METROPOLIS AND MEGA URBAN REGION IN PACIFIC ASIA

457

A4ETROPOLIS AXD MEGAURBAN REGION IN PACFIC ASIA

DEAN FORBES

School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management, Faculty of Social Sciences, Flinders University, GPO Box 2100, Adelaide 5001, Australia

ABSTRACT Urbanisation in late 20th Century Pacific Asin is producing diverse kinds of urban development. Representations of the process of metropolitan growth have taken four important forms: the extended metropolitan region; regional economic zones; world cities; and the idea of the megaurban corridor. These representations reflect postcolonial concerns witb non-Eurocentric interpretations of indigenous forms of urban development, though they are limited by a dependence on Western concepts of globalisation and restricted recognition of indqenous portmyals of urban life. Acase study of Ho Chi Minh City explores constructions of the city contained in planning and scholarly interpretations, juxtaposed with a cinematic representation.

Key words: Cities, megaurban, Asia, Vietnam, postcolonial globalisation

INTRODUCTION

Amidst the cacophonyofWestern scholarly debate the emergence of the economies of the Pacific Asia amounts to a growing background hum. Yet the changes occumng within the region are complex and significant. At one level the scale and rapidity of indusuialisation and export growth is forcing a rethink of understandings of the global economic system and the theories which seek to explain it. At a deeper level the kinds of micro- scale economic and social changes which are occurring in urban areas, and especially the response of Asian scholars and writers to these, are of growing importance but remain disconcertingly peripheral to Western academic discourse.

This article uses an approach informed by postcolonial discourse to explore the nuances of new representations of Pacific Asian metropolises which have changed substantially in the last decade or two. There are two primary themes. The first emerges from a critical review of recent writings on the Asian Pacific Rim metropolis’, which highlights theinterpretationsofthe contemporary restructuring that is occumng in the region as a result of globalisation. In particular this theme explores the idea that there is a new form of urbanisation occurring in the Asian Pacific region, centred on the metropolis and the megaurban region.

The second theme of the article is developed

through an exploration of the local meaning of globalisation and change revealed in a case study of Ho Chi Minh City (Saigon). This theme focuses on interpretations of urban life embodied in academic and planning texts and through the me- dium of cinema. Two films directed by Tran Anh Hung which explore the everyday lives ofVietnam- ese residents during periods of exceptional exter- nally induced change are discussed.

URBANISATION AND THE PACIFIC ASIAN METROPOLIS

For more than threequarters of the 20th century Pacific Asian countries were either colonial states or yoked to the interests of Western imperial powers. However the restructuring of the global economy in recent decades has facilitated the emergence of the ‘Nike economy’, named after the company best known for its complex and highly flexible systems ofproduction. The result has been that Pacific Asia’s’ fast-growing industrial states are developing ‘postcolonial economies’. They have severed or substantially altered their economic links with the former colonial powers; Britain, France, and the Netherlands remain important but no longer dominant within the region. In their place the Pacific Asian economies have developed a diversified range of regional and global economic linkages, receiving investment and trad- ing with one another to a significant extent. The

Tijdschnft vvvrEcvnvmischr en Svciale Gevgraje - 1997, Vol. 88, No. 5, pp. 457-468

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development models used by Pacific Asian countries have, over time, acquired distinctive characteristics and are being disseminated throughout the region and beyond. Leaders such as Singa- pore’s Lee Kuan Yew and Malaysia’s Datuk Sen Mahathir Mohammad have been prominent in this process.

The urbanisation of Pacific Asian countries accelerated in the early postindependence years, well before the industrialisation process took off. The largest cities were a magnet for poor rural folk anxious to improve their lot. The continued growth and industrialisation of the largest urban economies continues to fuel rural to urban migra- tion especially in China and most Southeast Asian countries (McCurn 1997).

Asia’s metropolises came to dominate the post- war economies of Asia’s emergent nation states, and became also the seats of government. While the flurry of openings of Export Processing Zones at one time suggested new industry would be attracted to non-metropolitan locations, by the 1990s it became clear that the major industrial centres are, in most instances, located either in the metropolises or the regions adjacent to them. A notable exception is southern China, where small towns have soaked up much new investment (see Lever-Tracy et al. 1996).

The urbanisation process in Pacific Asia has been comprehensively re.;iewed by contributors to the report on the State of Lrbanization in Asia and the Pacific 1993 (ESCAP 1993, pp. 2.1-2.62). There are several distinctive characteristics of Asia’s urbanisation, according to this report. The region as a whole accounted for 59% of world population in 1990, hence very large numbers of people are involved. It is the second least urban- ised global region, with only 34.4% of the population in urban areas in 1990. Nevertheless, Asia accounted for 50% of the global increa3e in urban populations between 1970 and 1990. Despite urban growth, Asia’s rural population has continued to grow, increasing from 1.5 billion in 1970 to 2.1 billion in 1990. Thus a massive growth of urban populations is a possible scenario for the coming century if the balance between the proportional distribution of population in urban and rural areas follows the pattern of other major world regions.

