Materialism and Ethnicity: The Rise of Lomwe Ethnic Conciousness in Malawi, 1890-2010

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MATERIALISM AND ETHNICITY: THE RISE OF LOMWE ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS IN MALAWI,1890-2010 Author(s): Gift Wasambo Kayira and Paul Chiudza Banda Source: The Society of Malawi Journal, Vol. 66, No. 2 (2013), pp. 39-50Published by: Society of Malawi - Historical and ScientificStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23611971Accessed: 28-03-2015 17:08 UTC

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Materialism And Ethnicity 39

MATERIALISM AND ETHNICITY: THE RISE OF LOMWE ETHNIC CONSCIOUSNESS IN MALAWI,

1890-2010

Gift Wasambo Kayira and Paul Chiudza Banda

The last decade in Malawi has been one characterized by a rise in the number

of resuscitated ethnic groups. For instance, the Ngoni, the Chewa, and the Yao

all seem to have regrouped to revive their common ethnic identities. One other

ethnic group that has followed a similar route and suddenly risen to a position

of prominence is that of the Lomwe, commonly found in Southern Malawi.

Such a rise to prominence has seen the group form an organization called

Mulhako wa Alomwe and indeed construct its own national headquarters in

Mulanje District. This paper thus discusses factors that had for long time hindered the Lomwe's rise to a position of prominence and also those that

have shaped and consolidated the ethnic group to express its ethnic

consciousness in the manner it has done. The paper argues that the

contemporary Lomwe atavism has largely been driven by material rather than

merely common historical forces.

Key words: Ethnicity, Ethnic consciousness, Lomwe

Introduction

This paper highlights the development of ethnic consciousness among the Lomwe ethnic group of southern Malawi. It argues that the rise of ethnic

consciousness amongst the Lomwe people has been driven by materialism and

political power. This is so because the drive towards ethnic re-union started and gathered momentum at a time when the former Head of State, Dr. Bingu wa Mutharika who was of Lomwe origin, assumed his position. In the process, the paper also re-traces a brief historical background of the Lomwe people.

Data for this paper was collected from both oral and written sources.

Oral data was collected through interviews which were conducted with

ordinary Lomwe people; Lomwe leaders, and other independent observers. These interviewees were sampled using three main ways, namely; random

sampling, snow-ball sampling and purposive sampling. In total, thirty respondents were interviewed as part of this study. The written sources

included books, journal articles and also newspaper articles. These too were also purposively and carefully sampled and analyzed before being considered to form part of this final write-up.



40 The Society of Malawi Journal

Setting the context Over the last four decades, an ethnic group has been placed as an

appropriate unit of study across academia. The term ethnic group has been defined in different ways by different scholars. One such scholar, Thomson

(2004), defines it as a community of people who have the conviction that they have a common identity and common fate, based on issues of origin, kinship ties, traditions, cultural uniqueness, a shared history and possibly a shared

language.1

From this definition, it is clear that an ethnic group is based more, or formulated more, on sentiments of origin and descent rather than the

geographical considerations of a nation. Based on this conceptualization, Malawi as a country has more than

ten ethnic groups spread across the country's three regions and twenty-eight districts. Some of the most prominent ethnic groups include the Yao, Chewa, Tumbuka, Ngoni, and Tonga.

The term ethnic consciousness or ethnicity, as used in other sources,

represents an awareness of one's belonging to a particular ethnic group,

different from others, and the sort of action that follows that realization and/or awareness.

According to Ake (2000), there are two main schools of thought that

are used in explaining the concept of ethnicity. The first of these is the 'Primordialist School', while the second one is the 'Instrumentalist School'. The former contends that members of the same ethnic group have a common

primordial bond that determines their personal identity and turns the group into a natural community of a type that is older than the modern nation or modern

class system. On the other hand, the instrumentalists contend that ethnicity is

essentially a means for people, especially leaders, to pursue their own purpose,

such as forming, mobilizing and manipulating groups of people for political ends.2 It is the latter conceptualization of ethnicity that guides this paper's key argument.

