaparelli in her divided skirt on a trip to Britain in May 1931 391
Figure 64. Spanish tennis player Lili de Alvarez wearing a silk tennis ensembledesigned for her by Schiaparelli in 1931. The British press criticizedher harshly for wearing a divided skirt.
391
Figure 65. Schiaparelli's divided skirt drawn by Dorothy Dulin, Chicago DailyTribune, June 20, 1931
392
Figure 66. Dorothy Dulin drawing of a Schiaparelli striped divided skirt andensemble on the center model and model in lounge chair, Chicago
Daily Tribune, April 30, 1933
392
Figure 67. Carl Erickson, Schiaparelli beach costume, Harper’s Bazaar, June1930
393
Figure 68. Schiaparelli in her trompe l‘oeil dress and a coq-feather cape, 1931 393
Figure 69. "Bas Relief," Vionnet gowns photographed by George Hoyningen-Huene for Vogue, November 15, 1931
394
Figure 70. Detail of a Schiaparelli trompe l'oeil sweater featuring a necktie,1927-30
395
Figure 71. Schiaparelli sweater with trompe l'oeil French sailor's middy, 1928 395
Figure 72. Man Ray's "rayographs" in Vanity Fair, November 1922 396
Figure 73. Man Ray, Marquise Casati, 1922 396
Figure 74. Man Ray and Félix Nadar photographs in Minotaure, October-December 1933
397
Figure 75. Man Ray photograph of Schiaparelli in her lacquered wig by Antoine, Minotaure, October-December 1933
398
Figure 76. "As in the Time of Kate Greenaway," drawing by A.E. Marly, in Harper’s Bazaar, April 1930, ensembles by Poiret and SuzanneTalbot
399
Figure 77. Schiaparelli gown photographed by Baron De Meyer, Harper’s Bazaar, August 1931
399
Figure 78. Bloomingdale's ad for copies of Schiaparelli Mad Caps including the"Sayville Row" New York Times, September 4, 1933
400
Figure 79. Bloomingdale's ad for copies of Schiaparelli "Mad Caps," New York 400
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Times, September 4, 1934Figure 80. Schiaparelli's "Helmet" hat, Harper’s Bazaar, April 1933 401
Figure 81. "It Is Conventional to Be Extreme," Schiaparelli ensemble in Harper’s Bazaar, April 1933
401
Figure 82. Flapper style dresses by Lanvin, Patou, Chéruit, and Worth,photographed on mannequins by Hoyningen-Huene, Vogue,October 15, 1927
402
Figure 83. Schiaparelli boucle coat in Harper’s Bazaar, September 1929 402
Figure 84. Ad for Golflex clothing in Vogue, September 15, 1928 403
Figure 85. Schiaparelli coats in Vogue, October 15, 1931 403
Figure 86. George Hoyningen-Huene, Schiaparelli's Tyrolean hat worn with asports suit with a grey and yellow tweed jacket, a high necked blousein silk jersey stiffened with yellow taffeta, 1932-33
404
Figure 87. Actress Ina Claire in a Schiaparelli ―Mad Cap.‖ Claire helped topopularized this style, 1932
Figure 89. Cover of L’Officiel , May 1931: "Mme Agnès, drawn on our cover byJean Dunan, wears a charming evening gown, knikers skirt, ofcoarse white silk crépon created especially for her by the MaisonSchiaparelli on the occasion of the Colonial Exhibition. Her coiffeur,'A.O.F.,' one of her latest creations, consists of a crin foundationembroidered in artificial silk." [sic]
406
Figure 90. Two views of Madame Agnès in one of her hats in L’Officiel , May1931
407
Figure 91. Agnès hat in L’Officiel , May 1931 407
Figure 92. Postcard with George Specht, Nobosodrou, Femme Mangbetu, c.1925
408
Figure 93. Josephine Baker modeling an Agnès hat inspired by "La CroisièreNoire," in L’Officiel , August 1926
408
Figure 94. Simone Breton in André Breton's Atelier, c. 1927 409
Figure 95.
George Maillard-Kessle, Helena Rubinstein with African mask, c.1935 409
Figure 96. Paul Poiret, Harem trouser and "lampshade" tunic costume from theThousand and Second Night Party, 1911
Figure 143. Edward Steichen, Joan Crawford in a jacket and dress bySchiaparelli, 1932
434
Figure 144. Von Horn, Tallulah Bankhead in Schiaparelli, Harper’s Bazaar,
December 1934
434
Figure 145. Sketch of Salvador Dalí in his diving suit, "Vogue's Eye View ofUnsung Heroes behind the Paris Openings," Vogue, September 15,1936
434
Figure 146. George Hoyningen-Huene, Schiaparelli coat and gown, Harper’s Bazaar, October 1935, 74-5
435
Figure 147. Andre Durst, left: Piguet dress, right: Schiaparelli dress and friar'scape, Vogue, January 1, 1936
435
Figure 148. Salvador Dalí, Window display for Bonwit Teller, "She was aSurrealist Woman like a Figure in a Dream," December 1936
436
Figure 149. Sketch of a Schiaparelli suit with cow buttons, Henri Bendel SketchCollection, Spring 1937
436
Figure 150. George Platt Lynes, Frances Farmer wearing a midnight bluesequined Schiaparelli evening gown, Harper’s Bazaar, November1937
437
Figure 151. Edward Steichen, Copy of Schiaparelli's red evening coat withescargot buttons for Bergdorf Goodman, Vogue, January 1, 1937
437
Figure 152. Man Ray, Elsa Schiaparelli, 1932 438
Figure 153. Salvador Dalí, Three Young Surrealist Women Holding in Their Arms the Skins of an Orchestra, 1936
438
Figure 154. Horst P. Horst, "Suits Go Soft," Vogue, March 15, 1936 439
Figure 155. Schiaparelli's pink crin evening coat fastened with two butterflies, worn over a black gown, L’Officiel , May 1937, photograph by Photo Anzon
439
Figure 156. Pascale in the window of Schiaparelli's Place Vendôme shop withJean-Michel Frank's gilded cage, Paris
440
Figure 157. Pablo Picasso, Bird Cage and Playing Cards
, 1933 in Harper’s Bazaar, November 1939
440
Figure 158. Cecil Beaton, "The Future Duchess of Windsor," Wallis Simpson inSchiaparelli, Vogue, June 1, 1937
Figure 177. Marcel Vertès, Schiaparelli jacket with hand mirror closures, Harper’s Bazaar, April 1938
450
Figure 178. Elsa Schiaparelli, blue silk jersey evening coat (now faded to purple) with embroidery designed by Jean Cocteau and manufactured byLesage, Fall 1937
451
Figure 179. Erik Nitsche, accessories spread, Harper’s Bazaar, December 1936 451
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Figure 180. Studio Anzon, Schiaparelli's grey dinner suit embroidered with adrawing by Jean Cocteau, L’Officiel , August 1937
452
Figure 181. Schiaparelli designs from the Fall 1937 collection. From left: dinnerdress and jacket, with 1900 inspired hat, gown with Jean Cocteau
motif, evening gown with pleated tulle cape, waltzing dress withmimosa print. New York Times, May 30, 1937
452
Figure 182. Schiaparelli, Hand Belt, black taffeta with Lucite hands with pinkpainted fingernails at ends, thumbs forming hook and hole closure,Fall 1934
453
Figure 183. Marcel Vertès, Schiaparelli's Claw Gloves, "Spinach is Fashion," Harper’s Bazaar, September 15, 1938
453
Figure 184. Kollar, gloves by Schiaparelli, Harper’s Bazaar, March 15, 1938, p.132-3
Figure 197. Schiaparelli house sketch for the ―Tear-Illusion dress,‖ acollaboration between Schiaparelli and Dalí, Summer 1938
460
Figure 198. Salvador Dalí, design sketch for Skeleton Gown, 1938 460
Figure 199. Elsa Schiaparelli and Salvador Dalí, Skeleton Evening Dress(details), Summer 1938 461
Figure 200. Schiaparelli house sketch for the Skeleton Evening Dress, acollaboration between Schiaparelli and Dalí, Summer 1938
461
Figure 201. Marcel Vertès, "Harper's Folies," on the right hand page: "Designedespecially for Coo Coo the Bird Girl by Schiaparelli," The Skeletondress, a sequined clown‘s hat, the backwards suit, and the Inkwellhat, Harper’s Bazaar, March 15, 1938
462
Figure 202. Thérèse Bonney, Schiaparelli‘s first major shop at 4 Rue de La Paix,1929
463
Figure 203. Schiaparelli's Paris Boutique designed by Jean-Michele Frank withGiacometti's shell light and spiral ashtray, from Shocking Life, 1954
463
Figure 204. Schiaparelli's Window Dolls," Harper’s Bazaar, June 1937 464
Figure 205. Jean Moral, Schiaparelli beach ensembles, Harper’s Bazaar, July1935
464
Figure 206. Cecil Beaton, "Fun at the Openings," Vogue, April 1, 1935 465
Figure 207. Ilse Sing and Gerard Kelly, Schiaparelli Belt, Harper’s Bazaar,October 1935
465
Figure 208. Wols, photographs of Le Pavillon de l'Elégance, in Femina, August1937 466
Figure 209. Wols, Le Pavillon de l'Elégance (Mannequin Row), 1937 466
Figure 210. Wols, Le Pavillon de l'Elégance (Vionnet), 1937 467
Figure 211. Rue Surréaliste, Exposition Internationale du Surréalisme, GalerieBeaux-Arts, Paris, 1938
467
Figure 212. Raoul Ubac, Marcel Duchamp's Mannequin "Rrose Sélavy," Exposition Internationale du Surréalisme, Galerie Beaux-Arts,Paris, 1937
468
Figure 213. André Masson, Mannequin "Le ballon vert à bouche de pensée," (thegreen gag on the mouth of thought (or pansy) Expositioninternationale du surréalisme, Galerie Beaux-Arts, Paris, 1937
468
Figure 214. detail of Schiaparelli‘s Shocking pink chullo, "Peruvian Magic," Harper’s Bazaar, October 1937
469
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Figure 215. Kurt Seligmann, Ultrameuble, view with sitter at the Exposition Internationale Du Surréalisme, Galerie Beaux-Arts, Paris, 1938
469
Figure 216. Surrealism in Paris," Vogue, March 1, 1938 470
Figure 217. Salvador Dalí, Mae West’s Face which May Be Used as a Surrealist Apartment, 1934-5
470
Figure 218. Mae West dressed by Schiaparelli in Every Day’s a Holiday, 1937 471
Figure 219. Andre Durst, designs from Schiaparelli's Fall 1937 collection, "Merry Widow Revival," Vogue, June 1, 1937
471
Figure 220. Leonor Fini and Elsa Schiaparelli, Shocking Perfume Bottle andPackaging, 1937
472
Figure 221. Leonor Fini, La Peinture, L'Architecture, 1939 472
Figure 222. George Hoyningen-Huene, Chanel dress with Leonor Fini's Armoire Anthropomorphe and her Corset Chair, Harper’s Bazaar,September 1, 1939
473
Figure 223. Leonor Fini, ensembles by Schiaparelli, Harper’s Bazaar, March 15,1940
473
Figure 224. Bustled evening dresses worn by women at the Gala de la Tour Eiffel.Jean Peltier printed satin with a Mae West inspired figure walking apoodle. Summer 1939.
474
Figure 225. Nina Lean, Model Shari Herbert wearing Schiaparelli's "ForbiddenFruit" evening gown, in Time, October 10, 1949
475
Figure 226. Schiaparelli dress from the Winter 1949-1950 collection in Newsweek, September 26, 1949
surfaces and hysteric gestures. There were also drawings of designer Elsa
Schiaparelli‘s Peruvian-inspired accessories including a Shocking pink knitted
ski mask.(Figure 7) The mask was inspired by a Peruvian chullo (a knitted
hood) that Schiaparelli saw at the Paris Exposition and included in her winter
1937-38 collection. This mask appeared, not only in magazines, but the
following year on the head of a mannequin dressed by Salvador Dalí at the
Exposition Internationale du Surréalisme. In addition, it was worn by
curator Chick Austin during his Surrealist show, ―Magic on Parade,‖ at the
Wadsworth Athenaeum in Hartford, Connecticut in 1939.
Surrealism was not just evident in the photographs and illustrations in
fashion magazines such as Harper’s Bazaar, but in the clothing itself: from
Marcel Rochas‘ 1934 ―Bird‖ dress to Charles James‘ coats and gowns that took
on the appearance of biomorphic sculpture, from Lilly Daché‘s Dalí-inspired
hats in 1937, to Elizabeth Hawes‘ cheeky ―Tarts‖ dress with arrows pointing to
the bust and derriere from that same year.3 These juxtapositions of the work
of Surrealists artists and the Surrealist aesthetic of much of the fashion in
1930s fashion magazines suggest connections between art and fashion that
are much deeper than those acknowledged by scholars of this period.
In this dissertation, I argue that throughout the 1930s fashion was
infused with an aesthetic that I call ―strange glamour.‖ This aesthetic is
3 For illustrations see: Rochas: Richard Martin, Fashion and Surrealism (New York: Rizzoli, 1987),195. James: Ghislaine Wood, ed. Surreal Things : Surrealism and Design (London: V&APublications, 2007), 150. Hawes: Jan Glier Reeder, High Style: Masterworks from the Brooklyn
Museum Costume Collection at the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York: Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 2010), 122-3.
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connected to the same visual sensibility and intellectual concerns of
Surrealism creating jarring juxtapositions and displacements meant to shock
viewers. Throughout this project, I will argue that strange glamour engages
with three interrelated aspects of Surrealism: the uncanny, ethnographic
Surrealism, and convulsive beauty. The term glamour insists on the
constructed nature of this aesthetic. There is nothing natural about this
aesthetic. In his book, Glamour: A History, Stephen Gundle ties the
concept of glamour to modernity, precisely because of its connection to the
self-fashioning at the heart of modern capitalism: ―glamour contained the
promise of a mobile and commercial society that anyone could be
transformed into a better, more attractive, and wealthier version of
themselves.‖4 Grundle defines glamour as,
an alluring image that is closely related to consumption…Thesubjects of glamour are very varied. They may be people, things,places, events, or environments, any of which can capture theimagination by association with a range of qualities, includingseveral or all of the following: beauty, sexuality, theatricality, wealth, dynamism, notoriety, movement, and leisure.5
Strange glamour is associated particularly with sexuality, theatricality,
dynamism, and notoriety. In fashion it is a way of dressing often formulated
to shock. It works through disjuncture and juxtaposition to create beauty that
can best be understood in the context of Surrealism. Glamour is key to my
argument because it describes images that can be thought of as both art and
fashion: photographs, films, or even paintings.
4 Stephen Gundle, Glamour: A History (New York: Oxford Univeristy Press, 2008), 6.5 Ibid, 5-6.
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While strange glamour was an aesthetic that permeated fashion in the
1930s, Elsa Schiaparelli was its most important promoter and her presence
looms large in this project. Schiaparelli and the Surrealists were deeply
engaged in the same questions and concerns, in ways which have yet to be
acknowledged in either art history or fashion history. Dilys Blum‘s excellent
monograph on Schiaparelli has begun to address this absence, and has helped
open up a space to reconsider Schiaparelli‘s importance.6 Studying
Schiaparelli as a member of the Surrealist circle opens up a wider context in
which to understand her work and the work of artists in the years between the
wars. It also establishes the important influence of popular forms of culture,
and their creators on artists. This reconsideration of Schiaparelli, as not
simply a follower but a participant in Surrealism, will establish a way of
looking at fashion in a critical way, as an important form of expression worthy
of study.
Schiaparelli, an Italian, started designing under her own name in 1927,
and quickly rose to fame. By the early 1930s, Schiaparelli has overtaken
Chanel in popularity, particularly in the American market.7 Schiaparelli
explained: ―America had always been more hospitable and friendly to me.
She had made it possible for me to obtain a unique place in the world. France
6 Dilys E. Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli (New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 2003),7 Axel Madsen, Chanel : A Woman of Her Own (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1990), 198-91.
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gave me the inspiration, America the sympathetic approval and the result.‖8
Schiaparelli‘s legacy had been completely eclipsed by Chanel because while
Schiaparelli‘s house slowly petered out after World War I, Chanel staged a
triumphant comeback in 1954, the same year Schiaparelli showed her last
collection.
Schiaparelli‘s exuberant and avant-garde creations have often been
dismissed as mere jokes. Particularly famous are her outrageous hats,
especially those on which she collaborated with Dalí: the Mutton chop hat,
the High Heel hat, and the Inkwell hat. These absurdist designs led her
contemporary, fashion illustrator Drian, to ask of Schiaparelli, ―Blague ou
Génie?‖ (―Joke or Genius?‖)9 Schiaparelli‘s humor and use of the absurd in
fashion is perhaps her most important legacy in contemporary fashion.
Designer Christian Lacroix explained that Schiaparelli was ―the first to open
couture to contemporary artistic currents and give it a sense of the ludicrous.
The joy and dynamism, the variety and mix of colors and shape. The lack of
prejudice—in short, freedom—are the most inspiring in her fashion work.‖10
The humor inherent in Schiaparelli‘s fashion should not prevent us from
taking her work seriously. Like the Surrealists, Schiaparelli used humor in
8 Elsa Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli (London: V & APublications, 2007), 112.9 From a song composed by Drian: “Blague ou genie?/En culbutant la mode,/Elle l‟habille en folie/Et
signe —Schiaparelli!” My Translation: “Joke or Genius?/ In tumbling fashion/She dresses her in folly/
And signs —Schiaparelli!” Ibid, 64.10 Valerie Steele, Women of Fashion: Twentieth-Century Designers (New York: Rizzoli International,1991), 69.
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discourses in these two realms is noteworthy. While the photographs are
always acknowledged as the work of Man Ray, the hats were not
acknowledged as the designs of Elsa Schiaparelli until Dilys Blum published
them in her 2003 book Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa
Schiaparelli.12 Here we see a clear example of Schiaparelli‘s work inspiring
Surrealists Tzara and Man Ray. There was a dialogue going on between art
and fashion that has not yet been acknowledged in scholarship on Surrealism
or fashion.
It is not only Schiaparelli‘s work that is dismissed by scholars, but also
the work of Surrealists who directly engaged with fashion through
collaborations with designers or fashion magazines. Underlying the dismissal
of this work as ―merely commercial,‖ of course, is the gendering of both
fashion and commercial culture as feminine. Implicit in this gendering is a
dismissal of fashion as shallow and unworthy of serious attention. I aim to
reclaim this work as an important part of the Surrealists‘ bodies of work. For
example, Salvador Dalí has often been dismissed as an unserious artist
because of his work in shop window display, jewelry, fashion, Hollywood and
at the 1939 World‘s Fair.13 Dalí was excommunicated from the Surrealist
mo vement by Breton in 1941 for being too commercial, and dubbed ―Avida
12 She also acknowledges this in her essay for the Surreal Things catalogue. Blum, Shocking!: The Art
and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 127. Dilys E. Blum, "Fashion and Surrealism," in Surreal Things:
Surrealism and Design, ed. Ghislaine Wood (London: V&A Publications, 2007), 139.13 Dickran Tashjian calls Dalí‟s shop window for Bonwit Teller “schlock,” and describes Dalí‟s
installation at the 1939 World‟s Fair as having caused him to lose “credibility by virtue of his
publicity-seeking. A decaying Dalí Dream of Venus became emblematic of his decline in the UnitedStates.” Tashjian, A Boatload of Madmen : Surrealism and the American Avant-Garde, 1920-1950, 91 and 65.
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my propaganda into the enemy‘s camp.‖16 He goes so far as to argue that Man
Ray
vented his contempt for the fashion industry openly in adrawing entitled ‗Couture‘ for Les Mains Libres: a slender woman in the latest gown is sexually assaulted by a pair ofscissors…in so far as Man Ray drew the image, the violenceremains his; yet the image could be taken to expose the violenceperpetrated by the fashion industry on women, turning theminto sex objects, isolating parts of the body for display in aprocess that shares more with the pornographic than with theerotic.17
This is a difficult argument to accept considering that Man Ray‘s own work
regularly puts the female body on display, cutting it up, fetishizing it, and
objectifying it. Tashjian‘s remarks are telling, because of how far he goes in
order to maintain Man Ray‘s position as an artist above commerce. It is clear
how uncomfortable Tashjian is with Man Ray‘s participation in fashion, which
he demonizes as violent in its objectification of women. In order to integrate
Man Ray‘s fashion works as full artistic expressions of a master, he must
argue that Man Ray is critiquing the world of fashion, and by extension
commerce, as opposed to participating in it. Tashjian is forced to
acknowledge the shakiness of his own argument conceding, ― in so far as Man
Ray drew the image, the violence remains his,‖ yet the author maintains that
this is evidence of a critique of fashion.18 Tashjian fails to recognize the ways
in which many of Man Ray‘s photographs, even those that were not for
fashion magazines, are engaged with the conventions of fashion photography.
16 Ibid, 83.17 Ibid, 10318 Ibid,103.
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It is also clear that Tashjian has a limited and clichéd understanding of the
fashion industry. He is unable to see that what he describes as a violent
objectification occurring in fashion, occurs regularly in art, particularly
Surrealism.
Other art historians have minimized the importance of female artists
within the Surrealist movement as well as the contributions of female artists
in other genres, such as fashion design, that were important to Surrealism.19
Ann Finholt, for example, tries to downplay the agency that James Thrall
Soby attributes to fashion designers in his 1941 book The Early Chirico.
Finholt quotes Soby this way: ―[de Chirico‘s young followers]have also been
partly responsible for the new imaginative elegance in fashion…Their strong
personalities have been reflected in the creations of a Schiaparelli as opposed
to the earlier ones of a Paul Poiret.‖ (italics mine)20 The full quotation,
however, notes Soby‘s reservations: ―I do not mean for a moment that they
[de Chirco‘s followers] have been wholly responsible, or that fashion has
followed them like a lagging, rich child. But I do mean that their strong
personalities have been reflected in the creations of a Schiaparelli as opposed
to the earlier ones of a Paul Poiret.‖21 Clearly Soby gave fashion designers
credit for their innovations that Finholt downplays in order to elevate de
Chirico above the commercial masses. She wants us to believe that
19 See for example Whitney Chadwick, Women Artists and the Surrealist Movement (London: Thamesand Hudson, 1985).20 Ann Finholt, "Art in Vogue: De Chirico, Fashion and Surrealism," in Giorgio De Chirico and
America, ed. Emily Braun (New York: Hunter College of the City University of New York, 1996), 90.21 James Thrall Soby, The Early Chirico (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1941), 101.
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In the context of this project it is important to define fashion as distinct
from clothing or dress. Here I am focusing solely on women‘s fashion, not
because men‘s fashion is not worthy of study, but because in the 1920s and
1930s women‘s fashion is far more dy namically engaged with artistic and
intellectual movements. Fashion is made when an article of clothing is
assigned meaning and value that goes beyond its physical construction and
practical use. Fashion ―is a semiotic language through which cultural
meanings are constructed.‖22 Modern fashion, as it developed in the mid-
nineteenth century, is produced at the nexus of designers, pattern-makers,
seamstresses, magazine editors, writers, illustrators and photographers, as
well as the women who actually wore and wear these clothes. Fashion is not
just a couture dress, but the whole culture that surrounds and disseminates it.
In the 1920s and 1930s, this includes magazines and newspapers, as well as
popular films and plays.
Traditional accounts of fashion have often understood it as reflecting
simplistic constructions, first of class through the seventeenth century, and
then of gender into the present time.23 Kaja Silverman complicates this
notion in her essay ―Fragments of a Fashionable Discourse,‖ in which she
argues that clothing and fashion, ―in articulating the body,…simultaneously
22 Nancy J. Troy, Couture Culture: A Study in Modern Art and Fashion (Cambridge: MIT Press,2003), 11.23 Kaja Silverman, "Fragments of a Fashionable Discourse," in On Fashion, ed. Shari Benstock andSuzanne Ferriss (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 183.
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articulates the psyche.‖24 She contends that ―every transformation within a
society‘s vestmentary code implies some kind of shift within its ways of
articulating subjectivity.‖25 By examining fashion in concert with art in the
interwar period, I hope to tease out how clothing, particularly women‘s
clothing, relates to the psyche in a more complex way than has been
previously understood.
Here I will work to reimagine how looking might function in fashion. I
believe that looking at fashion is not limited to a standard understanding of a
masculine gaze that objectifies women, nor do women vicariously identify
with this sexualized gaze. There are many more possibilities for the complex
array of ways in which women look at and dress for one another. A full
understanding of fashion must move past notions of voyeurism, narcissism,
and gender as performance. While these are important components of an
understanding of fashion, there is a crucial aspect of fashion that involves
women looking at women in a manner different from assuming the male
gaze.26 Flicking through the pages of a fashion magazine a woman does not
see the model only as an object, but projects herself into the clothes the model
wears, imagining how she will look in them, where she might wear them.
24 Ibid, 191.25 Ibid, 193.26 See Iris Marion Young, "Women Recovering Our Clothes," in On Fashion, ed. Shari Benstock andSuzanne Ferriss (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1994), 197-210, for a traditionaldiscussion of women looking at women as men. Young attempts to analyze women‟s interactions with
women through fashion, but ignores what I think is a particular dynamic and look that goes on betweenwomen through fashion, or at least between men and women who make themselves part of thediscourse on fashion that is much different than a traditional understanding of a male gaze asvoyeuristic.
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Even if this woman never buys these clothes or ever sees them in the flesh, she
has consumed fashion.
By examining fashion as revealing something about the historically
constructed psyche of the woman wearing it, we can also move past many of
the false assumptions that have been made about the industry. Some authors
have assumed that fashion is imposed by men on women, but in the early
twentieth century this is not the case. It is crucial to note that most of the
producers of fashion in the years between the wars were women. A
significant number of fashion and beauty companies were run by women in
the 1910s and 1920s.27 As we will see, Coco Chanel and Elsa Schiaparelli
created significant businesses; Chanel‘s house is still an important luxury and
couture brand. Other women such as Jeanne Lanvin, Nina Ricci, Madame
Grés, and Madeline Vionette built important fashion houses in Paris, some of
which are still active. In the US, women such as Elizabeth Hawes and Claire
McCardell were designing important ready to wear lines, and Hattie Carnegie
pioneered high end ready-to-wear and imported important Paris designers to
the U.S. Women were also running many of the most important fashion
publications including Vogue and Harper’s Bazaar.28
It is also worth noting that images of women in fashion magazines,
whether in ads or in editorial content, were meant for the consumption of
27 Kathy Peiss chronicles the rise of many female beauty entrepreneurs in the early twentieth-centuryincluding Helena Rubinstein, Elizabeth Arden, Annie Turnbo Malone, and Madame C.J. Walker.28 Carmel Snow took the helm of Harper’s Bazaar in 1934, and Edna Woolman Chase had been atVogue since 1914. Vogue has had a long history of being edited by women. Both publicationsemployed many women on the editorial and writing staffs, as well as women artists and photographers.
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failed to see the relevance of fashion for their object of study. Typically,
fashion has been regarded as superficial, fleeting, and feminized.‖34 Building
on Troy‘s important work, I plan to argue that far from being superficial and
incidental to Surrealism, fashion played an integral role in this artistic
movement. Fashion is as relevant to the study of other artistic movements, as
other modes of popular culture that have been accepted as vital to the
understanding of these movements.
Nancy Troy argues that most accounts by art historians have dealt with
artists who designed clothes, such as the Russian Constructivists, or Sonia
Delaunay. She claims that,
settling for a narrow definition of the relationship between artand fashion in terms of garments designed by artists or clothingthat qualifies as art, [art historians‘] approach privileged formalsimilarities that are often visually powerful but, nevertheless,generally lack substance when it comes to the exploration ofdeeper, structural relations which, in turn, do not necessarilyresult in any stylistic or formal resemblances between particularitems of clothing and specific works of art.35
Troy is referring to Richard Martin‘s work on Surrealism as well as on Cubism
and Fashion when she talks about privileging formal similarities.
The same is true of much of the scholarship on Surrealism and fashion.
The only serious book-length study, Richard Martin‘s ―Fashion and
Surrealism‖ (1987), focuses mainly on affinities between Surrealism and
fashion from the 1930s to the present. His book looks at shared operations in
Surrealism and fashion: ―Metaphor and Metamorphoses,‖ ―Bodies and
34 Troy, Couture Culture: A Study in Modern Art and Fashion, 2.35 Ibid, , 3.
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Krzysztof Fijalkowski outlines Surrealism‘s responses to modernist,
and particularly shopping and consumer culture in his essay for the 2007
Surreal Things exhibition catalogue. He charts two different responses:
One was to chart the fascination, and often the absurdity, of thenew…If celebration seemed a risky venture for Surrealists,however, a second and more radical tack was also available: tocomprehend and critique the emerging consumer world byconducting an archeology of the very things against which thenovelty of commerce kicked: yesterday‘s modernity.45
Fijalkowski understands the Surrealists as either celebrating the absurdity of
the constant change inherent in consumer culture, or a critique of thatobsession with the new by referencing outmoded objects of mass production.
I would add that Surrealists also directly participated in this culture of
commerce and shopping, particularly in their frequenting of flea markets and
their often obsessive collecting of non-western art.46
Not only did Surrealists participate in this popular visual culture, but it
shaped their artistic practices. Ad Reinhardt described Surrealism as being
anti-art, perhaps because of its association with popular culture:
Intellectually and aesthetically the important thing was thatthere was absolutely no relation between the abstractionists andthe surrealists [sic]. The main idea and the whole tradition ofabstract art centered pretty much around art-as-art or that arteither had to involve with aesthetic essence or not. Whereas thesurrealists were involved with everything else. I suppose evenprogrammatically they were anti-art. They were involved in, Idon‘t know, life or love or sex or I don‘t know what. They wereliving it up. I remember Mark Rothko saying he liked the
45 Fijalkowski, "Black Materialism: Surrealism Faces the Commercial World," 103. Also see Foster‟s
chapter “Outmoded Spaces” in Hal Foster, Compulsive Beauty (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993), 157-191.46 Breton and Max Ernst are good examples of these practices.
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surrealists because they gave better parties than the abstractpainters. [italics mine]47
The ―everything else‖ that Reinhardt refers to is everything that is not art, that
it life. This examination of the interactions between Surrealism and fashion
will demonstrate the ways in which these artists and designers strove to blur
the lines between art and life.
Examining Surrealism in fashion is important because it inserts
Surrealism in the everyday lives of the women wearing the garment, and those
who see her. This examination understands Surrealism as a crucial part of the visual culture of the inter- war years. A garment can change a woman‘s walk,
or her shape; it can reveal or conceal; it can confound the viewer or wearer
with textures that don‘t look like they feel. We can see how this plays out in
the lives of the Surrealists themselves in the photo of Jane Clark (wife of
Kenneth Clark, then director of London‘s National Gallery of Art) and Gala
Dalí wearing Schiaparelli gowns at a 1939 opening at the Museum of Modern
Art. (Figure 9) Whether they were producing it, wearing it themselves, (Frida
Kahlo‘s favorite perfume, after all, was Schiaparelli‘s Shocking!), or their
wives were wearing it, fashion was a part of the lives of Surrealists, a part of
the visual culture that surrounded them.
47 Isabelle Dervaux, "A Tale of Two Earrings: Surrealism and Abstraction, 1930-1947," in Surrealism
USA, ed. Isabelle Dervaux (New York: National Academy Museum, 2005), 51.
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encounter and the incongruous from Dada, but extended this exploration with
the addition of modern psychoanalytic ideas. Breton and his cohorts were
working in opposition to artists and theorists who favored a return to
classicism after the war. Pre-war France had come to represent decadence;
through the war France had been ―purged of these afflictions to emerge true
to its real self: disciplined, strong, organized and clear-minded. In the
cultural rhetoric of reconstruction, this latter cluster of terms was brought
together under the single unifying heading—Classicism.‖49 Le Corbusier and
Amédée Ozenfant, the artists who founded the Purist group, used ideas of
modernism and progress in the service of rebuilding France and the rest of
Europe after the War. These artists wanted to move forward through rational
progress towards a peaceful modern world, a modern vision of classicism.50
They stressed logic, order and control, three concepts which the Surrealists
would strongly oppose in their work.51
Breton and the Surrealists turned away from notions of classical order
and rational progress. In his 1924 Surrealist manifesto, Andre Breton wrote:
―I believe in the future resolution of these two states, dream and reality, which
are seemingly so contradictory, into a kind of absolute reality, a surreality, if
49 Briony Fer, David Batchelor, and Paul Wood, Realism, Rationalism, Surrealism : Art between the
Wars (New Haven: Yale University Press, in association with the Open University, 1993), 17.50 I am drawing some of these ideas from Amy Lyford, Surrealist Masculinities : Gender Anxiety and
the Aesthetics of Post-World War I Reconstruction in France (Berkeley: University of California Press,2007), 1-14.51 Fer, Batchelor, and Wood, Realism, Rationalism, Surrealism : Art between the Wars, 20.
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modern life and the ominous expansion of mass culturethroughout the social realm are always already inscribed intothe articulation of aesthetic modernism. Mass culture hasalways been the hidden subtext of the modernist project.56
The aim of each chapter of this project is to reveal this ―hidden subtext‖
within Dada and Surrealism. Huyssen describes the way in which mass
culture has been gendered feminine, because it has been understood as
seductive, illusory, shallow, and passive, involving consumption rather than
production.57 This gendering has devalued mass culture, along with the
women who are often described as its primary consumers. While Huyssenacknowledges the misogyny inherent in gendering mass culture as feminine,
he still hangs on to the devaluing of mass culture: ―the problem is not the
desire to differentiate between forms of high art and forms of depraved forms
of mass culture and its co-optations. The problem rather is the persistent
gendering as feminine of that which is devalued.‖58 In my work, by
eliminating the hierarchy specifically between fashion and art, the gendering
of these areas can also be troubled. This allows creativity to be ascribed to
male and female producers and consumers of both mass culture and art.
More troubling, however, is the way in which Huyssen buys into the
passive structuring of mass culture. He argues that, ―certain forms of mass
culture, with their obsession with gendered violence are more of a threat to
women than to men. After all, it has always been men rather than women
56Andreas Huyssen, After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, Postmodernism (Bloomington:Indiana University Press, 1986), 47.57 Ibid, 55.58 Ibid, 53.
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who have had real control over the productions of mass culture.‖59 While this
is certainly true in certain realms of mass culture, Huyssen simply transforms
women from being the victimizers—threatening to take over modern culture
with base mass culture—into victims assaulted by the mass cultural products
of men. The story that I wish to tell here is far more complicated. There are
many true victims in the fashion system, as it existed in the early twentieth
century and as it exists now, from sweat shop laborers to women starving
themselves to fit into a designer gown. There is also an important way in
which fashion, particularly in between the wars, broke out of this cycle of
female victim and male victimizer, female consumer and male producer.
Women were vital cultural producers in all areas of fashion, and fashion was
one of the few industries in which women could rise to power. For example,
Victoria Billings charted the ride of a ―Woman‘s Elite‖ that radically changed
the production and consumption of fashion in the America.60 She argues that
American women who moved into the fashion business brought their own
experience as fashion consumers into the role of producer.61 This suggests
that consumption has the potential to become a generative act. I want to
insist that this is the case particularly in fashion. I will argue in this project
that the kinds of consumption women participated in are precisely the same
kind of consumption that Andre Breton and other Surrealists engaged with as
59 Ibid, 62.60 Victoria Billings, "Altered Forever: A Women's Elite and the Transformation of American Fashion,Work and Culture, 1930-1955" (PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1990), 404-6.61 Ibid, 402.
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they trolled the Paris Flea Market and staged exhibitions that looked more
like boutiques than galleries. Their collecting has been understood as part of
their artistic practices, and by looking at it alongside of the self fashioning of
women, we can see women‘s consumption as a creative act as well.
The dialogue that takes place between the female designer and the female
wearer contributes to a space of homosocial exchange. Fashion is both an
expression of the designer and the wearer, as well as being a commodity. A
designer creates a particular vision, but once it is worn it becomes a
collaboration between designer and wearer. In her autobiography Shocking
Life, Elsa Schiaparelli explained the complex relationship that she as a
designer had with the clothes she created:
The interpretation of a dress, the means of making it, and thesurprising way in which some materials react—all these factors,no matter how good an interpreter you have invariably reserve aslight if not bitter disappointment for you. In a way it is even worse if you are satisfied, because once you have created it thedress no longer belongs to you. A dress cannot just hang like apainting on the wall, or like a book remain intact and live a longand sheltered life.
A dress has no life of its own unless it is worn and as soon asthis happens another personality takes over from you andanimates it, or tries to, glorifies it or destroys it, or makes it intoa song of beauty. More often it becomes an indifferent object, oreven a pitiful caricature of what you wanted it to be—a dream,an expression62
Schiaparelli alludes to the collaboration inherent in the process of design,
referring to the drapers, pattern-makers, seamstresses, fabric manufacturers,
and embroiderers who worked with her on each of her designs as
62 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 42.
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Certain women (mostly upper and upper middle class) with more disposable
income, were increasingly mobile and were demanding a wardrobe to match.
Harper’s Bazaar and Vogue featured articles on what to wear while
piloting or flying as a passenger in a plane, including an article by Amelia
Earhart in 1929. By then she was a pilot and was well known as the first
female passenger on a transatlantic flight.69 She describes what she wears as
both a pilot and passenger.70 (Figure 10) The magazines also featured
photographs of women dressed for summer and winter sports. (Figure 11)
(Figure 12) These were often not models, but society women who were
dressed for free by designers with the condition that they wear only that
designer‘s clothes.
In a short article appearing below a photograph of a model in a graphic
Vionette sweater, Harper’s Bazaar exclaimed: ―A journey by car…should be
colored by adventure. Highroads being nowadays devoid of any romantic
atmosphere, romance should be replaced by sport—the sport of Speed.‖71 The
article goes on to suggest an appropriate wardrobe for speeding down the
road in an open car, whether as a driver or a passenger. This should include a
leather cap, goggles and a lined leather coat, with ―scarves securely fastened,
tucked inside one‘s coat, with nothing allowed to fly in the wind. Anything
not pinned or strapped flies. Especially at over sixty miles an hour. One, of
69 It is interesting to note that many female fashion editors and fashion magazine staff, by the 1930s,were regularly passengers on transatlantic flights to see the Paris collections, as were the sketches and
photos, flown back on planes from Paris to New York.70 Amelia Earhart, "Plane Clothes " Harper’s Bazaar (January 1929), 95.71 “The Black and White Sweater," Harper’s Bazaar (December 1927), 60.
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course, resembles a mummy tightly wound and bound.‖72 The article notes
that one need not worry about her mummy-like appearance as she is unlikely
to be recognized while traveling at top speed.
As sportswear came into fashion, lines began to blur between morning,
afternoon and evening dress. This blurring had already begun during World
War I when fabric was scarce as was the domestic labor required to maintain
a complex wardrobe of four changes of clothes a day.73 By 1928 Lenglen-style
tennis dresses were marketed in Vogue as appropriate ―for golf, for tennis, for
the picnic, [or] for the river.‖74 (Figure 13) Chanel promoted an increasingly
casual wardrobe for women, helping to popularize trousers, among other
menswear, for women. She famously introduced jersey fabric as a suitable
material for women‘s dress and promoted what Paul Poiret called, ― pauvreté
de luxe,‖ poor look that was luxurious.75 Chanel used simpler and straighter
cuts in her handling of jersey. Her long lean dresses and ensembles without
cinched waists matched perfectly the fashionable short haircuts of the 1920s.
Chanel‘s fashion began a trend to a kind of elegance in dressing that appeared
simple, minimal and effortless, even if it took hours of effort to create.76
Because the look stressed simplicity, it was in some ways easy to copy and
72 Ibid 60.73This had been the norm for wealthy women before the war. Mendes and De La Haye, 20th Century
Fashion, 51-2.74 Cited in, Horwood, "Dressing Like a Champion: Women's Tennis Wear in Interwar England," 51.75 Mary Louise Roberts, "Sampson and Delilah Revisited: The Politics of Fashion in 1920s France," inThe Modern Woman Revisited : Paris between the Wars, ed. Whitney Chadwick and Tirza TrueLatimer (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2003), 72.76 Ibid, 82.
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spread throughout France and the world through magazines, ready to wear
copies, and department store copies.
In her essay ―Sampson and Delilah Revisited: The Politics of Fashion
in 1920s France,‖ Mary Louise Roberts discusses the response to the
androgynous look of post war women‘s fashion. She writes that many critics
found the short bobs and slim figures of ―modern‖ women in the 1920s
profoundly disturbing. These critics often believed that this androgynous look
implied that women were no longer interested in being mothers, or taking on
their traditional roles in society in the post war era. It was feared that women
were not only dressing like men, and smoking like men, but acting like men,
potentially being mistaken for them, or becoming lesbians. Contemporary
supporters of these new fashions, however, declared that this new way of
dressing was liberating, allowing women freedom of movement:
Defenders of the new look created a vivid image of a new kind of woman who leads a mobile, athletic, and independent life. To doso, they adopted two discursive strategies. First, they aligned thenew styles with the aesthetic of modern consumer culture,defined in terms of mobility and speed. Second, they conflatedphysical and psychological qualities in their logic of human behavior: how one dressed encouraged behaviors analogous tothe visual image produced.77
Roberts is discussing this in a French context, but American magazines
certainly bear her argument out, featuring women engaged in modern
pursuits such as sports, driving or flying. Images of new technological beauty
treatments are also a part of this notion of the modern woman whose beauty
77 Ibid, 77-78.
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the guise of Selavy between 1920 and 1921. Amelia Jones argues, as do many
scholars, that these photographs disrupt notions of bourgeois femininity and
the commodified woman. Nancy Ring sees Man Ray‘s photographs and Belle
Haleine, Duchamp‘s perfume readymade, as instances of Duchamp
renouncing a secure masculine authorial identity. This is certainly part of the
significance of these works, but it ignores their full participation in celebrity
culture. Both Ring and Jones consider the radical effects World War I had on
gender. Ring puts Duchamp, along with Man Ray and Francis Picabia, in the
context of what she terms a ―crisis of masculinity,‖ brought on by the
mechanization of soldiers in World War I.82 She reflects on the ways that
these artists created images of masculinity in their work in a period when
gender was in tremendous flux. Jones considers Duchamp‘s position
specifically as a man who did not participate in the war, and left behind his
family and country for the duration.83 Building on their work, I will examine
Duchamp‘s images of Rrose Selavy in the context of the fashion and beauty
culture which, I argue, they respond to.
Art Historian Nancy Troy has argued persuasively in Couture Culture:
A Study in Modern Art in Fashion, that Duhamp‘s readymades are reacting to
the crisis of authorial originality brought on by mass production, a crisis
82 Nancy Ring, "New York Dada and the Crisis of Masculinity: Man Ray, Francis Picabia, and MarcelDuchamp in the United States, 1913-1921" (PhD dissertation, Northwestern University, 1991), 8-9.83 Amelia Jones, "Equivocal Masculinity: New York Dada in the Context of World War I," Art
History 25, no. 2 (April 2002), 162-205.