Because ofthe large numbers ofpeople caught up in the urbanisation process the impact is, and will continue to be, focused on urban areas across

the whole size spectrum from small to large. Large cities with populations of two million or more accounted for 23.5% of Asia’s urban population in 1990, down from 30.1% in 1970. In other words, smaller cities are accounting for an increasing share of urban growth. Nevertheless, the number of large Asian cities, which numbered 49 in 1990, is projected to increase to 71 in 2000 (ESCAP 1993, p. 2.7).

The emergence of megacities, defined as cities with populations of 10 million or more (Stubbs & Clark 1996, p. ix) , is a further important characteristic of Asian urbanisation. By the year 2000 there will be eight Pacific Asian megacities; Bangkok is projected to reach 10.3 million, Manila 11.8 million, Tianjin and Seoul both 12.7 million, Jakarta 13.7 million, Beijing 14.0 million, Shanghai 17.0 million and Tokyo 19 million (Population Divi- sion, Dept. of International Economic and Social .Mairs 1990).

U’hile there is a convergence between scholars and practitioners in the analysis of the processes giving rise to the growth of very large cities, practitioners have emphasised instrumentalist approaches in search of managerial solutions to the growth of the metropolis. The contemporaryprob- lems facing the metropolises of Pacific Asia and policies to counter them are reviewed in several recent reports (see ESCAP 1993; Stubbs & Clarke 1996; UWCHS 1996; UNFPA 1996). In contrast within the academic literature the emphasis has been on broader questions of economic restructuring, the emergence of new spatial forms and the sustainability of the metropolis. Recent books on Pacific Asian cities include Askew and Logan (1994), Fuchs et al. (1994), McGee and Robinson (1995), Forbes (1996), Ruland (1996), and Lo and Yeung (1996). Some of the most provocative new interpretations of the Pacific Asian metropolis explore the new spatial structures of the city.

NEW REPRESENTATIONS OF THE METROPOLIS

The restructuring of Pacific Asia’s postcolonial spaces at scales from the local to the global has attracted scholarly attention. The production and representation of these new spaces are strongly contested, particularly at the macro-regional level. McGee (1995b, p. 196) reminds us that the idea of Asia, or the Orient, is Western, there being no equivalent word in any Asian language.

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Thus the geographical space of Asia is given a particular cartographic identity, essentially distin- guished by its non-Europeanness, so that a dis- tinctly Western image of Asia as a distinct unit of space is developed (McGee 1995b, p. 196).

In a parallel argument Dirlik (1993, p. 7) claims: “The Pacific is a EuroAmerican success: an area of the world that did not even exist as an entity in human consciousness until only about two hundred years ago has been created in the image of EuroAmericans.” The idea of the Pacific was incorporated into the narrative of EuroAmerican capitalism: “to define, as to name, is to conquer” (Dirlik 1993, p. 6). Cumings (1993), in contrast, scorns ‘ Rimspeak’ which he believes has created an artificial and meaningless entity called the Pacific Rim.

The growing impact of Asian peoples has meant the term Asia-Pacific now receives greater usage. Asian-Pacific capitalism, though an off- spring of the capitalist world system, has emerged as an alternative model which Dirlik (1993, p. 7) calls ‘communitarian capitalism’. While this challenges the so-called ‘individualistic capitalism’ of the West it also perpetuates global capitalism, albeit in a restructured form.

At a smaller scale of analysis, economic restructuring and the increased involvement with the global economy have accelerated change within the spatial economies of Pacific Asian states. Post- colonial space has several distinctive features. A polarisation of development in a limited number of urban regions has occurred despite expecta- tions that increased development would ultimately produce polarisation reversal (Douglass 1995). Some of these urban areas are ‘world cities’ which are functionally connected to international urban hierarchies and have special roles in terms of con- trol over international investment and corporate activity (Forbes & Thrift 1987). Transborder urban regions have developed increased prominence. International transport and communications comdors which link the region into the global economy have emerged (Rimmer 1996). Some scholars suggest the transport and communications corridors combine with the large metropolises to create giant megaurban regions.

Complexity and diversity characterise contemporary processes of urbanisation and urban development within Pacific Asia. Nevertheless implicit in these processes is arecognition of the determin- ing impact of the integration of the city in the

global economy and the new space economies this has encouraged (Forbes 1997). Related to this is the belief that metropolises have outgrown their conventional definitions and now need to reconceptualise the expanded sphere of influence of the city. The idea of the city-region rather than the city per se has become more important.

The next part focuses on four important at- tempts to reconceptualise contemporary Pacific Asian metropolises and the spaces to which they are intimately connected. These new ideas are centred on the extended metropolitan region, the regional economic zone, the world city and the megaurban corridor.

