“Natural Resources and Out-Migration in Local Communities of Southern Mexico: Non-NAFTA Issues Impacting NAFTA”.

Non NAFTA issues impacting NAFTA:Natural resources and out-migration in local scale

communities of Southern Mexico

Alba González Jácome1

Department of Social and Political SciencesIberoamericana University AC, Mexico City.

Introduction:

At this time of the financial world crisis, people inseveral countries is worried about the decrease in consumegoods and the increase of food prices, which tied to thebank loans and high credits interests is putting in adangerous situation a huge part of the urban medium classand poor population in the industrialized countries andtheir associated neighbors. That it is currently happeningin Mexico. Furthermore, from 1980 to 1996 the evolution ofcountry’s economy had a tendency to crisis caused by thenew changes in the structure of its economic policies.Mexico diminished the internal production of food and growsof the agrarian and animal husbandry sector which decreasedin relation with the rest of the economic sector. Thenational total produce (PNB) decreased 5% in 2002(Escalante et.al 2007: 43). Economists considered thateconomic behavior as result of factors such as technology,increase in productivity, labor conditions (Taylor 1997 inEscalante et.al. 2007: 43), dependence on the external andexpansionist economic policies, and some political andsocial aspects related to public policies in theagricultural and animal husbandry sector (Zermeño 1996)2.

1 Department of Social and Political Sciences, IberoamericanaUniversity AC, Mexico City. Electronic mail: [email protected] De la Torre et.al. (2006: 373) consider that since 1996 agriculturalprices of corn, wheat, cotton and rice have been reduced, Americanfarmers cannot compete with big agribusiness although they have beenreceiving subsides from the government to compensate these lowerprices. If something like this is occurring in the US the impacts onMexican agriculture will be worst. Furthermore, some comments were

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Moreover, employment in the places where migrants areworking is been reduced and a chain of economic and socialchanges had been started3. At the same time, small-scaleagriculture is also suffering severe economic and socialimpacts due to many factors, and some of them arediscussing in this paper. Furthermore, small-scaleagricultural systems are already broken due to the lack ofhuman family labor and monetary income. This backrub hadseveral causes that we do not discuss here but only theones which are related to the NAFTA agreement indirectimpacts on small rural communities. In this chapter it willdiscuss the one which is closely related to the internalmigration, a process not very often related to the nationaland international economic policies, because it is seen asa normal mobility situation since historical times4. Thecase of Tabasco in southern Mexico is discussed becauseemployment in the state was available since PEMEX expansionin Tabasco increased and not only its economic power butalso the employment in the state along the 1970s. However,after 1980 the internal-interregional migration was alsoincreasing, but currently international migration is stillnot important5.

As an indirect impact of NAFTA agreement governmentalsubsides was ended and interstates migration started,

done by the Mexican TV news at the beginning of the current crises(2008) related to the big enterprises dealing with food that wereaccused of taking out their earnings from countries like Mexico, andhelping to increase the unbalance in the monetary rate exchange ofMexican pesos with dollars. However TV commentaries stopped rapidlyand no more about this topic was again announced. 3 It was also announced by the Mexican Secretary of Economy thatremittances from US to Mexico fall down 8% en 2007 and 15% during2008.4 International migration related to class and inequality has been studied in relation to the nature of social reproduction and dynamics of capital formation in different cases by William Roseberry (1976, 1983, 1986, and 1996).5 The total amount of migrants in Tabasco is not very well kwon,according to Ramírez-Martínez (personal communication 2009), personnelin the government are calculating some 500,000 migrants, but Ramírez-Martínez considers that a very high number because it represents thehalf of Villahermosa population, a place that is the capital and thebigger city of the state.

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taking young people from their origin communities to thetourist centers in the Golf Coast and the Caribbeanregions. Furthermore, changes in the environment forinstance the local flora and fauna also diminished manyeconomic, social and cultural aspects of these localsocieties. Economic daily life has to be rearranged becausefamilies’ size and labor also changed. Diminishing of laborapplied to agriculture was an important factor forabandonment of intensive agroecosystems and a loss of cropsand natural areas biodiversity that are also affectingdaily diet and health. The necessity of having money ispushing the people to work out of their communities andinternal interregional migration is also changing tointerstate migration to tourist centers. At the same timemarriages of young people is taking place out of theircommunities and thus changing old patterns and kin ties.The worst part goes to the local scale.

NAFTA agreements and small-scale agriculture

As a matter of fact -and the same as all globalarrangements- NAFTA agreement does not take into accountthe local impacts they have on small-scale ruralcommunities, neither geographical nor economic regions andmuch more less on social and cultural aspects dealing withthe daily life of rural families. These impacts –includingenvironmental and related climatic conditions- are directlyand indirectly affecting the urban people, farther than thesmall places where they are occurring. In this sensesomething similar happen to national policies and urbanpopulation in the country that also ignores the currentsituation of rural areas, peasant’s societies and the waythrough which food is produced in local scale communities.Furthermore, there is a huge economic, social and culturaldistance between the huge urban global supermarkets and thesmall plots (less than five hectares each) where still agood percentage of food is currently grow.