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which also plagues fashion designers. Troy compares Duchamp‘s approach to
this crisis with designer Paul Poiret, arguing:
Duchamp and Poiret operated not in two entirely differentsphere hermetically sealed off from one another, as thedominant discourses of fashion and art history might lead us to believe. Rather, each in his own way, in his own intellectual orprofessional arena, confronted the same problem, one that wasarguably among the most recalcitrant (and compelling) of themodern period: the instability of the authorial subject faced with the collapse of distinction between originality andreproduction, the work of art and the object of massproduction.84
Troy offers a structural comparison between Poiret and Duchamp, looking atthe way these two figures engage with mass production. Poiret continually
attempted to assert himself as an artist, attempting to use his label as a
signature that would assure buyers of the originality of his creations.
Duchamp, on the other hand, created the readymades, which existed on the
shaky ground between art and commodity. Unlike Poiret, Chanel embraced
mass production, in a way remarkably similar to Duchamp. While Poiret
relied on a traditional image of the designer as a fine artist, both Duchamp
and Chanel rethought the identity of the artist and fashion designer in the
midst of mass production.
Valerie Steel has argued persuasively in ―Chanel in Context,‖ that the
kind of clothing that Chanel was designing was not as new and radical as her
biographers would have us believe, but rather was very similar to the designs
84 Troy, Couture Culture: A Study in Modern Art and Fashion, 292.
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of her contemporaries.85 Steele writes that Chanel, ―represented the new type
of fashion designer, who combined in her person the hitherto masculine role
of the fashion ‗genius‘ with the feminine role of fashion leader (not the
dressmaker, but the celebrity).‖86 Chanel not only represented this new type;
I would argue that she created it. Her significance does not reside in the
attitude or style of her clothes as much as it is the way in which she marketed
this attitude to women, using herself as the model. Chanel‘s life story of a
kept woman who managed to earn financial independence and build a fashion
empire represented the upward mobility at the heart of the fantasy of modern
capitalism. Chanel‘s fame allowed her to break down the class distinctions
between a dressmaker and her clients. Troy writes that,
Chanel‘s life story become indistinguishable from her clothing, jewelry, and perfume. Chanel, as well as her early biographer,acted as a catalyst to this process by equating changes in the styleor material of her clothing with changes in her love life, therebyencouraging the collapse of distinctions between her professionaldevelopment on the one hand and the wealthy men with whomshe has affairs on the other.87
The modernity of Chanel‘s life as a single woman was embodied in the
minimal shapes and simple materials of her clothes. Chanel gave her clothes
meaning by connecting them to her own famous life and lifestyle. This
meaning gave clothes with a Chanel label a higher value than the copies that
flooded the market. In fact the proliferation of copies only make the genuine
85 Valerie Steele, "Chanel in Context," in Chic Thrills : A Fashion Reader , ed. Juliet Ash and ElizabethWilson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 125.86 Ibid, 123.87 Nancy J. Troy, "Chanel's Modernity," in Chanel (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art,2005), 19.
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became even more well know as she paraded on the polo grounds of Deauville
wearing sweaters from Boy‘s closet.91
The terms ―flapper‖ and ―garçonne” were the American and French
labels applied to ―new women‖ like Chanel, who expressed their liberated
status in large part through fashion. Unlike the more generic term ―new
woman,‖ these labels referred more distinctly to a way of dressing that
suggested the new political and social position of such women, who were
increasingly independent and part of public life. The clothing of the garçonne
and flapper emphasized a straight streamlined silhouette, and a slim ―boyish‖
figure. Waistbands were worn low around the hips, and short haircuts were
often topped with low slung cloche hats. A Berley Studios sketch of a Miller
Soeurs pleated sheath dress with a modernist asymmetrical cardigan, and a
cloche hat over perfectly cropped hair, exemplifies this style.92 (Figure 17)
Like a number of other designers of the period, Chanel adopted the menswear
styles she took from her lovers‘ closets in her own designs, including a suit
and tie from her spring/summer collection in 1923. (Figure 18)
91 The trend continued when Chanel was in a relationship with the Duke of Westminster. She oftenraided his closet and was inspired by the tweeds and other English country garb for her own designs.Edmonde Charles-Roux, Chanel and Her World: Friends, Fashion, and Fame, revised and expandeded. (New York: The Vendôme Press, 2005), 245.92 The Berley Studios was a subscription service for fashion sketches owned by Ethel Rabin.American manufacturers and design rooms subscribed to get sketches of the latest Paris fashions aswell as original designs. Sketches are held in the Fashion Institute of Technology Library‟s special
collections. Miller Soeurs was a small fashion house in Paris which started out making copies ofdesigners clothing and, “After they'd copied for a while, they got so they could design well enough
themselves so they set up a model house of their own.” Elizabeth Hawes, Fashion Is Spinach (NewYork: Random House, 1938), 63.
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decorator and society figure Miss Elsie de Wolfe, also known as Lady
Mendl.102
Fashion was central to the reporting of this burgeoning field of the
press. In France, for example, the magazine Les Modes featured photographs
of actresses and singers dressed in the latest fashion. Their reporters wrote
about what women of the upper class and the demimonde were wearing to
sporting events and the most fashionable events of the season.103 Gradually
these personalities become more and more international in scope. For
example, the American dancers Vernon and Irene Castle were famous both in
Europe and the United States.
Irene Castle was one of the first women to bob her hair around 1914.
She is also credited with encouraging women to stop wearing corsets through
her patronage of the British designer Lucile.104 These are two of the fashion
revolutions that Chanel is often mistakenly credited with. Castle, though not
from the upper class, created a stir with her fashion sense on the dance floor.
In 1939 Fred Astaire and Ginger Rodgers starred as the couple in the film The
Story of Vernon and Irene Castle. A long montage in the middle of the film
shows the growing fame of the Castles and how their fame was commodified.
Three women going through a revolving door find themselves in identical
copies of an ensemble worn by Irene. A hatbox appears with an Irene Castle
102 Ibid 31.103 Amy De La Haye and Shelley Tobin, Chanel : The Couturière at Work (London: Victoria & AlbertMuseum, 1994), 12.104 Woodhead, War Paint: Madame Helena Rubinstein and Miss Elizabeth Arden: Their Lives, Their
Times, Their Rivalry, 116.
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Hat label. Castle bonbons, beauty cream, Vernon Castle shoes, and cigars
then appear in quick succession.
The film is no exaggeration. Not only did everyone want to dance like
the Castles they wanted to live like them too. The most potent sequence in
this montage comes when Irene is shown cutting off her own hair, followed by
a newspaper with the banner headline ―Irene Castle Cuts her Hair!,‖ and a
montage of women getting the ―Castle bob.‖ The Castles were in Deauville
(helping to popularize the tango) in 1913, as Chanel was opening her shop.
They represented a new kind of celebrity used to market a wide range of
products. The public was fascinated with all aspects of their private lives, and
the same would soon be true of Chanel.
Chanel was a particularly new breed in Europe, a self-made woman.105
After World War I, the aristocracy began to be less and less important. The
revolutions across Europe, and in particular the recent Russian revolution,
had proven how quickly aristocrats and royalty could be overturned. World
War I had thrown together men and women of all classes, beginning the
process of leveling the powerful class distinctions that had governed before
the war. Before World War I, a designer would never have socialized with his
or her clients, but by the end of the war such rigid class distinctions were
fracturing.106 Chanel, in particular, is responsible for changing the role of the
105 I say this with some restraint since her first investors were her lovers, but they were repaid, and withthe exception of their monetary support, Chanel really did build her business mostly on her own.106 Designers such as Charles Worth were not a part of high society. Designers had been seen on thesame level as dressmakers and tailors, as servants to their upper-class clients. Chanel broke that mold,
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designer, from paid servant to glamorous celebrity.107 Nancy Troy argues that
through her connection to wealthy and titled men, and her style, ―Chanel
attained a degree of celebrity that allowed her to overcome, or at least ignore,
the class distinctions that had previously prevented dressmakers from
achieving acceptance among wealthy and powerful elites.‖108
“Simplicity, Costly Simplicity”109
Chanel began constructing her public persona from her very early years
as the live-in lover of Étienne Balsan, a wealthy man with a passion for horses.
Chanel used clothing to distinguish herself from the other live-in mistresses
and kept women who favored decadent and highly adorned clothing. Chanel
preferred to wear simple clothes, including men‘s britches or jodhpurs for
riding, a favorite activity at Royallieu. Her unconventional style, which
favored men‘s clothes and simplicity over adornment, caught the eye of the
beau monde. She began selling hats after many of the women in her circle
wanted the same simple hats she was wearing. Her next lover, Boy Capel, set
her up with a shop in Paris. His fame as a polo player got Chanel‘s unique
style noticed at the clubs where he played. Chanel‘s presence on the polo field
“„Society‟ had never before opened its doors to couturiers, however talented they may have been, and
these creative women had been elegated to the status of faiseuses or „dressmakers‟…Then, suddenly,
for Chanel everything changed.”Charles-Roux, Chanel and Her World: Friends, Fashion, and Fame,203. Madsen, Chanel : A Woman of Her Own, 70.107 English, A Cultural History of Fashion in the Twentieth Century: From the Catwalk to the
Sidewalk , 31.108 Troy, "Chanel's Modernity," 19109 Baron Adolf de Meyer, "Drian Shows the Silhouette from Head to Heels," Harper’s Bazaar (August 1922), 51.
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As a girl who had grown up poor and then existed on the outskirts of
society as a kept woman, Chanel grew to despise many of the habits of the
very wealthy. She particularly hated their dishonesty, fickleness, and habit of
purchasing clothing through a private account that was sometimes only
settled yearly.111 It was widely known that Chanel preferred the company of
artists and musicians to the rich. In 1931, The New Yorker reported on
Chanel: ―Picasso says she has more sense than any woman in Europe and is
almost the only one he can talk to with comfort…Picabia, Chirco, Cocteau,
Christian Bérard, Bakst, Stravinsky [with whom Chanel had an affair], and
Diaghileff (sic) are among the important contemporary talents who have been
her familiars.‖112 Biographer Axel Madsen concludes that ―it was as if deep
down she rejected the glittering society that had made her rich.‖113 She was,
however, happy to take men from this society as lovers: Arthur ―Boy‖ Capel a
wealthy (but untitled) polo player, Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovitch, a grandson
of Czar Alexander II who escaped the revolution, and the recently divorced
Duke of Westminster, just to name the most famous. Despite a personal
ambivalence towards the upper echelons of society and to those who occupied
these spheres, Chanel knew that her popularity among the wealthy and titled
would guarantee the success of the rest of her business.114
111 Madsen, Chanel : A Woman of Her Own, 130, 126.112 Janet Flanner, "31 Rue Cambon," The New Yorker (14 March 1931), 27-28.113 Madsen, Chanel : A Woman of Her Own, 146.114 Her typical origin story was that she was born poor and when her mother died she was raised in thecountry by an aunt. See for example: Flanner, "31 Rue Cambon," 25.
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Chanel‘s fame was cemented when she introduced simple jersey
ensembles in her Deauville shop around 1915. Jersey, a simple machine-knit
fabric, had previously only been used for men‘s underwear and sportswear
and was notoriously difficult to work with because of its stretch. Through
her celebrity image as a modern woman, and the power that gave to her label,
Chanel turned jersey from a ―poor‖ fabric into one that signified modernity,
luxury, and youth. B y 1917, Chanel‘s name was synonymous with jersey.
While she was not the only designer to use this material, she was the designer
whose aesthetic was most associated with it. In 1917, Vogue reported that:
―Mlle Chanel is still devoted to jersey, which she has rendered as smart as the
classic serge in which we have frocked ourselves all our mortal lives.‖115 A
caption for a Chanel ensemble claims that ―this designer made jersey what it
is to-day —we hope she is satisfied.‖116 Vogue noted that Chanel herself wore
these jersey designs.117 Not only did Chanel launch jersey-style, she herself
embodied it.
One of the origin stories Chanel told for her use of jersey maintains
that she took one of Boy Capel‘s old sweaters and cut it down the front so she
wouldn‘t ha ve to pull it over her head. Adding some ribbon trim, a collar, and
tying it at the waist, Chanel claimed that she created a sensation among the
women in Deauville who demanded to know where she had gotten the dress:
―M y dear, my fortune is built on that old jersey that I‘d put on because it was
115 A.S., "Paris Stays at Home," Vogue (15 May 1917), 48.116 Ibid 50.117 idem, "The Fashions of Paris Lead the Simple Life," Vogue (1 August 1917), 31.
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cold in Deauville.‖118 This story, whether true or not, exemplifies the minimal
and androgynous style that got Chanel noticed even before she began to
design clothing. Once she extended her millinery business to include
sportswear, she ―became a young woman to watch. But her celebrity was
based on very little. Others might be famous by reason of their wealth or their
extravagance. When it came to Chanel, however, one simply said: ‗She is like
nobody else.‘‖119
According to another Chanel legend, she bought a large amount of
jersey (which had remained unsold for its intended purpose, men‘s
sportswear, because of the War) at a deep discount from the Rodier fabric
manufacturer. In a different version of this origin story, Rodier refused to
produce any more jersey for Chanel since he never imagined women would
buy dresses made from it. Chanel‘s stubbornness led her to prove him wrong
and convince him to produce more jersey for her.120 These stories, however
apocryphal, illustrate the ways in which Chanel attached her own personal
story to jersey fabric. They portray her as a modern iconoclast flying in the
face of conventional fashion, despite the fact that, in reality, fashion was
already moving in this direction. According to fashion historian Bonnie
English, ―Chanel‘s working-class background allowed her to respond
pragmatically to the shortage of fine textiles by replacing them with
pedestrian fabrics. More importantly the material symbolically represented a
118 Madsen, Chanel : A Woman of Her Own, 69.119 Charles-Roux, Chanel and Her World : Friends, Fashion, and Fame, 118.120 Madsen, Chanel : A Woman of Her Own, 81.
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revolutionary —and at the same time bourgeois—response to the previous use
of expensive haute couture fabrics.‖121
A vest sketched by Max Meyer exemplifies Chanel‘s casual and simple
jersey style.122 (Figure 22) Many of Chanel‘s early designs were based on this
simple low necked shawl collar. In one Max Meyer sketch, a low cut red coat
is worn over a dress with the same neckline worn over a blouse. (Figure 23)
Similar jersey designs were featured in Les Elegances Parisiennes in March
1917 and Vogue for January 15, 1917. (Figure 24)(Figure 25) These simple
designs were popular during the war, a time when women were dressing
somewhat more soberly. They had the added benefit of making the wearer
look casual and young. Instead of using luxurious fabrics and rich detailing to
show off a woman‘s wealth, these garments relied on simple lines and casual
style to create a clean, youthful, and sporty aesthetic. Chanel‘s personal style,
which reflected her antagonism towards the upper classes, was tailor made for
the War years. Her glamorous image gave this style a life after the war,
making it signify the youth and modernity that she embodied. Using her own
public image as a young glamorous and sporty New Woman, Chanel was able
to make simple clothes highly desirable.
121 English, A Cultural History of Fashion in the Twentieth Century: From the Catwalk to the
Sidewalk , 2-3.122 Max Meyer worked for A. Beller and Co., a high-end company that made women‟s ready-to-weargarments in New York based on the work of designers in Paris. Meyer sketched the work of Parisdesigners for the company from roughly 1915-1929. Many of these sketches are held in the FashionInstitute of Technology‟s Special Collections Library.
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Chanel had been in the right place at the right time to start her
business. In 1913, she returned to Deauville, and with the help of Capel,
opened a shop on the rue Gontaut-Biron. At some point she expanded her
business in this shop beyond just hats, to include sportswear. A New York
Times article from 1913 described Deauville as a place where new fashions
originated: ―what goes at Deauville is very apt to be considered fashionable
until December.‖123 The article also confirms that the rue Gontaut-Biron had
lately become the most fashionable street in Deauville, and mentions Chanel
coats as being frequently seen there in the morning.
Both pragmatically and symbolically, jersey was a perfect choice for
Chanel in building an image of a young and somewhat revolutionary fashion
brand. The novelty of using jersey was that it was not a luxury fabric, but
Chanel used it like one, selling her jersey garments for high prices, ―at 3,000
or 7,000 francs in 1915, today the cost of a typical dress would be well over
$2,000.‖124 Chanel knew that to get wealthy women to accept new materials
she needed to create a sense of luxury about them with high prices.125 In early
collections she used fur trim to enhance the jersey. (Figure 26) These jersey
ensembles led to her famous ―invention‖ of the ―little black dress.‖
123 "What Fashionable Folk Are Wearing at Deauville," New York Times, 21 September 1913.124 Troy, "Chanel's Modernity," 20.125 Interestingly in 1916 the New York Times reported that many American companies were copyingChanel‟s designs because they were so popular, but were changing the material from jersey to serge,
taffeta, or satin: the average woman does not want to pay $100 or more for a coat and skirt of Jerseycloth, because she has the right perception and feeling that this material is not for the city. BettinaBedwell, "Paris Frees Sports Styles," Chicago Daily Tribune, 30 April 1933, X2.
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Like almost every other innovation with which Chanel was credited,
she was not the first designer to create a little black dress. Rather she codified
the style of casual dress embodied by the design.126 Chanel, in large part
through her personal style, gave meaning to the little back dresses already on
the market. The simplicity of the little black dress fit perfectly with Chanel‘s
ethos of simple streamlined dressing. It was the polar opposite of the
overworked, gaudy ensemble of the generation before. The little black dress‘
closest kin was a maid‘s uniform or a shop-girl‘s dress. Chanel‘s biographers
frequently credit the nuns habits Chanel saw in the convent school she
attended as the precursor to the style. Others claim that the dress was a result
of the death of Boy Capel, her version of mourning clothes.127
Having made a name for herself as an individual with a distinctive
style, Chanel‘s name in turn became representative of that style, lending
simple garments like a little black dress a new level of cultural currency.
Similarly, Duchamp‘s artistic production depended on the many artistic and
authorial identities he created. The ―readymades,‖ such as Belle Helene were
created—ostensibly with complete aesthetic indifference— when Duchamp
chose an object, removed it from the context of everyday life and placed it ―in
the context of art through the operations of labeling (as in titles and
126 Steele, "Chanel in Context," 125.127 Alice Mackrell, Coco Chanel , Fashion Designers (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1991), 30.Edmonde Charles-Roux, Chanel: Her Life, Her World — and the Woman behind the Legend She
Herself Created , trans. Nancy Amphoux (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975), 43.
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inscriptions and/or display)‖128 The readymade had to be inscribed, or
framed artistically by an artist to make it legible as art. As in the infamous
case of Fountain (1917) for example, Duchamp turned a urinal into a work of
art by inscribing it with the signature of one of his alter-egos, R. Mutt, and
placing it on a pedestal in an art exhibition. Even then the status of the
readymade was not secure. It still resides in the liminal space between
individual art object and mass-produced commodity. Duchamp‘s adoption of
multiple artistic alter-egos called attention to the role of the artist as
authenticator of the avant-garde masterpiece.
Chanel‘s production worked in the same way. It was her labelthat
conferred value on the clothes she designed. Her label marked these clothes
as fashionable because they were designed and approved by her. Chanel
understood that by creating dresses that were easily reproducible, either by
the home sewer or a mass market manufacturer, she would only make her
own dresses more valuable. In The New Yorker, Janet Flanner says as much
in 1931:
Chanel was the only one to find (or at any rate to say) that copyistsfurnished excellent publicity since they popularized models amongpeople who otherwise could never afford them and in her case,anyhow, demonstrated the vast difference between an imitation andthe genuine article.129
In 1926 Vogue published a drawing of what would become one of
Chanel‘s famous little black dresses, proclaiming ―Here is a Ford signed
128 Janine A. Mileaf, Please Touch: Dada and Surrealist Objects after the Readymade (Hanover:Dartmouth College Press, 2010), 26.129 Flanner, "31 Rue Cambon," 26.
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‗Chanel‘.‖130 (Figure 27) Ford was famous for saying in 1909 that "Any
customer can have a car painted any color that he wants so long as it is
black"131 Chanel‘s dress functioned in much the same way. Her dictatorial
control over the colors in fashion was similar to that of Ford. Ford decided to
focus his manufacturing on one single model in 1909, the Model T. He
developed mass production techniques that made automobiles affordable for
―the great multitudes.‖132 Like Chanel he used simplified, streamlined
designs, but unlike Chanel, Ford wanted to make a car that any ―man making
a good salary,‖ would be able to buy.133 Ford wanted the Model T to be
ubiquitous. Chanel allowed copyists to make her little black dress ubiquitous,
but through her marketing of her own little black dresses she associated the
style with herself. This marketing was largely accomplished by dressing the
staff of her boutique in little black dresses, and wearing them herself. Buying
a Chanel little black dress then ensured true chic and quality. Troy explains
that through copying, Chanel‘s little black dress was able to move ―beyond
mere fashion to embody style itself.‖134 Like Duchamp, it was the act of
inscribing the garment, in Chanel‘s case with the house label, which conferred
the value of her personal style and celebrity on a simple black jersey dress.
The label on the dress transferred the style that Chanel embodied onto the
130 Charles-Roux, Chanel and Her World : Friends, Fashion, and Fame, 226.131Henry Ford and Samuel Crowther, My Life and Work (Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company,1923), 72.132 Ibid, 73.133 Ibid, 73.134 Troy, "Chanel's Modernity," 20.
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wearer of the dress. The presence of copies only made the genuine article
more valuable.
By the time of Janet Flanner‘s 1931 profile in The New Yorker, Chanel
had been firmly established as an ―iconoclastic designer,‖ who since her first
simple sailor dresses
has brought the essential items of most of the other humblertrade costumes into fashionable circles. She has put the apache’s sweater into the Ritz, utilized the ditch-digger‘s scarf, made chicthe white collars and cuffs of waitresses, and put queens intomechanics‘ tunics… By shrewdly sensing the Zeitgeist , Chanel
began turning out matrons and debutants on whomunornamented, workmanlike, though expensive, gowns and glass jewelry were exciting, chic, and becoming.135
Flanner praises Chanel‘s ―subversive‖ style and recognizes that the ways in
which Chanel‘s clothes turned traditional displays of wealth on their head.
She also notes the way that Chanel used high prices to encourage an air of
exclusivity about her clothes. She created a minimal style that was costly and
demanded a close attention to detail.
While Chanel pioneered the practice of the designer as muse, in the
beauty industry Elizabeth Arden and Helena Rubinstein were also building
their own public personae as a way of building their brands.136 They were
pioneers of public relations and while they would eventually have staffs to
promote their public images, these women started out as their own press
135 Flanner, "31 Rue Cambon," 25.136 Annie Turnbo Malone and Madame C.J. Walker were also hugely successful businesswomenmaking cosmetics for African American women, but are beyond the scope of this project since they donot participate in the world of high fashion in the way that Rubinstein and Arden do. Peiss, Hope in a
Jar: The Making of America's Beauty Culture, 61.
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agents.137 Like Chanel, Arden and Rubinstein carefully constructed celebrity
identities themselves to market their products, creating mythic pasts to sell
lipstick and face cream. Arden had her signature color ―Arden pink ,‖ which
was used everywhere in her salons and on her packaging. She had changed
her name from Florence Nightingale Graham to Elizabeth Arden.138 Arden
tended to create romantic myths about her childhood which, like Chanel‘s,
was marked by poverty and the loss of her mother. Both Arden and Chanel
loved cheap romance novels and probably picked up some of their talent for
spinning dreamy tales of their lives from these books. Arden started a rumor
that she was the daughter of a Scottish jockey, and ―‗grew up, with a whinny in
her ear‘ from the many horses her father kept on their farm in Woodbridge,
outside of Toronto.‖139 This story, which obscured the poverty of her youth, fit
in well with Arden‘s interest in horse racing. She used much of her wealth to
buy horses and create the Maine Chance Farm where she bred thoroughbreds.
Like Chanel, Arden also told stories about herself that fit perfectly with
the zeitgeist. For example, she joined a suffrage march on May 6th, 1912, less
for political reasons and more for promotional ones. The beautiful suffragette
137 Arden for example controlled all advertising copy for her products, even when advertisements were being made by outside agencies. Rubinstein traveled across the country in 1916 to scout retaillocations to stock her products, and had their staff sent to New York to be trained and outfitted inRubinstein uniforms. Woodhead, War Paint: Madame Helena Rubinstein and Miss Elizabeth Arden:
Their Lives, Their Times, Their Rivalry, 113-118. See also Peiss, Hope in a Jar : The Making of
America's Beauty Culture, 79.138 Rumor has it that Arden changed her name after parting ways with her business partner, ElizabethHubbard to avoid changing both the first and last names on her salon‟s sign.139 Lindy Woodhead writes that Arden must have started this myth herself, feeding it to the press, thequotation is from a New Yorker profile from April 6, 1935. Woodhead, War Paint: Madame Helena
Rubinstein and Miss Elizabeth Arden: Their Lives, Their Times, Their Rivalry, 55.
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herself and her business.143 Her first husband, Edward Titus, was an
important publisher of avant-garde books, and her salons were filled with
African and Oceanic art, as well as the work of Man Ray, Leger, Brancusi, and
Elie Nadelman.144 In 1937, Rubinstein even borrowed Man Ray‘s painting
Two Lovers (1932-36 depicting a giant pair of lips floating in a surreal
landscape) to use in a window display of lipstick.145
Chanel, Rubinstein, and Arden were just as aspirational as their
customers and the readers of Vogue and Harper’s Bazaar.146 These women
came from humble beginnings and created business empires that brought
them the wealth they had sought. All three women sensed a change in
popular culture in the early twentieth century. They realized that the public
was interested in products endorsed by celebrities. Arden, Rubinstein and
Chanel made themselves into the kind of women they wanted to buy their
products: wealthy, cultured and elite. Arden and Rubinstein knew that in
order to convince shop-girls and stenographers to buy a new face cream or
shade of lipstick they had to associate their products with glamour. They used
143 For an excellent overview see, Marie Joann Clifford, "Brand Name Modernism: HelenaRubinstein's Art Collection, Femininity, and the Marketing of Modern Style" (PhD dissertation,University of California, 1999), 179-215, and idem, "Helena Rubinstein's Beauty Salons, Fashion, andModernist Display," Winterthur Portfolio 38, no. 2/3 2003), 83-108.144 Rubinstein was a major lender to the important 1935 MoMA exhibition, African Negro Art . Herhusband Edward Titus also loaned some of her African pieces to Man Ray to use in photographs,including a famous image of Kiki de Montparnasse with an African mask. Woodhead, War Paint:
Madame Helena Rubinstein and Miss Elizabeth Arden: Their Lives, Their Times, Their Rivalry, 16,134.145 The painting was borrowed just after it was shown prominently in MoMA‟s 1936-27 exhibition, Fantastic Art, Dada, Surrealism. Clifford, "Brand Name Modernism: Helena Rubinstein's ArtCollection, Femininity, and the Marketing of Modern Style", 44-45.146 The aspirational woman is a crucial demographic to consider in studies of fashion and beauty, sinceit this group of women who help to spread trends beyond the upper classes, and find ways of applyinghigh fashion to their everyday, middle-class lives.
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themselves and their own lives to connect their products to a fantasy of
glamour, wealth, and leisure. These women not only marketed products, but
also ways of living.147
Rrose Selavy and the Artist as Celebrity in the 1910s and 1920s
Duchamp‘s alter ego Rrose Selavy first appeared as the copyright
holder on Duchamp‘s work Fresh Window in 1920.148 In early 1921 Man Ray
made the first photographic portraits of Rrose. A second sitting later that year
produced a second set of portraits of Rrose, which Duchamp used on the
bottle for his perfume readymade, Belle Haleine.(Figure 28) This readymade
was an empty Rigaud perfume bottle that Duchamp created a new label for
with one of Man Ray‘s photographs. The object was photographed by Man
Ray and appeared on the cover of the journal New York Dada (April 1921). In
the fall of 1921 while in Paris, Man Ray took the final set of images of Rrose
Selavy. (Figure 29) All of the photographs of Rrose are clearly based on
fashion and beauty images. They show Man Ray in a standard portrait
format. The set used on Bell Haleine shows Duchamp looking away from the
camera in short wig with a fussy feathered hat and a coat or cape with a
ruffled collar. The old fashioned ensemble is finished with a pearl choker and
147 Woodhead, War Paint: Madame Helena Rubinstein and Miss Elizabeth Arden: Their Lives, Their
Times, Their Rivalry, 6.148 At this point her name is spelled Rose. Anne Collins Goodyear and James W. McManus,"Inventing Marcel Duchamp: The Dynamics of Portraiture," in Inventing Marcel Duchamp: The
Dynamics of Portraiture, ed. Anne Collins Goodyear and James W. McManus (Cambridge: The MITPress, 2009), 152.
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as well as Rubinstein, Arden, and other fashion designers and beauty
entrepreneurs, significant and famous women who were creators. These
women signed their names to products— be they skin cream, lipstick, or
dresses— whose meaning and value was determined by their names. Jones
does align Man Ray‘s photographs of Rrose Selavy with advertising images
and celebrity photography —precisely the kind of work Man Ray was also
taking on at the time, as we will see in the next chapter. Jones argues that in
these photographs, ―by mimicking the advertising format, [Duchamp] unveils
its seductions, while producing new ones based specifically on his identity and
the photograph‘s subject and object.‖150
James McManus also acknowledges the role of advertising images in
Duchamp and Man Ray‘s depictions of Rrose. A recent catalog of Duchamp
portraits, Inventing Marcel Duchamp: The Dynamics of Portraiture, for
example, argues that Belle Haleine,
mocks advertising and marketing campaigns aimed atstandardizing notions of taste and beauty. Lending her image tothe project, Rrose, corporate figurehead (whose gender identity isquestionable), appears as Belle Haleine, spoofing celebrity figures(e.g. Coco Chanel) who were transforming their identities intoproduct brand names.151
While it is certainly instructive that McManus chooses Chanel as his example
of a 1920s celebrity, this analysis is rather narrow. Both McManus and Jones
150 Ibid, 168.151 James W. McManus, " Rrose Selavy (Recto) and Duchamp Looking through the Brawl at Austerlitz
(Verso)," in Inventing Marcel Duchamp: The Dynamics of Portraiture, ed. Anne Collins Goodyearand James W. McManus (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2009), 146. This idea is reiterated in idem, "NotSeen and/or Less Seen," in Inventing Marcel Duchamp: The Dynamics of Portraiture, ed. AnneCollins Goodyear and James W. McManus (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2009), 75.
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connect the images of Rrose to fashion and beauty culture on the level of
―parody,‖ and without doubt this is a part of the meaning of these images. Yet
I want to think about how these images, and their adoption of the tactics of
fashion marketing, also reflected changes in the art world, and Duchamp‘s
own refiguring of the role of the artist. What Duchamp did with these Rrose
Selavy images and his reuse of them, commented on the ways that this
personal ―branding,‖ or what we might today call ―lifestyle marketing,‖ had
taken over the art world as well as the world of consumer culture, with artists
as its willing accomplices.
It is well established that Marcel Duchamp, Man Ray, and other Dada
artists were responding to the horrific mechanization of violence during
World War I, a crisis of masculinity, the rapid expansion of mass production,
and consumerism.152 With the rise of celebrity culture through an
increasingly global (or at least transatlantic) network of media, a new cult of
celebrity was developing around certain artists as it was around eccentric
women. Duchamp was one such artist. His Nude Descending a Staircase had
made such a splash at the 1913 Armory show that he was famous in America
even before he arrived. While the painting had created a scandal, and had
been mercilessly mocked by the press, Duchamp was treated ―with respect, if
not reverence…these articles inducted Duchamp into a new culture of
152 See: Jones, "Equivocal Masculinity: New York Dada in the Context of World War I," 164.Caroline A. Jones, "The Sex of the Machine: Mechanomorphic Art, New Women, and FrancisPicabia's Neurasthenic Cure," in Picturing Science, Producing Art , ed. Caroline A. Jones and PeterGalison (New York: Routledge, 1998), 151. Ring, "New York Dada and the Crisis of Masculinity :Man Ray, Francis Picabia, and Marcel Duchamp in the United States, 1913-1921", 14.
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celebrity.‖153 Nancy Ring points to Vanity Fair as a key site for the promotion
of the artist as celebrity, as did fashion magazines for fashion culture.154 The
September 1915 issue ran an article announcing, ―Marcel Duchamp has
arrived in New York! You don‘t know him? Impossible! Why he painted the
‗Nude Descending a Staircase‘.‖155 Vogue and Harper’s Bazaar also
participated in this phenomenon with regular columns on art that often
covered contemporary artists. In 1922 Reginald Marsh depicted the artists
and bohemians of Greenwich Village for a Harper’s Bazaar spread, "So This
is that Greenwich Village Where All Those Queer Artists Live." Duchamp is
shown ―descending the staircase (subway) in the middle of Sheridan
Square.‖156 (Figure 30)(Figure 31)
Nancy Ring argues that Duchamp worked to upset the belief among the
editorial staff at Vanity Fair that ―access to the artist, conceived of as an
individual at some distance from commercial culture, was the basis for a
comprehension of modern art.‖157 Instead Duchamp
willingly inserted himself into New York‘s culture of celebrity, but refused in his early interviews to comply with its many codesfor representing artists. Most obviously, he problematizes theidea of the artist as a distinctive individual with a rich interior lifeand a scandalous character by concealing his thoughts and
153 Ring, "New York Dada and the Crisis of Masculinity: Man Ray, Francis Picabia, and MarcelDuchamp in the United States, 1913-1921", 199-200.154 Ibid, 206.155“ Marcel Duchamp Visits New York," Vanity Fair (September 1915), 57.156 “So This Is that Greenwich Village Where All Those Queer Artists Live," Harper’s Bazaar (October 1922), 152.157 Ring, "New York Dada and the Crisis of Masculinity: Man Ray, Francis Picabia, and MarcelDuchamp in the United States, 1913-1921", 210.
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emotions and steering away from making definitivepronouncements.158
Many of the short-lived avant-garde magazines of this period also participated
in this celebrity culture, though sometimes in jest. New York Dada, which
featured Belle Haleine on its cover, had an article titled, ―Pug Debs Make
Society Bow,‖ which engaged with the blending in the 1920s of celebrity and
fashion. The article describes a coming-out party planned by Mina Loy to
―introduce the Marsden Hartleys and the Joseph Stellas to society...everybody
who is who will be who-er than ever that night.‖159
The sarcastic articlemimics the language of society pages and fashion reporting, describing what
Hartley and Stella will wear to the ball. Unlike Vanity Fair, publications such
as New York Dada were meant for a small audience of artists and intellectuals
in the Dada circle. New York Dada’s anarchic and absurd content employed
fashion discourse to mock Dada‘s ow n celebrity culture. Baroness Elsa von
Freytag-Loringhoven was also a celebrity among the Greenwich Village crowd,
and two portraits of her are included in New York Dada.160 Her unusual
ensembles made from found (and sometimes stolen) objects made her a
notorious character. Florine Stettheimer‘s paintings of the New York art
scene in the 1920s show the luminaries of the period and the important
158 Ibid, 210.159 Pug Debs Make Society Bow," New York Dada (April 1921), n.p.160 Interestingly, the Baroness remains somewhat of a celebrity. A fictional account of her life has
been written, Holy Skirts by René Steinke and actress Brittney Murphy posed as the Baroness for afashion spread in the New York Times Magazine. René Steinke, "My Heart Belongs to Dada," New
York Times Magazine (Fall 2002), 190-198. Rene Steinke, Holy Skirts (New York: William Morrow,2005).
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salons. Stettheimer‘s diaries refer to her paintings of Duchamp as
―advertisements‖ for him.161 While Francis Naumann is baffled by this
remark, it seems clear that Stettheimer thought of her paintings as publicizing
the avant-garde circle of which she was a part. It is clear from Naumann‘s
confusion that he is uncomfortable blurring the lines between art and
advertisement, but in essence this is what Duchamp‘s work was always doing.
Nauman is not the only scholar uncomfortable with the relationship
between Duchamp‘s art and commerce. As we have seen, when commerce is
acknowledged by art historians examining Duchamp‘s work, it is often seen as
the object of mockery by the artist. Duchamp comments on advertising and
fashion, but these subjects apparently have no bearing on his own work.
Janine Mileaf rightly counters this argument, writing that the readymade
ackno wledges, ―the close allegiance between art and commerce without giving
in to either side of the equation.‖162 It is precisely this precarious allegiance
that is at play in Duchamp‘s work that makes it so difficult for his critics.
Duchamp does not solve the problem, but rather leaves both sides—art and
commerce—exposed for his audience to recognized. Mileaf and Matthew
Witkovsky go so far as to identify Dada, in Paris at least, as a ―brand name,‖
writing that, ―Of all the Dada cities, it was Paris that most emphatically made
Dada into a recognizable brand name. With crowds of thousands and a steady
161 Francis M. Naumann, New York Dada, 1915-23 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1994), 151.162 Mileaf, Please Touch: Dada and Surrealist Objects after the Readymade, 28.
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example, ―M. Rigaud has visualized through perfume, for our eternal delight,
the very spirit of the great artiste, Mary Garden,‖ and with Carolina White,
Rigaud had created a scent ―as elusive and appealing as the delightful
personality of the artiste herself.‖164 Duchamp may have been referring to
these scents when he personified the artiste Rrose Selavy in a perfume.
Meanwhile in France, Coco Chanel had also developed her own scent,
Chanel No. 5, and launched it in 1921 the same year Duchamp made Belle
Haleine.165 This was the first scent to be named for a fashion designer.166
Chanel, of course, was also famous for her style and glamorous life in 1921
and this certainly accounted for the popularity of her new scent. She
developed the fragrance with Ernst Beaux, a perfumer who was experimenting
with synthetic scents. Chanel wanted to make a perfume abstract and
modern.167 She supposedly told Beaux, ―I don‘t want hints of roses, of lilies of
the valley …I want a perfume that is composed. It‘s a paradox. On a woman a
natural flower scent smells artificial . Perhaps a natural perfume must be
created artificially.‖168 The artificiality of the scent was crucial for Chanel.
164 Riker and Hegeman Drug Stores Advertisement, Washington Post , 16 Febuary 1913.165A few sources give different dates for Chanel No. 5, but most agree on 1921. See for example, DeLa Haye and Tobin, Chanel : The Couturière at Work , 36. Kenneth E. Silver, "Flacon and Fragrance:The New Math of Chanel No. 5," in Chanel (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2005), 31.Richard Howard Stamelman, Perfume : Joy, Obsession, Scandal, Sin : A Cultural History of
Fragrance from 1750 to the Present (New York: Rizzoli, 2006), 244.166 Paul Poiret had a line of fragrances, but they were named for his daughters.167 Silver, "Flacon and Fragrance: The New Math of Chanel No. 5," 31.168 Madsen, Chanel : A Woman of Her Own, 133.
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Her perfume was the first high end scent to use synthetic aldehydes.169
Chanel and Beaux used a synthetic scent which, in combination with the scent
of real jasmine, created a perfume that lasted much longer than natural
scents. Chanel chose a simple flacon for the perfume that looked like a
pharmaceutical bottle and gave the scent a number instead of a flowery name.
Some say she chose five because it was her favorite number, or because the
scent she chose was the fifth sample Beaux created. No matter why she chose
the number five, the name Chanel No. 5 certainly played up the modernity
and scientific chemical content of the perfume.
The Rigaud bottle that Duchamp had chosen for his perfume, while
quite simple, was radically different from Chanel‘s geometric one. The Rigaud
bottle, an Art Nouveau design, was a bit out of step with new Art Deco trends,
exemplified by Chanel‘s minimal bottle. The bottle‘s simple and generic
shape provided the ideal platform for him to change the label. According to
Richard Howard Stamelman, Rigaud‘s Un Air Embaumé was heavily
advertised and popular at the time Duchamp made Belle Haleine.170 It would
have been a bottle that many women would recognize.171 A 1920 issue of
Harper’s Bazaar, for example, included an ad for the perfume calling it ―the
169 Aldehydes are a class of chemicals often described as giving perfume a sparkling, or champagne-like quality. Ernst Beaux also used benzyl acetate in the perfume, a chemical which in combinationwith jasmine extract creates a longer lasting fragrance.170 Stamelman, Perfume: Joy, Obsession, Scandal, Sin : A Cultural History of Fragrance from 1750 to
the Present , 194.171 This strikes me as potentially interesting in relation to the Mad Caps, and the idea of maybe acounterpublic for this art, the idea of what women saw when they were looking at this work.
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into a bit more of a garçonne. Man Ray‘s first photographs of Duchamp as
Rrose, with no makeup and an old fashioned pearl choker and brooch, call
attention to the transvestite performance. The fussy feathered hat and ruffled
collar threaten to take over the images, fashion crowds out the face of the
celebrity. Man Ray‘s highly focused image reveals Duchamp‘s rough skin, not
the soft skin of a beautiful woman. Duchamp and Man Ray created an image
that fails to seduce the viewer, calling attention to the function of the
advertising image.
Chanel‘s advertising images, on the other hand, are highly seductive.
She was depicted as young and modern. Caricaturist Sem (George Goursat)
made advertising posters for Chanel, using the distinctive square bottle of
Chanel No. 5 centrally in the ads. Chanel‘s bottle is often said to look like a
man‘s bottle of cologne, perhaps adapted from one of her lover‘s bottles.174
Wherever the idea came from, Chanel‘s bottle evoked a sense of masculinity
that made her perfume different and sexy. This is apparent in one of Sem‘s
posters in which a young woman with a chic garçonne haircut and low-
waisted dress throws her head back, looking back longingly to the Chanel No.
5 bottle above her. (Figure 34) Another advertisement shows Chanel in her
atelier watching a fitting. (Figure 35) Chanel sits languorously on a couch,
cigarette in hand, adorned with a long string of her signature pearls. While
she seems to be touching some fabric bolts draped across the couch, this is the
174 "Temptation, Joy & Scandal: Fragrance & Fashion 1900-1950 ", ((Exhibition Pamphlet) NewYork: The Museum at FIT, 2004) n.p. Edwin T. Morris, Fragrance: The Story of Perfume from
Cleopatra to Chanel (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1984), 203.