The extended metropolitan region - The idea of the desukota region or the extended metropolitan region (EMR) has become an important focus of literature (Ginsburg et al. 1991; McGee & Robin- son 1995). This distinctive form ofAsian urbanisation has its origins in the way Asian nations have been incorporated into the world system since the 15th century. Each colonial power stamped its own imprint on its territory, creating a diversity of patterns of urbanisation throughout the region. By the late 20th century an evolving international division of labour created new urban centres of capital accumulation, several of which are in Pacific Asia. The metropolises are increasingly penetrating their surrounding hin terlands, urban- ising the countryside and drawing notionally rural dwellers deeper and deeper into the urban economy. Huge EMRs comprising large cities and hinterlands of mixed rural and non-rural activities and incorporating transport corridors are a feature of the spatial transition in Asia.

McGee (1991) divides EM& into three types based on the characteristics of the rural-urban spaces adjacent to the cities themselves. Type I EMRs are characterised by relatively small rural populations tenaciously clinging to agriculture due to heavy subsidies from government. Type I EMRs include the Tokyo-Osaka and Seoul-Pusan urban corridors.

Type XI EM& are surrounded by dynamic, fast- growing rural economies. Examples are the Ja- karta-Bandung comdor (Dharmapatni & Firman 1995), the area around the Bangkok Metropolitan Region, and the regions centred on Shanghai- Nanjing, Shenyang-Dalian, Beijing-Tianjin, and Taipei-Kaohsiung.

The distinguishing characteristic of Type I11

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EM& is a stagnant urban periphery. Type I11 EM& are focused on cities such as Manila, Yangon (Rangoon), the Hanoi-Haiphong corridor and Ho Chi Minh City, which is the core of Vietnam’s Southern Economic Focal Area. The two large, densely settled predominantly urban regions of Java and Sichuan are also considered Type 111 EM&.

Regzonal economic zones- A second group of devel- opments are best labelled regional economic zones. These are government created, economic regions rather than scholarly inventions, but r e p resent a new organisation of space across national boundaries. Cities play an important role as nodes within them.

The most prominent example is the Singapore growth triangle which links together Singapore with Indonesia’s Riau and Malaysia’s Johor in a region known as Sijori. This is labelled an emerging EMR (Macleod & McGee 1996). The rationale for Sijori is that it combines Singapore’s capital, technology and managerial talent with the land and labour resources of southern Malaysia and coastal Sumatra, thus sharing development among the three participants. Yeung (1995) also sees a south China triangle linking Hong Kong, Taiwan, Guangdong and Fujian.

Other regional economic zones are in various stages of formation, with the Indonesian government particularly active. These include a zone connecting north-western Malaysia, southern Thai- land and wrestern Sumatra, another linking Mindanao in the Philippines, Sulawesi (Indonesia) and Sabah and Sarawak. The Tumen River triangle is intended to link parts of Chinawith adjacent areas in Russian Asia and North Korea. The most recent initiative of this kind was agreement between the Australian and Indonesian governments to pursue formation of an Australia-Indonesia De- velopment Area ( N D A ) . In its early stages this proposal will foster trade and investment links between parts of eastern Indonesia and northern Australia, and is modelled on the three other ar- rangements in which Indonesia is involved (The 12’eehd Australian, 2627 October 1996).

World cities - A key focus of recent writings on Pacific Asia’s cities has been the globalisation process and the creation of ‘world cities’. The concept was initially explored in a paper by Friedmann and Wolff (1982). In a later formulation Friedmann

(1986, p. 72) argued that there were several types of Pacific Asian world cities. Tokyo was a primary world city from a core country (i.e., industrial market economy) in the world economy. Singapore was the sole primary world city from the semi- peripheral countries of the region. Hong Kong, Taipei, Manila, Bangkok and Seoul were classified as secondary world cities from semi-peripheral (i.e., industrialisingwith a marketeconomy) countries.

This concept of the world city was rather crudely applied to Pacific Asia. As an example, it was assumed that market economies could be use- fully diLided into core, semi-peripheral and ‘peas- ant periphery’ even though it was implicit in the world cities concept that these cities stood, to a certain extent, apart from the countries in which they were located.

Others have sought to rework the world cities concept and situate the major Asian metropolises. Yeung (1995) argues that there is emerging a new functional city system within Asia, hierarchically arranged with regard to urban services, not population. In his initial formulations Yeung has a very generous view of Asia’s world cities, which would include Tokyo, Osaka, Nagoya, Seoul, Taipei, Hong Kong, Manila, Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur, Sin- gapore and Jakarta.

Kuala Lumpur is perhaps the most aggressive Pacific Asian city seeking to reinvent itself as a world city. It already has the world’s tallest build- ings, the 450 metre Petronas Twin Towers, and a major new international airport due to open at Sepang in 1998. In August 1996 plans were un- veiled for a Multimedia Super Corridor of 750 km‘ connecting Kuala Lumpur to the Sepang airport, to be the location of two new cities and high qual- ity transport and communications infrastructure. Due for completion in 2020 it is envisaged as the hub of the country’s IT industries.