NAFTA agreement was used as argument from governmentagricultural politics to end with subsides; traditional

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agricultural systems once again were abandoned and severalchanges occurred affecting not only the families but alsotheir way for obtaining food and monetary earnings. Severalprograms for the construction of roads and highways open tothe farmers the possibilities of taking their commercialagricultural produce to the medium and large scale markets.Furthermore, while the governmental programs were directedtoward the cattle rising, the small-scale farmers with themonetary incentive favored the conversion of traditionalagricultural systems into cash crops production. Thenecessity of monetary earnings pushed the people to work innon-agricultural jobs and many of them were outside theircommunities.

A part of the families’ members remained in theircommunities but agricultural work decreases in labor forceand importance. Furthermore, in the majority of cases theeconomic and social costs of risks due to climatic andweather catastrophic events and also annual flooding aretaken by small and medium scale farmers on their own. Thesame happens with market prices fluctuations along theyear. Due to the abundance of produces competing there isalso a paradox affecting prices of agricultural produces,because the best year for crops production are the worstfor their market prices. Local, regional and nationalmonopolists are being the beneficiaries of agriculturalproduces from the peasant’s work in their plots; a goodexample of this is related to the production of cacaobutter in the Chontalpa, a region of the state of Tabascothat it is discuss in this chapter.

Internal Migration and Tourism

Internal migration is causing several changes in the rurallife. Tourist centers are of prime importance for peopleworking outside their communities and they give employmentto people mainly in the services sector. Internal migrationis affecting rural communities not only in the neighboringtowns around such centers like Cancun, Playa del Carmen,and the tourist corridor from Cancun to Tulum; only a few

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migrants from southern Mexico go to Huatulco, Acapulco,Iztapa-Zihuatanejo, Los Cabos and so on. Internal migrationin the southern regions of the country is taking out to thefamilies’ men and women from 15 to 40 years old. Cancun isan example of this migration process and it gave us a goodidea of some local consequences; this place acquiresimportance as tourist center in the last quarter of pastcentury. The families’ economy and the social organizationof labor applied to agricultural systems is one of them andit is directly affecting the people staying in their origincommunities.

The Cancun case

According to the INEGI Conteo of 2005, the state ofQuintana Roo had at that year a total population of 1,135,309 inhabitants, from whom 574,837 (50.6%) were men and560,472 (49.4%) were women. In the same year Cancun had atotal population of 526, 701 inhabitants (46.39% of thetotal population in Quintana Roo) and 265, 547 (50.42%) ofthem were men, while 261, 154 (49.58%) were women. Thistotal population in Quintana Roo was living in 257,325homes and 79.6% of these houses had a man as a head of thefamily while 20.4% had a woman as a head. That means 4.41average persons per home (INEGI, Conteo 2005).

From the total population in Cancun (526, 701inhabitants) in 2005, according to the INEGI data, thepopulation between 0 to 14 years old was of 138, 046persons (26.21%) including men and women; the men and womenbetween 15 to 39 years old was of 22, 377 persons (42.22%);the total population between 40 to 59 years old was of 70,905 men and women (13.46%); from 60 to 74 years old thepopulation was of 11, 848 men and women (2.25%); and menand women older than 75 years old were 2,821 persons(.54%). A group of 80,704 persons did not specify age(15.32%). As it is observed through these data the majorityof Cancun population in the year 2005, were located inbetween 15 to 39 years old, which means the best age group

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for the type of available jobs in the service sector(INEGI, Conteo 2005).

Going back a little in 2003 (Economic Census 2004), forthe state of Quintana Roo, 216,564 persons were engaged inpermanent jobs. From this total of registered personnel54.6% were working in hotels, motels, inns, pensions, bars,restaurants and places for selling cooked foods andbeverages; 27.9% persons were working in commercialbusiness, 4.6% were engaged with manufactures; and 12.9%were working in fishing activities and aquaculture, or theywere working in jobs related to public transportation,electricity and gas business. These data do not includeseasonal jobs or the people working in the so calledinformal sector (INEGI, Economic Census 2004).

Migrants Economy and Local Changes

There are some examples of NAFTA impacts on the economicand social life of the rural population. A huge part ofpersonal working in Cancun was born in small towns, such asEl Naranjal, which is located some 90 kilometers distancefrom Cancun. There are also an important group of young menfrom Yaxcabab and Chan Kom -in the neighboring state ofYucatan - and also people from several small towns in theChontalpa region (in the state of Tabasco); (Márquez 2001;González field work 2008; Ramírez 2007). There are workingin the service sector and they are mainly young men, butalso some young women and all of them are from 14 to 40years old (Ramírez 2007: 149-150). These people areregularly sending money to their families and in many casesvisiting their homes in monthly bases, when they are notworking because the majority of them are temporary employedon a yearly organized tourist calendar.