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out of fashion: ―Rrose was an awful name in 1920,‖ yet was typical of the kind
of words used by cosmetics makers. 178 In addition to flower names, using
French words was also a key marketing tactic used by American beauty
companies to make their products seem exotic and fashionable.179 For Belle
Haleine, Duchamp carefully chose typesetting to mimic that of the original
Rigaud perfume. The name of the perfume, Belle Haleine is often noted as a
double entendre, sounding in French like both beautiful Helen, and beautiful
breath, which Richard Howard Stamelman notes evokes the idea of bad
breath, a strange pairing with perfume.180 Belle Hélène evokes the famous
mythic beauty Helen of Troy, and almost certainly an operetta by Jacques
Offenbach, La Belle Hélène (1864) that enjoyed a successful revival in Paris at
the Gaieté in 1920. The show landed on the pages of Vogue in the United
States in a spread on fashions in the theater. The revival of the operetta
apparently included an updated version of a procession of manikins, featuring
some very modern dresses including one illustrated in Vogue. (Figure 36)
Duchamp‘s wordplay continues in calling his perfume not eau de toilette, but
Eau de Voilette (veil water).181 While Duchamp‘s perfume is named for Belle
178 Janine A. Mileaf, "Bachelorettes," in Inventing Marcel Duchamp: The Dynamics of Portraiture, ed.Anne Collins Goodyear and James W. McManus (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2009), 49.179 Ring, "New York Dada and the Crisis of Masculinity: Man Ray, Francis Picabia, and MarcelDuchamp in the United States, 1913-1921," 231-232.180 Stamelman, Perfume : Joy, Obsession, Scandal, Sin : A Cultural History of Fragrance from 1750 to
the Present , 196.181 There is a complex wordplay going on here Duchamp conflates the French words for violet, rapeand veil. Stamelman connects Voilette to Duchamp‟s acts of veiling in this work. Veiling his own
gender in the photograph as Rrose and veiling the original perfume bottle, giving it a new name andcelebrity endorsement. There are a number of readings for this wordplay that go beyond the scope ofmy particular interest in this object. Ibid, 198
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writing about each other. While Duchamp was clearly critiquing the new
status of the artist as celebrity, his art also depended on this new structure.
The fame Duchamp had achieved through his controversial painting Nude
Descending a Staircase conferred avant-garde value on his other works. His
readymades depended on his construction of himself as an artist, and his
construction of alter-egos in order to be understood as art.
Chanel and the Dandy
Likewise, Chanel had to create a structure in which her minimal clothes
could be understood as chic, luxurious, and modern as opposed to simple and
―poor.‖ By creating a striking persona, and wearing her designs herself,
Chanel gave her brand name meaning. Her clothes were associated with her
persona, allowing her to make simple chic clothes stand not just for wealth,
but also good taste. In recent literature, Chanel has often been associated
with the dandy, precisely because the stance of the dandy emphasized that
wealth often did not guarantee taste.184 The aesthetics of the dandy at the
beginning of the 19th century, as championed by Beau Brummel, embraced a
restrained masculine elegance.185 A dandy should look perfectly put together
and effortless at the same time. They were responding to what they saw as the
184 See for example, Steele, "Chanel in Context," 119. Or Evans and Thornton, Women & Fashion : A
New Look , 122-123.185 The idea of the “dandy” has taken on many meanings since it was first coined at the turn of the 19 th century. It often simply refers to a man who takes a particular interest in dressing, or who isexcessively ornamented. It begins to refer to roughly the same man as the more recent and perhapsunfortunate term “metro-sexual.” I‟ve chosen to focus on the early Brummell incarnation of the dandyas it is the most relevant to Chanel.
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simplified clothing.187 Chanel made perfectly tailored, but casual clothes the
epitome of wealth and class.
Brummell‘s dandy also emphasizes the construction and artificiality of
fashion—in particular through the painstaking ritual of dressing. Many of
Chanel‘s styles worked in this way, her use of costume jewelry as well as the
use of synthetic chemicals in her perfume emphasized the construction of
codes of wealth. They also demonstrated the malleability of the signs of
wealth and stylishness. Paul Poiret famously called Chanel‘s early style
―miserabilisme de luxe,‖ meaning ―deluxe poverty.‖188 This was an apt name
for a style that mimicked the uniforms of maids, shop-girls, and stable boys
but through the power of Chanel‘s celebrity came to signify glamour, wealth
and luxury.189 One didn‘t just dress like a maid in a black dress, a woman had
to wear the black dress in just the right way, with just the right accessories for
the look to be high fashion.
Chanel introduced simple clothes that became a uniform for style, but
the art came in wearing them perfectly. She was the ultimate model of her
clothes, demonstrating how they were to be worn properly, and often making
pronouncements in the press about how her clothes ought to be worn.
Newspapers often reported the clothes that Chanel herself was wearing, to
187 It is also worth noting that both Brummell and Chanel created styles which resisted the changingwhims of fashions. Both believed in a sense of timeless style. Steele, "Chanel in Context," 126.188 Evans and Thornton, Women & Fashion: A New Look , 125.189 Paul Poiret claimed that women in the 1920s, “now…resemble little undernourished telephone
clerks.” Ibid, 130.
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parties or in the fashionable resorts.190 In another instance Mary Brush
Willams spends over half of her column, ―The Last Word in Paris Fashion,‖ on
October 29, 1922 describing Chanel and wondering what makes her so chic.191
The article also includes an illustration of Chanel in one of her own creations,
alongside three other ensembles on unnamed models. William‘s description
of Chanel certainly fits the profile of the dandy:
She has a lot of chic…and much of it comes from her look of greatindifference, almost of insolence…the gown she wore was almostnothing…of course she enwound it w ith pearls—for she is rich
and jewel loving. Who is not that has succeeded in art?...Hercoiffeur was awfully chic and typical of the Parisian hairarrangement of the present. It was done close to her head, andleft a little shaggy…there was not any sense of carelessness as ifthat unkemptness had just happened. It had been studied,mapped out, and practiced on in advance.192
Chanel is described as rich and perfectly but simply dressed with every detail
done right, but at the same time looking indifferent—as if the look came about
accidentally. Williams goes on to describe how Chanel‘s deportment teaches
women to ―spend your entire life getting ready, and look as if you never
thought about such a thing.‖193 Chanel had carefully created a look of
effortless chic that she was willing to share with customers, for the right price.
Chanel‘s public persona, and the way she dressed herself defined this fashion
and set her apart from other designers whose clothes were not as closely
linked to their personal style or lives.
190 Evening Gowns Worn at the Ritz in Paris," Washington Post , 19 March 1922, 59.191 Mary Brush Williams, "The Last Word in Paris Fashions," Chicago Daily Tribune, 29 October1922, C1.192 Ibid C1.193 Ibid C1.
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Both Chanel and Duchamp found ways of working on the line between art and
commerce, blurring the already fuzzy boundary.
Romanov Pearls and Westminster Tweeds
Chanel redefined the role of the fashion designer, ushering in a era in
which women dominated the industry. She created the model of a female
designer as her own muse. She was seen as designing for herself as much or
more so than her customers. This is a model that would be used by Elsa
Schiaparelli, and would reemerge after World War II with women such as
Mary Quant and Betsy Johnson in the 1960s, Diane Von Furstenberg in the
1970s, and Vivienne Westwood in the 1980s. Essential to the success of this
model was the way that trends that Chanel advocated were connected to her
personal life, and particularly the men she was seeing. For example when she
began seeing Grand Duke Dmitri in 1922 he gave her Romanov pearls. She
had a fake copy of the pearls made, and began wearing the real and fake
pearls as a signature style. Flanner wrote that ―the only thing she‘s really
interested in wearing is pearls.‖201 Other stories claim that Chanel got her
first string of pearls in exchange for a Cartier tiara that Boy had given her, but
which Chanel found too ostentatious. Whether or not Chanel created this
look, it came to be associated with her.202 Many American ads touted pearls
201 Flanner, "31 Rue Cambon," 28.202 The famous American costume jewelry designer Miriam Haskell was said to have sold her own jewelry alongside Chanel‟s to attract more business. Deanna Farneti Cera, The Jewels of Miriam
in ―Chanel Pink‖ or ―Chanel‘s newest pearls—in pastel tints.‖203 An
advertisement for Bullock‘s in the Los Angeles Times tells readers that ―all
European Marts were searched for fashionable Jewelry Accessories for the
costume complete idea that is a present Vogue,‖ and features ―Many pearls
(simulated of course) after those made famous by Chanel in Paris.‖204
Wanamaker‘s advertised, ―New pearl necklaces as introduced by Gabrielle
Chanel, presented by the Bijoux Shop where Mlle Chanel‘s distinctive jewelry
was first introduced to America..‖ for $25.205 Bettina Bedwell reported in the
Chicago Daily Tribune that the Parisienne woman,
is often content to wear the simplest of dresses and the plainestof clothes, but she will not forgo that carefully studied trifle ofher toilette which is the insignia of individuality. Just now thefancy of the Parisienne is completely held by artificial jewelry anda favorite is the necklace introduced by Chanel, composed ofimitation pearls the size of large marbles sparsely strung upon aslender chain and fitted close to the throat.206
The Vogue for fake pearls represented another way in which Chanel mixed
high and low, and changed old ideas about displays of wealth. In this case it
was not the value of the pearls themselves but the value of the Chanel name
that gave the wearer cachet. Chanel found masses of real jewels to be an
obscene show of wealth, but masses of fake ones were perfectly stylish.207 Of
course Chanel charged lavish prices even for her costume jewelry. Even the
203 Bonwit Teller & Co. advertisement, New York Times 5 October 1924, 5. Best & Co.Advertisement," New York Times 11 September 1924, 4.204 Bullock's Advertisement, Los Angeles Times 12 October 1924, C33.205 The John Wanamaker Store News, New York Times 3 April 1924, 7.206 Bettina Bedwell, "The Last Word in Paris Fashion," Chicago Daily Tribune, 20 July 1924, C4.207 Evans and Thornton, Women & Fashion : A New Look , 125.
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name of Chanel‘s costume jewelry, ―vrais bijoux en toc,‖ (―real fake jewelry‖),
emphasized the dandiacal sense of artificiality in fashion that she was
courting:208 Costume jewelry caught on in Europe and in the United States.
In Anita Loos‘ Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, Lorelai Lee reports that ―quite a lot
of the famous girls in Paris had imitations of all their jewelry and put the
jewelry in a safe and they really wore the imitations, so they could wear it and
have a good time.‖209 Lorelai naturally cannot see the point, and prefers the
real thing.
In the mid 1920‘s, Chanel began to exploit the Vogue in Paris for all
things Russian. At the time she was seeing the Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovitch,
a grandson of Czar Alexander II. In this so called ―Slav‖ period, she also
created copies of many other pieces of Russian jewelry, often from the Grand
Duke‘s collection, and adapted lavishly embroidered Russian peasant styles to
her collections. (Figure 37) These styles were being used by many designers at
the time, in large part due to the influx to Paris of Russian nobility who were
fleeing the revolution.210 These aristocrats became a sensation in Paris.211
The Washington Post reported in a headline, ―Hungry Paris Shop Girls Once
Graced Czar‘s Court: Russian exiles in French capital reverse legend of
208 Farneti Cera, The Jewels of Miriam Haskell , 13.209 Anita Loos, "Gentlemen Prefer Blondes": The Illuminating Diary of a Professional Lady (NewYork: Boni & Liveright, 1925), 97.210 Eleanor Gunn, "Russia and Her Vivid Colors," Washington Post, 26 April 1922, 8.211 The vogue for deposed Russian aristocrats in Paris was also reflected in several films, including Roberta (1935), a musical about a former Russian Princess, and couturier whose partner dies leavingher half of the business to her nephew, an American football player. Much like Chanel‟s business
Madame Roberta‟s fashion house is also populated by former Russian aristocrats who work as models,doormen, and chauffeurs. Ginger Rodgers plays an American singer posting as Comtesse Scharwenka,telling Huckleberry Haines (Fred Astaire) “You‟ve got to have a title to croon over here.”
became known as the ―Chanel slouch.‖218 This casual pose, like many of
Chanel‘s gestures, flew in the face of conventional manners.
Evans and Thornton argue that Chanel‘s adoption of men‘s styles are a
part of the upwardly mobile language of the dandy, ―informed by the attack on
individual social restrictions in the interest of self advancement.‖219 They
conclude that ―her design practice suggests that, for women, dressing for
power involves the adoption of a masculine cult of distinction. At once
revolutionary and conservative…‖220 Chanel used masculine clothing to build
her celebrity persona. Whatever significance her adoption of men‘s styles had
in the realms of gender politics, it was certainly memorable. The clothes that
Chanel was making in the 1920s were not nearly as mannish as the clothes she
wore. While Chanel‘s designs did follow a rigidly boyish line, they never really
verged into the cross-dressing territory that she did in her personal style.
(Figure 46) Chanel‘s personal wardrobe paved the way for her designs. For
example, when Chanel came to the United States in the early 1930 to work in
Hollywood, Janet Flanner reported that her ―trousseau contains a half -dozen
of the little jersey coats-and-skirts for which she is famous and a half-dozen
evening gowns, made to look as much as possible like the famous little coats-
and-skirts.‖221 In all of these cases—her adoption of Russian motifs, pearls,
English tweeds, menswear—she was not creating clothes that were radically
218 Harold Koda and Andrew Bolton, Chanel (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2005),201.219 Evans and Thornton, Women & Fashion : A New Look , 124-126.220 Ibid, 132.221 Flanner, "31 Rue Cambon," 28.
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different from her contemporaries. Yet these particular styles became closely
associated with her because of her public persona, the men she was seen with,
the places where she was vacationing. Chanel‘s lifestyle perfectly fit the
clothes that were popular in the 1920s.222
When Chanel arrived in Hollywood in February of 1931, she was
already a well known figure in the United States. Vanity Fair nominated her
to their ―Hall of Fame‖ in June. As they wrote, she
was the first to apply the principals of modernism to
dressmaking; because she numbers among her friends the mostfamous men of France; because she combines a shrewd businesssense with an enormous personal prodigality and a genuine, iferratic enthusiasm for the art; and finally because she came to America to make a laudable attempt to introduce chic toHollywood.223
Like Duchamp, Chanel had constructed an image of herself as a glamorous
woman, who was more like her clients than a typical dress designer. It is clear
from the press coverage surrounding her arrival in the United States that, like
Duchamp, her reputation preceded her.
The Celebrity Personas of Duchamp and Chanel
Duchamp created outlandish personas that were rather detached from
himself, and designed to create scandal. Chanel‘s public persona, though
highly constructed, was closely coupled with herself and her life. Chanel‘s
designs were not detached from her, in the way that the work of her
222 Troy, "Chanel's Modernity," 19.223 “We Nominate for the Hall of Fame," Vanity Fair (June 1931), 66.
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sportswear is a possible source for Duchamp‘s pose.224 (Figure 48) This
photograph certainly aligns Rrose with modern fashion, even if it is a bit
down-market. She is certainly no match for the full fledged flapper or
garçonne of the same period such as the one in a 1920-22 Berley Studios
sketch of a Miller Soeurs pleated sheath dress with a modernist asymmetrical
cardigan, and a cloche hat over perfectly cropped hair.225 (Error! Reference
source not found.) It is clear that Duchamp is directly appropriating fashion
imagery. He is engaging directly with fashion‘s position in between art and
commodity.
In a fashion illustration from Harper’s Bazaar’s August 1922 issue,
fashion illustrator Drian shows Chanel‘s new silhouette for the season. (Figure
49) This drawing shows the designer herself in her own design. The drawing
is labeled simply ―Mademoiselle Chanel,‖ while the other dress on the page is
labeled ―The Callot Silhouette.‖ (Figure 50) Photographer Baron Adolf deMeyer explains in the captions,
Chanel conceives clothes from an entirely different angle: theindividuality of the woman predominates, the gown is designedas but a background… Although skirts and waists daily growlonger, Mademoiselle Chanel still remains a delightfulexception. She clings to her short and narrow styles, which she
224 Or perhaps it was Duchamp‟s friend Grace Ewing‟s inspiration since she lent Duchamp the hat and
her hands for this photograph according to Susan Fillin-Yeh, "Dandies, Marginality and Modernism:Georgia O'Keeffe, Marcel Duchamp and Other Cross-Dressers," Oxford Art Journal 18, no. 2 (1995),33.225 The Berley Studios was a subscription service for fashion sketches owned by Ethel Rabin.American manufacturers and design rooms subscribed to get sketches of the latest Paris fashions aswell as original designs. Sketches are held in the Fashion Institute of Technology Library‟s special
collections. Miller Soeurs was a small fashion house in Paris which started out making copies ofdesigners clothing and, “After they'd copied for a while, they got so they could design well enoughthemselves so they set up a model house of their own.” Hawes, Fashion Is Spinach, 63.
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herself wears—how well, I hardly need say, as everyone knowsher, if only by sight. These suit her youthful type, especially asshe generally relieves the extreme simplicity and girlishness ofher appearance by adding many gorgeous strings of pearls of
dazzling luster. Chanel has succeeded in making simplicity,costly simplicity, the keynote of the fashion of the day.226
This drawing reflects the typical and iconic representation of Chanel in the
early 1920s. Dressed simply in black with her signature pearls, striking a
powerful pose with her hands on her hips, Chanel looks away from the viewer.
Her hat in this drawing is quite like that of Rrose, but even simpler, without
the modernist patterned band. Standing in her familiar relaxed slouchedpose, Chanel is strong and in control, thinking her own thoughts, and denying
the viewer‘s gaze. As the caption makes clear, Chanel was famous enough by
1922 that ―everyone knows her.‖
Chanel created a signature style associated with her own body. This
style is clearly connected to Chanel herself in a manner different from that of
her contemporaries. She designed clothes that she herself wore, clothes that
expressed the youthful and sporty image of herself that she had created.
Through this image, Chanel made her jersey clothes desirable because they
expressed the youthful and casual lifestyle that she embodied. In an essay
originally published in Marie Claire in 1967, Roland Barthes argues that ―the
creations of Chanel challenge the very idea of fashion,‖ because fashion relies
on ever changing tastes and trend, while ―Chanel always works on the same
model which she merely ‗varies‘ from year to year… The very thing that
226 de Meyer, "Drian Shows the Silhouette from Head to Heels," 51.
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negates fashion, long life, Chanel makes into a precious quality.‖227 Chanel‘s
rebellion against the traditional system of fashion with its cycles, trends, and
ephemeral qualities is, according to Barthes, a rejection of ―the vulgarities of
petty bourgeois clothing.‖228 She was also rejecting the intricate and
mannered styles of the upper classes in her use of jersey, fake pearls, and
synthetic scents. Returning to Nancy Troy‘s original comparison with which
this chapter opened, we can see that both Chanel and Duchamp flourished ―in
the interstices between the unique couture creation [or art object] and the
mechanical reproduction designed for the masses.‖229 Chanel‘s constructed
public persona was the key to her success in promoting her style of dressing
and her designs.
Duchamp and Chanel exploited the celebrity culture of the 1920s to
market themselves. Both relied on their images to give their products value.
Steele writes that ―Chanel was typical of the entire modernist movement. To
the extent that she stands out, it is because she most successfully synthesized,
publicized and epitomized a look that many other people developed.‖230
Could the same be said of Duchamp? Man Ray, Baroness Elsa von Freytag-
Loringhoven, and even Picasso were creating sculpture from everyday objects
in the same v ein as Duchamp‘s readymades, but it is Duchamp who is most
closely associated with this practice. More than Chanel, Duchamp was
227 Roland Barthes, "The Contest between Chanel and Courrèges," in The Language of Fashion, ed.Andy Stafford and Michael Carter, trans. Andy Stafford (Oxford: Berg, 2006), 106.228 Ibid, 107.229 Troy, "Chanel's Modernity," 20.230 Steele, "Chanel in Context," 122.
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creating a new artistic practice, one which in many ways stemmed from the
commercial world that she worked in. Duchamp‘s reference to the world of
fashion and beauty culture, his performances as Rrose Selavy and in Belle
Haleine, do not simply mock these industries, nor do they critique art‘s
relationship to commerce. Duchamp is explicitly connecting his practice to
fashion. He re-imagines the artist as a fashionable tastemaker whose work is
made in part though the act of shopping, as in the readymades.
Rrose Selavy reveals the important relationship between Duchamp‘s
work and the commercial world of fashion. Mileaf describes ―the readymade
[as] a genre that ultimately rejects representation and places the object in an
unmediated relationship with its viewer. The readymade speaks of
consumption and production as if art, distilled to its elemental functions,
were nothing more than yearning, or possibility.‖231 She argues that through
his engagement with mass-produced commercial objects, Duchamp
condenses the experience of art into to the experience of desire. I would argue
that this is precisely the desire elicited by the fashion image, an image like
Drian‘s illustration of Chanel, or even Man Ray‘s photograph of Rrose Selavy.
Minna Thornton and Caroline Evans explain that,
The [fashion photograph] is not constructed to satisfy hunger but to articulate one. Fashion imagery generates images of women for women that both evoke depth and deny meaning.Does the way in which one ‗animates‘ these images characterizea specifically female desire? In being unable to fulfill itspromises, the fashion image replicates an absence or a loss, and
231 Mileaf, Please Touch: Dada and Surrealist Objects after the Readymade, 45-7.
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points towards whatever it is that one doesn‘t have or can‘t get,towards desire itself.‖232
This description applies not only to the fashion photograph, but to any
fashion image. It can be applied to the fashionable image Chanel created of
herself. Through her style and self presentation, she articulated a desire
among women in the 1910s and 1920s to live modern lives dressed in modern
clothes. Through her own embodiment of the spirit of the ―new woman,‖
Chanel connected the modern clothes being made by many designers in the
1910s and 1920s with the new kinds of lives that many women yearned for:glamorous, fast paced, sporty, and independent.
Duchamp, in the creation of Rrose Selavy, articulated the ways in
which art, like a bottle of perfume or a little black dress, elicits desire in its
viewer. Duchamp‘s readymades, and Rrose Selavy suggest that the
consumer‘s cravings and the longing to consume art are closely related. By
engaging directly with consumer culture, and specifically fashion and beauty
culture, Duchamp created a new kind of art that revealed the kinship between
these realms. He also created an enigmatic set of personalities and alter-ego
that has allowed his work and image to remain central to contemporary art.233
Chanel‘s image has also had a powerful afterlife. This is evident in her image‘s
continued commercial potency both in her couture house now led by Karl
Lagerfeld and her perfume business that continues to flourish. Two films
232 Evans and Thornton, Women & Fashion: A New Look , 107.233 This is clear in the recent exhibiton Inventing Mardel Duchamp: The Dynamics of Portraiture atThe National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C. See Goodyear and McManus, "Inventing MarcelDuchamp: The Dynamics of Portraiture," 12-21.
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Trompe l’Oeil Sweaters and Mad Caps:Early Surrealism and Fashion
If texts on Surrealism mention fashion at all, they usually describe it as
either passively adopting Surrealist aesthetics, or blatantly stealing them for
commercial gain.234 I argue that fashion was not a passive receptacle for
Surrealism, nor did it simply appropriate Surrealist imagery for its own profit.
Fashion—through magazine editors, art directors, and designers— was an
active participant in the development of Surrealism. In this chapter I will
discuss the work of one of these designers, Elsa Schiaparelli, whose work was
deeply engaged with the same ideas and themes that the Surrealists were
exploring. In her monograph on Schiaparelli, Dilys Blum writes,
Schiaparelli‘s influence on the Surrealist community has yet to be fully acknowledged or documented. Her contributions havefrequently been dismissed as derivative, and she has even beenaccused of stealing ideas. Rather her fashions should be
understood as another reflection of the zeitgeist of 1930s Paris,a time when a number of Surrealist artists were working in andinteracting with the world of fashion and many couturiers werekeenly aware of developments in the arts.235
This zeitgeist is clearly evident in Schiaparelli‘s work as well as contemporary
fashion magazines, which helped to bring it from Paris to the U.S. and the rest
of Europe.
234 Writers such as Dickran Tashjian, Ann Finholt, and Lewis Kachur tend to date these occurrences tothe mid to late 1930s. Tashjian, A Boatload of Madmen : Surrealism and the American Avant-Garde,
1920-1950, 67-68. Lewis Kachur, Displaying the Marvelous: Marcel Duchamp, Salvador Dalí, and
Surrealist Exhibition Installations (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2001), 41. Finholt, "Art in Vogue: DeChirico, Fashion and Surrealism," 85.235 Dilys E. Blum, Shocking! : The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli (New Haven, Conn.: London,2003), 171.
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social order.‖237 Foster then goes on to demonstrate that Breton‘s concept of
the marvelous is actually the uncanny.238 Both the mannequin, which
conflates the human and non-human, and the ruin, which conflates the
natural and the historical, confuse the animate and the inanimate, a hallmark
of the uncanny‘s reminder of the immanence of death in life.239 Foster notes
three effects of the uncanny,
(1) an indistinction between the real and the imagined, which isthe basic aim of surrealism as defined in both manifestos ofBreton; (2) a confusion between the animate and inanimate, as
exemplified in wax figures, dolls, mannequins, and automatons,all crucial images in the surrealist repertoire; and (3) ausurpation of the referent by the sign or of physical reality bypsychic reality, and here again the surreal is often experienced,especially by Breton and Dalí, as an eclipse of the referential bythe symbolic, or as an enthrallment of a subject to a sign or asymptom, and its effect is often that of the uncanny: anxiety.240
This description also resonates with Breton‘s examples of ―the marvelous‖:
the mannequin, the ruin, or a glove.241 Foster argues that the Surrealists,
through their work with the marvelous attempt to master the traumatic events
represented by the uncanny and to aestheticize them, ―to transform the
anxious into the aesthetic, the uncanny into the marvelous.‖242
237 Ibid, xvii.238 Ibid, 20.239 Ibid, 21.240 Ibid, 7.241 For example Nadja‟s glove in Breton‟s novel of the same name, becomes a simulacrum for Nadja
herself, ultimately more interesting and important than the woman herself. See Ibid, 33.242 Ibid, 48.
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Fashion, as we have seen in the previous chapter, constantly disrupts
the social order and therefore often engages with the uncanny.243 In addition,
on a structural level, fashion is connected to ―the marvelous‖ because of its
relationship to the repetition compulsion and the death drive. Fashion
endlessly cycles through changes, every season demanding something new
and depending on the death of old styles in order to create new ones. Caroline
Evans has linked fashion‘s cycles to the psychological notion of the return of
the repressed, examining the ―haunting of contemporary fashion by images
from the past.‖ The past, however, is present in fashion throughout the
twentieth century, and even before. Trends and fashion come into Vogue in
particular periods and then fall out of favor, and often eventually come back
into fashion, returning like the repressed in Foster‘s formulation of the
uncanny. Fashion also enacts the death drive, because for a new fashion
death is always immanent— just as quickly as something comes into Vogue, it
has gone out again.244
Walter Benjamin, a contemporary of Schiaparelli and the Surrealists,
pushed fashion‘s connection to the death drive beyond the structural.
Benjamin saw fashion as existing on the thin barrier between the subject and
243 Caroline Evans describes how at the end of the 20th century repressed issues of mortality and theabject bubble up in fashion. The uncanny and the return of the repressed is a consistent theme infashion, at least since the 1930s. On the return of the repressed see: Caroline Evans, "Yesterday'sEmblems and Tommorow's Commodities: The Return of the Repressed in Fashion Imagery Today," in Fashion Cultures: Theories, Explorations, and Analysis, ed. Stella Bruzzi and Pamela Church Gibson(London ; New York: Routledge, 2000), 93-113. On the uncanny and deathliness see: idem, Fashion
at the Edge: Spectacle, Modernity, and Deathliness (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 163-190.244
I am drawing this understanding of the uncanny and the repetition compulsion from Foster‟s first
chapter, “Beyond the Pleasure Principal,” Foster, Compulsive Beauty, 1-17.
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object, the boundaries between life and death. He writes that fashion is ―the
dialectical switching station between woman and commodity —desire and the
dead body.‖245 The presence of fashion at the boundary between living
woman and manufactured (deathly) commodity is precisely what makes it
appealing to the Surrealists. This explains the presence of shoes, gloves, hats
and other articles of fashion in the work of artists and writers such as Breton,
Tzara, Ernst, and Dalí. As we will see in this chapter and in chapter 4,
Schiaparelli engaged with fashion as a kind of liminal space between body and
commodity, literally on the boundary of the body, the boundary of life. She
exploited this in designs that mimicked and reshaped the body. Schiaparelli
was creating fashion that toyed with the boundaries between subject and
object, just as the Surrealists were creating art and literature that blurred the
boundaries between the conscious and the unconscious mind to aff ect, ―the
liberation of the mind.‖246
Trompe l’Oeil in Surrealism
One method of visually bringing together the conscious and
unconscious worlds was to use the old academic style of trompe l‘oeil, which
245 I‟m quoting Susan Buck -Morss‟ translation of this line which for me is more evocative of fashion‟s
position as a boundary between life and death. In Eiland and McLaughlin‟s translation the line reads:“Here fashion has opened the business of dialectical exchange between woman and ware— betweencarnal pleasure and the corpse.” Susan Buck-Morss, The Dialectics of Seeing: Walter Benjamin and
the Arcades Project , Paperback ed. (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 101. Walter Benjamin, The
Arcades Project , trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin (Cambridge: Belknap Press of HarvardUniversity Press, 1999), 62.246 André Breton, "What Is Surrealism?," in What Is Surrealism, trans. David Gascoyne (New York:Haskell House Publishers, 1974), 48. Originally published in 1936.
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literally means trick of the eye, referring to art that represents its subject so
realistically that on first glance the subject looks ―real.‖ Dalí wrote in his 1935
text Conquest of the Irrational ,
My whole ambition in the pictorial domain is to materialize theimages of my concrete irrationality with the most imperialistfury of precision.—In order that the world of the imaginationand of concrete irrationality may be as objectively evident, of thesame consistency, of the same durability, of the samepersuasive, cogoscitive and communicable thickness as that ofthe exterior world of phenomenal reality…—The illusionism ofthe most arriviste…art, the usual paralyzing tricks of trompe-l’oeil , the most…discredited academism, can all transmute into
sublime hierarchies of thought…247
Dalí therefore turned academic methods of painting and rational perspective
on their heads to depict the bizarre and often disturbing images of his
unconscious. For him, trompe l‘oeil is crucial in creating surreal worlds or
dreamscapes that are so vivid, viewers feel they can step into them. He argues
that he transforms the cold, technical, and academic qualities of trompe l‘oeil
painting into the sublime, the marvelous.
For the Surrealists, then, trompe l‘oeil was a way to create convincing
images of dreams from the unconscious. In his 1966 catalogue for the
Museum of Modern Art show, Dada, Surrealism, and their Heritage, William
Rubin defines two poles of Surrealism:
Automatism (the draftsmanly counterpart of verbal freeassociation) led to the ―abstract‖ Surrealism of Miró andMasson, who worked improvisationally with primarily biomorphic shapes in a shallow, Cubist-derived space. The
247 Dalí quoted in William Stanley Rubin et al., Dada, Surrealism, and Their Heritage (New York:Museum of Modern Art; distributed by New York Graphic Society, Greenwich, 1968), 111.
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―fixing‖ of dream-inspired images influenced the more academicillusionism of Magritte, Tanguy, and Dalí.248
In the pole that Rubin terms ―oneiric illusionism,‖ the realism of trompe l‘oeil
was used to ―fix‖ the dreamscapes of the Surrealists making them believable.
These were the two poles that Breton identified in his 1941 essay, ― Artistic
Genesis and Perspective of Surrealism.‖ Breton, however, cautioned those
painters who chose the path of trompe l‘oeil: ―the stabilizing of dream images
in the kind of still-life deception known as trompe-l’oeil (and the very word
‗deception‘ betrays the weakness of the process), has been proved by
experience to be far less reliable and even presents very real risks of the
traveler losing his way all together.‖249
Despite Breton‘s cautionary remarks, many Surrealists chose this path,
even pointing to the technique‘s classical and academic past. The most
famous practitioners of trompe l‘oeil in the classical world mythically created
works that were so convincing that they fooled birds into pecking at painted
grapes, partridges into calling to painted partridges, and an artist into
mistaking a painted curtain for a real one that could be drawn.250 Later artists
often repeated the motifs of grapes, curtains, and partridges (though often as
dead game birds) to recall the mastery of these artists and suggest that their
works demonstrated a similar virtuosity.
248 Ibid, 64.249 André Breton, "Artistic Genesis and Perspective of Surrealism," in Surrealism and Painting , trans.Simon Watson Taylor (Boston: MFA Publications, 2002; reprint, 1972), 70.250 For a more detailed account, see: Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, "Trompe l'Oeil: The UnderestimatedTrick," in Deceptions and Illusions : Five Centuries of Trompe L'oeil Painting (Washington: NationalGallery of Art, 2002), 19-20.
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wearer‘s neck. After a few failed prototypes Schiaparelli and Mike hit upon
the right look. The pattern was formed by knitting together a strand of black
yarn with one of white yarn. This created a pleasing heathery, tweed-like
background to the sweater. Schiaparelli felt that the Armenian technique
created a fabric that held its shape with a bit of give, but did not stretch out of
shape like regular knits. The pattern and knitting technique resulted in a
sturdy garment with a light flecked look and the advantage of having an
accessory, the scarf, knit right into the fabric. This garment was practical for
sport since the wearer did not need to add any bulky accessories to it.
Schiaparelli writes:
Trying courageously not to feel self conscious, convinced deep within me that I was nearly glamorous, I wore it at a smartlunch—and created a furor. [sic] Women at this time were verysweater-minded. Chanel had, for quite a few years, mademachine-knitted dresses and jumpers. This was different. Allthe women wanted one, immediately. 254
A buyer for Strauss in New York ordered the first forty sweaters, and also
wanted forty skirts. Schiaparelli and Mike scoured Paris for other Armenian
knitters to make the sweaters. Schiaparelli and her personal seamstress made
skirts out of bargain material simply and slightly below the fashionable knee
length hemline.
The bowknot sweater was so popular that by April of 1928 Macy‘s was
advertising imported hand-knit copies of Schiaparelli‘s bowknot sweater for
$15.75. Macy‘s claimed that similar sweaters sold for $59.50 to $55.00: ―In
254 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 43.
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unlicensed copies. According to Troy, these copies gave the designer‘s name
and label the aura of an artist‘s signature.257
As is evident by the Macy‘s and Gimbel‘s knockoffs, Schiaparelli was no
exception to this; her sweaters were copied, and her name was often used in
advertising for these copies. It was important for advertisers to identify these
sweaters with Schiaparelli herself, in order to authenticate them in some way.
Her many subsequent patterns were also copied in Europe and the United
States:
A large bow was followed by gay handkerchiefs woven round thethroat, by men‘s ties in gay colors, by handkerchiefs round thehips. Anita Loos, at the height of her career with GentlemanPrefer Blondes, was my first private customer, and I was boosted, with her help, to fame. Soon the restaurant of the ParisRitz was filled with women from all over the world in black-and- white sweaters.258
Schiaparelli and the Artistic Legacy of the 1920s
Unlike Chanel— who was linked socially, but not stylistically to artists—
Schiaparelli was associated by the press directly to contemporary artistic
movements. Schiaparelli‘s bowknot sweater burst onto the scene at a time
when Cubism, Constructivism, and Modernist abstraction were the prevailing
artistic themes in fashion: ―at no time in history since David designed the
costumes for Napoleon‘s coronation was the current vernacular of the art
world so familiar in fashionable circles.‖259 Many spreads in Vogue and
257 See especially the conclusion Ibid, 26 and 327-337.258 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 44.259 Garland, "The Twenties: Sport and Art," 87.
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Harper’s Bazaar called such patterns modernistic or geometric.260(Figure 56)
Though the bowknot sweater was engaged with developments in modern art,
its design was entirely different from the streamlined aesthetic of cubist-
inspired sweaters. Schiaparelli‘s pattern was explicitly feminine and
decorative, but in a way that drew attention to the presence of a useless
feminine detail in a utilitarian sportswear garment.
In a column in Vogue, ―Viola Paris Comes Back to Town,‖ the sweater
is described as ―a triumph of colour blending, in which the black and w hite are
so interwoven as to become an artistic masterpiece.‖261 The sweater is
compared to a work of art because of its use of color and the fact that it is
hand knit. In the preceding years, Chanel and many other designers had
made machine knits, such as jersey, the standard. Schiaparelli was
intentionally bringing back the hand knit, which had not been popular for at
least a decade. This hand-made quality separates Schiaparelli‘s work from the
machine aesthetics of Chanel‘s jersey knits, aligning Schiaparelli with the fine
arts. It is worth noting that this is not the only instance in this article in which
the language of fine art is used as a metaphor to elevate fashion. Vogue’s
―first lady of fashion,‖ Viola Paris, is described as a collector of modern art,
and asks ―and who of those who have learned to look at pictures…can help
being conscious that the quality which distinguished good art from indifferent
260 For example: “Smart English Sweaters," Vogue (15 April 1927), 118. “Modernistic DesignsPredominate," Harper’s Bazaar (December 1928), 81.261 “Viola Paris Comes Back to Town," Vogue 70, no. 12 (15 December 1927), 45.
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will also, in its own way, distinguish good from merely expensive clothing?‖262
According to Vogue, art and fashion can be judged by the same criteria. This
comparison between art and fashion is ever-present in magazines of this
period, which often speak of Schiaparelli using artistic discourse. A New
Yorker profile in 1932 claimed that in Paris, ―a frock from Schiaparelli ranks
like a modern canvas in boudoirs determined to be à la page.‖263 That same
year Fortune reported that Schiaparelli was often called a ―genius…she is the
last word in modernism. She is to dressmaking what Léger is to painting or
Le Corbusier is to architecture.‖264 Chanel, on the other hand is usually
spoken about in business-like terms, her little black dress famously being
called in 1926 ―fashion‘s Ford,‖ by Vogue.265 From the very beginning,
Schiaparelli was considered an artist and her sweater a work of art by the
editors of Vogue—and a novel one at that.266
There is no doubt about the popularity of this particular sweater and
the fact that fashion writers connected it to modernist painting. Very little has
been written of this sweater‘s relation to trends in Surrealism. Schiaparelli
herself acknowledged the way that her sweaters fit in neatly with trends in the
art world:
262 Ibid 43.263 Janet Flanner, "Comet," The New Yorker (18 June 1932), 20.264 “The Dressmakers of France," Fortune 6, no. 2 (August 1932), 76.265 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 293. See also “The Dressmakers ofFrance," 75.266 While geometric cubistic designs had been a staple of sportswear in the 1920s, Schiaparelli‟s
trompe l‟oeil designs were completely new. Palmer White, 54.
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It was the time when abstract Dadaism and Futurism were thetalk of the world, the time when chairs looked like tables, andtables like footstools, when it was not done to ask what apainting represented or what a poem meant, when trifles of
fantasy were more taboo and only the initiated knew about theParis Flea Market.267
With this quote, Schiaparelli reveals her awareness of the Surrealist tradition,
referencing the readymade with the Paris Flea Market, but also the tradition
of trompe l‘oeil, and the ―tricks‖ it played on viewers.
Like the Surrealists who melded the real and unreal in trompe l‘oeil,
Schiaparelli was melding the practical and the decorative and the whimsical.In her first forays into trompe l‘oeil, Schiaparelli used the visual tactic to
create playful yet eminently wearable sportswear. The wearer need not be
restrained by wearing a scarf or a tie to accessorize her outfit, as it is built
right in. These sweaters tease the eye, inviting a viewer to get closer and look
more carefully, and—even more provocatively —to touch the material. The
fact that this sweater was hand knit, rather than machine made, was unusual
and added to this sense of touch. M.L. d‘Otrange Mastai writes that
―illusionism is make-believe, very like a theatrical spectacle. It invariably
requires of the viewer a willing participation, amounting to complicity with
the artist.‖268 Schiaparelli uses trompe l‘oeil to make her sweaters theatrical
and in some ways interactive, more than simply practical. The viewer is
engaged in the trickery, looking carefully and perhaps touching the material
267 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 44-5.268 Marie-Louise d'Otrange Mastai, Illusion in Art : Trompe l'Oeil, a History of Pictorial Illusionism (New York: Abaris Books, 1975), 11.
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to see if the bow or scarf is real or not. An uncanny feeling is elicited in the
viewer, who cannot tell whether the scarf her or she sees is real or an illusion.
As we will see Schiaparelli will evoke the uncanny in far more provocative
ways in her next designs.
Tattoos, X-rays, and Divided Skirts
Schiaparelli continued to experiment with the sweater in her next
collections, moving away from the traditional modernist designs that had
dominated the market: ―to the sweaters she added Negro-like designs of her
own, and strange scra wls from the Congo. One was tattooed like a sailor‘s
chest with pierced hearts and snakes.‖269 (Figure 57)(Figure 58) She also
adapted these novel designs to knitted swimwear. According to Marjorie
Howard writing for Harper’s Bazaar in 1929, ―Schiaparelli had the amusing
idea of using real tattoo designs which she collected from a master of this art,
on tricot bathing suits. One may have any conceit one fancies, or choose one
of the classic patterns that have been sacred to deep-sea sailors until now.‖270
A blouse with an anchor appliqué illustrated with Howard‘s articles may be
related to the tattoo group.(Figure 59) The tattooed sweaters and bathing
suits clearly demonstrate how Schiaparelli‘s designs were moving from the
whimsical into a slightly more erotic vein, here conflating skin with cloth and
male with female. These sweaters created the uncanny effect of turning the
269 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 46.270 Marjorie Howard, "High Lights on the Paris Collections," Harper’s Bazaar (April 1929), 96.
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treat the gendered and sexed body as fully connected with gendered clothing.
Her designs mercilessly blurred the boundaries between clothing and skin,
fashion and body.
The tattoo knitwear makes women‘s clothing look like a man‘s body.
These garments confront viewers in an entirely different way than the
androgynous looks of the garçonnes and flappers.272 Schiaparelli‘s clothes did
not make women blend in with men, as did the boyish shapes of Chanel‘s
clothes and the popular short haircuts of the 1920s.273 Instead her clothes
confronted the viewer with men‘s clothing and adornment in a female form,
and men‘s bodies worn by women—feminine figures sporting sailors‘ tattoos.
Schiaparelli insists on showing the curves of the female form though the use
of knitwear, while simultaneously borrowing from men‘s styles of dress and
adornment. In this way her conflation of masculine and feminine does not
have the kind of stability of the androgynous flapper, but rather an anxious
and uncanny vacillation between female body and male clothing or
adornment. Her collections in the early 1930s would continue this trend
creating looks that were not androgynous, but that confronted the viewer with
the uncanny conflation of the male and female.274
272 Flappers represent a somewhat more feminine aesthetic than the garçonne, but still favored thesame boyish androgynous figure.273 For a discussion of gender confusion in 1920‟s fashion see: Roberts, "Sampson and DelilahRevisited: The Politics of Fashion in 1920s France," 72-75. Robert‟s gives examples of popular
stories of mistaken identity in post-war France, and the anxieties around women dressing as men ordisguising themselves as men.274 I hesitate to use Judith Halberstam‟s tern “female masculinity” because I think that it tends to coverover the uncanny vacillation between genders which I am interested in. I think that this term would be
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The most provocative of Schiaparelli‘s sweaters, at least by her own
account, was ―a skeleton sweater that shocked the bourgeois but hit the
newspapers, which then took little notice of fashion. White lines on the
sweater followed the design of the ribs so that women wearing it gave the
appearance of being seen through an X-ray.‖275 This sweater, which may be
one pictured in a fashion column from the Chicago Daily Tribune and in
Harper’s Bazaar also confrontationally confuses outer with inner and
shockingly suggests clothing that reveals the body as opposed to hiding
it.276(Figure 60)(Error! Reference source not found.) This design is another
example of Schiaparelli‘s insistence on the uncanny relation between clothing
and the body. Schiaparelli continued this theme of transparency in several
designs using a new material called Rhodophane, a transparent synthetic
fabric.(Figure 61) Harper’s Bazaar included a spread on transparent
garments thatused new synthetic materials in a September 1933 spread, ―An
X-Ray of Fashion.‖(Figure 62) Readers could see straight through the dresses
to the undergarments beneath. These garments questioned the function of
clothing and fabric to hide the body. They engage directly with the sexual
fantasy of being able to see though clothing. The skeleton sweater however
teases viewers, providing the illusion of being able to see not only through
better applied perhaps to the flapper and garçonne. Judith Halberstam, Female Masculinity (Durham:Duke University Press, 1998), 1-9.275 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 46-7.276
It seems to coincide with Dalí‟s own interest in this subject, and his 1938 collaboration with
Schiaparelli on a black Skeleton evening gown. The gown would have paired nicely with MeritOppenheim‟s Skeleton-Hand Gloves (1936) and bone choker (1934-36).