Tht megaurban corridor- Building on the world cities concept it is argued that Pacific Asian world cities form an emerging megaurban corridor linking together the major coastal urban regions of Pacific Asia. The megaurban corridor is described

... an emerging international network of arte- rial air, surface, and sea transportation corridors, telecommunication linkages, and decision-making pathways to integrate local and national development into an increasingly

as:

METROPOLIS Ah?D MEGA URBAN REGION IN PACIFIC ASIA 46 1

globalised system of production, commerce, finance, and consumption (Douglass 1995, p.

There are a number of different ways of representing the megaurban region embodied in the writings of Rimmer (1993), Douglass (1995), Yeung (1995) and Yeungand Lo (1996). All share asense of the most important cities and their adjacent regions, but often link these together in different combinations.

First, there is a cluster of cities and comdors in northeast Asia. The so-called Bohai Rim region draws together major cities such as Tokyo, Osaka, Seoul, Pusan, Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai. Yeung further differentiates between the Japan Sea zone (the Japanese and Korean cities), and the Yellow Sea zone which contains the Chinese and Korean cities. Others have suggested an ecu- menopolis linking Beijing, Seoul and Tokyo (named Beseto) (Choe 1996). Rimmer, in contrast, opts for an eastern Japan corridor linking Tokyo, Nagoya, Osaka and Kita Kyushu, and an East Asian corridor which connects Seoul and Pusan to Beijing, Shanghai, and as far south as Hong Kong.

A second megaurban region is based on south- e m China and Taiwan. This has two subcom- ponents. One is Hong Kong, Guangzhou and the Zhujiang River delta region. The other links Tai- pei and the adjacent Chinese mainland where cities such as Xiamen are located. Manila is connected to this megaurban region by Douglass but not by Yeung or Rimmer.

The third megaurban corridor links the major Southeast Asian cities. Rimmer proposes a penin- sular corridor that runs from north of Bangkok, down the Malay Peninsula incorporating Kuala Lumpur and Singapore, and along the Sumatran coast and through Java to the tip of Bali. Yeung breaks this region into three, differentiating between an Indo-China economic zone, asingapore- centred region, and another based on Jakarta. Douglass divides these regions into just two. These are a group comprising Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore, and an overlapping Singapore, Jakarta, Surabaya cluster.

Postcolonialism and t h mtropolis - It is useful to draw upon postcolonialism in order to shape a critical assessment of the arguments described above and to provide a conceptual context for the case study which follows later in the article.3

54).

Postcolonialism is an approach intended “to achieve an authentic globalization of cultural dis- courses ... abolish all distinctions between center and periphery ... and to reveal societies globally in their complex hetereogeneity and contingency” (Dirlik 1994, p. 329). When does the postcolonial begin? “When Third World intellectuals have ar- rived in First World academe” (Dirlik 1994, p. 329).

There are five important issues involved in the new representations of the Pacific Asian metropc- lis. First, a postcolonial approach to Asian cities and space calls for serious, critical attention to the expression of other representations of change, alternatives to the mainstream of Western academic opinion-This is not a new argument. Con- cerns about the need to heed the voices from the oncecolonised territories predates the emergence of the term postcolonial in the mid-1980s.

As an illustration, Yeung (1985, p. 5 ) labelled ‘Eurocentric’ the work by Western geographers which implicitly assumes the world can be divided into a Western core and the remainder relegated to the periphery, and notes the insensitivity to ‘indigenous attitudes and value systems’. Until the mid-1960s the sheer weight of Western geographers overwhelmed the small band of indigenous geographers, but “the return of trained national geographers to developing countries” (Yeung 1985, p. 194) has resulted in a growth of geographical research in local Asian institutions.

A decade later, McGee (1995b) attacked the persistence of Eurocentrism in geographical views of the ‘non-Western world’ despite the emergence of postcolonialism and improved awareness of the significance of the ‘other voices’. Though recog- nising the expansion in the number ofAsian geographers trained overseas, their published research was said by McGee (1995b, p. 197) to be ‘imitative of the Eurocentric heartland’. However McGee (1995b, p. 198) believes Asian geographers are increasingly critical of Western geographers for their ‘academic colonialism’ and links to aid programmes, and conscious of the need to de- velop ‘a more indigenous geography’.

There are clear indications that the views of Pacific Asian scholars are actively shaping the debate about the metropolises. Overview contribu- tions by Yeung (1993, 1995), Lo and Yeung (1996), Lin (1994) and case studies by Dharma- patni and Firman (1995), Yuan and Choo (1995) have helped to stamp an indigenous interpreta-

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tion of urban development on this research field. There are many more examples that could be cited.

At the same time this creative re-think of postcolonial space has also involved significant input from outside Pacific Asia. Some might see this as an imposition, an attempt to identlfy and appropriate the Pac6c Asian future. Yet this argument ignores the reconfiguration of postcolonial space itself. Pacific Asia is, after all, an ephemeral, contested construct. For example, why is Australia not considered part of Pacific Asia? .4n equally strong case can be made for the integrity of the Pacific Rim as for Pacific Asia, in which case Can- ada and the US.4 might quallfy along with Austra- lia and New Zealand. In the reconfigured colonial space, in which questions of identity have become more complex and disputed, inevitably the imag- ining of postcoloniality will come from many different sources.