In the Chontalpa case, out migration started in the1960s with some people working with PEMEX and also in theneighboring towns and cities such as Dos Bocas, Paraíso andVillahermosa -the state capital-. In the next two decadespeople are going to work in other states of the country,

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but at the beginning of the 1990s out emigration reach ahigher scale and the migrants were to work in Ciudad delCarmen (Campeche), playa del Carmen and Cancun in QuintanaRoo. First migrants were men older tan 25 years old, withformal studies of the elementary school. During the secondphase out migration included men and women who went to workout and they had 18 to 40 years old; the also had formalstudies which include the high school. Out migration afterthe 1990s mainly included young men and women with bachelorstudies (Ramírez 2007: 149-150).

There is no data of the total amount of personsworking out of their communities and living in the workingplaces out of Tabasco. However only in the community ofJosé Ma Pino Suárez –in the Chontalpa region- from 1990 to2005 between 250 to 300 persons emigrated to live in Playadel Carmen and Cancun where elders they are working asmasonries, carpenters, electricians, and black-smiths(Ramírez 2007: 149). According to the type of job, weeklysalaries in Playa del Carmen were from 1,200 to 3,000pesos6. Expenses in food varied from 210 to 350 pesos perweek per one person, and 1,600 to 1,800 monthly for thehousing, but six persons are able to live in one apartment.Other expenses were for buying and washing clothes (6 pesosper kilo) and transportation (5 pesos per one trip inCancun and more than 150 pesos if they go visit theirfamilies, telephonic calls and the payment of loans for themoney they needed to go to Cancun and Playa del Carmen);(Ramírez 2007: 150). The next figure will explain betterthe migrant’s earnings and expenses:

Figure 1 Masonry assistant’ salaries and expenses in Playa del

Carmen, Quintana RooWeeklySalary

Expenses

WeaklyEarning

MonthlyEarning

Remittances tomigrantsfamilies

Weekly salary $1,2006 The peso/dollar exchange rate at that time was of 11 dollars perpeso: 109 dollars and 272 dollars respectively. In 2008 the exchangerate varied from less than 11 to more than 14 Mexican pesos perAmerican dollar. The exchange rate for 2009 had been calculated inmore than 14 Mexican pesos per American dollar.

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Food $210Housing $150Lavandería $30Localtransportation

$60

Recreation $100Total: (13 persons)

$1,200 $550 $650.00 $2600(236.40US)

$1,318 monthlyaverage (120 US)

Source: 13 families’ interviews, Ramírez-Martínez, June-December2005

(Mexican pesos)7.

Once the migrant’s arrived to Cancun and Playa delCarmen they need at least two weeks to find a job.Depending of the type of job (temporarily, seasonally, orfull time) it was the total amount of money they need tolive in the new working place. Some of them have relativesliving in the tourist centers in which case they will haveat least a temporary bed and breakfast. However, themajority of them need to ask for loans with monthlyinterests which varied from 10 to 15 percent -before thecurrent financial world crises-. Only a few persons tookthe chance to go to US because the amount of money theyneed to pay for the border cross and the transportationcosts were too high for them (4,000 to 6,000 thousanddollars at that time)

The network of relatives and friends they had –andalso have- in the migration places are basic for theirdecision to migrate and the choice and also for the numberof persons going there. Since the 1990s young people aremigrating more than before, but also they have highereducational standards they parents had twenty years ago,and also the type of employment has changed (Ramírez-Martínez 2007: 149-150). Lack of land, employment and moneyare related to migration, but also curiosity for going tonew places and the search for adventures are tied to thisprocess. At the same time is important to articulate thisprocess with national economic policies related to supportcattle rising as an activity to be developed in Tabasco. It7 Of the thirteen families: six of them are receiving 800 pesos; three1,000; two families 1,500 y four are receiving 1,800. The average is1,318 per family in a monthly base.

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was also important the relationship between agriculture andenvironment.

Environment and Biodiversity

In several places of southern Mexico governmental programshelp to the introduction of cattle and more deforestationlands were used to planted grasses (Mariaca 2002; Ramírez-Martínez 2007; Rentería 2006). In the 1980’s Mexico wasconsidered one of the ten countries in the world that havelost the most forested areas (Myers 1991). An idea of thisprocess is given by some official ciphers. In 1994 tropicalforests in Mexico comprised 15.8 million of hectares, butin the year 2000 there were 15.2 million of hectares(SEMARNAP 2000). From 1995 to 2000 the deforestation ratewas of 370 000 to 1.5 million of hectares per year and FAOcalculation (2005) –in a very conservative way- calculated678, 000 million of hectares per year (Del Amo 2007: 99).