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clothing but also through skin, missing the flesh entirely. Man Ray explored a
similar fantasy in his a photograph Anatomies, though in this case much more
explicit. A nude female torso is wrapped in reflective transparent fabric or
dress. The woman‘s flesh is both revealed by the transparency, and concealed
by the reflection of light off the material.277 Man Ray‘s photograph is typical
of Surrealists‘ objectification of the female body. He cuts off the woman‘s
head and focuses on her anonymous torso. In contrast, Schiaparelli‘s
transparent designs put the control in the hands of the woman wearing the
garment. The x-ray sweater frustrates the male viewer‘s fantasy. Engaging
with the uncanny, all of these garments confused the outside and inside.
Concealing and revealing, toying with viewer‘s expectations. The female
wearer has the ultimate control over what viewers see and do not see.
Schiaparelli also employed trompe l‘oeil in several other designs such
as the divided skirt. Divided skirts, which had been popular since the mid
1920s, became even more visible in the late 1920s, especially at sporting
events. The divided skirt was usually disguised in some way — by a panel over
it, a wraparound skirt, or pleats. In 1931 Schiaparelli herself caused a
sensation wearing one of her own models that was not disguised.278(Figure
63) Spanish tennis player Lili de Alvarez also wore a Schiaparelli divided skirt
277 This photograph appears in a small book on Schiaparelli: François Baudot, Elsa Schiaparelli (NewYork: Universe/Vendôme, 1997), 79. In this book the photograph is credited to Man Ray but as a photograph of Schiaparelli‟s work. I have not come across it in any other books on Schiaparelli, but it
could very well be her design. It is unclear whether the garment is a dress or fabric which the modelholds in place. I am continuing to research this particular photograph and garment.278 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 15.
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in white with a matching tunic to some of her tennis matches including the
ultra-correct Wimbledon.(Figure 64) For some, the divided skirt was cause
for alarm: ―the Daily Sketch saw de Alvarez‘s ‗trousered tennis frock‘ as yet
more evidence that women had ‗a masculine fixation‘… ‗Whether we like it or
not, girls will be boys.‖279 Despite women‘s adoption of bifurcated garments
since the 1910s-- when Poiret was popularizing his ―harem trousers,‖ and
women drafted into the workforce during World War I were choosing pants—
trousers still had gendered connotations. Some critics continued to be
concerned with women trying to look too much like men. Schiaparelli‘s
divided skirt played off of this controversy, as a more positive report of
divided skirts at Wimbledon in the News Chronicle reveals, ―nothing to get
excited about. In fact trousers are so like a skirt that bets were made as to
what exactly they were!‖280 Schiaparelli‘s trousers thus participated in the
same trompe l‘oeil games that her sweaters did. From afar they appeared to
be a normal tennis skirt, but as de Alvarez demonstrates in a photograph
taken at Highbury in 1931, the skirt is in fact trousers.(Error! Reference
source not found.) This transformation is also apparent in a 1931 drawing
by Dorothy Dulin in the Chicago Tribune that shows two views of the ―trouser
skirt,‖ worn by a golfer. Bettina Bedwell notes Lili de Alvarez‘s adoption of
the style in the accompanying article.281(Figure 65)
279 Cited in Horwood, "Dressing Like a Champion: Women's Tennis Wear in Interwar England," 54.280 Cited in Ibid, 54.281 Bedwell Bettina, "Knitted Sports Suits Have Gone Bi-Colored," Chicago Daily Tribune, 20 June1931, 16.
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Schiaparelli continued to use the divided skirt in her collections for
several years, as a practical alternative to a regular skirt or dress. Bettina
Bedwell noted that ―Schiaparelli‘s divided skirts are kind to the unshorn
hipline that goes with a soul yearning for trousers.‖282(Figure 66) The divided
skirt is another example of Schiaparelli‘s use of the uncanny to combine the
practicality demanded by sportswear and decorative feminine touches. Mary
Louise Roberts argues that Schiaparelli‘s designs represent a regression to
femininity and romanticism, in effect a reactionary response to the garçonne
style.283 I argue that rather than being reactionary these clothes respond to
the need for practical yet flattering clothing. Schiaparelli adapts the men‘s
trouser to the curves of a female body. She also favored the pajama in the
early 1930s as an alternative to a gown for entertaining in the home, or as
beachwear. One of her cleverest early designs was a dress for the beach or
resort that was actually two half dresses that wrapped around the body and
tied at the side.(Figure 67) She made the half dresses in four colors of silk, so
that a woman could create several permutations of the same dress. The wrap
style also helped to achieve a better fit in a mass produced garment. In the
early 1930s, Schiaparelli would bring this wrap style into eveningwear and
sweaters as well.284 While more feminine in tailoring, Schiaparelli‘s clothes
emphasized practicality and versatility.
282 Bedwell, "Paris Frees Sports Styles," D1.283 Roberts, "Sampson and Delilah Revisited: The Politics of Fashion in 1920s France," 84.284 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 31.
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Schiaparelli‘s divided skirt created the femininity of a skirt with the
practicality of trousers. Like the bowknot sweater this design uses the
uncanny to mesh feminine decorative qualities with masculine practicality.
For both Schiaparelli and the Surrealists, trompe l‘oeil was a way to create
convincing fantasies:
trompe l‘oeil, then, is devoted not to ―trickery‖ but to therepresentation of pure visual experience with utmostobjectivity…under ideal conditions the result is one of totallyconvincing visual delusion. The differentiation between [artthat tricked the viewer and art that did not] is meaningful, for it
coincided with the important defiant assertion of the artist aspersonal creator instead of as recorder or at best interpreter,however genial.285
The risk for the creator of tromp l‘oeil is always of disappearing behind the
technical qualities of the work. Tromp l‘oeil is not in line with the tenets of
modernism outlined by the impressionists at the end of the nineteenth
century who placed a premium on the artist‘s subjective vision. Instead it
privileges an objective means of representing the world. As we saw in the last
chapter however, Duchamp virtually eliminated the need for the artists‘
hands—even eyes if we are to believe that his choices were made with
aesthetic indifference. Using mass-produced objects as readymade art,
Duchamp refigured the role of the artist, eliminating the role of craft and
technique. Trompe l‘oeil stands in a unique space between the modernism
envisioned by the impressionists and Duchamp. The technical prowess of the
285 Mastai, Illusion in Art: Trompe l’Oeil, a History of Pictorial Illusionism, 15.
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modern streamlined way, eliminating the extra yards of fabric necessary to
create the look. On the other hand, this gown also trumps the sleek and
minimal modernist aesthetic by employing decorative painting to adorn the
fabric. Like the Surrealists, Schiaparelli used trompe-l‘oeil to play with ideas
of visuality and reality. Her trompe l‘oeil gown deconstructs the idea of a
traditional gown, creating the visual impression of an elegantly draped silk
dress, while actually being a streamlined modern shape.
By engaging with the decorative, Schiaparelli‘s use of trompe l‘oeil in
this classical gown, and in her bowknot sweater both expose the masquerade
of femininity. Schiaparelli uses trompe l‘oeil to create clothing with a sleek
and simple silhouette, but adds a handmade or painted decorative element.
Unlike Chanel, who cut out any extraneous decoration and made the simplest
garments out of the finest material, Schiaparelli found ways to create simple
and wearable clothing, and reintroduced feminine detailing and decoration in
a practical and distinctly handmade way.287 Schiaparelli also used trompe
l‘oeil to create playful garments that looked different from different distances,
and provocatively encouraged touch to determine the reality of these
garments. Schiaparelli used an academic technique in a uniquely modern way
by applying it to the body. Fashion critics Caroline Evans and Minna
Thornton, in a feminist analysis of Schiaparelli‘s oeuvre, argue that her
―approach to dress centers around an understanding of how it acts
287 “Chanel created the „poor look,‟ the sweaters, jersey dresses and little suits that subverted the whole
idea of fashion as display…the aim was to make the rich girl look like the girl in the street.” Wilson, Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity, 40-41.
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Three of Elsa Schiaparelli‘s hats appear in a 1933 spread in Minotaure,
a Surrealist magazine. The photographs are credited to Man Ray, but the
designs in them are not credited to Schiaparelli. Earlier in the same issue
Man Ray used a photograph of Schiaparelli standing behind a headless torso
in one of her notorious lacquered wigs by the famous French hairdresser,
Antoine. In this October-December 1933 issue of Minotaure, Schiaparelli‘s
presence is an important and yet completely unaccredited one.
Schiaparelli had met Man Ray in 1920, before he moved to Paris, and
was one of his first models in his photographic studio in New York.
Schiaparelli moved to New York in 1916 with her then husband Wendt de
Kerlor. On the boat to from Paris, Schiaparelli met Gabrielle Picabia, the wife
of Dada artist Francis Picabia. She became a good friend, introducing
Schiaparelli to Man Ray and his circle. Schiaparelli‘s husband even regularly
played chess in New York with Duchamp.291 Schiaparelli was well ensconced
in the Greenwich Village community of artists in 1920 and 1921.292 She moved
back to Paris in 1922 and lived with Gabrielle Picabia briefly. She also
reconnected with Man Ray. By 1930, after Schiaparelli had had some success
in fashion, Man Ray was photographing her and her clothing regularly.
291 This is according to an interview with Gogo, Schiaparelli‟s daughter: Nuala Boylan, "TheSchiaparelli Dynasty," Harper’s Bazaar (August 1993), 132.292 For more on Greenwich Village in this period see, Andrea Barnet, All-Night Party: The Women of
Bohemian Greenwich Village and Harlem, 1913-1930 (Chapel Hill: Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill,2004). Man Ray, Self Portrait : Man Ray (Boston: Bulfinch Press, 1998). Christine Stansell, American Moderns: Bohemian New York and the Creation of a New Century (New York: MetropolitanBooks, 2000). Ross Wetzsteon, Republic of Dreams: Greenwich Village the American Bohemia,
1910-1960 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002).
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Minotaure was founded by publisher Albert Skira in 1933 with the
support of Andre Breton, just as Breton‘s own Surrealist journal La
Révolution Surréaliste was folding. Skira promised Breton the ―most
luxurious art and literary review the Surrealists had seen, featuring a slick
format with many color illustrations…[covering] poetry, philosophy,
archaeology, psychoanalysis, and cinema.‖293 From 1933-1939, the journal
published fourteen issues and featured the work of many artists including
Dalí, Man Ray, Picasso, Max Ernst, Giacometti, and Hans Bellmer, as well as
the writing of these artists and Andre Breton, Paul Eluard, Jacques Lacan, and
others. Rosalind Krauss argues that the magazines, ―more than anything else
are the true objects produced by surrealism,‖ since they merged art and
text.294 These magazines published photographs, like those of Man Ray,
which purported to document the appearance of the surreal in everyday life.
Andre Breton privileges vision in his theorization of Surrealism as
unmediated, with the capability of ―perpetual automism,‖ in contrast with,
―the premeditated reflexive gait of thought.‖295 A camera becomes a
mechanical eye, it purports to show an unmediated image of the world, ―no
matter how artfully constructed or framed, photographs cling to the stubborn
myth of the medium as representing unmediated and transparent reflections
293 Irene E. Hofmann, "Documents of Dada and Surrealism: Dada and Surrealist Journals in the MaryReynolds Collection," Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 22, no. 2 1996), 146.294 Krauss, The Originality of the Avant-Garde and Other Modernist Myths, 101.295 Ibid, 93-94.
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of reality.‖296 Surrealist photographs reveal the ways in which the
subconscious and the uncanny breakthrough into everyday reality.
At the same time, Surrealist photography, most notably Man Ray‘s
work, was also appearing in fashion magazines. Vogue‘s art director,
Mehemed Fehmy Agha, was revolutionizing the look of all of the Condé Nast
publications including Vogue, House and Garden, and Vanity Fair, bringing
Modernism and Constructivism to their pages. He instituted changes to the
magazine in a wide range of areas including the introduction of sans serif
typefaces, photographs that bled all the way to the edge of the page, and
dynamic layouts.297 Agha brought to Condé Nast artists and photographers
such as Cecil Beaton, Horst P. Horst, Louise Dahl-Wolfe, Miguel Covarrubias,
and Marcel Vertès, many of whom worked in both commercial and
independent artistic contexts, thereby incorporating a new modernist
aesthetic to the magazine.
In 1934 Alexey Brodovitch began to make similar changes at Harper’s
Bazaar. Brodovitch revolutionized the look of Harper’s Bazaar, employing
expressive typography and layout styles. Like Agah, he employed white space
in daring new ways. Yet his changes had a slightly more avant-garde, and
notably Surrealist edge. Along with its editor Carmel Snow, Brodovitch
296 Wendy Grossman, Man Ray, African Art, and the Modernist Lens (Washington: International Arts& Artists, 2009), 47.297 Agha also introduced new photographic and printing processes including the first color photographsin April 1932. In the area of design he used diagonals, for example to create exciting layouts, he“banished the use of italic types, changed the shape of headlines, and made greater use of white space.”
R. Roger Remington and Barbara J. Hodik, Nine Pioneers in American Graphic Design (Cambridge:MIT Press, 1989), 15-16.
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moments of visual detachment during periods of emotionalcontact, these images are the oxidized residue, fixed by light andchemical elements, of living organisms.304
Man Ray describes his work as indexical traces of his own experiences that
connect to the viewers‘ subconscious through ―strangeness and reality.‖ Thus,
it is both the verisimilitude of the photograph, its clear visual relationship to
the real world, but also the way the photograph makes the real world appear
strange, which connected to the viewers‘ subconscious. He is describing the
creation of an uncanny image, or an image of the marvelous (in Breton‘s
terms) one that is at once real and unreal. Photography was a democratic
medium, according to Man Ray, appealing and connecting with a wide range
of people: ―painting for me was a very personal, intimate affair, photography
was for everyone.‖305
Four of his photographs, including the photograph of Schiaparelli,
illustrated these sentiments, along with four Nadar photographs on the facing
page.(Figure 74) The image of Schiaparelli seems to decapitate her, replacing
her body with a bright white plaster sculpture, a conventional classical female
torso with arms cut off just below the shoulder.(Figure 75) The photograph
also plays on Schiaparelli‘s status as a couturière who dresses mannequins
like the one that poses as her body. The combination of her head and a
mannequin body would have read as a joke to anyone who knew her identity
as a couturière.
304 Man Ray, "L'age de la Lumière," in The Autobiography of Surrealism, trans. Marcel Jean (NewYork: Viking Press, 1980), 333.305 Ibid, 333.
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Schiaparelli‘s face takes on the serene expression of a classical
sculpture and her sculptural lacquered wig by Antoine mirrors the severity of
sculpted marble or plaster.306 The photograph may be related to the image of
Lee Miller in Jean Cocteau‘s film, Le Sang d’un Poète (1930), in which she is
transformed into a Greek statue with broken arms.307 The composition of the
photograph demonstrates that it could just as easily be an illustration for an
article on Antoine‘s new hairstyles in Vogue as an illustration for Man Ray‘s
essay. The photograph as a whole, like Schiaparelli‘s trompe l‘oeil dress,
playfully mimics the popular classical styles of dress from designers such as
Madeline Vionnet. George Hoyningen-Huené created the look of classical
sculpture in his photograph of Vionnet gowns for the November 15th issue of
Vogue in 1931.(Error! Reference source not found.) Man Ray‘s
photograph takes the aesthetic of a photograph like Hoyningen-Huené‘s to the
extreme, turning the woman into a classical sculpture, thereby creating an
uncanny image of a woman who is at once flesh and plaster.
Schiaparelli‘s wig also pokes fun at the classical aesthetic returning to
fashion. The wig was one of her signature accessories; she had two made to
wear while vacationing in Saint-Moritz in 1931—a blonde one for skiing and a
silver one for evenings. The blonde wig was worn with a ski suit with buttons
shaped like dollar signs, perhaps a humorous nod to her rising wealth and
306Crawford reads the plaster cast as a dressmaker‟s mannequin, but for me the classical reference
seems more apt. Hannah Crawforth, "Surrealism and the Fashion Magazine," American Periodicals: A
Journal of History, Criticism, and Bibliography 14, no. 2 2004), 222.307 See: Mark Haworth-Booth, The Art of Lee Miller (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 33-35, pl. 18.
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women, allows the viewer to at once understand that the images on the two
pages are not contemporary.309
In her essay ―Surrealism and the Fashion Magazine,‖ Hannah
Crawforth argues that Man Ray‘s photographs ―serve as a metaphor by which
one can comprehend the Nadar photographs as works of surrealist art: they
can lift the pictures out of their previous context.‖310 This lifting of images out
of their previous context is something that regularly occurred not only in
Minotaure, but also on the pages of Vogue and Harper’s Bazaar 311. In April
1930 a drawing by A.E. Marly ran in Harper’s Bazaar. It illustrates
ensembles designed by Suzanne Talbot and Paul Poiret titled, ―In the Manner
of Kate Greenaway.‖(Figure 76) The Poiret and Talbot dresses were in the
Empire style--roughly the period of Napoleon I‘s first empire regime, 1804-
1814— with high waists and long straight neoclassical skirts. While Kate
Greenaway was an illustrator from the later nineteenth century, she
illustrated children‘s books in a nostalgic style, often employing the style of
the Empire period. Thus the illustration represents a complex relay of several
time periods and styles: early nineteenth century styles of clothing adapted
by a designer in 1930, illustrated by an artist working in the style of a
nineteenth century illustrator who herself worked in the nostalgic style of the
early nineteenth century.
309 Crawforth, "Surrealism and the Fashion Magazine," 224.310 Ibid 224.311 This is a practice which will be explored in greater depth in chapter 4 in the context of Surrealism,fashion, and fashion magazines.
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vulva. In Man Ray‘s image of the ―Savile Row‘ the familiar fedora is suddenly
made strange by the presence of the vulva. The hat seems to take on a life of
its own, swallowing the woman‘s head below behind its brim. Man Ray‘s
framing also heightens the androgyny of the hat, giving the figure the
anonymous quality of the man-on-the-street, seen from above as part of the
teeming masses of the city.
Rosalind Krauss argues that this androgynous quality is heightened by
the fact that the hat is pulled down so far, ―firmly rounded, aggressive, the
crown of the hat rises up towards its viewer like the tip of the male organ,
swelling with so much phallic presence.‖312 The genital androgyny of this
photograph gives it indeterminate, and therefore, uncanny presence. Krauss
considers how this hat fits into Freud‘s notion of the fetish, an object or image
that is associated with the revelation, for a boy, that his mother lacks a
phallus:
In the logic of the fetish the paradigm male/female collapses inan adamant refusal to admit distinction, to accept the facts ofsexual difference. The fetish is not the replacement of thefemale genitals with a surrogate, coded /female/; it is asubstitute that will allow perverse continuation in a belief thatthe woman (mother) is— beyond all apparent evidence—phallic.313
While the fetish is often understood a surrogate for the penis, Krauss argues
that, as in this hat, the fetish allows for the collapse of gender distinction. She
goes on to describe her reading of Freud‘s case history of a man whose fetish
312 Rosalind E. Krauss, The Optical Unconscious (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1993), 162.313 Ibid, 164-5.
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hats.315 This argument maintains, however, the sense that the presence of
female genitalia is in some ways beyond the control of the designers and that
they have attempted to mask it. Tzara is in large part concerned with the
unconscious sexuality that lies just under the surface of everyday life.
Subsequent writing on these photographs also rarely credits Schiaparelli.316
Acknowledging the designer and her more overtly sexual designs would
require Tzara and Man Ray to recognize that Schiaparelli intentionally makes
reference to the vagina in her hats as a way of provoking viewers. While the
taste for this kind of hat may still be seen as an expression of the unconscious,
as Tzara argues, the initial design certainly cannot be.
This uncanny fusion of male and female can be seen in several other
popular Schiaparelli hats from the period. She often used folds of fabric to
adorn the crowns of hats or created unusual flourishes such as what
Bloomingdale‘s call an ―Aztec tepee,‖ atop the ―Yak.‖317 (Error! Reference source
not found.) Her ―Helmet‖ hat with its Keiser Wilhelm-like point at the top is a
315 This is based on my translation of the essay. Tzara describes a hat which has what he sees as aman‟s collar and tie adorning it. He argues that this detail is not an accidental addition by the designer but an intentional addition to mitigate the explicit female sexuality of the hat: “Dans la manière meme
dont ces deux attributs, les plus marquants du costume masculin, le tire-chaussettes tendu faisant appelà une image de la virilité et la cravat dont le rôle symbolique est connu, dans la manière meme dont ilsentourent la reproduction de ce sexe feminine que les femmes portent sur la tête, il faut être aveugle
pour ne pas voir, non pas uniquement un effet de la fantaisie qui, elle, ne joue que le role d‟ingénieuse
entremetteuse, mais une réelle force de justification que les créatrices de ces modèles ont donnée àleurs oeuvres.” Tristan Tzara, "D‟un Certain Automatisme Du Goût," Minotaure, no. 3-4 (1933,reprint: Rizzoli, 1980), 82.316 Dilys Blum‟s Shocking and Hanna Crawforth are some of the only exception to this: Blum,Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 127. Crawforth, "Surrealism and the FashionMagazine," 240. On the other hand, photographs of art work, such as Oppenheim‟s Objet: Déjeuner
en Fourrure (1936) is treated as such even in photographs of the object by Dora Maar and Man Raywhere it surrealist effect is understood as being enhanced by the work of the photographer. Fer,Batchelor, and Wood, Realism, Rationalism, Surrealism: Art between the Wars, 175-176.317 Ad for Bloomingdale's, New York Times, 4 September 1933.
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more definitely concentrated upon the genital zone.‖318 Schiaparelli‘s clothing
embodies this psychological principal. As opposed to being a modest covering
for the head, Schiaparelli‘s hats visually sexualize the head through reference
to both male and female genitalia. Flügel, a contemporary of Schiaparelli,
provides insight into the ways in which her combinations of masculine and
feminine resisted the androgyny of the flapper. In his 1930 book The
Psychology of Clothing Flügel describes the place of phallic symbolism in
men‘s clothing:
Both stiffness and tightness are, however, likely to be over-determined by phallic symbolism. The stiff collar, for example, which is the sign of duty is also the sign of the erect phallus, andin general those male garments that are most associated withseriousness and correctness are also the most saturated with asubtle phallicism.319
Thus it is not unreasonable to read Schiaparelli‘s use of broad shoulders and
smaller waists as a phallic gesture—a style that was erect, in response to the
flaccid look of the 1920s. The streamlined androgonous looks of the 1920s
sought to blend in rather than stand out, and therefore did not seek to
confront viewers.
Schiaparelli‘s style of the early 1930s is best exemplified in a page from
Harper’s Bazaar in April 1933 whose headline reads: ―It is Conventional to
be Extreme.‖ A Schiaparelli suit with high rounded shoulders is paired with a
peaked, cone-shaped hat, and photographed to create a striking shadow of
318 J. C. Flugel, The Psychology of Clothes (London: Leonard & Virginia Woolf at the Hogarth Press,and the Institute of Psychoanalysis, 1930), 107.319 Ibid, 77.
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coat is a perfect example. The coat‘s tall fur collar envelops the wearer‘s neck
creating what amounts to a continuous tube down the bottom of the coat. Her
coats in 1931, on the other hand, shape the body in an entirely different way,
adopting the broad shoulders of men‘s garments and nipping in at the natural
waist. Vogue described this new style as:
Schiaparelli‘s wooden-soldier silhouette…It transforms youcompletely: wide padded epaulet shoulders, high, double breasted closing, flat, chesty chest, lines carved sharply fromunder the arms to the waist, and a straight column from theredown. Schiaparelli the dress carpenter, gets this effect in
redingotes, suits, and short fur jackets to wear with usuallyheavy woolen skirts.322
This new silhouette, though it emphasized the feminine curves of the waist
and chest, is still gendered as masculine, ―wooden-soldiers‖ made by a ―dress
carpenter.‖ These terms are used again in the next issue to describe two of
Schiaparelli‘s coats illustrated in the magazine.(Figure 85) These coats use
masculine styling, not to hide feminine curves, but to play them up in a
distinctly aggressive and phallic manner, as Flügel describes. Schiaparelli‘s
look is novel, because not only does it conform to the waist and hips, as did
much of the clothing in this period, but her hats emphasized an erect and
aggressive style. (Figure 86) She combined feminine curves with aggressive
masculine tailoring creating an uncanny look that was meant to stand out: ―It
is Conventional to be Extreme.‖
The ―Mad Cap,‖ Schiaparelli‘s most popular hat, was certainly a part of
this new aesthetic. It was photographed by Man Ray and appeared on the
322 Vogue Goes to the Collections," Vogue (1 October 1931), 42.
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third page of the essay along with a photograph of Schiaparelli herself in the
―Crazy Coxcomb.‖ Originally designed in 1930, it was a hand knitted tube
whose two corners could easily be manipulated by the wearer to create
different peaked styles. Many Hollywood stars famously sported the ―Mad
Cap,‖ including Ina Claire who wears a two-pointed model in a photograph
from 1932, and Katherine Hepburn, who wears a more tailored version in an
undated photograph.(Figure 87)(Figure 88) Schiaparelli credits Ina Claire
with popularizing the hat.323 The ―Mad Cap‖ may be the hat referred to in a
1933 article in Harper’s Bazaar that comments on a makeover given to
Hepburn by her studio RKO and American designer Elizabeth Hawes, to deter
her from ―the Schiaparelli monkey caps she likes and the faint aura of the
Bryn Mawr she denies ever having attended.‖324 It is apparent from this
comment that the ―Mad Cap,‖ like the ―Savile Row,‖ was clearly linked in the
popular press to androgyny. Early in her career, Hepburn had been criticized
for her rather masculine way of dressing, and the reference to Bryn Mawr, a
women‘s college that Hepburn did indeed graduate from in 1928, clearly
refers to Hepburn‘s outspoken and often ―manly‖ habits. Andrew Britton
quotes a 1933 article on Hepburn in Picturegoer that describes Hepburn as
looking like a schoolgirl, ―her sandy hair was tucked carelessly under a blue-
knitted cap. The cap preserved her reputation for funny hats.‖325 While this
323 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 49.324 Movietone," Harper’s Bazaar (February 1933), 65.325 Andrew Britton, Katharine Hepburn: Star as Feminist (New York: Columbia University Press,1984; reprint, 2003), 17.
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cap was evidently not one of Schiaparelli‘s creations, it is certainly likely that
Hepburn‘s ―reputation for funny hats‖ was built by wearing many of
Schiaparelli‘s. The designer herself recalled giving Hepburn a makeover at
her Paris salon very early in her career.326 This identification with the young
Hepburn suggests that Schiaparelli‘s clothes were associated with a certain
kind of androgyny exemplified by Hepburn in the early 1930s, both in cross-
dressing film roles and off screen by her unconventional ―mannish garb.‖327
This ―mannish garb‖ was often the same type of working class menswear
referenced by Schiaparelli in her early designs.328
The ―Mad Cap‖ was so popular that Schiaparelli began seeing copies of
it made everywhere. In her autobiography she claims that she ordered all of
the remaining hats in her stock destroyed after seeing the ―Mad Cap‖ on a
baby in a stroller:
from all the shop windows, including the five- and ten-centstores, at the corner of every street, from every bus, in town andin the country, the naughty hat obsessed her, until one day it winked at her from the bald head of a baby on a pram. That dayshe gave the order to her salesgirls to destroy every single one instock.329
Anyone who followed fashion would have easily recognized the cap in Man
Ray‘s photograph. His photographs isolate Schiaparelli‘s designs and put
them to work illustrating Tzara‘s thesis that unconscious images of sexuality
326Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 52.327 Britton, Katharine Hepburn : Star as Feminist , 32. See Britton‟s chapter 2 “Publicity,” for
accounts of Hepburn‟s clothing in contemporary journalism and chapter 4 “Gender and Bisexuality,”
for more on Hepburn‟s androgyny.328 For example Hepburn is described as wearing dungarees with a fur coat in a beat up truck. Ibid, 32.329 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 49-50.
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“The Colonel’s Lady and African Sadie are Sisters Under their Hats”332
In May of 1931 the French milliner Madame Agnès appeared on the
cover of L’Officiel de la Couture, de le Mode in a drawing by Jean Dunand.
(Figure 89) She is described as wearing "a charming evening gown, knickers
skirt, of coarse white silk crépon created especially for her by the Maison
Schiaparelli on the occasion of the Paris Colonial Exhibition of that year. Her
coiffeur, 'A.O.F.,' one of her latest creations, consists of a crin foundation
embroidered in artificial silk."333 In Dunand‘s evocative illustration, Agnès
looks less like a milliner, and more like an exotic dancer from the Colonial
Exposition her gown was made for. Her graceful pose recalls a dancer, not a
mannequin. Dunand portrays her in a contour drawing focusing on the gold
details of the gown, jewelry and headdress. In the background of the drawing,
a silhouetted profile creates a large block of black and a smaller one of blue.
Most of Agnès‘ body and gown are black, creating an image that is rife with
striking racial connotations. Schiaparelli‘s gown and Agnès‘ hat allow her to
embody a racial ―other.‖ In two photographs of her inside the magazine she is
clearly white, her face framed by the white background and her shiny light
colored silk straw hat. (Figure 90) Here she looks far more conventional, and
while the page‘s copy touts the ―Colonial Manifestation Chez Agnès,‖ the hat is
332 "B. Altman & Company Window Display of Agnès Hats," in B. Altman Window Display
Photographs (New York: Gladys Marcus Library, Fashion Institute of Technology, c. 1931).333 Légende Da La Page De Couverture," L'Officiel de la Couture de la Mode, no. 117 (May 1931), 3.
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one of her more abstract interpretations of the colonial theme. This is
particularly true when compared with one of her hats that appears in a
photograph two pages later, with its painted hand-knit crown topped with
coral bead embroidery and a black satin band.334 (Figure 91)
A Marshall Field & Company advertisement for Agnès hats from April
1931 proclaimed, ―Africa Speaks in Millinery.‖ But what exactly is Africa
saying? What does it mean for a white woman to wear an ―African,‖ or
―colonial‖ hat? A 1931 display of Agnés‘ hats in the window of B. Altman &
Co. in New York begins to reveal the complex story of the global turn of 1930s
fashion with a card reading: ―The Colonel‘s Lady and African Sadie are Sisters
Under their Hats.‖335 Clearly these hats were related to the history of
colonialism as well as to a long history of Orientalism in western fashion. The
1930s were a decade in which global influences of all kinds flowered in
fashion, inspired by the many World‘s Fairs and Colonial Expositions of the
period. African hats, Indian saris, sombreros, Mandarin caps, Hindu turbans,
and coolie caps covered the pages of fashion magazines, appeared on the
heads of movie stars, and filled the shelves of department stores. These
trends in 1930s fashion were a part of what I call an aesthetic of ―Strange
Glamour‖ that developed in this period. Strange glamour is built on
contradictions and contrasts. As we saw in the last chapter, fashion in the
1930s was moving away from the conformity of the 1920s flapper and towards
334 Colonial Manifestation Chez Agnès," L'Officiel de la Couture de la Mode, no. 117 (May 1931), 22.335 "B. Altman & Company Window Display of Agnès Hats."
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an emphasis on bold and brash looks for day —sometimes referred to as hard
chic—and slinky bias cut sex appeal in the evening. Global influences paired
with traditional European styles created dynamic ensembles, which were an
important part of this new strange glamour.
Surrealists are, of course, well known for their interest in the visual
culture of the colonized world. Wendy A. Grossman has detailed the
important role that photography played in the dispersal of images of African
art.336 She also demonstrates the ways that photographs of African art, which
have often been understood as objective documentary representations,
reflected instead the complex relationship of American and European artists
to African art. Moreover, such photographs have mediated the reception of
this art. The interest in so-called ―primitive art‖— what Grossman and others
term ―Modernist Primitivism‖—is often attributed to dissatisfaction with the
progress of the modern world in the wake of the rapid industrialization of the
nineteenth-century and, in particular, the horrors of World War I made
possible by the mechanization of war.337 For some American and European
artists, the art of Africa and Oceania, in particular, represented a simpler,
unchanging way of life more connected with spirituality. This view reflects
deep-seated beliefs about race, power, and progress, which were
institutionalized through colonial expansion.
336 See Wendy Grossman, "Modernist Gambits and Primitivist Discourses : Reframing Man Ray'sPhotographs of African and Oceanic Art" (PhD dissertation, University of Maryland, College Park,2002), and Grossman, Man Ray, African Art, and the Modernist Lens.337 Louise Tythacott, Surrealism and the Exotic (New York: Routledge, 2003), 1. Grossman, Man Ray,
African Art, and the Modernist Lens, 2.
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Many scholars have dealt extensively with the issues surrounding
―Modernist Primitivism,‖ and, in particular, Surrealism‘s engagement with
the primitive.338 I do not wish to make an attempt to resolve these debates,
important as they are. I choose instead to focus on what I will term
―Fashionable Primitivism‖—the way that ―primitive‖ influences played out in
fashion in the 1930s. Examining these influences can reveal the unique
relationship that women have with colonization. Though global cultures have
long influenced European fashion, I argue that these influences were used in a
unique way in the 1930s. ―Fashionable Primitivism‖ and the Surrealist‘s
brand of ―Modernist Primitivism‖ spoke to each other during this period. I
will trace this dialogue from the 1931 Colonial Exposition to the 1937 La Mode
au Congo exhibition at the Charles Ratton Gallery in Paris, an exhibition of a
group of hats from the Belgian Congo purchased by the milliner Lilly Daché.
This chapter‘s focus is on the Africanist aesthetic in fashion because these
influences are plentiful and rich. Moreover, more than any other continent in
the 1930s, Africa was radically ―other‖ for Europeans and Americans. It was
also a continent that had a lush life in the imaginations of Europeans and
Americans, as we will see.339 Comparing Agnès‘ hats with Daché‘s will reveal
the development of ―Fashionable Primitivism‖ from an abstract use of
338 See for example: William Stanley Rubin, ed. "Primitivism" In 20th Century Art : Affinity of the
Tribal and the Modern, 2 vols. (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1984). James Clifford, The
Predicament of Culture : Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge, Mass.:Harvard University Press, 1988). Tythacott, Surrealism and the Exotic.339 It is worth noting that fashion in the 1930s and indeed, contemporary fashion, freely adopts,appropriates and adapts from a wide variety of global sources, mixing and matching as it sees fit.Thus, to a certain extent singling out Africanist fashion is a matter of narrowing down an enormouswealth of material to a manageable portion.
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abstract uses of African style in the work of Madame Agnès, to the exuberant
appropriations of Lilly Daché, as well as the personal style of many individual
women in the 1930s.346 While Breton was using his collection to juxtapose
objects that questioned the idea of a universal aesthetic, designers such as
Schiaparelli, Agnés, and Daché were using a juxtaposition to interrupt
conventional standards of beauty though their designs. For these designers,
these chance encounters were embodied; they occurred on the body of a
fashionable woman: Nancy Cunard‘s African ivory bracelets and her bias cut
gown or Nusch Eluard wearing Schiaparelli‘s sari and carrying fan made of
transparent rodophane. (Figure 4)(Figure 5)
Colonial Background
In order to examine the ways that African objects and images of Africa
influenced fashionable women and Surrealists, we must briefly review the
state of colonialism in the 1930s. For the purposes of this investigation, I will
be focusing on France‘s relationship to its colonies as an exemplar of the state
of colonialism in the 1930s.347 World War I had re-shuffled the colonial map
for the major European powers. During the years between the World Wars,
France was—geographically at least—at the height of its colonial power.
346 This is not something I can pinpoint as starting in the 1930s, but I it reaches a kind of zenith then;while it still has a presence in fashion, it has faded from the forefront.347 Most of artists and designers I will be discussing were living and working in France, and most ofthe images and objects they were exposed to were a result of French colonialism. Though she lived inthe United States, Daché was French. I think that her relationship to Africa is better understood in thatcontext. Race in the US would also inform this research, but awaits a future project.
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featuring Babar and Tintin), on food packages, and, as we will see, in
fashion.351 At the heart of all of these images is exoticization—the use of an
348 Martin Thomas, The French Empire between the Wars: Imperialism, Politics and Society (NewYork: Manchester University Press, 2005), 1-12.349 Ibid, 2-3, 5.350 Elizabeth Ezra, The Colonial Unconscious: Race and Culture in Interwar France (Ithaca: CornellUniversity Press, 2000), 2.351 Ibid, 2-3, 21.
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other to define the self.352 Elizabeth Ezra employs the terms of Orientalist and
Africanist discourse as a framework for thinking about eroticization and the
way in which artists and fashion designers responded to objects from the
colonies. She discusses these two positions not in terms of the particular
parts of the world they examine, but rather how they examine them.
Orientalism is concerned with rational study and classification of objects,
whereas Africanist discourse is positioned against the rational; it searches, but
not for any particular meaning.353 The Surrealists, and the fashion designers I
will discuss, approached objects and images from a broad range of countries
through Africanist discourse, reveling in the mystery and indeterminacy of
them.
The Surrealists were deeply engaged with an exoticism that venerated
African, Oceanic, and Native North American objects and cultures as
uninhibited and extraordinary. Louise Tythacott explains that ―the Surrealists
were, on the one hand, progressive and radical, on the other, fixed within the
world-view of their time…While disavowing the discourses of evolutionism
and aesthetic primitivism they constructed in their place equally problematic
discourses of the fantastic, the magical and the mystical.‖354 The Surrealists
treated non-western art, not as a series of motifs to be appropriated, but as
discrete objects that were linked to spirituality and the primitive
352 For an extended definition see: Brett A. Berliner, Ambivalent Desire: The Exotic Black Other in
Jazz-Age France (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2002), 4-6.353 Ezra, The Colonial Unconscious: Race and Culture in Interwar France, 12.354 Tythacott, Surrealism and the Exotic, 14.
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subconscious. Cubists and other early Modernists along with Art Deco
designers had appropriated design motifs and aesthetics from African and
other non-western objects. Inspiration from the exotic colonies was crucial in
the development of Art Deco design. Ghislaine Wood writes that:
‗reality‘ for many people in the 1930s was permeated by theexotic. From the moment they turned on their mini zigguratradios in the morning, to the moment they left their Egyptian-style cinema at night, Art Deco exoticism surrounded them.Every aspect of modern living was given an exotic veneer, fromfaçades of factories and cinemas to the packaging of perfumesand chocolates.355
Where design motifs and themes had dominated the adaptations of Cubists
and Art Deco designers, Surrealists were interested in the meaning behind
such exotic objects. The Surrealists acknowledged that the objects they
collected had aesthetic value, meaning and potentially a function outside of an
aesthetic one in their original context, but they were not necessarily interested
in understanding that purpose in any serious way. African, Oceanic, and
Native American art was interesting to the Surrealists because they thought it
had a deeper and more primary relation to the maker‘s and user‘s
subconscious than did European art.356 This belief was tied to racist ideas
about the backwardness of the people who made such objects.357 As Tythacott
355 Ghislaine Wood, "The Exotic," in Art Deco 1910-1939, ed. Charlotte Benton, Tim Benton, andGhislaine Wood (London: V&A Publications, 2003), 125.356 Louise Tythacott explains that “The Surrealists frequently aligned the primitive, the mad, and the
child within their supposedly subversive system of belief, conceptualizing the art forms of all three asdirect expressions of inner life.” Tythacott, Surrealism and the Exotic, 55.357 See Tythacott‟s chapter “Fantasy, theory, Surrealist ideology,” which goes through the different
psychological, philosophical and evolutionary theories which influenced the Surrealists notion of the“primitive,” in Ibid, 55, 49-84.
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points out, despite the fact that the Surrealists were more sensitive to colonial
oppression and the idea that the objects they sometimes obsessively collected
belonged to living traditions, they were still a product of the attitudes of the
colonialist cultures in which they lived.
The tension between the impulse to classify the other, and the desire to
create mysterious fantasies about the other, is reflected in a well known
photograph of a Mangbetu woman named Nobosodrou, who was the wife of
the Mangbetu King Touba, taken by George Specht. (Figure 92) The
photograph was by far the most famous image that emerged from ―La
Croisière Noire‖ (―The Black Crossing‖), an expedition across the Sahara
sponsored by Citroën. The journey spawned a film La Croisière Noire (1926),
which documented the trip from Algeria to Madagascar between October 1924
and June 1925. Brett Berliner calls the expedition,
perhaps, the first multimedia extravaganza in France. Itgenerated numerous short ethnographic movies, and it becamethe subject of a feature-length film including original music and African songs arranged for orchestra. It was the subject ofnumerous journal articles, one major book, and an artexhibition. Finally, artifacts collected during the expedition were displayed in ethnographic and zoological museum andexhibitions.358
The photograph of Nobosodrou circulated in a diverse array of media
throughout the 1920s and 1930s: books, postcards, posters, sculpture, and
most curiously fashion. In books, the photograph was used as evidence of
what many European explorers had identified as the Mangbetu people‘s
358 Berliner, Ambivalent Desire: The Exotic Black Other in Jazz-Age France, 189-190
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advanced and hierarchical society.359 The photograph of the dignified and
elegant profile of a woman whose skull had been carefully shaped when she
was a child through binding was emblematic of the aesthetics of the
Mangbetu, which were often linked to Ancient Egypt.360 The photograph
served as a classification tool, evidence for constructing a hierarchy of African
societies along with the other photographs from ―La Croisière Noire.‖361
The photograph was also used as a representation of the exotic
mysteries of Africa. Enid Schildkrout explains that, ―by the 1930s, the image
of the ‗long-headed Mangbetu‘ woman was virtually a logo for Belgian
colonialism, feature in images at the 1931 and 1937 French expositions and on
postcards, posters, guidebooks, and in art galleries. This image was
simultaneously exotic, erotic, and easily aestheticized.‖362 The Mangbetu
woman became the de facto logo for the expedition and film, used on posters,
and even, curiously, on a hood ornament for a Citroën. In these contexts she
represented all of Africa, as an exotic and mysterious other. The eroticism of
this image is key to its adoption as a symbol of the expedition and ―Africa.‖363
359 The photograph first appeared in the book published by expedition leaders Georges-Marie Haardtand Louis Audouin-Dubreuil in 1927, La Croisière Noire, expedition Citroën Centre-Afrique.360 Enid Schildkrout, " Les Parisiens d'Afrique: Mangbetu Women as Works of Art," in Black
Womanhood: Images, Icons, and Ideologies of the African Body, ed. Barbara Thompson (Hanover:Hood Museum of Art, Dartmouth College, 2008), 71-73.361 The photograph was also used in the context of classification by American artist Malvina Hoffman,when she was commissioned by the Field Museum in Chicago to create a large group of sculptures toillustrate “the Races of Man” for the Hall of Man. What is fascinating about Hoffman‟s sculptures is
that she traveled extensively in Africa, and yet clearly relies on Specht‟s photographs in her sculpture.362 Schildkrout, " Les Parisiens d'Afrique: Mangbetu Women as Works of Art," 81.363 The fact the Aaron Douglas made Nobosodrou the subject of the cover of Opportunity, an African-American magazine, in May 1927, reflects the image‟s status in both Europe and America as a
representation of Africa.