Second, these representations often, but not always, involve a shift from the core-periphery language and assumptions of previous arguments. There are relatively few references to a demarca- tion between First World and Third World or a distinction drawn between core, semiperipheral and peripheral nations. Moreover, the concept of the nation has a different meaning, as city-regions spill over national boundaries or reorient key transport and communicationsflows toother cities Mithin the urban corridors.

Spaces are differentiated according to proxim- ity to metropolises, transport and communications, with an assumpuon that location within an urban corridor is sufficient to entitle inclusion within the region. Only some of the regional economic zones, such as Sijori, have a precise legal status and territorial definition. Other representations are scholarly constructs. Mostly the demarca- tion of regions has been executed without much precision because the spatial structures exist outside the existing system of geographic boundaries.

Third, it is implicit, and sometimes made ex- plicit, that the forms of metropolis and urban corridor growth in Pacific Asia represent an indigenous form of urbanisation. This is most clearly spelled out in McGee’s (1995b, pp. 202-205) argument for the extended metropolitan region which can only exist within societies which feature densely settled, wet rice communities packed into hinterlands around large cities. The Sijori Growth Triangle, and to a lesser extent the other regional

economic zones, also have claims to being unique forms of postcolonial space. In its sheer audacity Kuala Lumpur’s Multimedia Super Corridor might also stake a claim to uniqueness. At a more basic level, Pacific Asian metropolises are spawn- ing distinctive patterns. For example, Yeung (1995, p. 83) has pointed out that in Bangkok and

Jakarta industrial development is more likely to occur on the periphery of the city than the core.

Fourth, in general, each of the representations of the Pacific Asian metropolis draw on Western, modernist traditions with their origins in Euro- pean, North American and Australasian theoretical social science, and especially political economy. Implicit in these arguments is that economic globalisation has set in motion a process of restructuring within Pacific Asia that has resulted in continued growth and expansion of the metropolises and the forging of increased links along massive urban corridors. Invariably globalisation arguments are characterised by topdown determina- tions, representing the simultaneous homogenis- ing and differentiating impact of capitalism.

The Pacific Asian response has not been represented as resistance per se but the embracing and restructuring of capitalism. In turn this challenges the old core centres of the global economy, but also perpetuates the capitalist world system, albeit in a postcolonial space. Moreover the issue of cul- ture, which is a significant dimension of the globalisation argument, is also largely absent from the literature describing the new urban forms. How are the metropolises and megaurban corridors being represented in order to make them palatable to their residents?

Fifth, there is restricted room in these macro representations for heterogeneity and contingency. Political economy assumptions can unin- tentionally subsume the internal dynamics of urban development, the subtleties of local politics, the resilience of urban patterns of life, the ten- sions embedded in fractured social structures, the multiple strands of cultures of modernity and resistance to the imposition of change. New representations should incoTorate the insights of em- pirical obsenrations alongwith the abstractbound- aries imposed by theories. Representations bynov- elists and film makers, as well as journalists and scholars, who come to issues from different view- points, need to be acknowledged.

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REPRESENTATIONS OF HO CHI MINH CITY

Vietnam’s urban areas are changing more quickly than most. Until recently, the country’s urban experience had more in common with Laos, Cambo- dia and pre-economic reform China than its Southeast Asian neighbours such as Thailand and Indonesia. Accelerated economic growth, with GDP expanding at rates in excess of 8% since 1990 (Asian DevelopmentBankl996,p. 110) hasclosed the gap andVietnam’s urban development- espe- cially that of Ho Chi Minh City - now more closely resembles its Southeast Asian neighbours and coastal China.

Ho Chi Minh City is the largest city in Vietnam and the main centre of economic activity. Known for much of its history as Saigon, the ‘Pearl of the Orient’ rose to prominence during the French colonial p e r i ~ d . ~ Its economic base was derived from links to the productive agricultural regions of the Mekong Delta and it was the centre of French administration of Cochinchine. The city suffered through several armed skirmishes during the decolonisation process in the late 1940s and early 1950s. With the partition ofVietnam in 1954 Saigon became the capital of the Republic ofViet- nam (or South Vietnam, as it was better known) and the logistical and administrative centre of the war effort (see Thrift & Forbes 1985).

With the foundation of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in 1976 Hanoi was made the capital of the unified territory. Saigon’s name was changed to Ho Chi Minh City, though residents persistwith using its old name, and it lost its former capital city functions, being viewed with suspicion by the new regime. After a period of reorganisation in the late 1970s which saw its population dramati- cally reduced, Ho Chi Minh City began its climb back to economic prominence in the early 1980s when Vietnam commenced tentative steps towards economic reforms which gradually opened up the economy to greater reliance on market mecha- nisms.