Ethnicity as it has developed elsewhere in the world has many characteristics which are only enforced depending on a need that is constructed

according to circumstances. Some of the characteristics are as follows: (a) that

although ethnic groups exist, they do not have the permanency with which one could determine the number of members or functions which they must

perform; (b) in most cases, ethnicity and/or ethnic consciousness is driven by

and produced by material and historical forces; (c) ethnicity exists only within a political society consisting of diverse ethnic groups; (d) ethnicity is

1 A. Thomson, An Introduction to African Politics, 2nd edition, (London: Routledge,

2004), p.60. 2

C. Ake, The Feasibility of Democracy in Africa (Dakar: CODESRJA, 2000), p.93.




characterized by conflict; (e) ethnicity is characterized by a common consciousness of being one in relation to other relevant groups (i.e. putative we versus putative they).3

From these characteristics, and indeed some that could be added, what

one notes is that ethnicity or ethnic consciousness exists as a reaction to some

forces and dynamics taking place in society.4 In other words, ethnicity does not

develop in a vacuum; rather it is an instrument by means of which its enactors can gain political, economic or social advantages in a competitive arena. As such, ethnicity is and has over the years been used as a tool that benefits other

people while at the same time disadvantaging others.5

The Lomwe of Malawi and the Rise of Ethnic Consciousness The Lomwe peoples mostly found in Southern Malawi originated

from Northern Mozambique and started coming in large numbers into Malawi from the late 19th century, with a steady increase being experienced between

1900 and 1945. The Lomwe population has steadily been increasing emerging into the second largest ethnic group in the country with 2,288,285 people.6

Several works have documented the Lomwe migrations from

Mozambique.7 But perhaps Chirwa's (1994) work summarises the rest. He notes that there were four major phases of Alomwe immigration into Malawi, from the late 19th century to mid 20th century. The first phase took place before

the advent of colonial rule (before the 1890s, and this was largely due to

3 Ibid, p.95 and A.E. Ojie, "Democracy, Ethnicity and the Problem of Extrajudicial

Killing in Nigeria" Journal of Black Studies,_\o\36, No.4, Mar.2006, pp.546-569,

p.547-548. See also W.C. Chirwa, "Democracy, Ethnicity and Regionalism" in K.M. Phiri and K.R. Ross, Democratization in Malawi: A Stocktaking (Limbe: Assemblies of

God Literature Press, 1998), p.53. 4

For a detailed analysis of how ethnicity in Southern Africa has developed see L. Vail.

"Ethnicity in Southern African History" in L. Vail, et al, The Creation of Tribalism in

Southern Africa (London: James Currey Press1_1989), pp. 2-6. 5

W.C. Chirwa, ibid, p.53. See also M.H. Ross, "Political Alienation, Participation and

Ethnicity: An African Case" American Journal of Political Science, Vol.19, No.2, May 1975, pp.291-311), pp.294-295. 6

See Government of Malawi, Population and Housing Census, 2008_ (National Statistical Office, Sept.2009), p.66. 7

See works by A. Chilivumbo, "On Labour and Alomwe Migrations into Malawi", Rural Africana. Vol. 24, (1974), pp.49-57; T. Galligan, "The Nguru Penetration into

Nyasaland, 1892-1914" in R. MacDonald (ed.), From Nyasaland to Malawi (Nairobi:

1957), pp. 108-123; L. White, '"Tribes' and the Aftermath of Chilembwe Rising", African Affairs, Vol. 83, (1984), pp. 511-541; Boeder, 1984, W.C. Chirwa, "Alomwe and Mozambican Immigrant Labor in Colonial Malawi, 1890s-1945", The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol.27, No.3, 1994, pp.525-550,

pp.527-550.




ecological factors. This phase involved movement of Lomwe communities

who were agriculturalists into the more fertile areas of Eastern Malawi and the

edges of the Shire Highlands in present day Lake Chirwa and Phalombe Districts.

The second phase took place between 1892 and 1901, at a time when officials of the Church of Scotland (Blantyre) Mission began to establish contacts with the African communities in Portuguese East Africa

(Mozambique), east of the Shire Highlands. These contacts paved way for labour recruiters from Nyasaland to hire labourers from that area. Furthermore,

during the same period, there were other internal developments within

Mozambique that propelled this emigration. For instance, there were the

pacification wars of the late 1890s, fought between the Portuguese and other

independent African chiefs; and the outbreak of famine between 1900 and 1901. Large family units also migrated due to the tax and labour demands of the Mozambican colonial economy. The Government had introduced a labour

code that required all male Africans between fourteen and sixty years of age to

work. Furthermore, a 'head tax' of 1,200 Reis (about 3 Shillings, 6 Pence) was

imposed on every adult African. 8

Failure to pay tax was punished severely in

such means as shooting, imprisoning and beating. Such developments made the pattern of the migration to change from individual seasonal migrant

labourers to family units coming to settle permanently. This trend continued

into the third phase. The third phase which stretched from about 1903 to the 1920s was

characterized by changes in the internal sources of agricultural labour in

Nyasaland itself. The beginning of external recruiting of labour in 1903/04 forced the local employers to look to Mozambique as an important alternative

source of labour. Immigrant families began to settle as labour tenants on the

white estates in the Shire Highlands. The process was firmly established with the expansion in African cotton production from 1910, and tobacco production after the First World War.