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Brett A. Berliner rightly points out that, ―integral to exoticism is
―ethno-eroticism,‖ the state of sexual arousal and desire for a specific people
solely because of their racial or ethnic identity.‖364 Ethno-eroticism is at the
heart of the Africanist discourse that Ezra defines. We can see this kind of
exoticism and eroticism in the designs of the French milliner, Agnès. A series
elongated turbans appeared in L’Officiel in August 1926. (Figure 93) They do
not have the elegance of Nobosodrou‘s hairstyle, but merely approximate the
style.365 Notably, one of these hats is modeled by Josephine Baker, cementing
the connection between the hats and two of the most famous icons of black
beauty at the time: Baker and Nobosodrou. Baker‘s status as an ethno-erotic
sex symbol underlines the sexuality evoked through the reference to Africa.
This gendered use of exoticism, which is inextricably tied to eroticism,
is central to my examination of Primitivism in both fashion and Surrealism.
The gendering of exoticism is clear in the way in which intermarriage was
treated in France in the 1930s. Colonized men were not considered proper
husbands for French women, but on the other hand colonized women were
seen as potential partners from French men. By the time of the 1937
Exposition, assimilationist rhetoric was more prominent in colonial discourse.
The children of colonial unions, particularly girls, could—rhetorically, at
364 Berliner, Ambivalent Desire: The Exotic Black Other in Jazz-Age France, 4.365 In the 19th century “designations commonly applied to the Mangbetu were „artistes,‟ and „the
Parisians of Africa,‟ „les élégants,‟ and „les jouisseurs.‟ The Mangbetu were a natural sour ce forEuropean milliners to draw from with their interest in adornment and stunning headwear. EnidSchildkrout and Curtis A. Keim, African Reflections: Art from Northeastern Zaire (Seattle: Universityof Washington Press, 1990), 30.
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least— become a productive part of bolstering the French population.366 By
the late 1930s, marriages between white French men and métisses were
officially encouraged.367 French women however were left out of this
equation. While French culture encouraged men to look at colonial women
with an ethno-erotic gaze, colonial men were not suitable objects for French
women‘s fantasies, at least not their public fantasies. Through fashions, such
as Agnès‘s turbans, French women could temporarily take on the ethno-erotic
through masquerade.
Surreal Collecting
The Surrealist men did not engage with Africa, Oceania, or Native
North America through masquerade, as many women did, but rather through
collecting. Surrealists such as Breton often used these collections as a form of
social critique. Breton used objects from Africa and Oceania to question the
values of bourgeois culture. His collection included:
stuffed birds, cases of tropical butterflies, coins, minerals,crystals, glass bottles, objects made by psychiatric patients, books, paintings by Henri Rousseau, prints by Edvard Munch,drawings by Seurat and Adolf Wölfi, sculptures by Giacometti,objets trouvées, masks, sculptures and exotic artifacts from Africa, Oceania and the Americas.368
366 Ezra, The Colonial Unconscious: Race and Culture in Interwar France, 16.367 Thomas, The French Empire between the Wars: Imperialism, Politics and Society, 167.368 Tythacott, Surrealism and the Exotic, 43.
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Freely mixing ―high‖ art, objects from the natural world, and those made by
―primitive‖ cultures, Breton questioned the hierarchies of bourgeois taste and
drew parallels between these objects.
James Clifford‘s description of Breton‘s Ethnographic Surrealism
works hard to erase the feminized practices of shopping and interior
decoration that are central to Breton‘s practice as a collector. Like most
collectors of his time, Breton did not travel to Africa or Oceania where his
objects came from; he bought them in the markets of Paris, made possible by
colonialism.369 No matter how much they despised colonialism and the
capitalism that fueled it, Surrealists were actively and enthusiastically
involved in these systems through their collecting practices.370 It is also worth
remembering that Breton‘s collection served as a form of capital for him, not
only cultural capital, but financial. He sold a large portion of his extensive
collection of African and Oceanic art in 1931 in the wake of the Wall Street
crash and his own financial problems.371 He and Paul Eluard joined forces for
an auction at the Hôtel Drouot, which raised an incredible 285,000 francs.
Breton is often described as an explorer, discovering objects at the flea
market, but his activity is no differerent from that of the women shopping for
antiques there.
369 He did travel to Mexico, the U.S., Canada and the Caribbean. Most of the objects in his collectionwere acquired in france, England, Holland, and leter the United States.370 Tythacott, Surrealism and the Exotic, 96. Janine A. Mileaf, Please Touch: Dada and Surrealist
Objects after the Readymade (Hanover: Dartmouth College Press, 2010), 133.371 It is also worth noting that Breton acquired a collection of contemporary European, African,Chinese, Japanese, and Native American art for the couturier Jacques Doucet‟s studio. This work not
only ties Breton‟s collection practices to fashion, but also turns his work as a collector into
professional employment.
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Breton‘s shelves and walls crowded with artifacts might have been
anathema to the sleek modern sensibility of the bourgeois home that he
detested, but he was using his artifacts to similar ends. They were intended to
demonstrate that Breton was worldly and part of the avant-garde, that he
understood the mysteries of these non-western objects, and that he could see
their beauty. For Breton, the domestic space became an expression of the
surreal, a glimpse into the images floating around his own subconscious.
Breton was deeply engaged with interior decoration and design, and yet no
scholars seem willing to associate his practice with this feminized activity.
Comparing Breton‘s use of his collection in interior design with cosmetic‘s
mogul Helena Rubinstein will make this clear.
On his trips through the Paris Flea Market, Breton looked for objects
that had some kind of psychic value to him.372 Some of these objects were
from Africa, Oceania, or Native North America, while others were vernacular
objects whose uses were obscured by the passage of time. Breton used the
objects in a number of ways. As discussed above, he decorated his apartment
with them in arrangements that created surreal juxtapositions between
modernist paintings and sculpture, African masks, Oceanic carvings, and
objects from the natural world. His juxtaposition of Cubist paintings, African
masks, and shadow boxes of butterflies challenges the viewer to connect the
objects, but gives no answers about the way they are related. (Figure 94) The
372 For more on Breton and the Flea Market, see: chapter 3, “André Breton at the Flea Market of Saint -Ouen: The Tactile Flâneur,” in Mileaf, Please Touch: Dada and Surrealist Objects after the
Readymade, 85-118.
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collection can also be enacted by the reader, as Breton provides illustrations
of all of these objects. As we will see, Breton also created a space for seeing
and reading a group of diverse objects in the Surrealist Exhibition of Objects
in 1936.
The photographs in Nadja constitute their own kind of curatorial
project for Breton. The book was another space in which Breton could
combine, high and low, natural and man made, and European art and Oceanic
sculpture. He continued this kind of curatorial practice in Mad Love, mixing
images of mineral formations and coral reefs, strange objects he found at the
flea market, and works of art by his friends Man Ray and Giacometti. Helena
Rubinstein, the American cosmetics mogul, had her own unique collection of
objects that she displayed in her New York salon and apartment. Though her
collecting practices have often been marginalized as mere shopping by
contemporary scholars, her collection and display practices had much
common with Breton.375
Rubinstein was interested in the same kinds of juxtapositions as
Breton. Her African objects, were contrasted in her salons with her
contemporary painting and sculpture collection as well the fashionable
patrons of the salon.376 As with Breton‘s atelier, her salon and apartment
375 In a recent documentary gallerist David Nash for the Michell-Innes & Nash Gallery describes her as“more of an accumulator…this was a lady who responded to works of art and living with them. She
bought what she liked and she liked a lot of things.” Ann Carol Grossman and Arnie Reisman, "ThePowder and the Glory," (USA: PBS, 2007).
376 Man Ray has often been mistakenly identified as an important collector of African art, and particularly as the owner of Rubinstein‟s Bangwa Queen because of his famous photographs of the
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were used frequently as backdrops for photographs. The extraordinary works
of art art in her New York apartment were ideal accessories for fashion
shoots.377 Vogue described Rubinstein‘s home as a ―Collector‘s Fantasy,‖
calling Rubinstein ―an adventurous soul who deviates from established
routes,‖ describing the way she paired modern and antique furniture,
European paintings and sculptures with African sculptures to create an
―assemblage.‖378 These juxtapositions are fascinating in the context of a
space so focused on beauty. Rubinstein‘s mixing of Cubist, Surrealist, and
African art created juxtapositions that suggested multiple ideas of beauty.379
We can see the way the Rubinstein herself promoted this idea in
George Maillard-Kessle‘s 1935 publicity photograph of her holding an African
mask. The fashionable modern suit and Chanel gloves she wears contrast
with the perceived timelessness of the mask.(Figure 95) This image was
meant to coincide with the Museum of Modern Art‘s exhibition African Negro
Art , which included several of Rubinstein‘s pieces. The accompanying press
release describes Rubinstein‘s collection:
sculpture. Wendy Grossman has revealed that he “never owned more than a handful of small Africanobjects.” The persistence of this narrative is telling in that it reveals the close association of Surrealists
with the collecting of non-western art, and the privileging of the artist‟s eye in these collections. It also
reveals the way in which the act of photographing an object can confer ownership on the photographer.Grossman cites one scholar‟s attribution of a record-breaking auction price to the fact that the famous“Bangwa Queen” belonged to Man Ray and was photographed by him, giving it an added Surrealistaura and authenticity. Grossman, Man Ray, African Art, and the Modernist Lens, 76.377Spanish Triumphs by Balenciaga the Spaniard," Harper’s Bazaar (15 September 1939), 64-5.378 Collector's Fantasy," Vogue (15 August 1938), 120.379 The Brooklyn museum often staged exhibitions which made use of this ethnographic-collageaesthetic, for example a 1939 exhibitions, Mask: Barbaric and Civilized , in which masks from manydifferent periods and cultures were displayed, among them masks used for beauty treatments atElizabeth Arden‟s salons.
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Fortuny, inspired by his home in the trading mecca of Venice, combined
classical references, such as his Delphos gown, and shapes and patterns from
the Middle East, North Africa, and China. These influences helped provide an
exotic context for his largely untailored designs. Poiret was famous for
incorporating Middle Eastern themes into his designs, popularizing ―harem
trousers,‖ the ―lampshade‖ tunic, and other exotic costumes inspired by his
elaborate ―Thousand and Second Night Party‖ in 1911.382 These costumes
exploited fantasies about the ―Orient‖ as strange and exotic, and its women as
possessing a potent erotic charge. Poiret used Orientalist themed fancy dress
parties in a calculating manner to associate his avant-garde pants and simple
corset-less gowns with fantasies about harems and far away pleasure palaces.
(Figure 96) Poiret emphasized the exoticism of bifurcated garments for
women, moving them away from the practical clothes of the dress reformer
Amelia Bloomer and connecting them instead to an imagined world of sultans
and slaves. Poiret dressed as a sultan for his lavish 1911 party, and dressed his
wife in a ―lampshade‖ tunic, placing her in a golden cage surrounded by
attendants that was opened at the start of the party. Poiret used the exotic
sensuality of the imagined orient to give his radically modern clothes a
familiar and appealing context.
382 Poiret‟s use of Orientalist motifs is also connected to visual culture entering Paris through theDiagalev‟s Ballet Russe, and the 1899 publication of a new translation of The Thousand and One
Nights by Dr. J.C. Mardrus a friend of Poiret‟s. See, Peter Wollen, "Fashion/Orientalism/the Body," New Formations, no. 1 (Spring 1987), 8.
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These styles, though, were best situated to Poiret‘s costume parties or
an avant-garde salon in Greenwich Village. By the 1930s styles from Africa,
South America, and India covered the pages of fashion magazines and were
worn by the chicest of women. The idea of Africa, in particular, was becoming
increasingly important in fashion. Such ―Africanist‖ fashions did not derive
from what people wore in Africa, but rather from images of Africa in the
popular culture of Europe and America. Key, of course, to the rise of
―Africanist‖ fashion was the popularity of Jazz music and its association with
Africa, and it most famous ambassador, Josephine Baker. Baker‘s life, work,
and influence has been detailed in many excellent studies, and I do not wish
to rehash that material here.383 What is important about Baker, however, is
that for her white audiences, she embodied both chic modernism—dressed by
the best couturiers—as well as ―primitive‖ sexuality. 384
Baker‘s fashionable status is confirmed by her appearance on the pages
of French fashion magazines, and her role as a model for Reard bathing suits
and knitwear, appearing in advertisements in L’Officiel de la Couture. A
383 See for example: Bennetta Jules-Rosette, Josephine Baker in Art and Life: The Icon and the Image (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007). Petrine Archer Straw, Negrophilia : Avant-Garde Paris
and Black Culture in the 1920s (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2000). Tyler Edward Stovall, Paris
Noire: African Americans in the City of Light (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996). Berliner, Ambivalent Desire: The Exotic Black Other in Jazz-Age France.384 On Baartmann see, Clifton Crais and Pamela Scully, Sara Baartman and the Hottentot Venus: A
Ghost Story and a Biography (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), , Sander Gilman, "TheHottentot and the Prostitute: Toward an Iconography of Female Sexuality," in Race-Ing Art History:
Critical Readings in Race and Art History, ed. Kymberly N. Pinder (New York: Routledge, 2002),119-38, Rachel Holmes, African Queen: The Real Life of the Hottentot Venus (New York: RandomHouse, 2007), and Zoe Strother, "Display of the Body Hottentot," in Africans on Stage : Studies in
Ethnological Show Business, ed. Bernth Lindfors (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 1-61.
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number of texts credit her with starting the Vogue for tanning.385 In the years
after World War I there was a shift from tan skin signifying the outdoor labor
of the lower class to the leisure time of the upper-class spent on exotic
beaches. This occurred for a number of complex reasons, however, Josephine
Baker as a striking icon of tanned beauty is particularly interesting in
relationship to African-inspired fashions. Baker herself recalled that the
French ―all went to the beaches to get dark like Josephine Baker…the French
got sick trying to get black —café au lait—you weren‘t anything unless you
were café au lait.‖386 Bronzers and new colors such as ―suntan‖ became
popular at the end of the 1920s. Famous white women like Coco Chanel and
Joan Crawford helped to popularize sun worshiping.387 Tan skin clearly still
had a symbolic connection to people of color at the same time that it came to
stand for exotic tourism. Joan Crawford, for example, was scolded by the
studio for her tanning ―because she looked ‗like a lineal descendent of
Sheba.‘"388 The fear of racial slippage and indeterminacy was prominent in
this period, at the same time that ethnic beauty was becoming more popular
in Hollywood.
385 Lois G. Gordon, Nancy Cunard: Heiress, Muse, Political Idealist (New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 2007), 98. Jules-Rosette, Josephine Baker in Art and Life: The Icon and the Image, 63.386 Henry Louis Gates, "An Interview with Josephine Baker and James Baldwin," The Southern Review 21 (July 1985), 597.387 By 1935 beauty stories on tanning were regular features of the resort issues of Vogue and Harper’s
Bazaar.388 Sarah Berry, Screen Style: Fashion and Femininity in 1930s Hollywood (Minneapolis: Universityof Minnesota Press, 2000), 109.
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In the 1930s, standards of beauty were widening, in large part because
of the marketing strategies of cosmetic corporations. In her analysis of
fashion in films in the 1930s, Sarah Berry discusses,
Hollywood's "spectacle of difference"—its creation of ethnicity asa consumable pleasure. One of the primary products of thisspectacle, the image of exotic beauty, was indispensable to therecuperation of cosmetics. The frequent use of exotic femalestars as endorsers of women's beauty products was thus at odds with nativist norms of beauty, just as women's obsession withRudolph Valentino, Ramon Novarro, and Charles Boyer'spassionate sexuality was seen as a rejection of culturallyapproved but boring WASP masculinity.389
Berry argues that cosmetic companies relied on an ever-widening spectrum of
beauty types and new looks to promote new products. The commodification
of ethnicity allowed for new kinds of marketing for cosmetics beyond the idea
of the pale ―natural‖ white beauty.390 Berry specifically examines such trends
in the United States where national identity is made increasingly complex in
the early twentieth-century by the arrival of immigrants from an increasingly
diverse group of countries.
―Spectacles of difference‖ were an important part of visual culture in
the 1930s in both Europe and the United States. Creating a spectacle of
difference— whether through Hollywood film, jazz music, worlds fairs, or
fashion—was a way ―to normalize, contain and manage non-European
cultures through the very process of creating them as spectacle.‖391 Difference
was made into a commodity through spectacle; it could be consumed, and
389 Ibid, 98.390 Ibid, 95.391 Evans, Fashion at the Edge : Spectacle, Modernity, and Deathliness, 31.
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Orientalist and Africanist images have a long history of being linked to
sexuality.394 Wendy Grossman chronicled the ways that African objects were
associated to female sexuality in Modernist photography. Looking at the
ethno-eroticism in these photographs illuminates the prevalence of ideas
about primitive sexuality in the 1920s and 1930s, which, as we will see,
extended into the world of fashion. Grossman examines the ways that artists
such as Alfred Stieglitz and Man Ray pair African objects with female models,
often nude. These photographs not only reinforce the link between
primitivism and nudity, but also the notion of women as inherently primitive
in contrast to men. Grossman explains that these photographs, ―[posit] a
female/male dichotomy in which women are the ‗primitive‘ foil for the
‗civilized‘ male viewer. In this paradigm, the female body of all races
symbolizes women‘s supposedly unbridled sexuality in its natural state,
engendering erotic notions upon which male fantasies could be projected.‖395
We can see this idea in Man Ray‘s oeuvre, which is littered with such images
of women and non-western objects. Most famous perhaps is Noire et Blanche
(1926) in which Man Ray‘s model Kiki‘s smooth ovoid face with closed eyes
394 See, Linda Nochlin, "The Imaginary Orient," and , Gilman "The Hottentot and the Prostitute:Toward an Iconography of Female Sexuality," in Race-Ing Art History: Critical Readings in Race and
Art History, ed. Kymberly N. Pinder (New York: Routledge, 2002). Susan L. Hannel, "The Influenceof American Jazz on Fashion," in Twentieth-Century American Fashion, ed. Linda Welters andPatricia A. Cunningham (New York: Berg, 2005). Berliner, Ambivalent Desire: The Exotic Black
Other in Jazz-Age France.395 Grossman, Man Ray, African Art, and the Modernist Lens, 38.
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and slicked hair seems to mimic the contours of the Baule mask she holds.
(Error! Reference source not found.)
The photomontages of German Dada artist Hannah Höch demonstrate
the pervasiveness of the formulaic conflation of women with the primitive
other. The photomontages in the series, From an Ethnographic Museum
from the 1920s and early 1930s, combine images of ethnographic objects with
images of women. Höch scholar Maude Lavin describes these as mixing
―images connoting the display of the New Woman—in department-store
windows, magazines, and film—and the offering of ethnographic objects in
ethnographic museums.‖396 Lavin understands these images as a general
critique of the commodification of the New Woman and primitivism,
representing Höch‘s ambivalence about the performance of self that the
commodification of culture necessitates. Wendy Grossman, on the other
hand, sees Höch‘s work as a parody of the conflation of women and primitive
others. She understands Hoch‘s work as specifically commenting on
a prevalent trope of the Primitivist narrative in which womenand non-westerners are conflated as primal others, perceived aspossessing more elemental naïve, and childlike instincts. Whilecertainly inflected with biases of the times Höch‘s parodies ofthe popular representation of women and purportedly primitivecultures offer a perceptive analysis and rare critique of insidiousattitudes then pervading society.397
Whatever Höch‘s artistic intention, the From an Ethnographic Museum
series reveals the popular tangling of women and ethnographic ―others,‖ in a
396 Maud Lavin, "From an Ethnographic Museum," Grand Street , no. 58 (Autumn 1996), 128.397 Grossman, Man Ray, African Art, and the Modernist Lens, 85.
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manner. It is also possible to read the image as an expression of a phallic
dimension to Kahn‘s sexuality; an expression of her primitive and more
masculine erotic power. However we chose to read these images, it is clear
that they are fraught with primitive erotics, conflating female sexuality and
primitivism. In these photographs,
the female body was manipulated as an object of desire andfetishization in the Surrealist visual vocabulary. This formula,as it resurfaces in numerous manifestations of Man Ray‘s andothers‘ photographs of non-Western art throughout the 1920sand ‗30s reflects the Surrealists‘ vision of woman as muse and
their equation of unleashed female sexuality with notions of the―primitive‖ and its attendant tropes.398
Even more explicit were Man Ray‘s photographs of nudes with African and
Oceanic sculptures. In 1934, for example, he photographed a nude model
with Helena Rubinstein‘s Bangwa ―Queen‖ sculpture. (Figure 99)(Figure 100)
The photographs were probably taken before or just after the sculpture was
sold to Rubinstein when it was still in Charles Ratton‘s galler y.399 In these
photographs, the nude sports a fashionable Marcel Wave hairstyle, bangle
bracelets, a ring and earrings. The nude is not the classical and timeless one
of Man Ray‘s solarized photographs. Wendy Grossman has noted how the
model‘s racial ambiguity —she is often mistaken for Caribbean model
Adrienne Fidelin—has both troubled and attracted viewers because the
―photograph cannot be firmly placed within a dichotomous racial discourse
398 Ibid, 98.399 Ibid, 135.
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by Man Ray, c. 1936, as well as a series of photographs by Cecil Beaton from
1930 both of Cunard‘s arms are covered in bangles.401 (Figure 101) In Man
Ray‘s portrait, the bangled arms become columns supporting Cunard‘s
fashionably coiffed and made-up head, her leopard print dress completes the
African style of the look. The collection of bracelets itself was the subject of
several photographs by Raoul Ubac and Man Ray.402
Cunard was a writer, publisher and political activist. She used her
jewelry to express her allegiance to avant-garde literature, art and fashion.
Her eccentric look set her apart from other women, and her use of African
objects as a part of her look connected her to other modernists interested in
Africa. Cunard was fascinated not only with Africa, but also with African
Americans and Jazz. In the 1920s all three were heavily conflated. My
interest here is not in examining Cunard‘s politics. Nor do I want to examine
her attempts to promote what we would now call civil rights in her
monumental publication, Negro (1934).403 What is relevant in this context is
the way that Cunard used her African jewelry to express what she saw as
progressive racial politics, her love of jazz and her connection to the avant-
garde. According to Wendy Grossman, Cunard‘s bracelets ―acted as signifiers
for a new kind of modernity, presenting her as a trendy arbiter of taste
401 The Beaton photographs are reproduced in: Ibid, cat. 104-107.402 Interestingly, Man Ray uses a Navajo rug to cover the surface on which the bracelets are piled likethe spoils of conquest, or perhaps items for sale at the Paris Flea Market. The Navajo rug is sucked upinto the pile of African objects and their root in a distant culture is lost. This photograph alsoemphasizes the way that diverse cultures were often tangled together by artists and fashion designers.For reproductions of these photographs see: Ibid, 108-9, 111-112.403 For more on Cunard and these issues see Gordon, Nancy Cunard: Heiress, Muse, Political Idealist ,156-195.
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through her association with African artifacts.‖404 By the time Man Ray‘s
photograph of Cunard appeared in British Vogue, the ―‗new fashion‘ for
African Chic had virtually become her own.‖405 (Error! Reference source not
found.)
Nancy Cunard‘s somewhat eccentric adoption of African bracelets as
her signature accessory certainly influenced other women to adopt them.
Susan L. Hannel‘s excellent essay ―The Influence of American jazz on
Fashion,‖ traces the connection of such bracelets to popular dances in the
1920s, such as the Charleston and the Black Bottom. She demonstrates that
even bangle bracelets were strongly associated with Africa and jazz in the
1920s and 30s. These are precisely the kind of bracelets worn by the model in
Man Ray‘s photographs of the Bangwa Queen sculpture.(Error! Reference source
not found.) Kiki de Montparnasse wears a small set of bangles in the variation
of Noire et Blanche, and Man Ray is attentive to them in a contour sketch ofthe photograph. (Figure 102)(Figure 103) Man Ray associated these bracelets
with African art.
By the 1930s, bracelets worn in large qualities were clearly de rigueur
to create an exotic look. Elizabeth Harvey declared in the Washington Post in
1931: ―Seven is the lucky number of bracelets to wear when your accessories
go native.‖406 A short Washington Post article in 1928 proclaimed that the
404 Grossman, Man Ray, African Art, and the Modernist Lens, 137.405 Ibid, 137.406 Elisabeth Harvey, "Algerian Motifs Inspire Jewelry and Accessories," The Washington Post , 1March 1931, A1.
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―Art of Congo Jungle is Fashtion in Paris [sic],‖ reporting that ―there is a Paris
rage for Congo sculpture and painting. It has an echo in slave bracelets and
ring necklaces, both inspired by primitive African costumes—or lack of
costumes.‖407 These ―African‖ bangles, made of metal, wood, or plastic,
abstracted the bracelets in Cunard‘s collection. Aesthetically, they had no
concrete referent in African jewelry, but were clearly connected in the popular
imagination to Africa and jazz. The example of the bangles demonstrates how
appealing ―African‖ style was in the 1920s and 1930s. It also shows the
tenuous ties such fashion had to anything genuinely African. Just as
Surrealist artists conflated the art of Oceania, Africa, and Native North
America, fashion designers freely mixed styles from a range of countries and
ethnic groups. As we have seen, early on the cachet of these designs lay not in
their authenticity, but rather in the ways that they were commercially linked
to exotic cultures.
“Africa Speaks in Millinery”408
As we saw in her Mangbetu hats, the milliner Agnès created some
designs that were tied to specific images of Africa, but by and large her
designs evokes a more generalized form of fashionable primitivism. It is clear
that Agnès associates herself promotionally with this style in her appearance
on the cover of L’Officiel . She had appeared on the magazine‘s cover in 1926
407 "Art of Congo Jungle Is Fashtion in Paris [Sic]," The Washington Post , 12 January 1928, 3.408 Marshall Field & Company Advertisement," Chicago Daily Tribune, 20 April 1931, 17.
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tradition in fashion, and her pose in the Dunand drawing links her to the
many groups of dancers from all over the world who were performing in Paris
as a part of the exposition. (Figure 106) Her dress seems derived from an
amalgamation of the styles of both the Asian and African dancers. The French
magazine L’Illustration devoted six pages to the dances at the colonial
exposition in its August 22, 1931 issue. Bracelets like the ones worn by Agnès
appear on dancers from the Ivory Coast, Bali, and Cambodia. Her richly
ornamented dress refers to the opulent fabric of the costumes for the Balinese
and Cambodian dancers featured in the magazine, but pared down to a more
streamlined aesthetic. The bareness of Agnès‘ shoulders and arms connects
her with the dancers from Senegal and the Ivory Coast who wear jewelry and
hats but little else. Agnès‘ hair ornament is perhaps inspired by Mme. Nyota
Inyoka‘s head wrap. (Figure 107) Inyoka was a famous dancer in the 1920s
and 30s. L’Illustration calls her Hindu, but in other articles she is said to be
Egyptian or Persian.411 Inyoka, the daughter of an Indian father and a French
mother, grew up in Paris, fascinated with Indian and Egyptian culture. She
successfully drew on these cultures in her dancing and performed in New
York and Paris in the 1920s. According to The Chicago Defender, Inyoka,
―the little dark skinned dancer,‖ had been a part of the Ziegfeld Follies, was
fired ―when it was generally rumored she was a Race girl,‖ that is Black.412
Despite her talent, Inyoka‘s mysterious heritage was enough to create rumors.
411 "Gives Eastern Dances," New York Times, 25 February 1924, 13. John Martin "The Dance: BusyTimes," New York Times 19 December 1937, 156.412 "Nyota Dances," The Chicago Defender 28 March 1925, 6.
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hairstyles. Just as Inyoka mixed cultures in her performances, Agnès‘ dress
on the cover of L’Officiel draws from a number of the different dancers‘
costumes from the Colonial exposition, as well as the chic pajama costumes of
the early 1930s.
One of the most interesting illustrations that accompanies the article
on the Colonial Exposition‘s dances is a drawing of ―La Fête Sénégalaise des
fanaux, dans la vues du village indigene de l‘Exposition.‖414 This is the only
illustration where the dancers‘ audience is visible. A group of well dressed
men and women in evening clothes stands on the right side watching the
dancers politely, the man closest to us with his hands sedately clasped behind
his back. In contrast to their vertical posture, the Senegalese dancers move at
dynamic angles, their legs and bodies bent, and arms akimbo. Agnès‘ posture
in Dunand‘s drawing is not nearly as dynamic, it is perhaps closer to the
graceful posture of the Balinese dances, but she is clearly associating herself
with the colonial visitors to the exposition.
413 Ibid, 6. Jacqueline Robinson, Modern Dance in France: An Adventure 1920-1970 (Amsterdam:Harwood Academic Publishers, 1997), 92-93.414 “The Senegalese celebration of lights, in view of the native village at the Exposition.” [my
translation] Paul-Émile Cadilhac, "L'heure De Ballet," L'Illustration, no. 4616 (22 August 1931), n.p.
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Algerian Hat. It has the native side back point—the twisted colonial colors.‖417
The hat illustrated was a low cap that came to a point on the side of the head,
similar in shape to Schiaparelli‘s Mad Cap of the pre vious season. The same
hat appeared in Vogue on March 15, 1931 on Princesse de Faucigny-Lucinge.
In Hoyningen Huené‘s photograph the lush texture of Agnès‘ hat is even
clearer. Here, we can see how Agnès takes the popular shape—off the face
with a jaunty angle—and weaves ―strips of beige kid and brown raffia, around
which are twisted strands of brown wool that separate to show the hair at one
side.‖418 Raffia was one of the many French colonial imports being promoted
at the 1931 exposition.419 The copy of Agnès‘ hat available at Marshall Field
used woven brown and yellow raffia with twisted bands of red yellow and
brown crepe de chine to create a graphic appearance. The Broadway
Department Store in Los Angeles offered copies of Agnès‘ turbans in velvet.
These hats could also be found in the windows of B. Altman & Company in
New York, where they were advertised with the headline: ―The Colonel‘s Lady
and African Sadie are Sisters Under their Hats.‖420 (Figure 108)
Another of these cone-shaped hats by Agnès appears in the May 1931
issue of Harper’s Bazaar. (Figure 109) The caption tells us that, ―Agnès is
going French Colonial. This hat, inspired by Cambodian head-gear, she made
for Madame Schiaparelli. It is a cone shaped affair made of braided strips of
417 Marshall Field & Company Advertisement," 17.418 Princesse De Faucigny-Lucinge in the New Algerian Hat," Vogue (15 March 1931), 66.419 Michelle Tolini Finamore, "Fashioning the Colonial at the Paris Expositions, 1925 and 1931," Fashion Theory 7, no. 3/4 (September/December 2003), 357.420 "B. Altman & Company Window Display of Agnès Hats,"
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article in Harper’s Bazaar in 1937.426 Straight through the 1930‘s, ethnic
masquerade was an important component of fashion. ―Going native‖ gave
women a new vocabulary of exotic forms with which to adorn themselves.
The references to exotic locales in these fashions not only linked women to
cosmopolitanism, but they also connected them to ideas about primitive
sexuality. Schiaparelli‘s saris could transport the wearer to the India of her
imagination, allowing her--however ephemerally--to become Indian. This is
clear in the way Steichen photographs the dress for Vogue, against a bold blue
backdrop with Indian musicians in ―native‖ dress on either side.427 The
photograph of Nusch Eluard in one of the sari dresses also plays up the
component of fantasy that was at the heart of these fashions. (Figure 113)
She looks down in a kind of reverie; her profile reflected in the strange
rodophane fan that Schiaparelli designed as an accessory for the ensemble.
Schiaparelli herself appeared in Vogue ―go[ing] native‖ on a trip to Tunisia
with her daughter. (Figure 114) According to Vogue: ―Even the forbidden
private wing of one of the great aristocratic Arab houses was opened to her,
and her veiled hostesses, as one woman to another, tried on for her all of their
ceremonial costumes.‖428 The article and photographs emphasizes the
masquerade in which Schiaparelli is able to participate on her trip,
particularly since Schiaparelli gravitated to the men‘s clothes. She and her
daughter wear them in two of the photographs. The article assures readers
426 “Guatemalan Colors," Vogue (1 April 1935), 91.427 “Mysterious as an Indian Charmer," Vogue (1 August 1935), 43.428 “Schiaparelli Among the Berbers," Vogue (15 August 1936), 44.
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that Schiaparelli will soon be transforming the clothes she bought in Tunisia
into ensembles for them, giving them access to the same masquerade.
These kinds of fashions allowed women to change their looks and
promoted strange glamour. Sarah Berry argues that by the end of the 1930s
sensuous and dusky dark-haired sirens like Dolores Del Rio,Dorothy Lamour, Hedy Lamarr, and Rita Hayworth hadreplaced pale platinum blondes as icons of glamour. It isdifficult to interpret such changes in fashion iconography, but what is clear is that in the 1930s a relative increase occurred inthe range of beauty types on the American screen and inadvertising, suggesting that the dominance of white, monoracial
beauty was significantly challenged by previously marginalizedfemale identities.429
Berry argues that these new ideas about beauty helped to market makeup in
the 1930s since there was a new sense that any woman could be beautiful with
the aid of makeup and fashion, ―predicated on a sense of the body's
malleability and constructedness, and…the notion that one's personality could
be endlessly modified through fashion.‖430 Just as makeup democratized
beauty, the fashions I am discussing here were working in the same way.
They allowed any woman, no matter how plain, to make herself exotic and
sensual while maintaining a sense of propriety since sex appeal was
constructed through fashion, rather than being innate in the wearer. Colonial
influences on fashion allowed the sexuality of a woman to be displaced onto
her clothes. A woman could play the role of a harem girl in a Schiaparelli sari,
but could just as easily change into a suit and take on a different appearance
429 Berry, Screen Style: Fashion and Femininity in 1930s Hollywood , 95.430 Ibid, 99.
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and personality. Like Clifford‘s conception of Ethnographic Surrealism, these
expressions of strange glamour revealed their own seams. This is especially
true in the work of milliner Lilly Daché.
Daché relied heavily on ideas of masquerade and fantasy in her
collections. In 1936 she showed hats influenced by a Chinese exhibition in
London. Bullock‘s Wilshire advertised them as ―hats that almost make us
imagine we are sitting right on the wall of China, spying a mandarin.‖431
Another collection from the same year evoked ―the allure of Old Spain‖432
Daché‘s publicity emphasized the research she did on each of her collections.
A New Yorker profile from 1942 explained, ―when she does a collection
suggested by the flora and fauna of a certain country, or a certain part of
America, whether she has been there or not, she gets a stack of ‗literature‘
about it…and studies so intently that, in her own words, ‗I even know the color
of the wind that blows there.‘‖433 She was photographed by Life in 1944
working in the picture collection of the New York Public library.434 The
photograph attests to her continuing interest in African art, photographs of
which surround her. (Figure 115) In March 1937, Daché illustrated to the
Chicago Women‘s Congress how ―styles in hats follow the news,‖ explaining
that
431 "Bullock's Wilshire Ad," Los Angeles Times, 9 January 1936, A8.432 Ethel Ehlen, "Hats Go Spanish--with Mantillas, Bright Kerchiefs, Veils as Decorative Mediums,"The Washington Post , 23 August 1936, S7.433 Margaret Chase Harriman, "Hats Will Be Worn," New Yorker (4 April 1942), 24.434 This photograph appears not to have been published in the magazine.
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sometimes it is so paradoxical a cause as war; sometimes aneconomic upheaval or a great scientific discovery. It may evencome from exhibitions of paintings, porcelains, tapestries, greatplays or cinemas inspired by some romantic period of history, a
royal romance, or a king‘s coronation.435
That year she was also influenced, as were many other designers, by the Pan-
American Exposition set to open in June.
Lilly Daché was born around 1893 in France. She moved to the US as a
young woman and rose through the ranks in the New York fashion world in
the mid 1920s to eventually open her own millinery business, which
continued to expand throughout the 1930s. In April 1937, Daché laid the
cornerstone for her new building on East Fifty-Sixth street, which would open
that September.436 Daché‘s new building was an architectural marker for her
meteoric rise in the fashion world. The building housed her retail millinery
business, the manufacturing facilities from her perfume range, workrooms,
rental space used by other retail fashion and beauty companies, and a
penthouse apartment shared by Daché and her husband. Daché‘s office
included a library for design research. The décor of the building was as
international as the inspiration for Daché‘s hats: a Ming dynasty statue,
chairs upholstered in Tibetan wolf, hand woven Balinese textiles, and a settee
covered in Indian fabric.437 Like Breton and Rubinstein, Daché‘s personal and
435 "Makes Own Hats," Chicago Daily Tribune, 12 March 1937, 10.436 "To Lay Corner Today," New York Times, 15 April 1937, 43.437 “ New York: Milliner Builds Multi-Story Establishment," Architectural Record (March 1938), 54-55.
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business space was a forum of self-promotion to display her modern and wide
ranging tastes.
The summer before the opening of the salon while in Paris, Daché
purchased a collection of hats from the Belgian Congo.438 These hats formed
the basis for a collection she designed for the opening of her new building
where both the original hats and new designs could be seen. In October, the
hats traveled to Marshal Fields in Chicago to be displayed in the French Room
where the hats could be purchased.439 Like Breton and Rubinstein, Daché
emphasized juxtaposition in her collection and décor. Her Congolese hats
would have been seen alongside her own creations in her shop, at Marshall
Fields, and eventually in her own home. But before the hats crossed the
Atlantic, they were part of a curious exhibition at Galerie Charles Ratton, La
Mode au Congo.
Charles Ratton and Surrealism
Ratton was an important dealer and exhibitor of both European non-
western art. Just a year before La Mode au Congo, Galerie Charles Ratton
had its first foray into Surrealist art, hosting the Exposition Surréaliste
d’Objets. This exhibition is an example of another space in which Surrealism
438 This was reported by Life in September 1937. When Daché donated the hats to the MetropolitanMuseum of Art in 1974 she reported the provenance as the “Colonial Exposition in Paris 1930 -1931.”
It seems more likely that she bought the hats while in Paris and they were exhibited at Charles Ratton‟s
gallery and then traveled to New York to be exhibited in her new salon. Although it is also possiblethat the hats were being exhibited at Ratton‟s gallery when Daché saw them and bought them. Thanks
to Wendy Grossman for sharing the provenance information from the Daché bequest with me.439 "Marshall Field & Company Advertisement," Chicago Daily Tribune, 4 October 1937, 15.
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engages with shopping and consumerism. A diverse group of contemporary
art objects were included in the exhibition, some by Surrealist artists, others
by Dadaists and Cubists. The exhibition also included natural specimens,
found objects, and objects from Native North America and Oceania. Janine
Mileaf explains that the exhibition was Surrealist by virtue of its method of
display, rather than through the objects included. It was not arranged
according to the Surrealists‘ favorite method of chance, but instead was
―carefully contrived to facilitate [the] experience of desire.‖440 She quotes one
critic who writes that this exhibition was ―a flea market of the by -products of
the imagination.‖441 The exhibition‘s design might also be compared to
contemporary boutiques, which were also using pedestals, glass cases, and
shelves to display their wares. Andre Breton conceived of the objects in the
exhibition ―as both derivatives and vehicles of desire. Driven by attraction and
fantasy, a viewer would move through the exhibition as if through a waking
dream.‖442 This also describes the way that a viewer moves through a
boutique or department store, fantasizing about the objects she encounters.
In this period, many of the most chic and exclusive boutiques were not unlike
museums. Helena Rubinstein, Elizabeth Arden and Lilly Daché all felt that
440 Janine A. Mileaf, "From Fountain to Fetish: Duchamp, Man Ray, Breton and Objects, 1917-1936"(PhD Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1999), 176.441Crouzet, “Surréalisme pas mort,” quoted in Ibid, 189.442 Janine Mileaf, "Body to Politics: Surrealist Exhibition of the Tribal and the Modern at the Anti -Imperialist Exhibition and the Galerie Charles Ratton," RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, no. 40(Autumn 2001), 251.
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art was an important part of the aesthetic of their retail business.443 With the
help of Brooklyn Museum curator Stuart Culin, Bonwit Teller displayed works
of African art to promote their African inspired sportswear.444 Culin believed
that ―for every one person who goes to a museum to gratify his or her curiosity
about new things…ten thousand visit the department store with the same
motive.‖445 Galleries and retail spaces are far more related than the
Surrealists might have wanted to admit. Jane Mileaf explains that:
the entire [Ratton] exhibition would transport viewers through
reverie to the realm of the marvelous, or the surreal, byenabling an unconscious desire to fuse with the commonexperience of consuming art. By way of the tactile body, objects would provoke imagined sensations and disturb a visitor‘sperceptions.446
I would argue that this experience is the same kind encouraged in a
department store, or Lilly Daché‘s shop. Her new building was meant to be an
experience. Women could touch and try on dozens of hats. Daché herself
might create an entirely new hat to order for a customer while she was there.
Shops are designed to release unconscious desires to consume objects. While
the objects in Ratton‘s gallery did not have individual prices on them, what
united them was their position as commodities. Whether found, readymade,
cubist, surrealist, natural, or from a distant land, all of these objects were set
443 Rebecca Jumper Matheson, "'a House That Is Made of Hats': The Lilly Daché Building, 1937-68,"in The Places and Spaces of Fashion, 1800-2007 , ed. John Potvin (New York: Routledge, 2009), 214.Clifford, "Helena Rubinstein's Beauty Salons, Fashion, and Modernist Display," 98.444 From the 1910s onwards there were close ties between museum curators, designers and departmentstores in the United States, see: William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a
New American Culture, 1st ed. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 164-173.445 Jan Whitaker, Service and Style: How the American Department Store Fashioned the Middle Class,1st ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2006), 145.446 Mileaf, Please Touch: Dada and Surrealist Objects after the Readymade, 154.
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disturbance of the body.‖448 Benjamin stresses the bodily confrontation with
the surreal in everyday life: ―we penetrate the mystery only to the degree that
we recognize it in the everyday world, by virtue of a dialectical optic that
perceives the everyday as impenetrable, the impenetrable as everyday."449
Benjamin argues that the surreal is not truly encountered in a drug-induced
haze, or in an ecstatic trance, but rather in our everyday life. Mileaf sees the
Exposition Surréaliste d’Objets as combining objects from everyday life in
such a way as to create such a surreal encounter. I would argue that this
encounter occurred in La Mode au Congo, and in the designs that resulted
from the exhibition. In fact, looking at Daché and Agnès‘ hats, and some of
the other fashions discussed in this chapter, the so-called ―everyday‖ that the
Surrealists sought to disrupt was full of the kind of fantasies that they were
encouraging.