The Ho Chi Minh City case study provides an opportunity to illustrate different dimensions and representations of the relationship between the global and the local in urban development. The increasing impact of globalisation on the Ho Chi Minh economy has been particularly evident in the growth of foreign investment in the city. The government has responded with strategies which

simultaneouslyfacilitate and resist the impacts. Yet the dynamics of the city also originate in other more durable rhythms, illustrated by cinematic representations.

TheSouthmFocalEconomicArea-From a planner’s perspective, one of the most important characteristics of HO Chi Minh City is that it is expanding outwards into surrounding regions and drawing more and more hinterland dwellers into the city’s economic orbit. Vietnam’s urban planners in the Ministry of Construction have long evisaged a national urban plan focused on three important urban corridors or growth poles. These are centred on Hanoi and the port of Haiphong, Danang and Hue on the central coast, and a southern region built around Ho Chi Minh City (National Institute of Urban and Rural Planning 1992, pp. 108-112).

The Ho Chi Minh City growth pole was initially envisaged as triangular in shape, with the city itself at the apex, and the industrial city of Bien Hoa and the coastal tourist city of Vung Tau defining the base. Smaller towns and cities located along the main roads radiating out from the triangle form outer nodes, transforming the extended region into the shape of a star. The outer urban areas include Thudaumot, Xuan LOC, My Tho, which is located in the agriculture-rich Mekong Delta, and Da Lat, a tourist city in the highlands northeast of Ho Chi Minh City. Tay Ninh, to the north, is the gateway into Cambodia and Thailand (National Institute of Urban and Rural Planning

In the early 1990s the State Planning Commit- tee (which has since been restructured as the Min- istry of Planning and Investment) designated the region around Ho Chi Minh City as the Southern Focal Economic Area (SFEA). The SFEA drew together Ho Chi Minh City and the surrounding provinces of Long An, Tay Ninh, Dong Nai, Ba Ria-Vung Tau, Bin Thuan and part of Song Be. The total population of the region was 9.4 million in 1993.

While each province within the SFEA has its own planning agency, the intention was to create an overall mechanism for defining investment re- quirements for the purpose of accelerating the economic development of this core region. The Vietnamese government reportedly saw the SFEA as providing a regional trade, finance and investment centre modelled on the Guangzhou- Shenzhen-Hong Kong region in southern China.

1992, pp. 109-110).

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In order to have an impact in the shaping of economic development in Vietnam the SFE4 will need to overcome several bamers. Most important w-ill be the difficulties of coordinating the activities of several provinces long used to a large measure of autonomy, a chronic shortage of skilled regional planners, and the complexities of planning in transitional economieswhere regional planning has in the past focused almost exclusively on physi- cal infrastructure.

The emergence of an extended metropolitan region cascading out from Ho Chi Minh City was recognised by McGee (1991, p. 13, 1995,) who categorised i t as a Type 111, or slow economic growth, desakota region. Characteristics of a Type I11 region include persistent underemployment, proportionately high amounts of self and family employment, a dualistic economic structure and generally slow growth. .b Vietnam has become more open to the global economy Ho Chi Minh City has made the transition towards being a Type 11 or core growth EMR.

Ho Chi Minh Ciq has long been the largest city in Vietnam, and will continue to be so, as i t is proving highly attractive to migrants who are more free to move than in the past. The city proper’s population had grown to 2.8 million in 1990 and was estimated to be 3.3 million in 1995. It is fore- cast to increase to 3.7 million in 1990 and 4.3 million by 2010. The total population in the agglom- eration under the jurisdiction of the Ho Chi Minh City administration was estimated to be 4.5 million in 1995, and projected to increase to 5 million in 2000and 5.8 million bv 2010 (National Institute of L’rban and Rural Planning 1994, pp. 115120).

Economic growth rates within the city are also among the strongest in the country, with the overall economy growing by 11 3% and industrial production by 16.1% in 1996 (Duc Hung 1996p 13). l’ietnam’s comprehensive Liring Standards Survey which was conducted in 1992 and 1993 also found that per capita incomes and expenditure in the region centred on Ho Chi Minh City5 were the highest in the country. Per capita income was 73% higher than the figure for the region containing Hanoi (State Planning Committee and General Statistical Office 1994, p. 217). The city is also proving particularly attractive to foreign investment.

Global tntegratzon - Ho Chi Minh City is a key link in Vietnam’s economic integration into the global

economy. By itself, this does not qualify i t as a ’world city’, nor even a nascent one. Not surpris- ingly given Vietnam’s isolation at the time, it has not been mentioned in Friedmann’s (1986,1995) writings on the world city concept (though other Pacific‘bian cities such as Singapore and Bangkok were).

Nevertheless the city could legitimately be located in the globalisation process. There has for several years been speculation within Vietnam about an emerging transborder corridor linking Ho Chi Minh City with Phnom Penh and Bang- kok. A version of this link is included in Douglass’ (1995, p. 54) stylised representation of the emerging spatial networks in Pacific Asia, though it leapfrogs Phnom Penh. However, none of Viet- nam is included in Rimmer’s (1993, p. 198) urban- centred Southeast Asian corridor.