In the 1990’s tropical agroecosystems were convertedinto commercial ones. Deforestation rates increased morethan before and this was not only a Mexican phenomenon(Myers 1991). Gliessman (1992, Vol. 6 N° 6, p. 681) wrotefor Tabasco: “Most of the tropical countryside is now coveredby a mosaic of different agroecosystems, dominated by pasturesfor cattle production or cash crops for export such as bananas,sugarcane, coffee and cacao”. The changes also took place inthe small-scale and diverse crops directed to the localmarkets or to the family’s consumption. The small plots andthe home gardens were used to grow a large variety offruits, vegetables, grains, medicinal and aromatic herbs,and flowers, but also domestic animals for the localsubsistence needs; but although the work was full time andvery hard these systems produced scarce monetary inputs tothe local population.

Ecological impacts are very important; they include:(1) increase in the amount of agrochemicals who can helpthe small-scale farmer to control soil fertility and growthof weeds (less human labor to apply that it is already

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happening in Soteapan and Chontalpa; (2) biodiversitydiminishing, both in natural and agricultural systems; (3)loss of corn seed varieties, and loss of several cropswhich in the past were used to sustain the families’ foodsupply; (3) collection of food (plants, mushrooms andanimals), extraction of fodder, wood, and timber which isincreasing and one the most important causes the forestsand the fauna are rapidly being depleted (Figure 1); (4)natural zones and traditional agricultural systems -likehome gardens- are being converted into housing areas(Yaxcabab, Chan Kom), pasture zones (Tabasco, QuintanaRoo), roads and highways (Southwest Tlaxcala). Withdeforestation flora diminished, due to deforestation andhunting local fauna is also depleted (Figure 2).

Figure 2Fauna from the forested and flooded areas in Tabasco and

Campeche (1950 to 2007)N° Local

name(1950)

Scientific name 2007 situation

1 Squirrel Sciurus d. deppei (Peters) Extinct2 Armadillo Dasypus movemcinctus (Lin.) Extinct3 Aspoque Cetesnosaura similis similis (Gray) They are currently hunted4 Cacomistle Bassariscus sumichrasti de Saussure No data5 Rabbit Sylvilagus floridianus yucatanenses

millarExtinct

6 Chachalaca Ortalis vetula macali Still found in secondaryforest.

7 Chicosolo Nasua narica (Lin) Extinct8 Chiquiguao Chetydra serpentina (Lin.) In extinction process.9 Seagull Larus argentatus Still found in Atasta

peninsula10 Heron Ardeidae Still found in Atasta

peninsula11 Guao Staurotypus triporcatus (Wiegman) In extinction process.12 Guaqueque Dasyprocta punctata (Gray) Extinct13 Iguana Ctenosaura acanthinura Still found in Atasta

peninsula14 Green

IguanaIguana iguana rinolopha Weigmann They are currently

hunted.15 Jicotea Pseuderys scripta ornata (Graya) Almost extinct16 Raccoon Procyan lotor (Lin.) Extinct17 Kingfisher Alcedo spp. Still found in Atasta

peninsula18 Spider Ateles geofroyi vellerosus (Gray) Extinct

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monkey 19 Howling

MonkeyAlovattinae palliata (Gray) Still found in Atasta

mangle forests20 Must duck Cairina moschata Still found in Atasta

peninsula21 Woody duck Dendrocygna bicolor Still found in Atasta

peninsula22 Wild duck Carina muschata They are currently hunted23 Crest

turkeyNo data Still found in the

secondary forests24 Ocellated

turkeyAgriocha ris ocellata Still found in the

secondary forest.25 Pelican Pelecanus occidentalis thagus Still found in Atasta

peninsula.26 Pijije Dendrocygma autumnales Still found in Atasta

peninsula.27 Poa Psilorhinus morio No data28

Pochitoque(turtle)

Kinosternon leucostomun. Bibron yDuremil

Almost extinct

29 Wild boar Pecari tajacu (Lin.) Extinct30 Tepezcuintle Cuniculus paca (Lin.) Extinct31 Turtle Chelydridae. Still found in Atasta

peninsula32 Opossum Didelphys marsupiales (Lin.) Extinct33 Tuza No data Extinct34 White tail

deer Colinus virginianus Extinct

35 White taildeer

Odocoileus virginiana thomasi Almost extinct.There are some in the

secondary forest.Sources: Méndez 2004; Ramírez 2007; West et.al 1987.

The Cacao Case

Cacao and chocolate are produces of pre-Hispanic origins;since the beginnings of human consume and cultivationchocolate has been drink by elites, and after the colonialperiod by upper class families; although in the case ofsouthern Mexico its consume was generalized to everybody.Cacao and chocolate consumers are usually living inexternal zones to the places in which the cacao tree isplanted and it grows. Soconusco and Chontalpa were the maincacao cultivation regions in ancient times, but Chontalpais still being the best region for the cultivation of cacaotrees (Coe and Coe 2007). During XIX century cacao was

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growth in large estates (haciendas) and landed properties(fincas); latter in the XX century the families’ medium andsmall size land properties (solares) took the cacaoproduction control (González and Ramírez 2009).