The last major phase began in the early 1930s onwards, and saw

increasing numbers of Mozambican seasonal migrant labourers coming to

work on the expanding tea plantations of Thyolo and Mulanje Districts. Here two factors played an important role which contributed to the increase in labour emigration from Mozambique. The first had to do with the proximity of the two tea-producing districts (Thyolo and Mulanje) to the Malawi

Mozambique border, which made it easy for people from northern

Mozambique to enter Malawi, at a time when the borders were not closely

guarded. Secondly, there was the opening up of Nyasaland to external

recruiters from 1935. From that year onwards, Government policy deliberately

! Chirwa, 1994, 525-550.




allowed Nyasaland labourers to be employed by other foreign labour recruitment agents from Southern Rhodesia and South Africa, such as Witwatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA) and The Employment Bureau Association (TEBA), and this meant that the local settler employers were unable to compete effectively for the local labour, especially because the

former offered higher wages and better working conditions. As such, the Lomwe labourers offered an alternative source of labour supply.9 What is clear from these four major phases of Lomwe emigration into Malawi is that the movements were not made with considerations of one's ethnic group in mind, nor did the people come under the leadership of their ethnic leaders. What seemed to matter most were individual interests, in terms of personal

safety and the need for personal subsistence (for those looking for fertile land and jobs). As one of the study's informants commented:

Most of them were coming as individuals just with their

families, and not with chiefs. That explains why here in

Mulanje you will find that there are very few Lomwe chiefs. Most of the chiefs are of either Yao or Mang'anja ethnic identity, who were the original inhabitants of this area. For instance, TA Chikumbu is Yao, TA Mtilamanja is a Yao, TA Juma is a Yao, while TA Njema and TA Mabuka are both of Mang'anja origin.10

This probably explains why it took so long for the Lomwe to establish

themselves as one of the dominant ethnic groups in the country despite their

increasing numbers. As noted by White in Chirwa (1994), what the Lomwe migrants did was to integrate themselves into the local communities already resident in Nyasaland, such as the Yao and Mang'anja. White thus provides four reasons why the Lomwe easily integrated into the other local

communities. The first had to do with the fact that their languages were mutually intelligible with the Chiyao and Chimang'anja spoken in Nyasaland, which allowed easy communication. Secondly, the Lomwe structures and

matrilineal descent were similar to those of the Ayao and the Amang'anja. Again, just like the Lomwe, the Ayao and Amang'anja were also originally from Mozambique. They all shared a common consciousness of being 'foreigners', having come from a common place of origin. Lastly, the Lomwe came into Nyasaland at a time when Ayao and Amang'anja chiefs were

competing for political power. By incorporating the immigrants into their local

9Chirwa, 1994, pp. 527-528. 10

O.T. (Oral Testimony), Interview with TA Chikumbu, on 16th June 2011, at Chisitu,

Mulanje District.




communities, these chiefs boosted their own political strength.11 Whites'

analysis however conceals rather than reveals challenges the Lomwe faced at

the time. It is to Boeder we turn to for a revelation of such factors.

Boeder (1984) notes that the Lomwe who came to Malawi were

usually treated as a lower caste group due to the vulnerable position which

brought them in the country. In some areas of Thyolo, Mulanje, Chirzadzulu and Zomba, they were referred to as Akapolo (slaves), as they worked for local

chiefs in return for land. And in other areas, they were called derogatory terms such as the name 'Anguru', for failing to speak local languages.12

All these developments would thus provide an explanation as to why it took long for the Lomwe migrants to establish their own chiefdoms in Malawi as compared to the other ethnic groups that came far much earlier and

indeed with their own traditional leaders. Boeder notes that it was only after the 1930 that colonial administrators, through the policy of 'Indirect Rule',

began to appoint chiefs and councillors from amongst the Lomwe peoples to lead people around the estate areas of the Shire Highlands. In most cases, this

process was problematic because the appointees were usually not favourites of

the local people and could be scorned even by some Lomwe people. The colonial government however favoured working with the Lomwe leaders because it viewed them as being intelligent, hardworking and willing to

work.13

Using this trend of analysis, one would posit that the Lomwe

chieftainships that began to emerge after 1930 were merely a colonial creation,

that were established by the colonial administrators in line with the Indirect Rule Policy, which compelled the government to work with collaborative local rulers. For instance, it was during that era that the areas for such chiefs as