La Mode au Congo
While the exact timeline of Daché‘s purchase of the Congo hats is
unclear, the Ratton exhibition of the hats opened in May 1937. Included in
the exhibition were photographs by Man Ray of models sporting the hats.450
448 idem, "Body to Politics: Surrealist Exhibition of the Tribal and the Modern at the Anti-ImperialistExhibition and the Galerie Charles Ratton," 253.449 Benjamin, "Surrealism: The Last Snapshot of the European Intelligentsia," 190.450 This is reported in the MoMA Primitivism catalogue with no reference to a source. WendyGrossman, on the other hand, claims that the photographs were made after the exhibition was over. Ithink the fact that “mode” was in the title suggests that the photographs were probably a part of the
show. (Grossman also reports that no photographs of the exhibition have survived. Jean-LouisPaudrat, "From Africa," in "Primitivism" In 20th Century Art : Affinity of the Tribal and the Modern ,
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nearly the exact same way, although she looks less dreamy and more assertive
as she gazes off in the distance.(Figure 117) Both models show off their hats to
advantage in three quarter view, demonstrating how they create a beautiful
line rising off the forehead. We can see similar poses in a number of the Mode
au Congo series.452
In the right hand photograph, a Reboux hat in hunter-green felt is
displayed by a model who gently tips her head forward to show the front. The
hat hides one of her eyes and the other is closed. This pose is mirrored in a
number of the Mode au Congo images, allowing Man Ray to show the delicate
lace-like patterns of some of the woven caps. (Figure 118) A woman in a short-
sleeved sweater poses in several of the photographs with a Melanesian kapkap
around her neck, and a lavishly beaded hat on her head. 453 (Figure 119)(Figure
120) The model is fashionably posed in a conventional profile or three-
quarter view to show off the silhouette of her hat. In one photograph, her
hands are crossed over her chest, perhaps in homage to an Egyptian pharaoh.
In another, she holds her hand to her ear, perhaps trying to hear the sound of
drums in an imagined jungle. Her poses subtly evoke conventions of fashion
photography as well as the imagined African who once wore her hat.
452 For more reproductions from the Mode au Congo Series see: Giulio Carlo Argan et al., Man Ray,
Fotografia Anni '30 (Parma: Università de Parma, 1981), and Man Ray: L'età Della Luce, (Modena:Galleria Civica, 1989).453 This is a perfect example of the conflation of tribal arts from various countries. Kapkap are diskshaped ornaments made of a clam shell overlaid with a delicate filigree of turtle shell worn on the heador around the neck.
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Man Ray‘s other models combine the ―Primitive‖ and ―Modern.‖ Their
fashionably plucked eyebrows, manicures, chic suits and blouses, provide just
the right balance to their Congolese crowns and ivory bangles. These
photographs pair the African hats with the models‘ distinctly contemporary
clothes. This is notable since in the Reboux photographs Man Ray is careful
to crop the women‘s heads closely and blot out their bodies through
solarization. Wedding bands on a number of models, the cigarette, and the
man‘s shirt and tie mark these women as not only belonging to a ―civilized‖
culture, but also a modern one. Wedding bands— which might have been
taken off by a fashion model for a shoot—point to the institution of
monogamous marriage, an institution not perceived to be part of the primitive
cultures of Africa.(Figure 130) The cigarette is also an interesting inclusion
since many visitors to Africa noted that smoking was prevalent there, though
images of Africans took care not to include cigarettes.456(Error! Reference source
not found.) Cigarettes are a notable presence in fashion photography; a 1935
photograph by Horst P. Horst for Vogue shows a model in a feather Agnès hat
smoking a cigarette coolly. Cigarettes were certainly emblematic of chic
modern femininity since for so long they had been deemed unladylike.
Another emblem of civilization and modernity present in the
photographs is a chessboard. Man Ray‘s interest in chess has been well
documented and Grossman has analyzed these images‘ relationship to the
456 Malvina Hoffman, for example, tells the story of making a portrait of a Ubangi woman with disks inher mouth who had rigged a bamboo holder to smoke. Malvina Hoffman, Heads and Tales (NewYork: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), 149-150.
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metaphors of chess.457 Importantly, in the context of the meeting of
ethnographic, Surrealist and fashion photography, the chess board—especially
in one photograph where a woman seems to be playing—is a signifier for
complex civilization, evoking as it does a history of monarchical and religious
structure. Man Ray uses the conventions of fashion photography here to
create images that juxtapose the primitive and the modern.
These photographs must be read in the myriad of contexts in which
they appeared. Within the Ratton exhibition, these photographs—to a certain
extent—demonstrated how their original owners used the objects in the
exhibition. They also added a distinctly Surrealist flavor to the exhibition
through their juxtaposition of the primitive and the modern. One photograph
of Exupéry appeared in the French magazine Cahiers d’Art with the caption
―Photographie Man Ray. Parure Congolaise. ‗La Mode Au Congo‘.
Exposition a la Galerie Charles Ratton‖ (―Man Ray photograph. Congolese
finery. Exhibition at the Galerie Charles Ratton.‖).458 (Figure 131) Here, the
photograph is a work of art from Man Ray‘s oeuvre and we can think of it in
the context of his other images of women with African objects. The images
from this portfolio are perhaps not as explicit as Man Ray‘s photograph of
Simone Kahn with a Vanuatu figure, but draw upon similar themes.
457 See for example, Wendy Grossman, "Man Ray's Endgame and Other Modernist Gambits," in The
Art of the Project : Projects and Experiments in Modern French Culture, ed. Johnnie Gratton andMichael Sheringham (New York: Berghahn Books, 2005), 43-45.458 La Mode Au Congo," Cahiers d'Art 12, no. 1-3 1937), 103.
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In the Mode au Congo portfolio, the African objects are not merely
props, but are worn, transforming them from décor into useful fashion. The
hats interact with the head that wears them, as is apparent in many of the
images where the models respond to their hats. In a number of the images
the models hold their heads in their hands, sometimes with eyes closed, their
hats seeming to express the thoughts arising in their silent reverie. (Error!
Reference source not found.)(Error! Reference source not found.) Finally, four of
these photographs appeared in Harper’s Bazaar. (Figure 132 ) In this context
they become fashion photographs, making the Congolese hats legible as
fashion, not artifacts. Interestingly, Fidelin was featured on a full page and
Saint-Exupéry appeared in two of the three other small photographs in this
spread. Fidelin was the first model of color to appear on the pages of a major
fashion magazine.459 Because her photograph appeared in the context of a
story on African hats, her racial presence was mitigated. Surrealist PaulEluard wrote a short article explaining that the exposition ―will surely have a
happy influence on fashion. Happy, because among the objects that are airily
woven into the web of life there is none that demands greater inspiration,
greater daring, than a woman‘s hat. Every head should dare to wear a
crown!‖460 Eluard clearly writes Daché out of the story altogether, despite the
fact that a caption notes, ―All these hats at Lilly Daché.‖461
459 Patterson, "Yo, Adrienne," 234.460 Paul Eluard, "The Bushongo of Africa Sends His Hats to Paris," Harper’s Bazaar (15 September1937), 106. This article also appeared in Paul Eulard, "Exposition," Marianne (5 May 1937), n.p.461 Caption from, Eluard, "The Bushongo of Africa Sends His Hats to Paris," 107.
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The truth was that Daché had discovered these hats before Eulard.
Grossman explains, ―while fashion publications in the interwar period
exploited the novelty of the Surrealist aesthetic as an effective sales tool, in
this instance fashion took the lead and the art world f ollowed.‖462 Daché had
bought these hats with an eye to using them in her new salon and as the
inspiration for a new collection. The appearance of Man Ray‘s photographs of
the Congolese hats in the September 15th issue of Harper’s would soften the
ground for her collection that was simultaneously being advertised in
newspapers across the US in August and September 1937.
In an interview from October 1937, Lilly Daché explained: ―Two
influences are of particular moment and will undoubtedly blaze a trail in this
season‘s millinery fashions—primitive African Headdresses and sculptured
hats which may be traced directly to the coiffeurs of Chinese idols.‖ This
article also reports that Sally Victor visited the Ratton hat show and ―is much
to blame for getting from the gallery ideas for the skull and dunce caps with
high crowns and beaded embroideries like the Belgian hats of the eighteenth
century.‖463 Lilly Daché‘s exuberant Congo-inspired designs were a far cry
from Agnès‘ tame straw hats six years earlier. One streamlined an exuberant
feather headdress to create an incredible cap topped with ―a primitive
uprising of feathers.‖464 (Figure 133)(Figure 134)(Figure 135) Daché took the
462 Grossman, "Modernist Gambits and Primitivist Discourses: Reframing Man Ray's Photographs ofAfrican and Oceanic Art", 156-7.463 Crete Cage, "Hat Styles Arouse Clubwomen," Los Angeles Times 31 October 1937, D14.464 Bullock's Wilshire Ad, Los Angeles Times 21 September 1937, A8
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shape of a conical hat and the pompom on its peak for another whimsical
design. (Figure 136)(Figure 137) A black wool jersey hat mimics the texture
of the tri-corner hat worn by Fidelin in Man Ray‘s photograph, while adopting
the elephant trunk shape of an elaborately beaded Kuba Mukyeem mask.465
(Figure 138)(Figure 139)(Error! Reference source not found.)
In all of these hats, Daché is appropriating and adapting directly from
the hats in her collection, both in form and material. Interestingly, the
Mangbetu coiffure discussed at the start of this chapter inspired another hat
in the collection. The resulting design was described by one store as a ―lofty
barbaric turban.‖466(Figure 140) The image of the Mangbetu woman clearly
endured. The image was emblematic of African style, particularly the Congo,
so much so that Daché included a reference to the image in her collection even
though it did not relate directly to a hat in her own collection.467
Lilly Daché‘s hats participated in the same kinds of contrasts that
James Clifford identifies as Ethnographic Surrealism. Daché hats were made
to be worn with conservative suits and dresses. Their exuberant exoticism
stood in stark contrast to conventional outfits they were paired with. The
465 Daché‟s mask is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art‟s collection along with the other hats in
Daché‟s collection (accession number: 1974.83.30). Other examples of this type of Kuba mask can befound in: Suzanne Preston Blier, The Royal Arts of Africa : The Majesty of Form (New York: Harry
N. Abrams, Inc., 1998), 236-241. Mary Lou Hultgren and Jeanne Zeidler, A Taste for the Beautiful :
Zairian Art from the Hampton University Museum (Hampton: Hampton University Museum, 1993),cat. 24-5.466 Bullock's Wilshire Advertisment, Los Angeles Times, 9 August 1937, A8467 The American milliner Sally Victor also made reference to Mangbetu hairstyles in her 1937collection inspired by the Ratton show. A black felt hat embellished with wooden triangles mimics thelook of the elongated skulls and upswept hairstyles of Mangbetu women. A navy blue hat used tubularstraw braid to mimic hair in a style inspired by the Mangbetu. (both in the Metropolitan Museum ofArt‟s Costume Institute).
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Washington Post explained that Daché‘s African hats were, ―a smart method
of adding drama to an otherwise simple and conservative costume.‖468
Juxtaposing the ―savage‖ hat with a ―sophisticated‖ suit, Daché‘s work created
a bold silhouette. Daché‘s hats unsettled conventional ensembles, not least
because they put the hats of African men on the heads of white American
women.469 In Breton‘s essay, ―The Crisis of the Object,‖ written at the time of
the Surrealist Exhibition of Objects at the Galerie Ratton, he rails against the
commonplace objects that populate our everyday worlds. He explains that the
objects in the exhibition were devised to ―oppose by all possible means the
invasion of the world of the senses by things which mankind makes use of
more from habit then necessity. Here, as elsewhere, that mad beast of
convention must be hunted down.‖470 Lilly Daché and Sally Victor, along with
other milliners and fashion designers were already defying convention in their
designs. Daché‘s hats reveal the rich presence of fantasy in fashion. They are
only one example of the ways in which women were creating drama and
resisting convention in their sartorial style. These hats were exuberant and
provocative.
“Si J’Etais Blanche (If I Were White)”471
468 Savage to Sophisticate; Hat-Bag Theme," The Washington Post, 28 October 1937, 13.469 One issue which I have not yet been able to grapple with in the context of these hats is whetherAfrican American women wore them. I hope to be able to research this futher in the future.470 André Breton, "Crisis of the Object," in Surrealism and Painting , trans. Simon Watson Taylor(Boston: MFA Publications, 2002), 279.471 Jules-Rosette, Josephine Baker in Art and Life: The Icon and the Image, 64.
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J’Etais Blanche (If I Were White) while wearing a blond wig at the Casino de
Paris. She sang:
Moi, si j'étais Blanche Sachez qu' mon bonheurQui près de vous s'épancheGarderait sa couleur Au soleil, c'est par l'extérieurQue l'on se dore Moi, c'est la flamme de mon cœur Qui me colore.
Me, if I were white,
Know that my happiness Which explodes near you Would guard its colorUnder the sun, it‘s by one‘s exteriorThat one tansBut for me, it‘s the flame of my heart By which I am colored.473
While there are a number of ways in which one might interpret this song,
it can certainly be read on the level of parody. By 1932, Baker was right at the
center of the fashion for all things African, for all things that were not white
and European. In the song she teases the Parisians who sunbathe in resorts
like Juan-les-Pins in the Antibes trying to achieve her café au lait complexion.
Through her ―white-face‖ performance, Baker satirizes the racial masquerades
that were an important part of fashion in the 1930s. Nancy Cunard, among
473 Lyrics by: Bobby Falk, Leo Lelièvre, and Henri Varna. Sung by Josephine Baker. Translation in:idem, Josephine Baker in Art and Life: The Icon and the Image, 63-4.
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An illustration by Cecil Beaton of Schiaparelli‘s first showing in her
new atelier on Place Vendôme appeared in the March 15, 1935 issue of Vogue.
(Figure 141) The image shows a model, who bears a strong resemblance to
Schiaparelli herself, sauntering down a flight of stairs in a smart suit, her hat
cocked jauntily to one side:
down the stairway festooned in blue velvet, steps a terse figure—the epitome of spring 1935. Her hat marches aggressively ahead
of her, its blue felt visor rolled amusingly. Her blue wool suit,punctuated with red-and-green buttonholes, has the military briskness of Vienna before the War. Her blouse of white silk,froths at the neck and wrists with Binche lace and wears a heartinsignia.477
The woman in Beaton‘s sketch is bold and unrestrained, her ensemble full of
the contradictions fashion followers had come to expect from Schiaparelli.
The militarism of the suit, with its signature wide shoulders and long lean
skirt is contrasted with the feminine flourish of the blouse with its lace cuffs
and collar and a playful heart with an arrow through it just below the
neckline. Schiaparelli matches the masculine bravado of martial tailoring
with the doodle of a love struck girl.
The woman wearing the suit is also somewhat incongruous. Not the
pretty young girl we expect in the fashion illustration, but a more mature,
unusual looking woman who, in this ensemble, encapsulates the idea of
strange glamour, which will be the subject of this chapter. What I am calling
477 “Paris Openings," Vogue (15 March 1935), 56.
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While the themes that she worked with in her collections had parallels in
Surrealism, she was not simply copying or translating. Schiaparelli was
making these ideas her own, often changing their meaning, experimenting
with wild abandon, and influencing the Surrealists themselves.
In the years leading up to World War II, Schiaparelli‘s work became
increasingly exuberant and unusual. In Shocking Life, she wrote of her own
work (as usual in the third person):
In her special, ever-changing work, contrasting viewpoints,
contrasting values are needed, but to obtain the necessaryrhythm and harmony these contrasts have to be carefully balanced and adjusted…Schiap‘s mind became increasinglyreceptive, and during the years that followed, and until theoutbreak of war, her brain gave out the ideas like a fireworksshow.479
Schiaparelli saw her own work as embodying contradictions and discordant
ideas that she managed to bring together into one image. In the late 1930s
these dissonant images grew odder and more exciting. These years were also
productive ones for the Surrealists. Their work became well known in the
United States, through fashion magazines, Schiaparelli‘s designs, and only
later through an exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art in 1936.480 Dalí
emerged as the star of this exhibition and his fame would rise throughout the
rest of the decade, in part through his collaborations with Schiaparelli. In
1938 Andre Breton and his cohort produced the Exposition Internationale du
479 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 60-1.480 There had been earlier Surrealist exhibitions most notably Newer Super-Realism organized byChick Austin at Hartford‟s Wadsworth Athenaeum in 1931 and throughout the 1930‟s Surrealism
could be seen at the Julian Levy Gallery (starting in 1932). The MoMA show though was the mostwidely publicized.
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Rita Hayworth— were changing the standards of pale blonde beauty in
Hollywood.482 In high society, Schiaparelli devotees Daisy Fellowes, Millicent
Rodgers, and Wallis Simpson (later the Duchess of Windsor) also exuded
strange glamour.
Strange glamour is best demonstrated through several examples. In its
Hollywood incarnation, Joan Crawford is particularly instructive, since we
can see how her look changed from that of a young flapper to the mature
aesthetic of strange glamour.483 In a photograph from 1927, Crawford poses
as the classic flapper, cropped hair under a cloche, bee stung lips, gaze
askance, and in a slouched pose. (Figure 142) In a photograph of Crawford by
Edward Steichen from 1932, where she is dressed in a pleated dress and
patterned coat by Schiaparelli, she stares directly at the viewer. (Figure 143)
Crawford faces us head on, sitting straight up on the back of a modern chair.
Her body is shaped by the coat that gives her the classic high, broad shoulders
and nipped-in waist she became famous for. Her glamour is bold and
constructed, right down to her notorious plucked eyebrows. A photograph of
Tallulah Bankhead from Harper’s Bazaar in 1934 illustrated the contrasts
inherent to strange beauty. Bankhead‘s stern glare in the photograph stands
out against the fluffy white wool of her bunny hat and the bib collar of her
Schiaparelli jacket. (Figure 144)
482 Berry, Screen Style: Fashion and Femininity in 1930s Hollywood , 95.483 Schiaparelli biographer Palmer White called Joan Crawford, “the embodiment par excellence of theSchiaparelli Lady.” Palmer White, Elsa Schiaparelli: Empress of Paris Fashion (New York: Rizzoli,1986), 108.
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Strange glamour is my term for the manifestation in fashion of Andre
Breton‘s concept of convulsive beauty. Breton, a writer and theorist, placed
himself at the head of the mainstream Surrealist movement. He wrote many
of the key texts that defined the movement and he wielded the power to
decide which artists belonged to the movement and which did not. Those
artists who were excommunicated by this Marxist Pope of Surrealism were
often those involved with fashion or other commercial endeavors, including
Salvador Dalí in 1939.484 Despite his distaste for fashion, Breton‘s concept of
convulsive beauty found expression in clothing. Dilys Blum explains that,
―the acceptance of new concepts of female attractiveness during the 1930s had
a parallel in the Surrealist‘ challenge to existing notions of beauty…beauty
implied harmony, but convulsive beauty took pleasure in being shocking, with
an emphasis on dissonance and discordance.‖485 In Schiaparelli‘s hands
convulsive beauty, in the form of her clothing and accessories, disrupts the
stable gendered identity of the wearer, and conventional notions of attraction.
Breton ends his novel Nadja (1928) with the statement, ―beauty will be
CONVULSIVE or it will not be at all.‖486 Convulsive beauty is Breton‘s
organizing principle for the aesthetic of Surrealism that defines beauty as a
484 It is also worth noting that Breton was not a great friend to female artists either. Artist Leonor Fini,who exhibited with the Surrealists, but refused ever to formally join the group, explained: “I disliked
the deference with which everyone treated Breton. I hated his anti-homosexual attitudes and also hismisogyny. It seemed that the women were expected to keep quiet in café discussions…Breton seemed
to me to expect devotion, like a pope.” Peter Webb, Sphinx: The Art and Life of Leonor Fini (NewYork: The Vendôme Press, 2010), 69-72.485Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 152.486 Breton, Nadja, 160.
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series of strange encounters, or paradoxes. The classic example of convulsive
beauty is the chance encounter. Breton writes in Mad Love that the Comte de
Lautrémont‘s famous encounter of a sewing machine with an umbrella on a
dissection table, ―constitutes the very manifesto of convulsive poetry.‖487
Breton‘s description of convulsive beauty also links aesthetic pleasure to
erotic pleasure. Breton identified the merging of two things—that is when
they move beyond Lautrémont‘s encounter to become one object or being—as
l’érotique voilée (the veiled erotic).488 This merging is often of the animate
with the inanimate, as we will see in the case of the Surrealist fascination with
mannequins. Breton declared: ―Beauty, neither static nor dynamic,‖
comparing it with ―a train that ceaselessly roars out of the Gare de Lyon and
which I know will never leave, which had not left.‖ 489 Something with
convulsive beauty is at rest, in motion, and embodying the potential for
movement all at once. This quality is referred to as l’explosante-fixe, the fixed
explosion.
Schiaparelli‘s strange glamour esthetic engages with all of these aspects
of convulsive beauty. It also engages with one of the most important elements
of convulsive beauty: shock. According to Breton convulsive beauty ―consists
of jolts and shocks, many of which do not have much importance, but which
487 André Breton, Mad Love (L'amour Fou), trans. Mary Ann Caws (Lincoln: University of NebraskaPress, 1987), 9, 123.488 Briony Fer, "Surrealism, Myth and Psychoanalysis," in Realism, Rationalism, Surrealism: Art
between the Wars (New Haven: Yale University Press, in association with the Open University, 1993),216.489 Breton, Nadja, 159-160.
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we know are destined to produce one Shock, which does.‖490 Shock in
convulsive beauty can manifest itself as an unexpected erotic charge, or
unstable amalgamation of movement and stillness. Hal Foster explains that
―shock is an alternative route to the unconscious,‖ which is why it was so
important for Surrealists such as Breton.491 Shock affects a viewer in a
visceral way. It is a bodily reaction. It is what makes convulsive beauty
convulse.
Shock tactics were crucial to Schiaparelli‘s practice, and her creation of
convulsive beauty and strange glamour. Shock became practically a second
signature for Schiaparelli in 1937 when she created her signature shade,
Shocking pink, and the perfume Shocking. Schiaparelli even took the name
for her autobiography, Shocking Life, where she wrote about her discovery of
this new color and perfume name:
The colour flashed in front of my eyes. Bright, impossible,imprudent, becoming, life-giving, like all the light and the birdsand the fish in the world put together, a colour of China andPeru but not of the West—a shocking colour, pure andundiluted. So I called the perfume ‗Shocking.‘ The presentation would be shocking, and most of the accessories and gowns would be shocking. It caused a mild panic amongst my friendsand executives, who began to say that I was crazy and thatnobody would want it because it was really ‗nigger pink.‘ ‗Whatof it? Negroes are sometimes strikingly smart.‘492
In Shocking pink and her perfume Shocking, Schiaparelli married a number
of different themes that had defined her fashion: the natural world, exotic
490 Ibid, 160.491 Foster, Compulsive Beauty, 49.492 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 89-90.
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wilder. It was apparent by 1936 that she was allying herself with the
Surrealists, and the fashion press understood this. The art press also
recognized the connection, although often more critically. The Washington
Post’s art editor, Sibilla Skidelsky, claimed that ―no one has any use for
Surrealism, except designers of clothes who can, as Schiaparelli did after the
London [International Surrealist] Exhibition, utilize some of the Surrealists‘
practical jokes in details of pockets or of belts.‖496
Skidelsky is referring to Schiaparelli and Dalí‘s bureau drawer suits and
coats. These garments brought to life Dalí‘s obsession with putting drawers
into bodies. The collaboration was responsible for bringing Dalí‘s work onto
the pages of Vogue. The magazine labeled him one of the ―unsung heroes
behind the Paris openings‖ including a cartoon ofDalí in his diving mask.497
(Figure 145) The Bureau Drawer suits and one of Dalí‘s sketches appeared in
the same issue. In November of 1936 an article on Surrealism appeared in
Vogue that featured a portrait of Dalí.498 Together Schiaparelli and Dalí
brought many of the artist‘s favorite motifs to life, including hats shaped like
mutton chops, inkwells, and high heels, and the Tear-Illusion and Skeleton
gowns.
The American public‘s first exposure to the term Surrealism may well have
been through Schiaparelli‘s fashion, which had been associated with
496 Sibilla Skidelsky, "Museum of Modern Art Sponsors Outworn Hoax," The Washington Post , 27December 1936, F5.497 “Vogue's Eye View of Unsung Heroes Behind the Paris Openings," Vogue (15 September 1936),57.498 M. F. Agah, "Surrealism or the Purple Cow," Vogue (1 November 1936), 51.
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Surrealism for a number of years. In 1935 George Hoyningen-Huene created
two photomontages for Harper’s Bazaar that were inspired by Max Ernst. A
Schiaparelli coat and gown are shown in strange barren Surrealist landscapes.
(Figure 146) The captions read like exquisite corpse poetry: ―She paused on
the threshold in her curious wrap of bright red Cellophane velvet, and because
the air was cold, she tucked her hands and her icy rings under the heavy
gathers…She slung the orange scarf over one shoulder and moved on into the
moonlight, flame trailing over gray silk crepe.‖499 In January 1936
Schiaparelli‘s clothes had been shown in a Surrealist inspired photo spread by
Andre Durst for Vogue.500 (Figure 147) Schiaparelli had been linked to artists
in the fashion press since the beginning of her career.501 A Schiaparelli
ensemble on the cover of Vogue in 1936 was accompanied by the caption:
Schiaparelli gives a strange hurricane twist to the flaming red velvet hat Eric drew for our current cover--a twist that shootshigh at the side-back--take notice: the caracul [lambswool] scarfhas dyed streaks of bright blue-green through the black fur--itlooks as if the dress makers are becoming Surrealists, and, toclimax it all, blue-green kid gloves.502
The fashion press clearly understood Schiaparelli as a Surrealist. She was not
the only Surrealist whose work appeared on the pages of fashion magazines.
Fashion magazines also exposed their readers to Surrealism by
featuring a number of different artists in their pages. The work of Man Ray
499 “She Paused on the Threshold..." Harper’s Bazaar (October 1935), 74-5.500 “Rope Hurtling out of Oblivion, Surrealist Fashion," Vogue (15 January 1936), 43.501 See chapter 2. Flanner, "Comet," 20. “The Dressmakers of France," 76.502 Table of Contents, Vogue (1 September 1936), 63.
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had appeared in Harper’s Bazaar since 1934. He had also been an occasional
contributor to Vogue since 1925. Vogue had been offering the work of Pierre
Roy and Georgio de Chirico on its covers since 1935. Dalí, in particular, was a
natural at publicity, and a perfect fit for the world of fashion. From his
student days, Dalí used clothes and self-presentation to set himself apart from
his peers.503 His wife Gala was also a follower of fashion and frequently wore
Schiaparelli‘s clothes to high profile events, and openings.504
By the close of 1936 the presence of Surrealism in fashion had reached
a fevered pitch in the wake of the MoMA exhibition. In addition to her
Surrealist fashion designs, Schiaparelli had also begun to design prints for the
American market through Everfast and Druckerwolf. This line featured
several Surrealist motifs including A Hand to Kiss, a navy silk crêpe covered
with disembodied hands. Bonwit Teller created a number of Surrealist
window displays for their Fifth Avenue store just in time for Christmas that
year, including one based on a sketch by Dalí entitled, ―She was a Surrealist
Woman like a Figure in a Dream.‖505 (Figure 148) The window featured a
mannequin with a head of flowers, a recurring motif in Dalí‘s painting, along
with two of his Surrealist objects, the Aphrodisiac Dinner Jacket and his
lobster telephone. Grotesquely long arms crashed though the walls on either
503 For a discussion of Dalí‟s personal use of fashion see: Robyn Gibson, "Surrealism into Fashion:The Creative Collaborations between Elsa Schiaprelli and Salvador Dalí" (PhD dissertation, RMITUniversity, Melbourne, 2001), 147-156.504 Gala‟s desire for Schiaparelli gowns has often been cited as the reason for Dalí‟s collaborations
with the designer. Gala herself has often also been blamed for Dalí‟s pursuit of commercial projects.
Dawn Ades and Michael Taylor, Dalí (New York: Rizzoli, 2004), 437.505 "Bonwit Teller Surrealist Windows Ad," New York Times, 20 December 1936.
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side of the display with purses and jewelry grasped in their hands. Dalí used
signature images from his repertoire to create a dynamic effect in the window.
In January 1937, with her penchant for the topical, Lilly Daché showed a
collection of hats for spring inspired by Salvador Dalí. The collection featured
dyed mushrooms perched on pillbox hats, the ―‗Fungus Hat‘ a deep green
straw peasant bonnet with an open top.‖506 Other hats in this Dalí inspired
collection were trimmed with metal, wood, and cork. The Washington Post
proclaimed: ―Surrealist Dalí put Mushrooms on New Bonnets.‖507 Helena
Rubinstein got in on the act too, borrowing Man Ray‘s paintingObservatory
Time—The Lovers (1932-36) to use in a display of her lipstick line at her new
salon after it appeared in the MoMA show. The year before, Man Ray had
used the painting as a backdrop for a fashion photograph for Harper’s
Bazaar.508 As we have seen, Schiaparelli was always avant-garde and her
aesthetic shared much with the Surrealists; her designs were increasingly
being understood in the context of Surrealism by the public, just as she was
beginning to collaborate with more artists associated with the movement.
Strange Glamour by Day and by Night
The basic contrast at the heart of Schiaparelli‘s strange glamour was
day and night. Schiaparelli presented ―hard chic‖ looks for day, and slinky
506 "Surrealist Dalí Put Mushrooms on New Bonnets," The Washington Post , 24 January 1937, S7.507 Ibid, S7.508 Clifford, "Helena Rubinstein's Beauty Salons, Fashion, and Modernist Display," 102.
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Schiaparelli‘s woman was at once masculine and feminine. This
dialectical combination, which as we saw in chapter two, was present from the
very beginning of Schiaparelli‘s fashion career, is related to Surrealism.
Ulrich Lehmann, for example, calls Surrealist assemblages and found objects
―dialectical objects,‖ explaining that ―the term…implies that the Surrealist
object carried w ithin itself its own contradiction.‖513 Schiaparelli‘s clothing
allowed women to express their own dialectical states as simultaneously
masculine and feminine. Unlike the Surrealist objects however, these women
were made subjects, not objects, though their dress.
Constructed Glamour
The idea of agency and subjectivity were key to Schiaparelli‘s strange
glamour. Glamour and beauty were not givens in her understanding, but
could be constructed. Schiaparelli describes one woman from the American
mid-west who arrived at her shop quite plain but the designer
liked her and began to mold her. She started to slim severelyand irrevocably, cut her hair in a very strict way that made herhead look like a cask. She seemed to become taller, and herrather large bones, that were a drawback at the beginning, became strangely interesting and took on a certain special beauty…she was more than smart, more than beautiful.514
Schiaparelli saw herself and her customers as constructing beauty, making
what was an unattractive feature into one that was strangely glamorous.
513 Ulrich Lehmann, "The Uncommon Object: Surrealist Concepts and Categories for the MaterialWorld," in Surreal Things: Surrealism and Design, ed. Ghislaine Wood (London: V&A Publications,2007), 20.514 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 74.
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Schiaparelli herself epitomizes strange glamour. It is easy to see her unusual
and striking features in the Beaton sketch of the opening of her new salon.
Strutting down the staircase casually with head tossed to the side, this woman
is not the young, girlish, pretty type, but an older more unusual and confident
beauty. This is evident in Man Ray‘s early portraits of Schiaparelli, such as
one for 1932 in which she poses with one of Antoine‘s lacquered w igs on her
head and a wooden hand and arm caressing her face (a prop Man Ray often
employed in portraits). (Figure 152) Here Schiaparelli‘s sharp features are
softened in contrast with the wooden hand and stylized curls of the wig. This
Surrealist portrait is significant because Schiaparelli chose to include it in the
1954 edition of her autobiography, Shocking Life. 515 Schiaparelli recounts her
mother‘s disparaging remarks about her looks in comparison to the beauty of
her sister in this autobiography, and the surreal lengths she went to in order
to change them. Perhaps her most infamous stunt was planting flower seeds
in her mouth and ears so that her face would sprout flowers. Interestingly,
this is an image that would later be realized in a number of Dalí‘s paintings
including one in Schiaparelli‘s personal collection, Necrophiliac Springtime
(1936) which, along with Three Young Surrealist Women Holding in Their
Arms the Skins of an Orchestra (1936), would form the inspiration for the
Tear-Illusion dress that will be discussed below. (Figure 153)
515 It is possible that this photograph was taken in the same sitting as Man Ray‟s photograph of
Schiaparelli that was used in Minotaure. Man Ray‟s retouching of the photograph is probably alsoresponsible for some of the softness of the photograph. Elsa Schiaparelli, Shocking Life (New York:E.P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1954) n.p.
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favorite motif of Schiaparelli‘s, appearing in her home, her boutique, and in
her fashion. In 1939 she ―show[ed] saucy hats made with bird-cage crowns in
which bright birds are imprisoned,‖ as well as hats with mesh veils that
seemed took on the appearance of a cage.518 Jean Michel Frank built an
immense gold and black cage as a backdrop for the window of Schiaparelli‘s
perfume shop at Place Vendôme that opened in June of 1937. (Figure 156)
Notably, The Bird Cage by Picasso, which was a part of her collection,
was her favorite painting. (Figure 157) What is fascinating is the way that
Schiaparelli reads it: ―there is a cage. Below it are some playing cards on a
green carpet. Inside the cage a poor, half-smothered white dove looks
dejectedly at a brilliantly polished pink apple; outside the cage an angry black
bird with flapping wings challenges the sky.‖ According to Schiaparelli, the
painting was thought by many friends to be a portrait of her. They saw her as
a mixture of the white dove cowering within the cage and the angry black bird
who, ―with flapping wings challenges the sky.519 Schiaparelli deliberately
misreads the painting. The black bird is clearly in the cage, raging to escape,
while the white bird cowers in the corner. Schiaparelli was a woman who
always felt restricted, by her family, by the world around her, and even by the
practicalities of turning her often eccentric ideas into wearable clothing.
Schiaparelli explained that,
As often as not too many elements are required to allow one torealize the actual vision one had in mind. The interpretation of
518 "Schiaparelli Sets Style to Music," New York Times, 30 April 1939, 58.519 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, viii.
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a dress, the means of making it, and the surprising way in whichsome materials react—all these factors, no matter how good aninterpreter you have, invariably reserve a slight if not bitterdisappointment for you.520
While her business was tremendously successful by this point, she surely
would have felt the restrictions of being a woman in the 1930s. It is possible
that Schiaparelli was also frustrated that some in the Surrealist circle,
particularly Breton, did not take her work seriously.521 For Schiaparelli,
perhaps seeing one of the birds free and railing at the sky was more gratifying
than seeing her strain against the cage. Schiaparelli was both the woman whorages against the sky, creating a revolutionary style, blurring the boundaries
between art and fashion, and the woman who cowered in the cage longing for
the pretty apples, longing for an easier, more conventional life. This comes
through in her autobiography.
In the form of the cage coats, again Schiaparelli puts the control in the
hands of the woman. She can appear as ―a surrealist metaphor for beauty
captured,‖ or liberate herself from the cage of the coat.522 While these clothes
do not necessarily liberate the women who wore them, they did change and
challenge Surrealist ideas about women, as muse and as object. These
ensembles allowed women not simply to be ―literally transformed into
520 Ibid, 42.521 While Schiaparelli herself never spoke about not being accepted by the Surrealists, it is revealingthat Schiaparelli leaves Breton out of her autobiography, only mentioning Duchamp when shediscusses her participation in the 1942 First Papers of Surrealism exhibition. Breton also“excommunicated” artists who made work for Schiaparelli, such as Giacometti and Dalí, precisely
because of this “commercial” work. Judging by the way that contemporary writers have dismissed her
work, as well as Breton‟s hostility toward women and commercial work, it seems likely that he wouldhave dismissed Schiaparelli and her work. Ibid, 135.522 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 156.
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own description about molding a woman‘s look, Beaton described her in her
new attire as the classic Schiaparelli constructed beauty:
Of late, her general appearance has become infinitely moredistinguished. Not only is she thinner, but her features haveacquired a refined fineness. She is unspoiled. She is like an uglychild who wakes up one day to find that it has become a beauty, but she herself has created this beauty by instinctively doing theright things.525
Her beauty was not innate, but rather Simpson‘s own creation. Schiaparelli‘s
unusual and eye-catching styles were crucial to the formation of her new
beautiful image.
Surrealist Objects: Female, Edible and Otherwise…
Schiaparelli‘s first collaborations with Salvador Dalí, a series of suits
and coats with pockets made to look like drawers, played off the notion of
constructed beauty. Schiaparelli‘s collaborations with Dalí, as well as a
number of other designs she created in the years leading up to World War II,
engaged with ideas the Surrealists used in their found and assembled objects.
As we have seen, the dialectic of masculine and feminine, subject and object,
is at the heart of Schiaparelli‘s work, as it is in Dalí‘s; so looking more deeply
at Dalí‘s ideas about Surrealist objects can reveal new ways to read
Schiaparelli‘s designs. Dalí‘s 1931 text in Le Surréalisme au Service de la
Révolution outlines a progression from separate subject and object to unified
subject and object:
525 From Cecil Beaton, Cecil Beaton's Scrapbook (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1937), 27.Quoted in Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 165.
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1. The object exists outside of us, without our taking part in it(anthropomorphic articles);
2. The object assumes the immovable shape of desire and actsupon our contemplation (dream-state articles)
3. The object is movable and such that it can be acted upon(articles operating symbolically)4. The object tends to bring about our fusion with it and makes us
pursue the formation of a unity with it (hunger for an article andedible articles)526
As we will see, Dalí‘s last category of objects, those that can fuse with a subject
because they are edible, were of particular interest to both Dalí and
Schiaparelli. These edible objects are meant to be literally —not just visually —
consumed. Beyond this more literal interpretation however, Dalí‘s fourth
stage of the object could also refer to fashion. A gown, when worn, fuses with
the body of the wearer. The body shapes the clothes, the clothes shape the
body. As we have seen, Schiaparelli believed in the potential for fashion to
change a woman‘s appearance, as well as the way she moves. Walter
Benjamin also saw this surreal potential for fashion. In The Arcades Project,
Benjamin declared that ―Every fashion couples the living body to the
inorganic world.‖527 Through this merging of clothes and body, inorganic and
organic, fashion was the perfect vessel for fetishism: ―In fetishism, sex does
away with the boundaries separating the organic world from the inorganic.
Clothing and jewelry are its allies.‖528 Like Schiaparelli, Benjamin saw the
526 Lehmann, "The Uncommon Object: Surrealist Concepts and Categories for the Material World,"23. Originally published in part as “Objets Surréalistes,” in Le Surréalisme au Service de la
Révolution (Paris), No. 3 (1931) translated in This Quarter (London), v. 1 (September 1932), 197-207.527 Benjamin, The Arcades Project , 79.528 Ibid, 69.
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―eccentric, revolutionary, and surrealist possibilities of fashion.‖529 This
potential was realized through this close relationship of the body to fashion.
Fashion can be a uniquely Surrealist intervention, merging subject and object,
woman and clothing.
The key to Dalí‘s practice as a Surrealist artist was his paranoiac-
critical method. This was a method through which he could intentionally
misread what he saw. For Dalí it was a way to achieve the results of
automatism or a hallucinatory or hysterical state without giving up control.
As he famously proclaimed: ―the only difference between myself and a
madman is that I am not mad.‖530 Breton described Dalí‘s approach in 1936
as an ―insistence upon an infantile non-differentiation in approach to
knowledge of objects and that of beings.‖531 Dalí‘s paranoiac-critical method
ignored the difference between subject and object, deliberately mixing the
two. We can see a parallel in Schiaparelli‘s commandment to women: ―Never
fit the dress to the body, but train the body to fit the dress.‖532 Schiaparelli
worked in the same paranoiac-critical vein as Dalí, merging the dress and the
wearer into one Surrealist image.533
In Schiaparelli‘s case, the woman is not objectified in the same way
that Dalí objectifies women in his work. This is apparent in the example of
529 Ibid, 68.530 Dawn Ades, Dalí , Rev. and updated ed. (New York, N.Y.: Thames and Hudson, 1995), 119.531 André Breton, "The Dalí 'Case'," in Surrealism and Painting , trans. Simon Watson Taylor (Boston:MFA Publications, 2002; reprint, 1972), 135.532 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 211.533 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 124.
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the bureau drawer suits and coats. These garments were based on sketches
and paintings by Dalí that centered on a recurring theme of bodies with
drawers protruding from them.534 The bodies that these drawers penetrated
were invariably female. According to Dalí, ―The drawers include everything—
Freud, Christianity, the possibility of penetration into the interior of a human
being with its secret compartments all full of meaning.‖535 The open drawers
reveal the unconscious of these women, allowing a male viewer to penetrate
their bodies. Women may hide their secrets in these drawers but in Dalí‘s
works they are always open, to reveal them.
Dalí also cut drawers into a bronze replica of the Venus De Milo, using
fluffy balls of fur for the pulls, playing up the fetishistic quality of the figure.
Dalí transforms a replica of high culture, fine art, into a bizarre example of
craft or decorative art, a piece of furniture.536 This incredible object oscillates
between art and utility, and between beauty and vulgarity. In Schiaparelli‘s
interpretation, her suits and coats also oscillate back and forth between art
and fashion. They also cleverly riff on the objectification of women,
particularly in the context of Dalí‘s art. Dalí‘s woman is transformed into
furniture, but in the context of a garment that was worn, this furniture came
to life. Schiaparelli designed several different permutations of the bureau
534 Interestingly, Richard Martin writes that the drawer suits and coats may not be a true collaboration between Dalí and Schiaparelli, but may be a instance where Schiaparelli was simply taking inspirationfrom Dalí‟s art. Martin, Fashion and Surrealism, 118.535 Gibson, "Surrealism into Fashion: The Creative Collaborations between Elsa Schiaprelli andSalvador Dalí", 187.536 Lehmann, "The Uncommon Object: Surrealist Concepts and Categories for the Material World,"20.
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drawer suit. Two examples can be seen in a photograph by Cecil Beaton for
Vogue. (Figure 159) On the left, a blue wool suit with wide lapels and two
drawer pockets just below the waist and on the right a black wool suit with
five drawer pockets. Both are shown with the same calf-length skirt. This suit
appears in a sketch from Bergdorf Goodman where it is clear that the bottom
pocket, just below the waist, runs the full width of the suit, and is apparently
buttoned over the front of the jacket.537 A belted coat appears in an
unpublished photograph by Beaton with eight drawer pockets running all the
way up to the neck, finished with round pulls, worn with a cap topped with a
small crown, a motif Schiaparelli was also using in buttons that season.538
(Figure 160) Some of the drawer pockets were usable and others were simply
decor. These false pockets confounded viewers.539
The suits and coat followed her principle of daywear—and suits in
particular—as armor. Fabric was conflated with the wood of a bureau and
only the woman wearing the suit knew which pockets could actually be
used.540 Adding to this modern armor were the gloves Schiaparelli designed
to accompany these ensembles that were made of black or white suede with
colored snakeskin nails.541 These gloves appeared to reveal the polished nails
537 For a reproduction of this sketch, which is at the Costume Institute of the Metropolitan Museum ofArt in New York, see Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 132.538 “Tales of Details," Vogue (15 September 1936), 152.539 Vogue, in particular, was frustrated by the tease of the false pockets. Interestingly, the magazinealso noted that designer Marcel Rochas was influenced by the surreal in his collection: “Rochas, too,
had a touch of surrealism — we suspect Leonor Fini was behind this — and used umbrellas, gloves, purses, and tobacco pouches for pockets and clocks for belts.” Ibid 153.540 Robyn Gibson, "Schiaparelli, Surrealism, and the Desk Suit," Dress 30 2003), 51.541 “Tales of Details," 150.