After the agrarian repartee small-scale home gardens(madreados) were in charge of the majority of cacaoproduction in Tabasco, where Chontalpa region is located(González and Ramírez 2009). In 2003 cacao cultivation inTabasco occupied 20% of the total agricultural cultivatedsurface in the state, and 9,975 families were dedicated tothis activity (SEDAFOP 2002-2003). From September to Maycacao cobs are collected; the cobs are broken and thegrains are taken off to be dried. The dried grains aremilled and the cacao butter obtained by the producers(Martínez 2007: 126). After that the cacao butter is soldto retailers; the small-scale cacao farmers also producedomestic chocolate. In 2005 prices for dry cacao in theregional market were of 15.00 pesos per kilo (Ramírez 2007:126). Figure 3.

Figure 3Cultivated Hectares According Main Crops

CROPS/YEARS 1989-90 1992-93 1994-95 1998-99 2003-04Annual 1986 1881 5299 7000 4020Grains for food

1986 1863 5299 6970 4020

Corn 1781 1667 4999 6470 3750Rice Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  20

Beans 205 196 300 500 250Other Nd.   18 Nd.   30 Nd.  

Green chile  Nd.  18  Nd.  2 Nd.  

Watermelon Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  15  Nd. Tomato Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  10 Nd.  Melon Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  3 Nd.  Perennial 17779 19049 21665 21501 21491

Fruits 107 250 270 270 270

Orange Nd.   160 160 160 160Lemon Nd.   10 10 10 10Papaya Nd.  Nd.  15 15 15

Mango 20 40 Nd.  Nd.  Nd. 

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Avocado 38 26 Nd.  Nd.  Nd. Mamey 33 14 85 85 85Tamarindo 16 Nd.  Nd.  Nd.   Nd. 

Plantation 17672 18799 21395 21231 21221

Cacao 13067 14202 16807 16807 16807Coconut 3745 3747 3747 3747 3747Sugar cane Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  79 61

Pepper 860 850 841 598 598Achiote Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  Nd.  8

Source: Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Recursos Naturales, Pesca yAlimentación (SAGARPA). Delegación Estatal. Unidad de Planeación. Periodos1999-2004. Villahermosa, Tabasco

Local-family chocolate domestic production has verysmall earnings (10.5 pesos equal to .75 US cents) becauseone kilo is sold in 40.00 pesos (nearly three dollars8),but prime raw material costs are of 29.50 pesos per kilo (alittle more than two dollars) plus the energy costs(electricity, gas or wood) and the transportation prices topay trips to the market. Human family labor does not appearas part of the total costs. From one kilo of dry cacao ispossible to obtain 380 grams of cacao butter and 600 gramsof cocoa which commercial prices in the regional marketwere of 20.00 pesos (1.48 US dollars) for the cocoa and50.00 pesos (3.703 US dollars) for the cacao butterrespectively. In 2005 the chocolate produced by industrieshad a market price of 100.00 pesos per kilo (a little morethan 7 dollars) when it was sold in large quantities, butthe price could be raised to 200.00 pesos per kilo (alittle more than 15 dollars) depending on the chocolatequality and also on the brand it have. The price differencedepends on the cacao butter amount the chocolate has9

(González y Ramírez 2009; Ramírez 2007).

The earnings differences increase as the cacao buttergoes to the international market. However small-scaleproducer is not tied to this chain because cacao butter issold to intermediaries (retailers) working for the nationaland international chocolate enterprises10. Cacao buttergives quality to chocolate; an excellent type must have 70%8 The exchange rate was of 13.50 Mexican pesos per one USA dollar.9 Prices paid by the cooperative and first factory ruled by GuillermoBrondo Ruiz in the municipality of Paraíso, Tabasco.

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of it and the other ingredients are sugar, milk and vegetaloil which market prices are lower. Although cacao fromTabasco is not important in the international market thecontrary is happening to cacao butter which quality is oneof the best. Furthermore, this is organic cacao whichprices are higher than the one -with agrochemicals-cultivated in African and Asian countries which productioncomprises 71% of the world11. In 2001 cacao butter was paidto the producers in Tabasco to 50 pesos (3.7 US dollars)per kilo while the international price was of 87.07 Mexicanpesos (6.449 US dollars). In 2008 cacao butter had anaverage prize of 14.99 US dollars per ½ pound (202.365Mexican pesos)12.

High international prices were balanced byinternational enterprises paying the raw materials verylow. The cacao butter from Chontalpa was paid 50 pesos perkilo, and it was not consider the human family laborapplied. Differences in price (50 and 809.46 = 759.46Mexican pesos) had to explain some way especially when thepayment does not include human family labor. The small-scale cacao producer is absorbing the negative impacts ofmarket fluctuations, but the worse of this entire situationis that they need the small amount of monetary earningscacao butter is generating to the families survival.Flooding in the Chontalpa region is a common annual eventand deforestation is making worse the environmentalsituation, thus an environmental and climatic risk are alsoinvolved.