Chikumbu, Mabuka, Mtiramanja, Mkanda, and Nazombe, among others, were

erroneously demarcated as Lomwe chieftainships.14 But even with that, the

Lomwe existed without a paramount chief. It was only later on 25 th

October,

2008 that Paramount Chief Mkhumba was installed by Dr. Bingu Wa

Mutharika, a position that still remains highly contested.15

11 L. White, Magomero in W.C. Chirwa, op cit, p.536.

12 R.B. Boeder, Silent Majority: A History of the Lomwe of Malawi_(Pretoria: Africa

Institute of South Africa, 1984), pp. 19-18).

"ibid, pp.31-33. 14

MNA/S1/1312/30: The District Administration (Native) Ordinance, 1924:

Proclamation No.5 of 1931. 15

There are traces in the Lomwe Oral Tradition that Mkhumba is a Mang'anja not

Lomwe as such he could not be a Lomwe Paramount Chief: This was a general consensus among members of Focus Group Discussion No.l, held on 15,h June 2011,

at Group Village Headman Ndala's Compound, TA Njema, Mulanje.




Nevertheless, one remarkable effect of such colonial favours could

have been the emergence of the Lomwe welfare association in the early 1940s.

As early as 1943, under the leadership of Lewis Mataka Bandawe, a tribal

group called Lomwe Tribal Representative Association (LTRA) was formed.

Among some of its key aims were to: uplift the values and behaviour of the Lomwe people; bring about cooperation amongst the Lomwes; bring to

government's attention the existence of Lomwe people in the country and to

raise issues concerning the people's welfare with colonial government authorities.16 It was the LTRA that fought hard in persuading the colonial

government to prohibit the use of the derogatory name 'Anguru' for the

preferred 'Alomwe' in all official government documents. However, this association only remained active until 1947, when most of its thoughtful leaders felt that it was better to put aside their parochial ethnic pursuits and direct their energies in working with the then newly formed Nyasaland African

Congress (NAC), which transcended tribal lines.17 The fact that its dissolution did not invite any opposition from the local masses would perhaps suggest that the organization largely existed in the minds of the Lomwe elite. In fact, a

good number of our informants expressed ignorance of the existence of such a

grouping. Colonial favours towards the Lomwe people appear to have short

lived. Malawi's post-colonial political landscape presented a new set of

challenges to the achievement of Lomwe ethnic consciousness. For instance,

the Banda regime (1964-1994), mainly promoted the Chewa ethnic group and

gave very little room for other ethnic groups to flourish.18 Most of this study's

informants also echoed this sentiment:

We all know that Kamuzu's (Dr. Banda's) aim was to have a united country, despite being made up of different ethnic groups. So to simplify his job, what he did was to have one national language (Chichewa) and refer to all of us as Malawians. This meant that it was

difficult for any other ethnic group to rise up and

challenge the Chewa dominance. So I would partly blame the dictatorship of Dr. Banda because it made other ethnic groups and their traditions be treated as second class.19

16 Boeder, 1984, pp. 73-75.

17 Boeder, pp.73-75.

18 See R.B. Boeder, p.54 and W.C. Chirwa, "Democracy, Ethnicity and Regionalism",

in K.M. Phiri and K.R. Ross, Democratization in Malawi: A Stocktaking,_(Limbe: Assemblies of God Literature Press, 1998), pp.57-63. 19

O.T., Interview with Mr. Hastings Maloya, (Now the late). He was the National

Spokesperson of the Mulhako wa Alomwe cultural group, 21sl June 2011, Mulanje




Another informant had this to say: Let us be frank here, during that regime the Lomwes were not considered as one of the dominant ethnic

groups. In fact, just the mention of the name 'Lomwe',

was raising all sorts of stereotypes against us. Most of us could not be employed once we revealed our ethnic

identity. We could hardly speak our own language. And no one could dare oppose that, since Dr. Banda

could even brutally kill those close to him if they opposed his policies. What's more, with villagers like

us, we simply had no voice.20

Such sentiments were in agreement with an earlier study by Chirwa (1998) who argued that the Banda regime (1964-1994) survived on regional and ethnic divisions. That regime favoured the Chewa people of the Central