The Asian Development Bank has sponsored significant discussion and the formation of plans to facilitate the closer economic integration of the countries adjacent to the Mekong River, which meanders to the sea near Ho Chi Minh City. This initiative includes significant upgrading of transport and communications infrastructure, including roads, and the improved navigability of the Mekong. The newly reestablished Mekong River Commission (1995) also has taken initiatives to integrate the economies (Stensholt 1996, pp. 199- 205). M‘hile Ho Chi Minh City has important air links to Bangkok, any serious development of ground transport links will be stalled until there is better resolution of the difficult political situation in Cambodia.

Ho Chi Minh City’s key linkages with the regional and global economy are most clearly revealed in the limited data available on foreign investment approvals for Vietnam. Vietnam’s new Foreign Investment Law was announced in 1987, and a revised code in December 1996. Since its inception some $22.2 billion offoreign investment pledges have been accepted by the government, with another $15 billion anticipated by the end of ihe century. Pacific Asian nations including Tai- wan, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore and South Ko- rea are the major sources of investment (Reyes 1996, p. 46).

Foreign investment has shown a tendency towards concentration in Ho Chi Minh City and its surrounding areas. Cumulative approved investment totalled $7.4 billion (Duc Hung 1996, p. 13). There are several reasons for this. The city and

METROPOLIS AhD MEGA URBAN REGION IN PACFIC ASIA 465

much of the south has far better infrastructure than the north of the country, due in large part to substantial American investment in roads and the like during the American War, which is known in the West as the Vietnam War.

Ho Chi Minh City supported a market economy, extensively penetrated by overseas actors (especially American), up until the liberation of the city in 1975. Southern entrepreneurs were therefore familiar with the operation of a market economy and able to take advantage of the market reforms as they were phased in during the 1980s, giving them an advantage over their fellow citizens in the north. Since the 19th century residents of Ho Chi Minh City, many of Chinese ethnicity, have had a significant role in trade and economic activity. Though these groups were disproportionately represented in the refugee outflows fromvietnam in the late 1970s and early 1980s, many remained in the south and provided a corps of skilled entrepreneurs able to facilitate foreign investment, par- ticularlyfrom the so-called Chinese diaspora countries such as Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore which have had a significant role in Vietnam’s recent economic linkages.

The expanding global links of Ho Chi Minh City have brought about significant changes to the spatial structure of the city. The influx of foreign firms in the early 1990s quickly saturated available office space, pushing up rents for prime locations to around $40 per m2, about 50% above the rates available in Jakarta, Bangkok and Kuala Lumpur. This in turn stimulated building start-ups in 1995, with new office space coming onto the market in 1996 and 1997 unfortunately coinciding with a slowing down of foreign business interest in Ho Chi Minh.

City officials announced that 188 of 248 foreign investment projects recorded losses during the first 11 months of 1996, a significant increase over 1995. The licences of 16 foreign investment projects were revoked during the same period (Duc Hung 1996, p. 13). The reported reasons for the failures included high start-up costs and dif€i- culties of operating in a developing country. More broadly, foreign businesses are known to specifi- cally pinpoint concerns about corruption and the inconsistent regulatory environment. A glut of new office space is one expected outcome of the slowdown.

Vietnam’s government has embraced foreign investment as a key ingredient of economic strat-

egy and it has become embedded in the routine operations of the main cities such as Ho Chi Minh. However, opinion within the ruling elite clearly remains divided and the value of foreign investment contested. Political debate in Vietnam inten- sifies in the jostling for positions that precedes Party Congresses. In the course of 1995 a ‘social evils’ campaign was launched, originally targeted on prostitution and drugs. Itwas later expanded to include gambling and, in early 1996, Western ad- vertising. In Ho Chi Minh City white paint was applied to hoardings around the city blotting out the names of foreign brands of consumer goods (Coke, Daewoo, Sonyetc.) (New York Times, 8April 1996). Official resistance has also taken other manifestations including the apparent decision to keep trade and customs data secret (Wall Street Journal, 17 July 1995).

There are few, if any, popular expressions of resistance to the government’s economic policy because of the high risks attached to any challenge to authority. The virtual absence of institutions representative of a civil society has long been a feature of authoritarian regimes. One of the con- sistent voices of dissent is The Saigonese, an un- derground newsletterwhich circulates through Ho Chi Minh City and is often translated and distrib- uted worldwide through the Internet. Capturing the day-today postcolonial Vietnamese city is made more difficult by the censorship and self- censorship of publications by local researchers. However cinema provides an insight absent from most texts.