In the 1930s, cacao from Tabasco was in the hands oflarge and medium size estates along the sierra de Chiapas10 According to Miguel Ángel Ramírez Martínez (fieldwork 2005) theenterprises buying cacao in Mexico were: Chocolates La Corona,Hershey’s Mexico, Sanborn’s, Ricolino, Nestlé Mexico, AlpezziChocolate, Chocolate Dos Hermanos, Chocolates de Oriente, ChocolatesLa Perla, Chocolates La Frontera, Chocolates La Popular, IndustrialHidalguense, Chocolates La Soledad, and Chocolate El Mayordomo.Intermediaries buying cocoa butter were: IMCO, Agrocorporation,Agromerk, Mani de Comercio, Tito Campos, Fuerza Viva and Oscacep.11 Organic cacao from Chontalpa, Peru and Hawaii are the best in theworld. However cacao butter from Hawaii is very expensive while thePeruvian and Mexican cacao butter are cheaper.12 One kilo costs 809.46 Mexican pesos and almost 60 US dollars.

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and only some of them were located in the flooded zones ofTabasco central plain. Families’ owners of medium andsmall-scale plots used to live with a combination ofeconomic activities and cacao was one of them. The tropicalforest also provided them with resources such as wood,plants and fauna; main crops at that time were corn andbananas; migration of family members was practicallyinexistent. Changes in the type of crops started again from1950 to 1960 when banana prices permitted better earningsin the international market. At that time banana and cacaowere cultivated together but after the 1960’s cacaocultivation was changed from the lowlands in the sierra tothe risky flood plains –mainly to the Chontalpa- and theless risky areas were used to cattle rising and commercialcrops which had better market prices than cacao. Small-scale cacao producers started suffering changes in familyorganization and labor due to migration of some members whowent to work in PEMEX (Ramírez 2007; Rentería 2006).

Figure 4Cacao production in Tabasco from 1920 to 1990

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Sources: (1) 1925 to 1934, General Direction of AgriculturalEconomy: Apparent Consume; (2) 1950 to 1979: 1950Agricultural and Husbandry Census; Annual Agriculture andAnimal Husbandry Report, SARH, 1973; Cacao production in1979: CONADECA (National Counseling Commission for Cacao).Figure from Ramírez Martínez 2007.

From 1940 to 1970 cacao international market wascontrolled by African plantations lower prices in spite ofthe inferior quality. Cacao from Tabasco had no opportunityto compete, although the quality of the grain was superior.Nigerian cacao production captured 60% of the internationalmarket but in the 1970s it fall down to less than 35% dueto internal and regional problems (Tudela 1989:319).International cacao market changed and Mexican cacao had agood opportunity to be sold with good prices, but this timewas only temporary. From 1980 to 1991 cacao prices were upand cacao from Tabasco a good business for small-scalefarmers (Figure 4). Meanwhile large scale owners change toextensive cattle rising and commercial monocultural crops(Rentería 2006). After the nineties cacao world productionand commerce went again into the hands of African and Asianproducers. From 2004 to 2005 the eight countriescontrolling cacao world production were: Marble Coast,Ghana, Indonesia, Nigeria, Brazil, Cameron, Ecuador andMalaysia, with 90% of cacao production (Tudela 1989:319).

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Cacao small-scale production from Tabasco survivebecause Mexican government protected it throughgovernmental institutions, in despite of their lack ofinternational importance. Although during the 1980searnings per hectare were important they also were notsufficient to cover farmer’s new inversions to converttheir small-scale cacao home gardens into more productiveeconomic units. According to Tudela (1989: 319-320, 322)taking out the costs, cacao cultivation earnings were onlyof 25,181.00 Mexican pesos per hectare (Figure 5). From1980 to 1999 the hectares in which cacao was growthincreases from 37,000 to 60,612 and organization such asthe National Union of Cacao Producers (INCATABSA) which wasfounded to help cacao producers (Tudela 1989: 323). After1992 governmental subsides disappears and cacao pricesagain were reduced (Figure 6). Currently there are 29,644cacao producers in the state of Tabasco, mainly in themunicipalities of Cárdenas, Comalcalco, Huimanguillo,Cunduacán, Jalpa de Méndez, Paraíso and Teapa, and theyhave from one to three plots cultivated with cacao.

Figure 5Some data explaining cacao prices and changes

1970 1980 Rate of changeCacao Producers 11,800 13,000 +10.2Hectares withcacao

38,000 42,000 +10.5

Tons produced 19,500-24,900

28,465 +14.3-46.0

Internationalmarket prices ofcacao grains inNew York.Dollars/Pound

0.30 1.50 +400

Average cacaoprices in theMexican market(Mexican pesoper kilo).

6.50 44.00-71.00(53.00-73.00 Internationalmarket).

+577-992+715-1,023

% Fermentedcacao grainprices.

6 51.4 +757

Earnings perhectare

ND 25,181.00Mexican pesos(1865.26 US

ND

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dollars) Source: Tudela 1989: 322. Figure: Ramírez-Martínez 2007; González y Ramírez 2009).

Figure 6Cacao Production Prices in Tabasco (1980 to 1999).