Region, at the expense of the Northern and Southern Regions. For instance,

Chichewa was imposed on the country as a 'national language'21; and indeed in the late 1980s, teachers from the Southern and Northern Regions were sent back to their respective regions. Chirwa describes this as a 'Chewa-isation'

process, which eventually contributed to the polarization of the country along

regional lines which had an impact of posing a threat to the efforts of 'national

unity'.22

It is not clear whether Dr. Banda really had a deliberate policy of

silencing the Lomwe and other ethnic groups of the country. What could be

certain, however, is that the authoritarian political environment Dr. Banda had

created had the potential of silencing the Lomwe and other related groups. Other revelations on the silence amongst the Lomwe people had to do

with the fact that the Lomwe ethnic group was described in stereotypical terms, hence people shunned being associated with it. One informant provided the

following revelations: It was due to the fact that there were so many stereotypes

that were levelled against the Lomwes. These included

Boma. 20

O.T., One of the members of the Focus Group Discussion, No.l held on 15th June

2011, at Group Village Headman Ndala's Compound, TA Njema, Mulanje. 21

Even though the motion to have Chichewa adopted as a national language was moved

in Parliament by one Flax Musopole from Chitipa District, the fact that no formidable

opposition was levelled against it shows how appealing it was to Dr. Banda and the

Chewa fraternity. 22

W.C. Chirwa, op cit, pp.57-63.




that they eat snakes, they are foreigners from

Mozambique and also that they are Angurus.23

All these factors taken together might have suppressed the Lomwe voice

during the Banda era.

While the highlighted factors come closer to our understanding of the Lomwe's silence, the Lomwe should have been the first people to express their consciousness out of their primordial bond following several advantages they had. The estates in the Shire Highlands brought them together, an advantage which neither of the other ethnic groups in Malawi enjoyed. The colonial favours towards them even saw the installation of the allegedly Lomwe chiefs in the 1930s, and again the establishment of the Lomwe Tribal Representative Association, all presented special advantages to the Lomwe. It is tempting to want to suggest that it was the nature of their being a stateless people that

presented a formidable challenge towards any form of cultural expression. Unlike the other ethnic groups such as the Chewa, Tumbuka, Ngonde who came under the guidance of their legendary leaders, and managed to establish elaborate political structures that permitted different forms of cultural

expression, the same was not true with the Lomwe. As noted above, they infiltrated Malawi in small groups without chiefly leaders and at different

periods. Besides, they remained increasingly divided along dialectical lines to warrant the achievement of a strong cultural identity.24 Boeder in particular observes that the Lomwe of Mozambique were at first one group. However,

later on they split into two groups, namely, the Lomwe proper and the Lolo.

With time, these two groups again split into numerous groups. For instance,

from the Lomwe proper, there appeared groups such as the Manyawa,

Maratha, Likhuku, the Nguru, just to mention a few. Similarly, from the Lolo

appeared the Kokhola, Thakwani and the Marenje. Given the highlighted challenges, it was less probable that such a stateless people would ably express their cultural consciousness out of primordialist motives.

The recently increased levels of bonding amongst the Lomwe are

therefore far much beyond the primordialist motive, which binds people together simply because they share a common background and identity. If this had been the case, then the renewed re-organization could have started way back in time, and might not have waited for a time when one of their own had assumed the topmost seat in the country's political hierarchy. Evidence shows that the rise of the contemporary Lomwe ethnic consciousness has largely been

23 O.T., Interview with TA Chikumbu, op cit.

24 For a detailed discussion of the Lomwe's dialectical groups see works by M. Tew,

Peoples of the Lake Nyasa Reg ion_(]London: OUP, 1950); E.Colson, and M. Gluckman,

(eds.), Seven Tribes of British Central Africa JLondon: OUP, 1951); T. Price. "The

Name 'Nguru'", The Nyasaland Journal, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1952); Boeder, 1984.




driven by 'instrumentalist motives' as the idea of ethnic and cultural revival did not emanate from the local people, rather it was an idea that was hatched

by the elite before it was introduced to the local masses. The most notable outcome of which was the founding of the Mulhako wa Alomwe cultural group

on 25th October, 2008 and the construction of its national headquarters at

Chonde in Mulanje District. As pointed out by some of the key informants: This group was a brainchild of the State President, Professor Bingu wa Mutharika, who himself, being a

Lomwe, sat down and realized that our ethnic group was

slowly losing its identity. This made him consult other Lomwes who, together with the President, thought of

establishing the group...It was going to be difficult for

people in the villages to start such a project, because most of them were always shy of being associated with the Lomwe ethnic group.25