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It is unclear exactly how Dalí‘s and Schiaparelli‘s collaborations
worked. Neither wrote much in their respective autobiographies about the
process, and the contemporary press offers very few hints. In the case of the
dresser drawer suit, a number of sources mention Dalí as the inspiration for
the design. The Los Angeles Times said the suit was ―patterned after
drawings of the surrealist Salvator Dalí [sic]‖543 The New York Times said the
details of the suits were ―inspired by‖ Dalí‘s work, and Vogue wrote of the
pockets, ―obviously, Salvador Dalí is responsible.‖544 Dalí knew and respected
Schiaparelli‘s work, as did his wife Gala who was a frequent customer.
Schiaparelli explained that,
Dalí was a constant caller. We devised together the coat withmany drawers from one of his famous pictures. The black hat inthe form of a shoe with a Shocking velvet heel standing up like asmall column was another innovation…There was another hatresembling a lamb cutlet with a white frill on the bone, and this,more than anything else, contributed to Schiap‘s fame foreccentricity.‖545 [emphasis added]
What is evident is that Dalí‘s name only added to the publicity for certain
designs, and the suit would have also been good press for Dalí himself, since it
would have introduced him to a wide audience, particularly in the United
States where Schiaparelli was very popular. The theme of drawers was also a
part of Schiaparelli‘s boutique in the form of a giant stuffed bear given to Dalí
by Charles James. Dalí dyed the bear Shocking pink and cut drawers in it.
543 Sylva Weaver, "Seeing Paris Styles," Los Angeles Times, 4 October 1936, G6.544 "By Wireless from Paris: Winter Chic," New York Times, 16 August 1936, X8. Tales of Details,"153.545 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 90.
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Bettina Bergery, a friend of Dalí who was in charge of displays at the boutique,
used the drawers to display jewelry.
Dalí‘s next collaboration with Schiaparelli was one of the most famous
dresses in Wallis Simpson‘s trousseau, the Lobster Dress.(Figure161)(Figure
162) The dress circulated widely through images of Simpson‘s trousseau in
the French, American, and British fashion press. The lobster print was also
used on beach clothes, such as a linen dress illustrated in Vogue.(Figure 163)
None of the press surrounding these designs mentions Dalí. Schiaparelli does
not mention the dress in her autobiography, nor does Dalí. The lobster was a
recurring image in Dalí‘s work, for example, on Harpo Marx‘s head in his
famous 1937 Hollywood portrait of the comedian, and atop the head of a male
figure with drawers in The Dream of Venus (1939).546 The year after
Schiaparelli‘s dress appeared he put a lobster on the handset of his
A phrodisiac Telephone (1938) made for Edward James.547
In Dalí‘s work, the lobster appeared most often as a substitute for, or
conflated with a telephone.548 This image probably derived from a visit to
Edward James‘ house during a meal of lobsters eaten in bed by the
houseguests. A tossed off lobster shell landed on the telephone, prompting
James to recount a strange visit to a woman who mistook a lobster sitting by
546 Harpo Marx, 1937 see Ades and Taylor, Dalí , cat. 172.547 Designer Charles James also experimented with the lobster in 1939 with his dress, “La Sirène" or
the “Lobster Dress” which evoked the tail of a lobster through its draping.548 Wood, ed. Surreal Things : Surrealism and Design, 285.
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her bed for her telephone.549 The lobster appealed to Dalí because not only
was it strange looking, with a phallic presence, it was food. Dawn Ades notes
that in addition to the lobster‘s supposed powers as an aphrodisiac, it is also
considered a phallic symbol in dream analysis.550 Consumption of food, and
often non-food substances—shit, telephones, lamb chops, camembert,
woodcocks—fascinated Dalí as part of his mission to unite subject and object.
He wrote, ―It so happens that I attach to spinach, as to everything more or less
directly pertaining to food, essential values of moral and esthetic order.‖551
The A phrodisiac Telephone refers to fellatio, with the lobster‘s tail, and
presumably its sex organs, positioned over the mouthpiece of the phone.
Dalí‘s fascination with all things edible was tied up with ideas of consumption
in sexuality.
The idea of edible clothing and accessories appealed to Schiaparelli
too; she made buttons in the shape of escargot and crabs, a fish bracelet, and a
crawfish clip.552 Vegetables frequently appeared in jewelry: a necklace made
of porcelain vegetables and flowers in 1937, and in a ―vegetarian bracelet‖
with vegetable charms on raffia.553 (Figure 164) The placement of a larger
than life lobster on the front of a delicate waltz length white organdy dress is a
provocative gesture. The lobster, printed over the crotch of the wearer can be
549 Ades and Taylor, Dalí , 286.550 Ibid, 286.551 Dalí, The Secret Life of Salvador Dalí, 9.552 For images see: Collection Caviar," Vogue (1 April 1936), 78. Eye-Catchers," Vogue (15January 1937), 84-5. Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 104.553 “Collection Caviar," Vogue (1 July 1937), 51.
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Schiaparelli‘s Inkw ell hat from 1938 was also a collaboration with Dalí,
though as with most of their collaborations, it is unclear how the idea
emerged. (Figure 167) The Inkwell hat played off of hats with outrageously
long plumes adorning them, such as one designed by Schiaparelli in 1935.
(Figure 168) Schiaparelli re-imagined these plumes as quill pens. In her
―Hen in a Nest‖ hat, that graced the cover of Vogue, Schiaparelli,
investigate[d] the special possibilities Surrealism [which]allowed for the noncontextual displacement of the object and itsrole as an amusement in complement to its being an aesthetic
argument. Thus, the feather hat readily becomes a chicken hat—a perched bird—now risible yet beautiful in its transformationinto the mere barnyard chicken.556
These hats were popular because they were not simply outrageous, but they
spoke to the shapes and styles that were fashionable. Fashion scholar Colin
McDowell writes that,
even at their most outrageous, Schiaparelli‘s hats never made women appear foolish. They were far too amusing andsophisticated for that. In fact, a woman wearing one ofSchiaparelli‘s creations proclaimed her self -confidence while atthe same time advertising the fact that she was au fait with thelatest developments not only in fashion but also in the arts.557
Her infamous High Heel hat was another collaboration with Dalí. The idea is
thought to have come out of a photograph of Dalí taken by his wife Gala in
1932 with a shoe on the artist‘s head and shoulder. A sketch for the shoe hat
appears in one of his sketchbooks c. 1937. Dalí wrote in his autobiography
that he was obsessed with shoes: ―All my life I have been preoccupied with
556 Martin, Fashion and Surrealism, 108.557 Colin McDowell, Hats: Status, Style, and Glamour (New York: Rizzoli, 1992), 152.
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like a small column.‖559 Here she describes the version of the hat that
appeared in Harper’s Bazaar with its phallic Shocking pink heel projecting
from the head of the blasé wearer.560 In another version that appears in a
Schiaparelli house sketch, the shoe is a predecessor of Chrisitan Laboutin‘s
stilettos with a bright red sole. (Figure 174) This configuration plays up the
labial potential of the shoe.
The sexuality of the High Heel hat was underlined by the ensemble it
was paired with: a black dress and jacket with lips embroidered on the
pockets and lip-shaped buttons.561 Interesting pockets had become a
Schiaparelli signature. She often created false pockets, double pockets on
blouses that became known as Schiaparelli pockets, and slit pockets in
unusual places on coats and blazers. A purple tweed suit from fall 1936 with
pockets trimmed with velveteen ovals and oval-shaped buttons presages the
Lip suit from the following fall. (Figure 175) The tweed suit is perhaps even
more suggestive in its play with texture using velveteen to line pockets that
might be read as lip-shaped. The 1937 Lip suit takes a paranoiac-critical
reading of pockets as lips to the extreme, embroidering lip shapes in metallic
thread over the pockets. It displaces a part of the body: ―when the wearer
559 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 90.560 Martin, Fashion and Surrealism, 111.561 Dilys Blum calls the ensemble a collaboration with Dalí, but other sources credit only Dalí with theidea for the hat. Lips were certainly another obsession of Dalí‟s, but were also present in Man Ray‟s
work. The suit may have been Schiaparelli‟s own invention using a popular Surrealist theme. Blum,Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 136. Evans, "Masks, Mirrors and Mannequins:Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject," 2.
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slips her hand in her pocket she puts it in somebody‘s mouth…but whose?‖562
The mouth pockets, particularly in their velveteen incarnation, also refer to
the labia, making these suits far more shocking than their conservative cuts
suggest. The velveteen suit, in fact, places two of the pockets over the breasts
of the wearer, a favorite trick of Schiaparelli, displacing the genitalia and
teasing viewers with the open invitation of the pocket. The shoe hat and Lip
suit were not merely meant as absurd gestures; there was an obvious sexual
undercurrent to these designs. It is also evident that Schiaparelli was not
merely the passive translator of Dalí‘s ideas into fashion, nor did she simply
steal his ideas for her own profit. Schiaparelli adapted themes popular
amongst the Surrealists for her own designs, using the same methods that the
Surrealist artists were using.
Perhaps the most interesting surreal objects used by Schiaparelli in her
clothes were mirrors. This is especially true in a dinner suit with mirrored
embellishment from Schiaparelli‘s winter 1938-39 collection.563 (Figure 176)
The suit‘s lavish embroidery by Lesage depicted two shattered mirrors
surrounded by gold embroidery in the form of baroque frames over the
breasts of the wearer. The mirror designs were inspired by the décor of
Versailles. Schiaparelli had experimented with mirrors the season before this
jacket appeared with another suit that had hand mirrors as closures. (Figure
562 Evans, "Masks, Mirrors and Mannequins: Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject," 1.563 The importance of this garment is underlined by the number of times it has been appropriated byother designers. Yves Saint Laurent, a great admirer of Schiaparelli, used it on the back of a jacket fora 1978-9 collection, and in 2004 Roberto Cavalli adorned a t-shirt with the same embroidered patternsin a different configuration (going so far as to get Lesage to do the embroidery).
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177) Both suits reflect ideas about vanity, but also, quite literally reflect the
viewer. The baroque mirror jacket, in particular, confronts a viewer who
looks at the wearer‘s breasts with his own image, distorted by the square
mosaic of the mirrors. As Caroline Evans has argued,
If…women are condemned to watch themselves being looked at,Schiaparelli pursues that problem into the theatre, throws up acloud of spangles and, in the form of the splintered handmirrors, turns the shattered gaze back on the spectator. Thetheatricality of all Schiaparelli's work shows an understanding offashion as performance, or masquerade; the wearer createsherself as spectacle, but the moment she displays herself she
also disguises herself.564
Schiaparelli‘s clothes are always concerned with revealing the masquerade of
femininity. The contrasts she created between hard and soft, masculine and
feminine, and day and night draw attention to the constructed nature of
femininity. The mirror jacket not only drew attention to the masquerade but
intervened in it, intercepting the viewer‘s gaze and turning it back onto him or
her. This gesture aligns Schiaparelli with the Surrealists. While the suit
jacket with its reference to Versailles would seem to turn the wearer into
furniture, the mirrors make the ensemble theatrical. The woman turns from
object into a subject staring, or perhaps winking back at the man who tries to
ogle her breasts. This conforms with Dalí‘s description of the final stage of
unity between subject and object: ―The object tends to bring about our fusion
with it and makes us pursue the formation of a unity with it.‖565 Dalí tended
564 Evans, "Masks, Mirrors and Mannequins: Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject," 6.565 Lehmann, "The Uncommon Object: Surrealist Concepts and Categories for the Material World,"23.
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to think about this fusion through objects that were edible, but Schiaparelli
thought of it, in this case, through the mirror. In her mirror jacket the viewer
is consumed by the mirror on the jacket, and made a part of the object.
Instead of fashion objectifying its wearer (as it is often described as doing),
Schiaparelli gives her client clothes through which to objectify others.
Schiaparelli‘s clothes at their most Surreal give their wearer agency.
This agency is evident in Vertès‘ illustration of Schiaparelli‘s Inkwell hat for
Harper’s Bazaar where the wearer uses the plumed quill of her hat to sign Vertès‘ signature, to literally finish drawing herself into existence. Caroline
Evans explains the illustration: ―Here, perhaps, is Schiaparelli writing herself
into existence or, perhaps, for she is a designer, drawing herself. Vertès'
conceit is prescient: Schiaparelli, herself a self-made woman, contributed in
no small degree to other women's self-definition in her fashion designs of the
inter- war years.‖566 Schiaparelli used the paranoiac-critical method to create
garments and accessories that gave their wearers the agency to transform
themselves into Surreal images of strange glamour.
Body Conscious
While the Surrealists strove to make objects that could fuse with
subjects, they never truly managed to achieve this union. Schiaparelli, on the
other hand, created clothes that could fuse with the body. Fashion must be
566 Evans, "Masks, Mirrors and Mannequins: Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject," 7.
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The body comes more fully into view in Schiaparelli‘s and Cocteau‘s
second collaboration, a grey linen dinner jacket adorned with Cocteau‘s
contour drawing of a woman‘s profile. (Figure 180) Her hair, in gold bugle
beads, flows down the left sleeve of the jacket. Her arm traces the lapel of the
jacket with a hand curving around the waist of the wearer, its pink polished
fingers holding a pair of silver gloves. In L’Officiel , the dress was shown with
two tone gloves, mimicking those on the jacket. In this design the
embroidered woman seems to embrace the wearer, her embroidered hand
potentially confused for the real hand of the wearer. Again Schiaparelli
experiments with trompe l‘oeil, teasing the viewer, and provocatively inviting
touch. The final collaboration with Cocteau in this collection was even more
provocative: a figure-hugging mossy pink silk crepe gown with swaths of
flowers in yellow, green, and blue sequins with a hand reaching across the
décolletage covering the right breast. (Figure 181 central image) This design
was imported to New York in the Spring of 1937 by Bergdorf Goodman.
Hands had been a recurring theme in Schiaparelli‘s work, from fabric
prints to belts to pins. Dilys Blum notes that Schiaparelli‘s fall 1934
collection, in particular, was preoccupied with hands, coinciding with an
article in Minotaure illustrated with a series of photographs of hands in
different attitudes.569 Schiaparelli made a number of different hand
569 Jeweler Paul Flato, whose designs frequently appeared on celebrities both on and off the silverscreen, was also interested in hands. In 1938 he created a series of pins in the gestures of sign-language letters. The pins could be purchased in any configuration. Especially popular were initials.Katherine Hepburn wore one of these pins in the film Holiday (1938).
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accessories for this collection including belt fasteners, buttons, and purse
fasteners. (Figure 182) A series of clips were also made by the jeweler Jean
Schlumberger, some of which may have been used by Man Ray and Surrealist
photographer Claude Cahun in their work.570 Schiaparelli continued to
incorporate hands in her designs, often as ―Victorian whimsies,‖ as her
designs became more nostalgic.571
In addition to these hand accessories, Schiaparelli was also
preoccupied with gloves in a number of her collections. Gloves were a potent
symbol in Nadja, becoming a simulacrum for women. Breton talks about his
uncanny feeling at a woman removing her sky- blue glove: ―I don‘t know what
there can have been, at that moment, so terribly, so marvelously decisive for
me in the thought of that glove leaving that hand forever.‖572 The same
woman also possessed a bronzed glove that Breton uses to illustrate this page.
In this passage a hand is conflated with a glove and a bronze sculpture. In
Nadja, ―intimacy is always mediated, for Breton, by the displaced objects of
desire, those objects—be they Nadja‘s glove, her clothes, or the city itself—on
which he focuses attention.‖573 The glove is conflated and confused with the
woman. The glove functions as l’explosante-fixe, embodying the potential to
take on a life of its own. Breton‘s work underlines the glove‘s close connection
to the body that was integral to Schiaparelli‘s playful designs. In addition to
570 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 122.571 Ibid, 131.572 Breton, Nadja, 56.573 Fer, "Surrealism, Myth and Psychoanalysis," 183.
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Schiaparelli‘s gloves with faux nails and veins, discussed above, she
experimented with a number of other uncanny designs in the 1930s. She
created evening gloves for her Winter 1938-39 collection with metal claws.
(Figure 183) These accessories obviously played on the idea of the femme
fatale, a woman letting her talons show. Instead of covering claws with
elegant gloves, this pair allowed a woman to put on claws or take them off at
her will.
Other gloves also played on the idea of woman as animal. Harper’s
Bazaar describes one such pair: ―Schiaparelli‘s humor persists. Bright red
snakeskin inserted between the fingers of black antelope gloves to make your
hands look like little paws.‖574 (Figure 184) Other pairs used fur to create the
look of paws. (Figure 185)(Figure 186) These gloves mocked the idea that
women were more primitive, more animalistic, a notion popular with the
Surrealists. Caroline Evans explains that ―often [Schiaparelli‘s] use of fur…
disturbs conv entional associations with softness and femininity.‖575 In 1938
Schiaparelli created a pair of long gloves with garters, and a few month later
she showed spats worn as gloves, confusing the arms with legs. (Figure 187)
In all of these cases, Schiaparelli exploits the surreal and erotic potential of
gloves. She used them to transform women into femmes fatales, animals, or
even to change arms into legs. Gloves are conflated with hands, as they are in
the work of Breton. We can also see this theme reflected in a number of
574 “Schiaparelli Hands out a Frenzy of Excitement," Harper’s Bazaar (15 March 1938), 133.575 Evans, "Masks, Mirrors and Mannequins: Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject," 3.
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fashion magazine covers that also animated gloves, including Surrealist
Georgio de Chirico‘s cover of Vogue where gloves appear in a Surreal still life,
and another Vogue cover by Raymond De Lavererie in which a glove comes to
life to feed a bird a grape-shaped broach. (Figure 188)(Figure 189)
Schiaparelli‘s most surreal works often resulted from her conflation of
clothing with the whole body. These were often her most sexually explicit
designs in which the body skimming style of 1930s gowns was used to subvert
the wholeness of the body itself. Unlike gloves, which were meant to be
removed in public, a gown was not taken off in public, and thus has a closer
relationship with the body that wears it. In 1936 she designed a series of
dresses on which she appliquéd decorative padding over the breasts. (Figure
190) This decorative detail mimicked the padding often sewn into a custom
couture gown to enhance the breasts.576 The ―falsies‖ gowns not only changed
the shape of the body wearing it, but revealed the illusion created by the
couture gown. Diana Vreeland remembered these gowns fondly in her
autobiography: ―I can remember a dress I had of Schiaparelli‘s that had fake
ba-zooms—these funny little things that stuck out here. When you sat down,
they sort of went…all I can say is that it was terribly chic. Don‘t ask me why
but it was.‖577 This was a particularly humorous gesture at a time when larger
breasts were coming back into fashion and women were using ―falsies.‖ It is
576 "Schiaparelli Evening Dress: T.36-1964," Victoria and Albert Museum,http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O133559/evening-dress/.577Diana Vreeland, D.V., ed. George Plimpton and Christopher Hemphill (New York: Vintage Books,1985), 125.
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also a biting commentary on the masquerade of femininity, raising questions
about the assumptions viewers make about what clothing reveals about the
body underneath it.
After a long period of emphasis on slim boyish silhouettes, the
hourglass figure began to come back into fashion, partly because of the
popularity of the voluptuous Mae West. Schiaparelli discusses this
development in her autobiography, writing that the most modern of the
―falsies‖ were called ―‗Very Secret‘ and they were blown up with a straw as if
you were sipping crème de menthe.‖578 This description provides an
intriguing context for Dalí‘s Aphrodisiac Dinner Jacket (1936), which was
made the same year as Schiaparelli‘s ―falsies‖ dresses.579 (Figure 191) The
assemblage consists of a smoking jacket covered in shot glasses with crème de
menthe and straws. Inside of the jacket was an advertisement for the
―Diamond Dee Uplift‖ bra with the image of the bra at about chest height. It
is possible that Dalí was also making a comment on the ―falsies‖ trend. He
had most certainly created a garment that was at once masculine and
feminine and loaded with erotic references. Both Schiaparelli and Dalí
respond to viewers‘ visual consumption of the body. Dalí invited viewers to
literally consume, by drinking his shot glasses of crème de menthe.
578 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 89.579 It‟s also interesting to note that Duchamp and Enrico Donati‟s cover for Le Surréalism en 1947:
Exposition Internationale du Surréalisme included an actual foam rubber “falsie” on the cover with the
inviting phrase “prière de toucher” (“please touch”). Mileaf, Please Touch: Dada and Surrealist
Objects after the Readymade, 1-2.
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Schiaparelli meets the viewer‘s gaze head on, revealing the construction of the
female body through fashion.
A number of Schiaparelli‘s other designs also drew attention to the
breasts, and their erotic potential. In 1937 Schiaparelli showed ―suggestive
brassière-formed bodices.‖580 This new silhouette was tailored to hug the
body, creating a second skin in a way distinct from the classic bias cut dresses
of the 1930s. An illustration from Vogue shows one of these dresses worn
with an exuberant ―Scheherazade‖ hat whose sweeping shape seems to mirror
the brassière shape of the bodice.581 (Figure 192) This was the same collection
that included the High Heel hat and the Lip suit, two other designs that
experimented with displacing parts of the body. Schiaparelli‘s designs
frequently called attention to the corporeal sexuality of the wearer, as well as
the viewer. These designs, particularly the ―falsies‖ dresses, acknowledge the
constructed nature of sexuality and gender. In this way the wearer of
Schiaparelli‘s garments is put in control of what is concealed and revealed.
The viewer of the garment is caught off guard when his gaze is met not by a
sexual ob ject, but by padding. Through these garments the viewer‘s gaze is
met by a sexual subject who returns his gaze with a playful wink.
580 “Vogue's Eye-View of Paris Sex Appeal," Vogue (1 September 1937), 75.581 The dress in Vogue may be the same as a green printed silk faille dress in the collection of theBrooklyn Museum now housed at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. While the dress has been given adate of 1933-1935 by the museum, it appears to be the same green dress illustrated in Vogue. The Metdress included a number of Schiaparelli‟s trademark zippers, at the wrists and on the side seam near thewaist, adding to the sex appeal of the garment. Reeder, High Style: Masterworks from the Brooklyn
Museum Costume Collection at the Metropolitan Museum of Art , 104.
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featured women with heads of flowers wearing torn white dresses. In
Schiaparelli‘s translation the blue dress is printed with tears in Dalí‘s tromp
l‘oeil style. The tears reveal the pink underside of the fabric and a darker pink
revealed in the holes. The dress is worn with a ―circus tent‖ veil which,
instead of the trompe l‘oeil print, has actual cut-away flaps of the blue
material, revealing the same dark purple-pink underneath. These tears are
ambiguous. Dilys Blum reads them as torn patches of fur: ―as if the gown
were made from an animal skin turned inside out.‖584 Caroline Evans writes
that ―They are the colors of bruised and torn flesh; yet it is completely unclear
whether the illusion is meant to suggest torn fabric or flesh. Is the cloth below
the "tears" textile or skin? Do the rips designate poverty (rags not riches) or
some form of attack?‖585 The strange color combination of the gown, even
more difficult to imagine now that the colors have faded, confounds our
expectations. The blue fabric of the gown is torn to reveal not the skin of the
wearer, but the viscera, as if fabric and skin are one and the same. This is the
very illusion Dalí creates in his paintings.
As we have seen, the conflation of clothes and body has been a
prominent theme in the work of Schiaparelli. This dress was worn with a pair
of opera length pink gloves with two strips of ruffled material that ran the
length of the gloves. The delicate dress gives the illusion of vulnerability and
exposure, but paired with its matching full length flesh colored gloves, the
584 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 139.585 Evans, "Masks, Mirrors and Mannequins: Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject," 11.
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ensemble almost completely envelopes the wearer‘s body. As it typical with
Schiaparelli, the viewer thinks that the clothes reveal more of the body
beneath than they actually do. Schiaparelli‘s friend and collaborator Leonor
Fini was also fond of creating images of women with ripped clothing. Her
biographer Peter Webb goes as far as to suggest Fini as a possible source for
Dalí‘s imagery in the Tear-Illusion dress.586 As with Schiaparelli‘s dress, these
women are not being victimized, but are strong protagonists in her paintings.
Peter Webb writes that Fini‘s paintings from the 1930s ―mark an important
stage in the progress of Leonor‘s art… They create an erotic dream world in
which women are in control.‖587 This is particularly evident in her 1938 Self-
Portrait with Scorpion in which she is fashionably posed in a brown shirt
with mutton chop sleeves, torn at the elbow and wrist. Her single white glove
is turned up to reveal a scorpion‘s tail, or perhaps simply a brooch. Just as
Fini created erotic images of women in control, Schiaparelli created erotic
gowns for women to wear that kept them in control. Some of these were worn
by Fini herself.588
The Tear-Illusion dress is not merely an expression of sexuality.
Richard Martin rightly points out ―at the time of the Spanish Civil War, when
Fascism was spreading throughout Europe, the references to shattered glass
and rent fabric would have held strong implications for both the political and
586 Webb, Sphinx: The Art and Life of Leonor Fini, 64.587 Ibid, 77.588 Schiaparelli lent dresses to Fini, as she did to many other famous women as a way of advertising.Ibid, 33.
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The Tear-Illusion dress also serves as evidence of a complex Surrealist
sensibility, creating an uncanny comparison between the actual tears and the
trompe l‘oeil ones. Schiaparelli undercuts the elegant shape of the gown with
the menacing tears and the uncanny pairing of reality and illusion. Caroline
Evans writes that in the Tear-Illusion dress, ―Schiaparelli…plays with ideas
normally antithetical to fashion, countering poise and tranquility with
violence and anxiety.593 Since the heyday of Punk, in the late 1970s, torn
clothing has been part of the fashion landscape, and Schiaparelli‘s work is an
important predecessor.
Her clothes do not reflect the idea of random violence, the patina of
wear, or the rags of poverty that are evoked by ripped styles popular in the last
half decade or so. Instead, she combines elegance with violence. She renders
the tears with exacting precision, whether in the print, or the cut panels of the
veil. The violence enacted on this gown is the result of careful calculation.
Schiaparelli is not a designer whose work we would automatically associate
with violence but her contemporaries did. Jean Cocteau explained that,
whereas in other times only a few mysterious and privileged women dressed themselves with great individuality and by the violence of their garb destroyed the ―moderne‖ style, in 1937 a woman like Schiaparelli can invent for all women—for each woman in particular—that violence which was once the privilegeof the very few.594
593Evans, "Masks, Mirrors and Mannequins: Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject," 11.594 Jean Cocteau, "From Worth to Alex," Harper’s Bazaar (March 1937), 143, 172.
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laughter. That is fashion.‖601 In 1937 poet and artist Jean Cocteau described
Schiaparelli and her boutique in remarkably similar terms:
Schiaparelli is above all the dressmaker of eccentricity. Has shenot the air of a young demon who tempts women, who leads themad carnival in a burst of laughter? Her establishment on thePlace Vendôme is a devil's laboratory. Women who go there fallinto a trap, and come out masked, disguised, deformed orreformed, according to Schiaparelli‘s whim.602
Cocteau describes Schiaparelli as a devil, relating the metamorphoses she
enacts on her customers to deals made with death. Schiaparelli herself
reflects on this in her autobiography: ―Dress designing, incidentally, to me is
not a profession but an art. I found that it was a most difficult and
unsatisfying art, because as soon as a dress is born it has already become a
thing of the past…A dress cannot just hang like a painting on the wall, or like a
book remain intact and live a long and sheltered life.‖603 The Skeleton dress
represents the quality of death inherent in fashion. It also reflects the
mortality of its wearer, as it fuses with her body. Both the Skeleton dress and
the Tear-Illusion dress reassert the corporality and mortality of the clothed
body and emphasize its vulnerability. At the same time, they shield the
wearer from the voyeuristic gaze, upending the conventions of the slinky
evening gowns of the late 1930s.
601 Ibid, 63.602 Cocteau, "From Worth to Alex," 172.603 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 42.
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In 1935 Schiaparelli had moved her business to Place Vendôme, where
it would remain until she closed her doors in 1954. Schiaparelli‘s first major
shop had been at 4 Rue de La Paix. (Figure 202) The space, like many of the
couture salons of Paris, looked more like a home than a shop. Schiaparelli
mixed art, books, and photographs with clever displays of scarves and
handbags. Her work table was a simple board laid over two saw horses, a
brilliant contrast to the parquet floors and an intricate fireplace at the center
of the room. Schiaparelli‘s new headquarters also blended the sleek and
modern with the antique. Designed by Jean Michel Frank, the space reflected
her avant-garde style. Frank streamlined the 98 rooms Schiaparelli had taken
on at 21 Place Vendôme, painting them white and using chintz, denim, cotton
pique and gingham to furnish the spaces. The sculptor Alberto Giacometti, a
refugee from Breton‘s camp, who had made jewelry for Schiaparelli,
contributed light fixtures and ashtrays.604 (Figure 203) It was Giacometti‘s
design work for Frank that had led to his expulsion from Breton‘s cadre.
Schiaparelli‘s new space included not only the traditional couture
salon, where collections were shown and women could be fitted in her
designs, but also a perfume shop and a boutique called alternately the ―Schiap
Shop,‖ ―Schiap Boutique‖ or the ― Boutique Fantastique.‖605 This was her own
unique innovation, adding to the custom couture business a shop where
604 “Schiaparelli at 21 Place Vendôme," Harper’s Bazaar (October 1935), 154.605 Schiaparelli calls it the “Schiap Boutique” in idem, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa
Schiaparelli, 65.
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customers could buy ―off the rack‖ dresses, knitwear, beachwear, lingerie,
hats, jewelry, and bags.606 Schiaparelli designed her atelier so that customers
were forced to walk through the boutique in order to approach the grand
staircase that led up to her salons on the second floor.607 This method of
directing visitors was used with great success by the Surrealists in their 1937
Exposition Internationale du Surréalisme. This idea was nothing new for
Schiaparelli though. According to biographer Palmer White, at her earlier
location on Rue de la Paix, her ready to wear items were displayed on ―glass
pickle jars decorated with eyelashes made of paper or feathers and red leather
lips.‖608 From the start, Schiaparelli‘s stores had embraced the ready -made
flea market aesthetic of Surrealism.
At her new home at 21 Place Vendôme, Schiaparelli was not only able
to innovate her business practices, but also her artistic ones. These worked
hand in hand to build her fame and reputation as ―madder and more original
than her contemporaries.‖609 Schiaparelli‘s shop appeared to be f urnished out
of the same Paris flea markets popular with the Surrealists. The perfume
shop became famous for the gilded cage that Frank had designed for its
window that mimicked the popular Victorian bird cages that Schiaparelli
collected.610 A new member of the Schiaparelli staff, Pascal, resided here.
606 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 71.607 White, Elsa Schiaparelli: Empress of Paris Fashion, 161.608 Ibid, 86.609 “Haute Couture," Time (13 August 1934), 50.610 Marisa Berenson, Schiaparelli‟s granddaughter, talks about her birdcage collection, and connects it
to Schiaparelli‟s favorite Picasso painting, The Bird Cage in: David Vincent, "Schiaparelli: The
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Pascal, an old fashioned wooden mannequin that Schiaparelli had acquired
for display, was eventually given a wife Pascaline. Bettina Bergery, who
traveled in the same artistic circles as Schiaparelli, was responsible for the
store‘s unique displays. Pascale was not used to display Schiaparelli‘s clothes,
but was a platform for Bergery‘s wildly imaginative ensembles that made the
―Schiap Shop‖ a must see destination for Paris tourists.
Bergery (formerly Bettina Jones) was an American who had been
working with Schiaparelli since the late 1920s. She was married to Gaston
Bergery, a prominent French politician who, according to the Chicago
Tribune, was ―making a name for himself as the future Stalin of France.‖611 In
addition to her political connections, Bergery was also well connected to the
Surrealists, particularly Dalí who, in his autobiography named her amongst
his closest friends, writing, ―the soul and biology of the Schiaparelli
establishment was Bettina Bergery, one of the women of Paris most highly
endowed with fantasy. She exactly resembled a praying mantis, and she knew
it.‖612 Bergerey‘s window displays were so famous that they even made it onto
the pages of Harper’ s Bazaar in 1937. The magazine showed photographs of
a mannequin made of code flags, a scarecrow holding Schiaparelli‘s perfumes,
and Pascal or Pascaline dressed ―in underwear of red roses, with the
Shocking Truth," Harper’s Bazaar (September 2009), 473. See for example photographs in: Boylan,"The Schiaparelli Dynasty," 130-135.611 In 1936 Schiaparelli traveled to the Soviet Union to participate in a French Trade Fair in Moscow.This trip was controversial particularly in light of Bergery‟s associat ion with Schiaparelli, giving fuelto a conservative French paper to accuse Schiaparelli of communist leanings. Taylor Edmond, "RedMob Stones French Police in Ballot Riot," Chicago Daily Tribune, 30 April 1934, 1. Blum, Shocking!:
The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 74.612 Dalí, The Secret Life of Salvador Dalí, 340.
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In addition to drawing in customers with clever and sometimes
shocking windows, Schiaparelli also used her name and signature in
prominent and clever ways on her clothes, accessories and perfume.
Schiaparelli managed to not only build her name as a fashion brand but also
as an artist's signature that guaranteed the avant-garde nature of her
creations. As part of her inaugural collection at Place Vendôme, she had
cotton and silk printed to look like a collage of newspaper clippings that she
had saved, both good and bad press on her work. The fabric, which some
fashion scholars have connected to Picasso‘s collages, was used for many
designs including hats inspired by the newspaper hats of Copenhagen
fishwives.616 (Figure 205) (Figure 206) Other designs featured her signature
S, including a clever belt with a lock emblazoned with the initial. (Figure 207)
Such designs married with Schiaparelli‘s signature, or simply the initial S,
helped to cement her reputation in the minds of followers of fashion who
knew she could be counted on for witty, unique, and unusual fashion.
Schiaparelli always insisted on speaking about herself as an artist. Chanel‘s
snide remark that she was ―that Italian artist who‘s making clothes,‖ must
have come as an unintentional compliment.617 Her revealing retort was that
Chanel was ―that dreary little bourgeoise.‖618 Of course being bourgeois was
code for being a conservative prude, everything that Schiaparelli and the
616 White, Elsa Schiaparelli: Empress of Paris Fashion, 134. Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The
Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 68. Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli,71.617 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 125.618 White, Elsa Schiaparelli: Empress of Paris Fashion, 92.
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Surrealists opposed. Using bourgeois as a slur was, for Schiaparelli, another
way of aligning herself with artists and the avant-garde.
By the mid-1930s, Schiaparelli‘s name had become synonymous with
artistic, whimsical, and daring fashions and accessories. She reliably provided
several eye-catching images for Vogue‘s column, ―Collection Caviar,‖ or Diana
Vreeland‘s column, ―Why Don‘t You…?‖ in Harper’s Bazaar. By July 1935,
Bazaar was referring to these classic flourishes as ―Schiaparelli-isms.‖619
Schiaparelli had turned her name into a brand, but more importantly a
fashion aesthetic. The value of this brand is apparent from the number of
products that used her endorsements in their advertisements in American
fashion magazines.620 Schiaparelli lent her name to everything from girdles
to nail polish to Wrigley‘s gum. Schiaparelli also ensured that women of all
means could afford at least some of her products. Unlike Chanel who insisted
on having the costliest perfume, Schiaparelli insisted hers be affordable,
particularly in the US and Britain where she had an enormous following.621
At the same moment Surrealism itself was shifting from being an
artistic movement to being a brand, eventually used to sell everything from
neckties and fur coats, to lipstick and perfume. In 1936 the word ―Surrealist‖
was copyrighted by the Celanese Corporation of America for a series of dress
619 “Schiaparelli-Isms," Harper’s Bazaar (July 1935), 30-1.620 It is worth noting that Schiaparelli was probably more famous and popular in American than shewas in France. Her designs certainly appeared much more frequently in American fashion magazines.Perhaps her eccentric style was too much for traditional French couture audiences, but it fit perfectlywith the American taste for shock and scandal.621 White, Elsa Schiaparelli: Empress of Paris Fashion, 158.
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fabrics inspired by Miro, Dalí, and Ernst.622 While Breton may have resisted
this transition, the movement had spread into the popular and shamelessly
commercial realm. Covers of Harper’s Bazaar and Vogue in the 1930s often
featured either the work of a Surrealist artist or a Surrealist-inspired
illustration. As early as 1935, Pierre Roy and Giorgio de Chirico were
illustrating the covers of Vogue. Man Ray, Cecil Beaton, and others were
creating Surrealist images inside of fashion magazines, often to complement
the Surrealist designs by Schiaparelli that they were illustrating. While many
credit MoMA‘s 1936 exhibition Fantastic Art, Dada, and Surrealism as
bringing Surrealism to popular audiences in the United States, followers of
fashion would have been well aware of the movement through fashion
magazines. Dalí, in particular, was credited with helping to forge the
Surrealist ―brand‖:
Dalí‘s work after 1932 is often said to evince a loss of creativedrive. Another way of explaining it is to see his repetition aspart of a strategy…aimed at promoting familiarity, even a sort of brand loyalty… By the late 1930s, Dalí‘s burning giraffes andsoft watches were safe, proven, reliable Surrealism, the standard by which competitors were measured.623
Dalí never hesitated to brand his art as Surrealist, often using the word in
his titles. Dalí‘s collaborations with Schiaparelli were also a part of this brand
strategy.624
622 Dilys E. Blum, "Post-War American Textiles," in Surreal Things: Surrealism and Design, ed.Ghislaine Wood (London: V&A Publications, 2007), 235.623 Eggener, "'An Amusing Lack of Logic': Surrealism and Popular Entertainment," 42.624 Duchamp was an obvious precursor to this kind of “branding” in art; see chapter one.
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Schiaparelli‘s shop was a new kind of space in which art and commerce
met and mingled. She was going further than women such as Helena
Rubinstein, who used art as a merchandising tool in her salons. Schiaparelli
was using art, display techniques, perfume, and her fashion designs to create
a multisensory experience for her customer. In Schiaparelli‘s salon, art was
not just décor, it was what was for sale. Salvador Dalí wrote about her store as
the crux of Surrealism in the 1930s:
the war which was soon to break out and which was going to
liquidate the post– war [WWI] revolutions was symbolized, not by the surrealist polemics in the café on the Place Blanche, or bythe suicide by my great friend René Crevel, but the dressmakingestablishment which Elsa Schiaparelli was about to open on thePlace Vendôme. Here new morphological phenomena occurred;here the essence of things was to become transubstantiated;here the tongues of fire of the Holy Ghost of Dalí was going todescend.625
Dalí captured the way that Schiaparelli‘s boutique looked toward the future,
as fashion always does, predicting the coming war. Schiaparelli also talks
about the forward-looking nature of her practice:
so fashion is born by small facts, trends, or even politics,never by trying to make little pleats and furbelows, by trinkets, by clothes easy to copy, or by the shortening or lengthening of askirt… The world was being pulled from ever y side like a tired balloon. One could not forget that one carried, like a steel ballchained to the ankle, the stark business side, but one had tosense the trend of history and precede it.626
She also connects the boutique directly with Surrealism and the avant-garde.
Schiaparelli‘s shop used the trope of the readymade, invented by the Dadaists,
625 Dalí, The Secret Life of Salvador Dalí, 340.626 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 88-89.
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and taken up by the Surrealists. She placed found objects alongside her
―ready to be taken away immediately‖ merchandise.627 She was selling
fashions and accessories, many of which looked like readymades. Belts with
locks, sword pins, and newspaper hats—in her salon all of these objects
became works of art.
The May 1936 Exposition Surréaliste d’Objets at Charles Ratton
reflected the same aesthetic as the ―Schiap Boutique.‖ The objects were
displayed at Ratton‘s gallery as commodities in vitrines and included
readymades such as Duchamp‘s Bottle Rack (1914) as well as objects that
directly engaged with fashion including Dalí‘s Aphrodisiac Dinner Jacket
(1936) and Meret Oppenheim‘s My Nurse (1936)—a pair of white pumps
trussed like a turkey, down to white paper frills on the heels.628 These objects
were shown alongside Hopi kachina dolls, masks from New Guinea, and
found objects-both natural and manmade. Alyce Mahon describes the
exhibition as, ―nodding to the grands magasins with their luxurious interiors
lined with display cases to seduce the bourgeoisie, the exhibition staged
fashion, objects and furniture in a peculiarly Surrealist shopping bazaar.‖629
Mahon contends that this exhibition demonstrated that the Surrealists were
the ―first to recognize, but also to overturn, the dramatic potential and
627 Ibid, 65.628 It is entirely possible that this work formed part of the inspiration for the mutton chop hat.629 Alyce Mahon, "Displaying the Body: Surrealism‟s Geography of Pleasure," in Surreal Things :
Certainly not, cried the pundits. That would be conspicuous andrevolutionary. So after much discussion I went and made myown show myself. I laid the dreary plaster mannequin, naked asthe factory had delivered it, on some turf and piled flowers over
it to cheer it up. I then stretched a rope across an open spaceand, as after washing day, hung up all the clothes of a smart woman, even to panties, stockings, and shoes. Nothing could besaid. I had carried out most strictly the decrees of the Syndicatde la Couture, but in such a way that on the first day a gendarmehad to be sent for to keep back the crowds!633
Schiaparelli‘s vignette excited the crowds because she had shocked the
Arcadian elegance by making her mannequin look like a corpse. Harper’s
Bazaar described the scene on opening day: ―Schiaparelli stretches a nude
figure on the ground, partially covered by a rug of flowers. On the opening
day, someone threw a visiting card on the blanket with condolences, so now
that lady has been jerked up to a sitting position, with her discarded dress and
hat thrown on a garden chair.‖634 Even this more sanitized version of
Schiaparelli‘s stunt was provocative—so provocative that her display did not
appear in any of the major French fashion magazines that reproduced a
number of the other couturiers‘ vignettes.635 According to Christine Mehring,
the fashion pavilion itself toned down the Surrealism of the mannequins and
fashion magazines in turn toned down the Surrealism in Wols‘
photographs.636 While this argument is certainly debatable, it ignores
Schiaparelli‘s contribution to the pavilion that plays up the uncanny
633 Ibid, 95.634 “Within the Pavillon d'Elegance," Harper’s Bazaar (15 September 1937), 78.635 Schiaparelli‟s tableau in Pavillon d’Elégance is not illustrated or mentioned in Femina, L’Art et la
Mode, or Jardin de la Mode.636 Christine Mehring, Wols Photographs (Cambridge: Busch-Reisinger Museum, 1999), 19.