Year

Productionper

hectareKilos perhectare

Tons perhectare

Prices perton*

Total amount inMexican pesos

1980 38200 752 28,740 $ 23,052.88

$ 662,539,771.20

1981 37000 592 21,922 $ 33,265.56

$ 729,247,606.32

1982 37000 871 32,247 $ 56,869.27

$ 1,833,863,349.69

1983 37000 706 26,151 $ 206,740.87

$ 5,406,480,491.37

1984 41250 694 28,630 $ 658,304.27

$ 18,847,251,250.10

1985 42,017 810 34,043 $ 1,868,635.71

$ 63,613,965,475.53

1986 42017 722 30,339 $ 5,260,520.96

$ 159,598,945,405.44

1987 43744 697 30,500 $ 27,213,050.68

$ 829,998,045,740.00

1988 47119 829 39,031 $ 102,174,482.93

$ 3,987,972,243,240.83

1989 47119 689 32,500 $ 138,866,069.57

$ 4,513,147,261,025.00

1990 47119 667 31,448 $ 195,584,527.03

$ 6,150,742,206,039.44

1991 47241 651 30,759 $ 241,605,56.24

$ 7,431,545,611,976.16

1992 49269 616 30,373 $ 210,233.45

$ 6,385,420,576.85

1993 49289 810 39,924 $ 230,520.98

$ 9,203,319,605.52

1994 60612 548 33,196 $ 300,000.00

$ 9,958,800,000.00

1995 60612 546 33,110 $ 787,922.90

$ 26,088,127,219.00

1996 60612 402 24,350 $ 1,439,188.57

$ 35,044,241,679.50

1997 60612 545 33,050 $ 2,002,594.28

$ 66,185,740,954.00

1998 60612 498 30,170 $ 2,799,051.18

$ 84,447,374,100.60

1999 59981 476 28,550 $ 2,481,603.87

$ 70,849,790,488.50

Source: Secretaría de Agricultura y Recursos Hidráulicos (SARH [SAGARPA]).

The Current Situation: Poverty, New Expectations and Migration

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Commercialization of cacao from Tabasco is done in twodifferent ways: directly to big chocolate enterprises andsold to intermediaries who are in charge off selling thecacao butter to international enterprises. Small-scalecacao producer is never in contact with the enterprises.The cacao butter is always sold to intermediaries (coyotes)who are also in charge of selling the cacao and the cacaobutter to huge food chains like Wal-Mart, Chedraui, SAM´s,Soriana, Comercial Mexicana, and Carrefour. They alsoinclude expensive departmental stores such as Liverpool(Figures 7 and 8); (Ramírez-Martínez 2007). Small-scalefarmers cannot live only from cacao cultivation, some yearsago they also grow their own food in their plots and homegardens. Currently and also due to the lack of money toinvest in home gardens soils and technology and also thescarcity of money to pay for the labor force and food,younger generation of men and women are going out to workin non agricultural jobs.

Since 1990 to date besides economic pressures thereare several social and cultural impacts on the cacaoproducers families. The work in PEMEX was no more apossible way to the younger generations. Moreover, theseyoung people acquired better formal education levels andalso did not want to work in agricultural jobs. The small-scale farmer families lost some of their sons and daughterswho went out to work; at the beginning the nearby citiessuch as Villahermosa and Cárdenas were the chosen places togo, but latter they also went to work in tourist centerswhere Cancun which is the number one choice. Bachelorsusually get married in the new places and at least for awhile they used to send remittances for their families.Migrants must pay for the money they needed to live in thenew places as it was explained before. Some of them stoppedsending money when they have a new family or at leastreduce the amount which results insufficient to paysalaried agricultural workers in their parent’s house. Oldparents stop working in intensive agricultural systems(González y Ramírez 2009; Ramírez-Martínez 2007).

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The impacts on their families and their lands areseveral, but a short list includes: (1) the diminishing ofthe family’s working force; (2) the abandonment of oldpeople who is unable to maintain functioning by themselvesthey intensive agricultural systems; (3) as the monetaryearnings and remittances are not sufficient to payagricultural workers to help in the family’s agriculturallands, some intensive agroecosystems are abandoned, such asit is currently happening with home gardens; (4) milpa13

systems (basic to subsistence) and the scarce money the oldparents are applying to corn cultivation; (5) only oneweeding is done instead of the traditional two weedingapplied to milpa some years ago; (6) in many cases the milpawas converted from an ecosystem characterized by cropdiversity into a monocultural one; (7) in the home gardenscase the abandonment and the lack of care to the trees andthe group of plants is changing the agrarian landscape, thetrees are no longer trimmed but also very fast the soil isused as a litter area crowded with plastic bags, litter,and empty bottles; (8) turkeys and pigs are the onlydomestic animals maintained by the families because theyare needed for food or selling.