The idea and indeed the actual formation of the group was started by the educated elite. In fact, we don't even have to go far; this group was started by the Head of State, Professor Bingu wa Mutharika. After going through his documents, I discovered that he actually hatched this idea

even before he became State President. In the early years,

I understand it was difficult for him to convince others to

take part in this ambitious project. However with time the educated ones organized themselves and thought of

selling the idea to the local masses.26

One would only speculate instrumentalist objectives at play in the

brokering of the Lomwe identity. Firstly, the Lomwe population ranks second

to that of the Chewa according to 2008 National Population and Housing Census. Given the voting trend in Malawi that has generally followed regional lines, politicians aligning themselves with dominant groups automatically gain political mileage over the rest.27 Secondly, the fact that the Mulhako wa Alomwe Organisation has been supported by key professionals and

businessmen displays politics of patronage. A good number of the Lomwe elite

might have supported Mutharika in his bid to unify the Lomwe for economic

gains. Mutharika's position of influence as the Head of State and Government

25 O.T., Interview with TA Chikumbu, op cit.

26 O.T., Interview with Mr. Hastings Maloya, op cit.

27 For a detailed discussion of Malawi's politics of regionalism see W.C. Chirwa,

"Democracy, Ethnicity and Regionalism", in K.M. Phiri and K.R. Ross,

Democratization in Malawi: A Stocktaking,_(Limbe: Assemblies of God Literature

Press, 1998), pp.57-63.




opened opportunities for qualified citizens of Lomwe origin. During his

presidency, for instance, crucial positions in the civil service and parastatal institutions were given to the Lomwe people who equally proved to be key supports of their cultural organization.

Although the above sentiments provide a picture that the rise of the ethnic consciousness did not emanate from the local masses, one interesting

development is the extent to which the idea was welcomed at grass-roots level. Discussions held with the local masses indicate that this cultural revival and re union was something that they had been missing for a long time, and that their involvement in such consciousness should not be interpreted as being driven

by material and political forces and/or motives. The comments below illustrate this point:

We take part in Mulhako wa Alomwe activities because it is culturally good for us to celebrate our heritage as

Lomwes. When we go to our meetings we are able to

learn more about our culture, especially of things like

songs, dances, foodstuffs and other traditional beliefs. So our aim is just to enjoy ourselves at such gatherings. Even if they tell us that there will be no food provided, we would still go. For us, what we want is to learn more about our culture.28

We just go there (Mulhako wa Alomwe) to enjoy our cultural heritage. Even if they do not give us food or

transport, we would still go because it concerns our

ethnic group. Even if the President were to say that he is

busy and that he would not come (to the national

celebrations), you will still see us there.29

What one notes from such sentiments is that while it is not possible to totally rule out the 'instrumentalist' motives that were at play during the early stage in

the rise of the Lomwe ethnic consciousness, what has developed over the years has gone beyond that.

Conclusion This paper can only claim to have analysed factors that for a long time

prohibited the Lomwe people of Southern Malawi from expressing their ethnic consciousness and also those that consolidated it later during the early years of the first decade of the 21st Century. The account shows that the Lomwe never

achieved any meaningful ethnic consciousness owing to the various challenges

28 O.T., Focus Group Discussion, No.l, op cit.

29 O.T., Member of Focus Group Discussion, No.2, held on 15th June 2011, at Group

Village Headman Ndala's Compound, TA Njema, Mulanje.




that confronted them: chief among them being their nature of being a stateless

people. Having been increasingly divided along dialectical lines with no sound

leadership, it was less likely that the Lomwe would have achieved ethnic

consciousness through premordialist motives. It was only later that the Lomwe

elite, led by the former Head of State, the late Dr. Bingu Wa Mutharika revived

the Lomwe cultural identity through the establishment of a cultural

organisation uniting them all, clearly revealing instrumentalist motives at

work. This account thus shows how ethnic identities can be brokered to fulfil

certain political, economic and cultural objectives. It is because of this that the

Lomwe cultural atavism is likely to be supported by those politicians who would like to score a political point owing to the Lomwe's sheer numbers in

the country.

Vintage Illustration

Royal Geographical Society

Elephant in the Shallows of the Shire River. The Steam Launch Firing.

Oil painting by Thomas Baines from a description by Mr. Rae, April 1859.

Royal Geographical Society



Materialism and Ethnicity: The Rise of Lomwe Ethnic Conciousness in Malawi, 1890-2010

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