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in 1937 nineteen nude young women were kidnapped from the windows of the large stores and subjected to the frenzy of theSurrealists who immediately deemed it their duty to violatethem, each in his own original and inimitable manner but
without any consideration whatsoever for the feelings of the victims who nevertheless submitted with charming goodwill tothe homage and outrage that were inflicted on them, with theresult that they aroused the excitement of a certain Man Ray who undid and took out his equipment and recorded theorgy…639
Like Schiaparelli, the Surrealists sought to provoke, but their interpretation
invokes sexual violence. For Schiaparelli the gesture, while sexually
provocative, was not about violence but about the deathliness of mannequins.In the Surrealists‘ hands, mannequins were sexually available figures.
Their uncanny state was not between death and life, but between real and
unreal, subject and object. The 1938 Surrealist exhibition was set up
according to the same logic as Schiaparelli‘s shop. It was carefully designed to
direct visitors in specific directions. Kachur notes the historical continuities
between art exhibitions and commercial marketing:
The ideological exhibition space coincides historically with therise of the marketing of brand name goods, as well as the spreadof the site consecrated to such display, the department store.Not surprisingly, the display as spectacle has its overlappinghistories in the commercial and fine art realms. Exhibitionspace is often where the two most obviously mingle andcompete. This is notably true of the Surrealists, as witness theirmannequins, borrowed from the fashion houses and dressed bythe artists along a gauntletlike entry corridor for the 1938show.640
639 Man Ray, La Résurrection des Mannequins (Paris 1966), Quoted in Mahon, "Displaying the Body:Surrealism‟s Geography of Pleasure," 134-5.640 Kachur, Displaying the Marvelous: Marcel Duchamp, Salvador Dalí, and Surrealist Exhibition
Installations, 7-8.
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leading to an even more surreal experience.643 The gallery was next door to
Jean-Michel Frank‘s boutique where the overflowing crowd on opening night
loitered until they could enter the exhibition. Dalí‘s Mae West Lips couch was
in his shop, no doubt amongst many other Surrealist designs. As visitors
arrived outside the exhibition at the Galerie Beaux-Arts they first approached
Dalí‘s Rainy Taxi, their first taste of the bizarre mannequins they would
encounter inside. An ivy draped taxicab, whose interior was drenched in rain,
was home to two mannequins and a number of real snails. According to
Vogue, the car‘s leaking rain soaked the evening slippers of the well dressed
guests.644
Once guests managed to enter the exhibition they walked down a long
corridor, the Rue Surréaliste. The corridor was lined on one side with sixteen
mannequins, each dressed by a different artist.645 Like Schiaparelli, the
Surrealists had rejected the first batch of mannequins they were sent that
were too modern and abstract, preferring old fashioned ‗realistic‘ mannequins
with curly synthetic wigs and eyelashes.646 Interestingly, the only mannequin
to be designed by a woman, Sonia Mossé, included a number of Schiaparelli‘s
favorite themes: ―one dummy had a chalk white body with water lilies here
and there, a green beetle on her mouth, and tiny green lobsters on her body —
643 Acacia Rachelle Warwick, "Prefabricated Desire : Surrealism, Mannequins, and the Fashioning ofModernity" (PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 2006), 38.644 Bettina Wilson, "Surrealism in Paris," Vogue (1 March 1938), 144.645 For detailed descriptions and images of all 16 mannequins see “Mannequin Street” in Kachur, Displaying the Marvelous: Marcel Duchamp, Salvador Dalí, and Surrealist Exhibition Installations ,37-67.646 Warwick, "Prefabricated Desire: Surrealism, Mannequins, and the Fashioning of Modernity", 38.
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uses a cage and flower, frequent themes for Schiaparelli both in her shop and
designs.650 While Schiaparelli‘s woman is usually in a position to escape her
cage, Masson‘s is not. Masson surely would have been exposed to some of
Schiaparelli‘s designs, as they were frequently worn by Surrealist women and
patrons. Though there is no way to know whether Masson was influenced by
Schiaparelli, it is unmistakable that Schiaparelli was working with the same
ideas that the Surrealists were at the same time. Often she was turning these
ideas on their head, giving her woman the agency that artists like Masson
often robbed her of.
In Salvador Dalí‘s mannequin, Schiaparelli found a small place of her
own in the exhibition. Dalí used Schiaparelli‘s Shocking pink chullo to cover
the head of his mannequin, a fact dutifully noted by Vogue.651 (Error! Reference
source not found.) The hood, which covered the entire head and shoulders of
the wearer, was inspired by a Peruvian chullo (a knitted hood) thatSchiaparelli saw in the Peruvian pavilion at the Paris Exposition. The hood
and a number of other items in her winter 1937-38 were inspired by the
garments in the Peruvian pavilion. (Figure 214) It‘s entirely possible that the
gloves and belt the mannequin wears were Schiaparelli‘s designs as well.652
650 The cage may have also been derived from Mrs. George Crawford‟s costume for Caresse Crosby‟s
1935 dream ball given in Dalí‟s honor. A clipping posted by Dalí with Crawford‟s photograph would
have lead viewers to draw this connection. A number of cages occupied the rest of the exhibiton aswell, both in paintings and Surrealist objects. Ibid, 50-1.651 This somewhat menacing garment was also worn by Chick Austin for his Surrealist “Magic on
Parade” show at the Wadsworth Athenaeum in 1939. Wilson, "Surrealism in Paris," 144.652 While no belts are pictured, in an article on Schiaparelli‟s Peruvian accessories, belts are given
special attention and it is reasonable to assume that she created some Peruvian inspired belts.“Peruvian Magic," Harper’s Bazaar (October 1937), 72.
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Germany. The Germans invaded Poland September 1, 1939 and two days later
France and Britain declared war.
Even as early as February 1937, the Los Angeles Times was reporting
on ―War Influences Seen in Coming Fashions.‖ According to Hollywood
costume designer Adrian, ―the Vogue for short skirts is a natural outcome of
conditions of war time. In the first place short skirts are more suitable for
action of unsettled times.‖656 As each month passed, war in Europe seemed
increasingly inevitable. The nineteenth century, a time before the horrors of
industrialized warfare had been realized, seemed simpler and slower as the
world seemed to spiral out of control in the 1930s.
The Surrealists had been turning to the nineteenth century in their
work since the beginning of the movement in the 1920s. Eugene Atget‘s
photographs of the spaces of nineteenth century Paris were particularly
appealing to Surrealists. These were the spaces that Breton haunted in Nadja
(1928), hoping to experience the uncanny, and finding it in the person of his
mysterious muse Nadja. Surrealists were fascinated by the outdated and
outmoded, the time when their parents were young. Walter Benjamin‘s
writing was also an important part of this project, in ―Surrealism: The Last
Snapshot of the European Intelligentsia‖ he writes that ―[Breton] was the first
656 Adrian was one of Schiaparelli‟s American disciples who had taken up padded shoulders
enthusiastically, particularly in his designs for Joan Crawford, a Schiaparelli client: “[Adrian] upholds
the Vogue of wide shoulders which slenderize the hips. It‟s a fad which has become a fashion classicand is here to stay he believes.” "War Influences Seen in Coming Fashions," Los Angeles Times, 17February 1937, B7. Schiaparelli talks about Adrian in Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography
of Elsa Schiaparelli, 56-7.
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to perceive the revolutionary energies that appear in the ‗outmoded,‘ in the
first iron constructions, the first factory buildings, the earliest photos…the
fashions of five years ago…‖657 Benjamin praised Surrealism‘s ability to look
at the old with fresh, and critical eyes.658 In a time when technology, culture,
art, and fashion were moving faster than ever before, those objects and styles
that had just gone out of fashion represented the specter of obsolescence and
death always present in the modern world.
In her book, The Future of Nostolgia, Svetlana Boym explains that, ―a
cinematic image of nostalgia is a double exposure, or a superimposition of two
images—of home and abroad, past and present, dream and everyday life.‖659
This description of nostalgia fits perfectly with the Surrealist aesthetic of
double images and dreamlike juxtapositions. Boym describes nostalgia as
―coeval with modernity itself‖660 I would argue that it is also coeval with the
cycles and trends of modern fashion. Fashion designers have always looked to
outmoded fashions for inspiration. The modern couturier‘s way of working
was predicated on finding some inspiration for a collection. This formula is
cemented in the 1930s fashion press and continues to be true in contemporary
fashion. As we saw in chapter three, for example, foreign cultures are often
the source of such inspiration. In the early 1930s, Schiaparelli and other
designers used the styles of the First Empire period, including high waistlines
657 Benjamin, "Surrealism: The Last Snapshot of the European Intelligentsia," 181.658 Fijalkowski, "Black Materialism: Surrealism Faces the Commercial World," 103.659 Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia (New York: Basic Books, 2001), xiii-xiv.660 Ibid, xvi.
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and long trains.661 This allusion to the past continued throughout the 1930s.
In 1936, for example, Schiaparelli was inspired by the victory of the Popular
Front government and began to produce ―Phrygian‖ bonnets, an ode to the
Sans Culottes of the French Revolution. In fact the Sans Coulottes had
adopted these hats from ancient Rome where they were worn by emancipated
slaves. Ulrich Lehmann argues that fashion is modernity: ―essentially, la
modernité equals la mode, because it was sartorial fashion that made
modernity aware of its constant urge and need to quote from itself.‖662
Fashion made modernity aware of its own need for nostalgia.
The turn of the nineteenth century, the so called ―gay nineties‖ was also
becoming increasingly popular in popular culture, particularly through Mae
West. West had parlayed her popular and often controversial performances
on Broadway into a Hollywood film career. Her first leading role was in the
1933 film She Done Him Wrong in which she co-starred as Lady Lou with a
young Cary Grant. The movie had been a huge hit in the US and Paris.663 In
this performance, as in many of her films, West literally embodied a fantasy of
life in the ―gay nineties,‖ her incredible hourglass figure the epitome of the
bustled beauties of the turn of the century. Her bawdy humor always got her
what she wanted in her movies. In Harper’s Bazaar, Stanley Walker wrote
that, ―Mae West, by adding a slightly burlesque overtone to the by-play
between the sexes, made everybody more comfortable—except the censors…
661 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 294.662 Ulrich Lehmann, Tigersprung : Fashion in Modernity (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000), xx.663 Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 102.
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With her small-waisted figure, her undulating hippy strut, her nasal whine
and her meaty lips, she has made sex a thing gorgeously panoplied.‖664 Mae
West had found a way to use her figure to its best advantage, writing plays and
then films for herself that took place in the ―gay nineties,‖ a time when her
figure type had been the ideal.665 She resisted both the conventions first of
the slim androgynous flapper in the twenties and then the hard chic of the
early 1930s. Her style of dress was highly feminine, but her attitude was far
from it. She was brash, outspoken, and always in control. West was a perfect
advocate of strange glamour, self possessed, mature, and one of a kind.
Dalí, obviously a fan of Mae West, was fascinated by her strange
glamour. West‘s celebrity captured Dalí‘s imagination. Like Dalí and
Schiaparelli, she used shock to publicize her work. West was jailed for ten
days for ―staging an indecent performance,‖ her play Sex .666 Her plays and
films always pushed the limits of what would be permissible on the stage and
screen. She encapsulated the sexy underbelly of the turn of the century,
opposed to the stereotyped idea of Victorian prudery. Dalí responded to Mae
West, transforming a photograph of her into the basis for a Surrealist interior
design in Mae West’s Face which May Be Used as a Surrealist Apartment
(1934-5).(Figure 217) He painted over a magazine photograph of her face,
664 Stanley Walker, "Sex Comes to America: A Chapter from Mrs. Astor's Horse," Harper’s Bazaar 1935), 59.665 West had perhaps learned the hard way that her body was not built for all roles while playing ayoung flapper in The Wicked Age (1927). See: Emily Wortis Leider, Becoming Mae West (New York:Farrar Straus Giroux, 1997), 174.666 Walker, "Sex Comes to America: A Chapter from Mrs. Astor's Horse," 161.
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making her lips into a sofa, her nose a fireplace, her eyes into Surrealist
paintings and her golden hair into cascading drapes. With the help of his
patron, Edward James, Dalí was able to have the Mae West Lips Sofa
manufactured in 1938. One was manufactured in Schiaparelli‘s new shade
Shocking pink. James used a lipstick to get the right color for the satin sofa.
Schiaparelli also had a connection to Mae West, whose costumes she
designed for the 1937 film Every Day’s a Holiday. As discussed above,
Schiaparelli was sent a mannequin to use to fit West‘s costumes.667
Schiaparelli‘s costumes were in classic Mae West style emphasizing her
gorgeous curves, but the designer added her own flair, bringing attention to
the shoulders. In a ―lilac broadcloth coat dress, the skirt lapped over in front,
the edges scalloped and outlined with pink and mauve cording. [Worn with a]
purple hat with brim turned up on one side and trimmed with a bright red
feather,‖ she played up the shoulders using the pink and mauve cording to
create epaulets.668(Figure 218) Another dress featured secret pockets in the
mutton chop sleeves, perfect for West‘s character Peaches O‘Day, a practiced
pickpocket. One of West‘s most extravagant costumes in the film was a
sequined black gown paired with a lavish fur and lace cape.
667 The mannequin, it turned out, was too small by the time of the making of the film and all of thecostumes had to be remade in Hollywood. White, Elsa Schiaparelli: Empress of Paris Fashion, 109-10. Blum, Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 115668 Schiaparelli‟s original costume was not used in the film because West had gained weight by the
time the film went into production. The dress was remade in a slightly darker color scheme, but withthe same design. Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 88. Blum,Shocking!: The Art and Fashion of Elsa Schiaparelli, 115.
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This ensemble influenced one of the looks in Schiaparelli‘s fall
collection that year, an exuberant tiered pleated tulle cape. (Error! Reference
source not found.) Other designs in the collection were inspired by the film,
which began on New Year‘s Eve 1899, and by West herself. According to the
Washington Post ―Schiaparelli and Mae West are responsible for the startling
change in hats.‖669 These hats were upswept off the face. Vogue proclaimed
Schiaparelli‘s collection a ―Merry Widow Revival,‖ noting Schiaparelli‘s
designs for Mae West as the influence for the ―sly hint of pre-War opulence
[in] her Mid-Season collection.‖670 (Figure 219) Mae West influence on
fashion had started even earlier in the 1930s. In January 1935 a letter to
Photoplay complained that ―along with the Mae West influence and the ‗Gay
Nineties‘ styles, large hats have reappeared,‖ obscuring views at the movie
theater.671 As we saw above Schiaparelli played off the return of the hourglass
silhouette with her ―falsies‖ dress. She continued to comment on the return of
this silhouette in one wool suit for Fall 1937 that included buttons shaped like
Mae West‘s torso. Another suit in Shocking pink had ―cancan‖ dancer
buttons.
Mae West‘s torso provided not only the inspiration for buttons in this
collection, but also for the bottle of Schiaparelli‘s‘ new perfume, which was to
become her most famous. Schiaparelli asked fellow Italian artist Leonor Fini
669 Ethel Ehlen, "Black Is the Raining Color for Mid-Season While Silk Jersey Leads National Parade,"Washington Post , 18 July 1937, S6.670 The “Merry Widow” hats had been made famous by Lily Elsie in 1907 in the opera of the same
name. “Merry Widow Revival," Vogue (1 June 1937), 50.671 “Brickbats and Bouquets, Letters from Photoplay Readers," Photoplay (January 1935), 12.
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to design the bottle. Fini used the mannequin Mae West had sent as the basis
for the bottle.672(Figure 220) The clear dress form was draped with a
dressmaker‘s tape measure with the name of the perfume in Schiaparelli‘s
handwriting. The tape crossed over just below the bust of the figure, and was
secured with a golden circle with Schiaparelli‘s ―S.‖ The measuring tape
combined with the dress-form underlines the literal construction of garments,
the construction of beauty by fashion. The packaging of the bottle, along with
its nod to Mae West, creates a Victorian aesthetic. Fini covered the bottle in a
glass dome with a painted scalloped border resembling lace with Schiaparelli‘s
signature on the front. This Victorian dome was a popular motif at the time
and appeared in fashion photographs in Vogue and Harper’s Bazaar as well
as a 1930 Man Ray photograph, Hommage à D.A.F. de Sade (Tanja Ramm
and a Bell-Jar).673 The original bottle design was deemed ugly by
Schiaparelli‘s commercial director, who insisted that flowers be added. They
were placed on the bottle top, perhaps a nod to Dalí‘s flower headed figures.
In her own work, Fini was preoccupied with historic costume. She
created her Corset Chair in 1939. This chair was a part of an exhibition
organized by Fini at Leo Castelli‘s first gallery, Galerie Drouin, next door to
Schiaparelli‘s establishment on Place Vendôme. The show, which opened in
672 Peter Webb credits the idea of using the mannequin to Fini, and it certainly fits in with her aesthetic.Palmer White gives the credit to Schiaparelli; like all of Schiaparelli‟s collaborations, it is difficult to
know whose idea was whose. Webb, Sphinx: The Art and Life of Leonor Fini, 64. White, Elsa
Schiaparelli: Empress of Paris Fashion, 157.673 Haworth-Booth, The Art of Lee Miller , 47-48. Haworth-Booth notes that this photograph may be acollaboration between Man Ray and Lee Miller as Tanja Ramm was her flat-mate at the time.
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Schiaparelli, and Chanel—though she was still in exile in Switzerland—
strongly objected to this look.677 They saw it as regressive and anti-modern,
not to mention impractical. Dior‘s success marked the beginning of the end of
the age of the great couturière and the rise of the male couturier.678 In the
United States though, a number of women were emerging and contributing to
a rising American ready-to-wear and sportswear industry. Women such as
Claire McCardell, Tine Leser and Carolyn Schnurer built on the successes of
Seventh Avenue during World War II when the U.S. was largely cut off from
Paris fashions. The revealing dresses of Schiaparelli‘s Winter 1949-50
collection mocked the new styles of Dior and even Claire McCardell. (Figure
227) Schiaparelli turned these highly feminine looks into provocation, once
again finding ways to stare back at the sexualized male gaze.
About the same time these dresses were shown, Schiaparelli was
launching a new wholesale business in the United States creating ready-to-
wear suits, coats, and few gowns. In the wake of Dior‘s meteoric rise with the
―New Look,‖ Schiaparelli‘s business had been struggling. One reporter
described her ―going everywhere, parties, balls, concerts, anywhere she would
be seen and photographed…Schiaparelli made an entrée at a assortment of
fancy dress balls dressed in a weird variety of costumes—a popular song, a
677 Chanel, who had a relationship with a German officer during the war, was arrested as a collaboratorin September 1944 after the liberation of France, but managed to secure release after just three hours,according to many because her friend Winston Churchill stepped in. Some speculated that Churchillstepped in because Chanel could have revealed the Duke and Duchess of Windsor‟s cozy relationship
with the Germans. It is unclear to what extent she actually was a collaborator with the Germans, butshe was perceived as one by the French public in the years immediately after the war.678 Steele, Women of Fashion: Twentieth-Century Designers, 11, 14.
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radish, a mineral queen‖[sic] all in an effort to drum up publicity for her
waning brand. The effort looked like a success in 1949, but by 1954
Schiaparelli showed her last couture collection. The most famous couturière
of the 1930s, whose work once covered the pages of fashion magazines, would
slowly become a dim memory brought up when designers used her shade of
Shocking pink or came up with a clever hat reminiscent of her brilliant
designs.
Schiaparelli, if she is present at all, has been reduced to a footnote in
most histories of Surrealism. In histories of fashion, she is often placed in
opposition to her great nemesis Chanel—fashion loves a good cat fight after
all. Compared to Chanel, who has been the subject of dozens of biographies
and monographs, Schiaparelli has only been treated to two major studies, first
by Palmer White in 1986, and recently in a lavish exhibition and catalog by
Dilys Blum in 2003.679 While Schiaparelli has been written out of most
histories of Surrealism, she is perhaps one of the most important figures in
ensuring the movement‘s legacy.
She was a key instigator of one of the most important Surrealist
exhibitions in New York during the war, The First Papers of Surrealism.
Schiaparelli had been forced, like so many of her friends, to ride out the war in
the United States, abandoning her beloved Paris and her couture house.
While the business carried on without her, it was not quite the same
679 Karl Lagerfeld, the designer now at the helm of La Maison Chanel has made a kind of cottageindustry of books and films on Chanel, contributing to a number of projects in recent years includingthe 2009 films Coco Avant Chanel and Coco Chanel and Igor Stravinsky.
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powerhouse when she returned. The war, however, did not sever
Schiaparelli‘s ties with the artistic avant-garde. Most of the Surrealists had
retreated to the city as well, including Andre Breton and Marcel Duchamp.
She explained:
New York was not New York, and certainly was not America,especially the milieu I frequented. The city was invaded bypeople from many nations and paths of life who, for somereason or other had been obliged to leave their homes, or hadsimply abandoned them because they were scared or found waruncomfortable. Some had left everything, some managed toretain a great deal; some worked for a living, others made a very
unnecessary display of their wealth.680
While in New York, Schiaparelli had been working to aid France in a number
of ways. Her first trip to the U.S. during the war in 1940 was for a lecture
tour. Schiaparelli designed a collection to be produced in America, with some
of her profits going to benefit unemployed dressmakers in Paris, and in many
cities the proceeds of her lectures benefitted children in unoccupied France.681
In 1942 Elsa Schiaparelli spearheaded the organization of the First
Papers of Surrealism exhibition at the French Relief Societies headquarters in
Reid Mansion in New York City.682 She had been connected to Breton
through Peggy Guggenheim. Despite his aversion to fashion and commerce,
Breton was in no position to refuse this opportunity since he was struggling to
get by in New York as a refugee from the War.683 In her autobiography
680 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 127.681 Ibid, 113.682 Kachur, Displaying the Marvelous: Marcel Duchamp, Salvador Dalí, and Surrealist Exhibition
Installations, 171.683 Ibid, 172.
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Schiaparelli does not mention Breton but says that she called on Duchamp to
help her organize the exhibition.684 Duchamp himself acknowledged
Schiaparelli as a partner in the exhibition along with Breton in a 1943 letter to
his friends Walter and Magda Pach.685 Breton appears to have taken the lead
in contacting artists to participate in the show. A review in Newsweek noted
that Dalí was noticeably absent from the show after being expelled from the
movement and dubbed Avida Dollars.686
Asked by Schiaparelli to keep the costs low, Duchamp decided to use
twine for his installation in the show. He created Mile of String, an intricate
web of string that wound its way throughout the exhibition in the heavy and
gaudy space of Reid Mansion. (Figure 228) The exhibition was just one of a
number of exhibitions of the work of exiled artists living in the United States.
The show also included the work of some American artists as well as Native
American dolls, masks, and figural sculpture.687 This exhibition was unique
because it involved several American artists along with the Europeans,
particularly of the younger generation including David Hare, Robert
Motherwell, Barbara Reis, and William Baziotes.
Histories of Surrealism tend to credit the emigration of Surrealists to
the U.S. during the war, and The First Papers of Surrealism, as well as Peggy
684 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 135.685 Duchamp‟s letter translated in: Francis M. Naumann, "Amicalement, Marcel: Fourteen Lettersfrom Marcel Duchamp to Walter Pach," Archives of American Art Journal 29, no. 3/4 1989), 47. Alsocited in Kachur, Displaying the Marvelous: Marcel Duchamp, Salvador Dalí, and Surrealist
Exhibition Installations, 173.686 “Agonized Humor," Newsweek (26 October 1942), 76.687 “Inheritors of Chaos," Time 40, no. 15 (2 November 1942), 47.
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Guggenheim‘s contemporary exhibition, Art of this Century as leading
logically to the development of Abstract Expressionism. This linkage, though,
is loose and privileges the more abstract tendencies in Surrealism. Writing in
1968, William Rubin explained that, ―it appeared by 1955 as if the entire
Dada-Surrealist adventure was a kind of anti-modernist reaction situated
parenthetically between the great abstract movements prior to World War I
and after World War II. But the force of this conviction has been
compromised by a subsequent reaction in favor of Dada—and to a much lesser
extent Surrealism—on the part of many younger artists who have matured
since 1955.‖688 Dada has certainly been resurrected in the ensuing years, with
Duchamp replacing Picasso as the pivotal figure in some art historians‘
narratives of modern art.
The catalogue for Surrealism USA, a 2005 exhibition at The National
Academy Museum in New York, traces the ways in which Surrealism fell out
of favor in the years following World War II. Robert S. Lubar writes that in
addition to Dalí‘s work for Vogue and his advertising campaigns for various
products (most of which were notably associated with women and fashion),
―Dalí‘s work for the commercial film industry sealed his fate as an artist who
had sold out.‖689 Isabelle Dervaux explains that Surrealism came to be most
closely associated with the work of Dalí, who was often seen as regressive and
688 Rubin et al., Dada, Surrealism, and Their Heritage, 182.689 Robert S. Lubar, "Salvador Dalí in America: The Rise and Fall of Arch Surrealism," in Surrealism
USA (New York: National Academy Museum, 2005), 27.
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academic even before he began his major commercial endeavors. Dervaux
writes that Surrealism‘s fall from favor
between 1944 and 1947 can be explained by the anti-Surrealistcampaign waged by influential critic Clement Greenberg in themid-forties. Greenberg denigrated Surrealism as ―literary andantiquarian.‖ ―For the sake of hallucinatory vividness theSurrealists have copied the effects of calendar reproduction,postal card chromeotype, and magazine illustration.‖690 [sic]
Greenberg would go on to align the Abstract Expressionists with Cubists and
other European abstractionists. Scott Rothkopf describes the reemergence of
Surrealism in American art in the 1960s through critics Gene Swenson andLucy Lippard. Rothkopf argues that Lippard and Swenson each produced a
cleaned up version of Surrealism that matched the climate of their time:
By viewing Surrealism through the lens of Pop [Swenson] wasable to retain its essential potency, while avoiding thenarcissistic introspection made taboo by the demise of AbstractExpressionism. If…Pop learned the lessons of the readymadeand the psychosexual fetish from Dada and Surrealism, thenconversely, Swenson taught Surrealism a lesson in cool fromPop.691
Lippard, on the other hand, championed the abstract surrealists, such as
Andre Masson, Joan Miro, and Arshile Gorky, linking their works to Post-
Minimalists such as Eva Hesse. Neither Swenson nor Lippard, however, was
interested in reviving the Surrealism of Dalí or Magritte.
Art historians have been wary of artists such as Dalí, Magritte, and Di
Chirico, particularly because these artists directly engaged not only with
690 Dervaux, "A Tale of Two Earrings: Surrealism and Abstraction, 1930-1947," 54.691 Scott Rothkopf, "Returns of the Repressed: The Legacy of Surrealism in American Art," inSurrealism USA, Isabelle Dervaux , ed. (New York: National Academy Museum, 2005), 69.
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commerce, but with fashion. It is precisely in fashion where we can see the
legacy of the ―dirtier‖ parts of Surrealism, those which did not fit in with the
stories art historians told about art after World War II.692 While Schiaparelli‘s
business fizzled after World War II, American designers Charles James and
Gilbert Adrian took up Surrealism in their work. James reached the peak of
his fame between 1947-1954, designing incredible evening gowns that
combined historical styles and techniques of body shaping with modernist
forms to create garments more akin to biomorphic sculpture than party
dresses. James‘ Surrealism was subtle and sculptural. (Figure 229) He used
his clothing to abstractly reshape his clients‘ bodies into forms akin to flowers,
birds, and butterflies.
Adrian had begun his career as head costume designer for MGM, and
staged a star studded fashion show and party to welcome Schiaparelli to
Hollywood in 1933.693 Adrian had taken up Schiaparelli‘s toy soldier style
and was using it to great advantage on stars such as Joan Crawford, a fact
which Schiaparelli noted in her autobiography.694 By 1939, with his costumes
for The Women, it was clear that Adrian was taking up strange glamour and
making it his own. In the opening scenes, Rosalind Russell wears a blouse
embroidered with three eyes and bolero style jacket that is also adored with
692 It is hard to imagine that Dalí was not at least a partial influence on Warhol in his courting of an art-star persona, and Marcel Broodthaers wrote about Magritte as an important influence on Pop Art:Marcel Broodthaers, "Gare au defil Le Pop Art, Jim Dine et l'influence de Rene Magritte," Journal des
Beaux-Arts, no. 1029 (November, 1963).693 Merrick Mollie, "Hollywood in Person," The Atlanta Constitution, 16 March 1933, 6.694 Schiaparelli, Shocking Life: The Autobiography of Elsa Schiaparelli, 57.
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reminiscent of Schiaparelli‘s Circus Tent veils from her Summer 1938. (Figure
234)
Adrian continued to experiment with surrealist themes in the
collections he created under his own label that he started in 1942. A design
from one of his first collections, a beautifully draped white silk day dress,
included the surreal presence of a guard in full armored regalia printed on
fabric that drapes from the wearer‘s left shoulder. (Figure 235) Adrian
produced smart suits and artful gowns, often inspired by modern art He
created a series of dresses inspired by modern art including a several gowns in
the series ―Shades of Picasso,‖ which were made from abstract shapes of crepe
immaculately pieced together. (Figure 236) These gowns not only evoke
Picasso‘s abstractions and collages, but also the Surrealist abstractions of
Hans Arp and Juan Miro. Adrian also used fabrics designed by Dalí for
several gowns in his March 1947 collection.695 (Figure 237) He also designed a
dress for Gala Dalí, which like many of his dresses and suits used gingham
fabric, reminiscent of one of his most famous costumes, Dorothy‘s blue
gingham dress in the Wizard of Oz.696 Gala rejected the dress and refused to
wear it.697 Adrian‘s gesture of integrating a simple American fabric like
695 Dilys Blum details the manufacture and use of Dalí‟s textiles as well as those made by other
Surrealists and in the style of Surrealism in the years after World War II in: Blum, "Post-WarAmerican Textiles," 235-45.696 For an example of Adrian‟s use of Gingham, see fig. 100 in Patricia Mears, American Beauty:
Aesthetics and Innovation in Fashion (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 139.697 Christian Esquevin, Adrian : Silver Screen to Custom Label (New York: Monacelli Press, 2008),153-4.
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gingham into a high fashion garment is just the kind of mixing of high and low
that Schiaparelli and Dalí himself would have appreciated.
Adrian also followed the lead of Lilly Daché, taking inspiration from
Mexico and Native American sand paintings, as well as his own travels to
Africa. In 1948 he created a dress and cape ensemble printed with designs
from Native American sand paintings. A 1949 trip to Africa, through the
Sudan, Kenya, and the Congo, led to a collection filled with inspiration from
the animals of the country, including leopard and snakeskin prints.698
Interestingly the Chicago Defender, an African-American newspaper,
included a long report on this collection noting: ―included in the African-
inspired series were suits decorated with replicas of the tribal body plaques
worn by the Mangbetu.‖ The article also notes woolen fabrics in the collection
inspired by ―African head cloth,‖ and ―tall rounded caps of brushed beaver
inspired by the elongated bound heads of the Mangebetu babies.‖ [sic] The
paper also noted one gown inspired by the costume of a Maasai woman,
―topped by a cape made of a whole antelope skin dyed [tawny rose] and drawn
through a huge beaten gold ring.‖699 Both Lilly Daché and American milliner
Sally Victor continued to create hats inspired by global cultures. Along with
Adrian their work helped to carry through the thread of fashionable
primitivism in strange glamour.
698 Apparently he included tiger prints as a joke in the collection, since tigers are not from Africa. Ibid,167.699 "Noted Designer Sees African Influence in Winter Wear," The Chicago Defender , 31 December1949, 18-9.
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By the 1960s and 1970, Caftans, saris, African prints, fringed Native
American style tunics and gypsy skirts all became popular as ways of
demonstrating sartorially a return to nature and radical political views. These
looks, however, had more in common with the costume of Paul Poiret than
the juxtapositions of Ethnographic Surrealism that appeared in the work of
Daché and Victor. This Fashionable Primitivism, however, returned, perhaps
most exuberantly in John Galliano‘s collection for Dior in the late 1990s.
Mixing African beading with Dior‘s ―New Look‖ silhouettes, or Native
American textiles with 16th century European costume Galliano became
famous for his ―neo-colonial fusions.‖700 (Figure 238) These combinations
clearly evoke the constructed, collaged aesthetic of strange glamour.701
Other aspects of strange glamour are also clearly evident in
contemporary fashion. Alexander McQueen‘s dictum: ―I want people to be
afraid of the women I dress,‖ mirrored Schiaparelli‘s own use of clothing as a
700 Evans, Fashion at the Edge : Spectacle, Modernity, and Deathliness, 29.701 Galliano is clearly indebted to Surrealism and strange glamour. His Spring 1999 collection for Diorcouture was an ode to Surrealism and included nods to Schiaparelli including and several riffs on her“backwards suit” from the Circus collection, as well as some Shocking pink suits, one adorned with a
doll‟s hat and chess pieces. Several couples walked together in the show styled after Salvador andGala Dalí. The Dalí models had tendrils of hair made into curls which played the part of Dalí‟s famous
mustache. Large eye brooches referred to Dalí‟s own jewelry designs. A trio of dresses used Cocteausketches as the inspiration for their large scale prints. The show even had its own Minotaure, andseveral Surrealist tableau vivants, including some centered around a dress with black hands printed onit across the hip and buttocks, worn with a mannequin hand hat. Men in Magritte bowler hatsaccompanied the traditional finale: a bridal gown with skirts of tulle and cellophane whose veil was afisherman‟s net adorned with shells. This dress, as well as several others drew inspir ation from theSurrealist photographs of British artist Madame Yvonde. Interestingly, Galliano mentioned the Dalís,Cocteau, and Madame Yvonde in his introduction, but not Schiaparelli. Lisa Armstrong, "Dior GetsFashionably Surreal," The Times of London, 19 January 1999, 11.
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kind of armor for the women who wore it.702 While the dark often morbid
sensibility of McQueen‘s aesthetic would seem to be at odds with the
whimsical Surrealist tendencies of Schiaparelli, both designers thought of
clothes as arming women for the penetrating gaze of viewers as they went out
into the world. Like Schiaparelli, McQueen also created a collection centered
around circus imagery, his Fall/Winter 2001-2 collection What a Merry-Go-
Round .
This collection, like Schiaparelli‘s Summer 1938 collection, was
inspired by the circus and images of childhood. Yet, McQueen‘s
interpretation was more sinister than Schiaparelli‘s. Caroline Evans explains
that, ―although the circus is a locus of spectacle, fun and abandon, it is also a
twilight world of refuge, danger and loss of self.‖703 Like fashion, the
spectacle of the circus is fleeting—the big top can be filled with the excitement
of the show one night, and the next, only an empty field where the tent once
stood. McQueen populated his circus with women made up as melancholy
clowns dressed in a bricolage of historical styles. Other models, styled after
1920s cabaret performers, were outfitted in military styles with a distinctly
sexy edge. (Figure 239) These ensembles reflect McQueen‘s interest in the
idea of childhood revolt, ―‗You know, when your parent says you shouldn‘t do
702 Quote from Vogue (October 1997), 435. Cited in Caroline Evans, Fashion at the Edge : Spectacle,
Modernity, and Deathliness (Yale University Press, 2003), 149. Lisa Armstrong, "Clever Is BetterThan Beautiful," The Times, 31 May 2004, n.p.703 Ibid, 99.
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something, but you do it anyway.‖704 The show also commented more broadly
on the fleeting spectacle of fashion, and unmistakably represented the
haunting of fashion by death in the figure of a clown/model dragging a gold
skeleton at her feet. (Figure 240) The fashionable woman is followed by an
image of death—as soon as the dress departs the catwalk it will be obsolete,
the next season‘s designs already being dreamed up.
Schiaparelli‘s skeleton has been a recurring image in contemporary
fashion. McQueen for example, commissioned Shaun Leane to make a corset
for his Spring/Summer 1998 collection. (Figure 241) It was made from
aluminum and shaped like the spinal column and ribcage cast from a human
skeleton, which morphs into an animal, with a tail coming off the back. In
this corset, the wearer can be read either as a human animal hybrid —a
concept that McQueen explored in his final collection before his death in
2010—or as a huntress wearing the remains of her prey as a memento mori , a
reminder of death. Both readings suggest the femme fatale, ―whose sexuality
was dangerous, even deathly and for whom, therefore, male desire would
always be tinged with dread.‖705 This is precisely the kind of woman
McQueen was interested in evoking with these clothes, one who would
provoke fear. These are the same sorts of images Schiaparelli conjured up
with her claw gloves, and with the Skeleton and Tear-Illusion gowns.
704 Horyn Cathy, "McQueen Nods to a Prince, but Genuflects toward Milan," New York Times, 27February 2001, B9.705 Evans, Fashion at the Edge : Spectacle, Modernity, and Deathliness, 145.
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a new line of undergarments for La Perla. (Figure 243) Gaultier coved a nude
corset in padded black sections forming the skeleton, embellished with black
beading. The hip bones again are exaggerated, forming the garter belt,
complete with bone-shaped suspenders for the stockings. Gautier explained
that the collection "was all about structure, about bringing the bones, the very
foundation of what makes a garment, to the surface. It's about bones, but not
in a ghost kind of way--unless we're talking about the ghost of couture." 706
The Skeleton corset is, in part, a visual pun, putting literal bones on a boned
corset. The Skeleton corset, like Schiaparelli‘s Skeleton gown, also reasserts
the corporeality of the female body, resisting the ways that fashion transforms
the body into a spectacle. The revelation of the skeleton underneath the gown
also functions as a powerful reflection of Benjamin‘s contention that death
always lies beneath the surface of fashion: Teese literally is the ―ghost of
couture,‖ the femme fatale. Her ghostly white gloves with their long black
nails, another Schiaparelli reference, complete the image of glittering specter
of death in fashion.707
Isaac Mizrahi‘s Spring 2011 ―IM Xerox‖ collection took a more playful
note from Schiaparelli for its inspiration, her early trompe l‘oeil sweaters.
(Figure 244)(Figure 245) The collection features classic work-wear with
details such as pockets and collars printed on as if by a Xerox machine.
706 "Dita Von Teese Strips at Jean Paul Gaultier Haute Couture Show," Huffington Post (8 July 2010),http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/07/08/dita-von-teese-strips-at_n_638862.html.707 Schiaparelli created black and white gloves with colored snakeskin nails to go with her BureauDrawer suits and coats, a collaboration with Dalí in 1936.
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and props. This was not the first of Sherman‘s fashion collaborations. Since
the early 1980s she had been commissioned by designers and magazines to
create fashion photographs. Some of her most recognizable color
photographs from the early 1980s are part of a series for the New York
boutique Diane B. that were published in Interview magazine.709 (Figure 249)
A number of these photographs, as well as some from a series she made for
Dorothee Bis Knitwear in 1984 appear in a 1987 catalogue of her work from
an exhibition at the Whitney Museum.710 Peter Schjeldal barely acknowledges
these images as fashion photographs, describing them as ―the ‗costume
dramas,‘ Sherman‘s finest work to date, evolved through experimentation
with a wardrobe made av ailable to her by a dress designer.‖711 Lisa Phillips
notes in her essay that the clothes actually come from Diane Benson‘s
boutique and were made for Interview, but is quick to quote Sherman herself
explaining that she is ―trying to make fun of fashion.‖712 Interestingly though,
Sherman continues to make work for designers and magazines. She created a
spread for the August 2007 issue of French Vogue with clothes by Balenciaga
and appeared in a Narciso Rodriguez gown in her own photograph for
709 For more on Sherman‟s fashion work see: Hanne Loreck, "De/Constructing Fashion/Fashions ofDeconstruction: Cindy Sherman's Fashion Photographs," Fashion Theory 6, no. 3 (September 2002),255-75.710 See for example Peter Schjeldahl and Lisa Phillips, Cindy Sherman (New York: Whitney Museumof American Art, 1987), cat. 81, 83,89, 91, and 94.711 Peter Schjeldahl, "The Oracle of Images," in Cindy Sherman (New York: Whitney Museum ofAmerican Art, 1987), 10.712 Lisa Phillips, "Cindy Sherman's Cindy Shermans," in Cindy Sherman (New York: WhitneyMuseum of American Art, 1987), 15.
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American Vogue’s ―Age Issue.‖713 The article notes Sherman‘s own extensive
designer wardrobe and friendships with designers Rodriguez and Todd
Oldham. Sherman is also a regular at the runway shows for Balenciaga,
Narciso Rodriguez, and Marc Jacobs, who she has also collaborated with on
advertisements. Sherman‘s work is just one example of the way in which the
kinds of artistic collaborations Schiaparelli and other early 20th century
designers and artists participated in have only grown more common at the
turn of twenty-first century.714
Conclusions
By reimagining the relationship between Surrealism and Fashion in the
years between the wars, it is also possible to look at the interaction of art and
fashion throughout the twentieth century to the present with fresh eyes.
Cindy Sherman‘s work might be fruitfully examined alongside the radical
designs of Rei Kawakubo, for example. It is not only these legacies of
Surrealism, and legacies of fashion and art collaborations that I want to point
to in this conclusion. I also want to point back to the years between the wars
as demanding further study. By considering art and fashion as existing
713 The Balenciaga collaboration continued for Fashion‟s Night Out 2010 in New York. Balenciaga
designer Nicolas Gehesquière held an opening for a showing of Sherman‟s Balenciaga photographs at
the house‟s flagship store in New York. The designer‟s fall 2010 collection included a clever riff on
Schiaparelli‟s newsprint fabric, using text from interviews with Sherman and reviews of her work to
create dynamic prints used in several garments which also included prominent zippers à laSchiaparelli.714 Other examples include performance artist Marina Abramovic, who has incorporated RiccardoTisci‟s designs for Givenchy into her work, and Louis Vuitton‟s numerous collaborations with artists
such as Richard Prince and Takashi Murakami.
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frivolous and act as a genuine expression of its designer, wearer, and
historical moment. Schiaparelli saw the ways in which fashion was portrayed
as the imposition of absurd trends on a duped female public. She responded
during her 1940 U.S. lecture tour, ―to the distinguished guests gathered at the
Copley-Plaza Hotel for the event that woman is really not as hapless a victim
of industry... For after all, she pointed out, it is ‗women who make the clothes
that make the woman.‘‖715 This legacy of women‘s domination of fashion
design has waned in the years after the World War II, but the legacies of these
female designers have not.716 Strange glamour and Surrealism live on in the
work of many contemporary designers who have used the uncanny in their
work, conflating clothing with the body itself. Other designers have continued
to explore fashionable primitivism in the new context for the multicultural
nation, as well as the new global markets. Shock has also continued to be a
vital part of contemporary fashion whether in Gaultier‘s designs for Madonna
in the 1990s, or McQueen‘s designs for Lady Gaga.
In the early twentieth century, ―women who make the clothes that
make the woman‖ blazed the trail of strange glamour that is still at the heart
of contemporary fashion.
715 Josephine B. Ripley, "Paris Comes to Boston for a Day," The Christian Science Monitor , 7 October1940, 9.716 For more on this phenomenon see Robin Givhan, "New York Fashion Week's Mean Girls," The
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