Thefilm of Tran Anh Hung-Vietnamese cinema is well established (see Charlot 1994) and provides an alternative window on urban life. Contempo- rary film expresses views about the Vietnamese city, however the layers of meaning embedded in cinematic imagery need to be peeled away to reveal underlying assumptions about the urban. Of the recentVietnamese films to make their way into Western cinemas, two films directed by Tran Anh Hung reveal a different dimension to the rhythms of urban life. Both “The Scent of the Green Pa- paya” (1993) and “Cyclo” (1995) had French involvement in their technical production but represent an indigenous view of daily life in urban Viet- nam. Both films centre on a poor, working-class character struggling to cope with a harsh urban existence.

“The Scent of the Green Papaya” is set in

466 DEAN FORBES

Saigon during the 1950s and 1960s. A young wo- man makes her way to the city and is employed as a domestic servant in a middle-class household. The quiet, brooding atmosphere within the house is the backdrop to the routine chores of everyday life and the subtle, but tense, relationships between the servant, her co-worker and the family. The patient execution of routine daily tasks con- veys the feeling of everyday household life, absorb- ed by cooking, cleaning and disjointed snatches of conversation with family membersand neighbours.

The placidness of domestic life is juxtaposed with the off-screen turmoil of the city. The servant leaves her rural home to migrate to the city, but the film gives no clues as to why this occurred. Only once does the turmoil of the city, created by the fighting between the Vietnamese nationalists and the French, briefly intrude on the film.

“Cyclo” is also set in Saigon, though it is now the early 1990s and is called Ho Chi Minh City. It was estimated that there were about 40,000 cyclos operating in the city in 1995. Like trishaw riders throughout Pacific Asia life is hard and made more difficult by city authoritieswho have recently banned cyclos from 50 streets within the city centre. A cyclo riders’ association argued for greater support for the riders unable to continue earning enough in the outer parts of the city.

“Cyclo” tells the story of a young cyclo driver (Le Van LQC) who scrapes a living with remarkable cheerfulness until the theft of his vehicle takes away his means of support. The first part of the film dwells on the life of the cyclo rider and his links with his family and friends. He spends most days on the streets peddling his poor and middle- class customers around the inner city beneath a stifling sun. His family is not wealthy so home is a dimly lit wooden house. Once again Tran Anh Hung patiently allows his characters to reveal themselves through their routine tasks.

M‘hen LOC’S cyclo is stolen from him the cyclo rider’s life spirals downwards. He becomes more closely involved hith local thugs and is lured into crime. The off-screen environment of the city is very different from that portrayed in Hung’s other film. The fighting has ended but now the characters are buffetted by a rampantly marketising economy. Cyclo riding is one of the few occupa- tions open to young men whose families were identified with the government of the South during the Vietnam War, and their day- tday struggle to earn a k i n g on the streets typifies the rapid

expansion of the informal sector in Vietnam since the late 1980s. At the same time the expansion of criminal activity is a product of the restructuring of power within the city that accompanied economic reform, while the demand for drugs is a flow-on from the drug trade during the American presence in Vietnam in the 1960s and early 1970s.

There are two main themes implicit in both these filmed representations of Saigon/Ho Chi Minh City. The first is the significance of the routines of everyday life captured by the patient docu- mentation and slow moving camera shots of the film maker. The second is the understatement of the external environment represented almost exclusively by off-screen events. The viewer is acutely aware that globalisation is a backdrop, but the rhythm of urban life continues, given shape as much by routines and individual relationships as by the cataclysmic changes with which we express the impact of globalisation.

The relatively limited amount of Western writ- ing on Ho Chi Minh City has meant that local r e p resentations have had less competition, but the influx of foreign scholars into Vietnamwill quickly shift the balance. However, the key problem is how to assess the different perspectives on Ho Chi Minh City? The existence of multiple, conflicting truths is a logical inconsistency, the existence of multiple, conflicting representations of the city is not.

CONCLUSION

The fundamental changes underway in Pacific Asian metropolises extend beyond the creation of new spatial economies and urban forms to the way in which these processes are represented, particularly in academic texts. Postcolonial approaches challenge conventionally trained researchers to give greater credence to diverse voices, different mediums of representation, and, therefore, different perspectives on the city. Yet recognition of diversity in representing urban change in Pacific Asia does not imply uncritical acceptance. The new city-regions and megaurban corridors are con- structed in the context of political economy approaches to globalisation. The challenge is to explore further the processes responsible for new urban forms, concentrating especially on the cultural contexts in which these imaginings are set, and the local urban processes and dynamics which absorb or resist these changes to the life of urban residents.

METROPOLIS AhD MEG‘4URBAN REGION IN PACIFIC ASIA 467

Notes

1. By metropolis I mean a large city. The Macquarie Dictionary definition is ‘the chief city (not necessar- ily the capital) of a country, state or region’. The term has ancient ecclesiastical origins, a metropolis being a ‘mother city’ and the seat of an Anglican archbishop. Definitions of the territories of Asia are social constructions. As Dirlik (1993, p. 5) reminds us, the idea of the Pacific as an entity is a Euro-American inven- tion, barely 200 years old. The idea of Asia is older but the usual subdivisions (East, Southeast etc.) are

2.

Acknowledgement

Cecile Cutler assisted with the collection of information

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