Furthermore, the human pressure on natural systemsincreases and exploitation of flora and fauna plus theforest devastation are rapidly changing the rurallandscape. Paved roads and highways, housing developments,industrial and commercial zones are already taking over thenew opened spaces; but at the same time new culturalnecessities are changing the people’s mentality and thisinclude houses architecture and materials14, clothes15,shoes16, daily diet (Figure 7), electric and electronic

13 A plot cultivated with corn which can be mixed with other plantssuch as different varieties of beans, squashes, chile, and many otherssubsistence crops.14 New houses follow urban styles not always well adapted to thetropical zones and also they need electric appliances for climaticcontrol to support more than 30°C during the winter and more than 40°Cin the summer with a high humidity over to 90%.15 Clothes are made with synthetic fibers instead of cotton which todayis very expensive.16 Shoes are mainly made on plastic but young people like to use tennisshoes.

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appliances17 which are part of the new culture in thistropical region of the country18. Although many otherthings are changing, one important question is the ruptureof tradicional means in the cultural transmission fromolder to younger generations which is closely related tosome questions like the conservation of environment andnatural resources uses. Daily diet is changing rapidly andindustrialized foods and beverages are displacing thetraditional ones; some impacts on health problems are beingstudied en other states o Mexico but no specific dataexists for Tabasco (Tecontero 2000).

Figure 7Daily Food in the Chontalpa region of Tabasco 1930 2005

Tortillas (with corn -nixtamalizado-19 milled before cooked in a comal20)

x

Tortillas (with corn flour, industrially made). xTamales (with turtle’s meat). xTamales (with iguana meat). xTamales (with pig meat). x xCorn flour pancakes. xPosol (beverage made with corn milled mixed withcacao and water).Sylvester fauna meat cooked in green sauce. xDeer cooked with squash, yucca and banana. xArmadillo’s meat cooked with green sauce. xSylvester poultry meat x xSylvester iguanas meat xDomestic pig meat x xDomestic turkey and hen’s meat. x xFishes from nearby rivers and lagoons (grilled or fried).

x x

Rice (cooked with onion, garlic and tomato) x x

17 These include: TVs, radios, CD players, electric fans, airconditioners, freezers, and sometimes PCs. Other domestic appliancesinclude gas stoves and plastic dishes.18 Although personal computers are expensive, there are many smallbusinesses in which they are rented by hour. The cost in 2005 was 10Mexican pesos per hour. 19 Nixtamalizar is a process through which the corn grains are soaking inhot water with lime to soften. The process is done the night beforethe corn grains are grinded. In pre-Hispanic times the grinded wasdone in stone metates. A metate is a stone with a concave upper surfaceused for grinding and pulping seeds, vegetables and so on. 20 Flat clay or metallic plate used in Mexico for cooking tortillas orcorn cakes. In the past they were made with clay and the havedifferent sizes.

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Coffee with sugar-cane x xSugar-cane honey xBeans x xEggs (fried, scramble) x xPasta (soups) xSardines (canned) xIndustrialized beverages xBeverages with pulp fruit and sugar. xSource: Ramírez-Martínez 2007: Rentería 2006.

William Roseberry (1989: 35) discussing Sidney Mintzbook on sugar cane cultivation in the Caribbean islands,and the creation of plantation economies through thechanging structure of consumption wrote: “The change ofdiet, and of the place of sugar in the diet, are explicitlyconnected with the change in class structure –theproletarization of working people- and consequent changes indomestic groups, work and eating habits, and forms of socialitywithin and between households.” The case of Tabasco isillustrative to understand that change in diet and in thefamily structure and functioning which are also related tomany factors (ecological, economical, internal migrationand so on), but governmental policies are the most relevantto understand them. External factor affecting the dailylives of these people are not only derived from PEMEXenters to the state but also from indirect NAFTA influencesafter 1992, to destroy subsides to peasantry. Internalmigration is a related process although currentlyinternational migration is not important as a socialmovement.

Some final considerations

Although NAFTA agreement influences in Tabasco are notdirect, indirectly after 1992 they acted cuttinggovernmental subsides to small-scale farming (NationalUnion of Cacao Producers, INCATABSA). A network ofintermediaries (coyotes) was created instead, to maintain alower price for organic cacao butter. These intermediarieswork directly for the national and international chocolateenterprises cutting the relationship between scales (local

22

to international) and being the regulators of cacao pricesfrom Tabasco producers who are only growing their producein domestic ways. No monetary inversion to cacao productionis done because the monetary earning is insufficient tocovert it. Modernization of rural daily life had beenpushing people to non agricultural jobs and working in theorigin communities is not possible today.

Indirect effects are also related to modernization andalso to the change in land uses. Governmental economicpolicies to support cattle rising changed the forestrylandscapes into grasses landscapes. Deforestation tied toglobal phenomena such as climatic changes and annualflooding caused several transformations in the localsocieties, their economy, social and cultural lives. One ofthe most noticeable is the change in food habits which isreflecting deforestation, lost of biodiversity but also newnecessities due to modernization of rural life in Tabascoflooding plains. Internal migration is already a verysevere process involving younger generations of peopleworking outside and living out of their families; new typeso families will come to change current families’organization.

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