jurnal

Pergamon

www.elsevi e r.com/lo c ate/atoures

Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 27, No. 1, pp. 7±26, 2000# 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved

Printed in Great Britain0160-7383/99/$20.00+0.00

PII: S0160-7383(99)00043-2

TOURISM AND NATIVISTIC IDEOLOGY IN CUZCO, PERU

Pierre L. van den Berghe University of Washington, USA

Jorge Flores OchoaUniversidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad del Cuzco, Peru

Abstract: The city of Cuzco, Peru, is a major attraction, both in its own right and as a gateway to Machu Picchu. This study explores the relationship between the development of ethnic tourism and a local ideology of incanismo or reverence for the Inca past and for all aspects of indigenous culture, including the Quechua language. Although incanismo and tourism have quite different roots, they feed symbiotically on one another: both are elite phenomena. The former is a rallying ideology of local pride and badge of regional identity, especially for the urban educated classes of the city of Cuzco which are also the principal bene®ciaries of tourism. At the same time, however, incanismo articulates and helps maintain a patrimony that attracts tourists, and this fosters the packaging of a tourism commodity. Keywords: ethnic tourism, Cuzco, Peru, Incas, indigenism. # 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

ReÂsumeÂ: Tourisme et idÂeologie indigÂeniste aÁ Cuzco, au PÂerou. La ville pÂeruvienne de Cuzco est devenue un grand poÃle d'attraction aÁ la fois pour elle-mÃeme et comme point d'accÁes aÁMachu Picchu. Cette Âetude analyse les rapports entre le dÂeveloppement du tourismeethnique et une idÂeologie locale appelÂee ``incanismo'', ou admiration pour le passÂe Inca etpour tous les aspects de la culture autochtone, y compris la langue quechua. Bien quel'incanismo et le tourisme aient des racines nettement diffÂerentes, ils existent en symbiose.L'incanismo est une idÂeologie de ralliement pour la ®ertÂe

locale et un symbole

d'appartenance rÂegionale, surtout pour les classes urbaines et ÂeduquÂees de Cuzco, qui sont aussi les principales bÂenÂe®ciaires du tourisme. En mÃeme temps, l'incanismo contribue aÁvaloriser et aÁ entretenir un patrimoine qui attire les touristes, et par consÂequent, aÁ commercialiser un produit touristique. Mots-cleÂs: tourisme ethnique, Cuzco, PÂerou, Incas, indigÂenisme. # 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION

In tourism, as indeed in other systems of interethnic relations, mutually satisfying and pro®table relationships often result from the con¯uence of two or more ideologies and motivations producing a convergence of interests among disparate groups. Tourism, in short, often produces ``working misunderstandings.'' A special case of such convergence or, at least, congruity of interests, occurs

Pierre L. van den Berghe, Professor Emeritus of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Washington (Seattle, WA 98195, USA. Email: < [email protected] a shington . edu >) has done exten-sive ®eldwork in Africa and Latin America. His work on ethnic tourism has covered Chiapas,Mexico and Cuzco, Peru. Jorge Flores Ochoa, Professor of Anthropology at the UniversidadNacional de San Antonio Abad del Cuzco, Peru, has published extensively on Andean ecology,material culture, languages, religion and art.

7

TOURISM IN CUZCO8

between tourism and nationalism, producing a shared interest, albeit differently motivated, in past history, architecture, archeol- ogy, and ethnography (Boissevain 1996; Cohen 1993; Evans- Pritchard 1993; Flores Galindo 1994; Graburn 1977; Lowenthal1996; Pitchford 1995; Rosaldo 1993; van den Berghe 1994). The very symbols of local pride become the prime tourism attractions. The case at hand represents one such fortuitous convergence of ideas, motivations, and interests between, on the one hand, the host popu- lation of Cuzco, especially the city's social, economic and intellectual elite, and, on the other hand, the tourists, especially those from other countries.

What was local history was transformed, to use Lowenthal's (1996) phrase, into national heritage, and the latter, in turn, merged with the tourism icons of the ``Lost City of the Incas'' (Machu Picchu), the ``Sacred Valley'' (of the Urubamba) and the glorious capital of the ``Land of the Four Corners'', the city of Cuzco itself. A local variant of indigenismo, which Flores Ochoa (1995b) labeled incanismo, extols the past glory of the Inca Empire, and thus the place of Peru as a whole and Cuzco in particular among the ``great civilizations'' of the world. In doing so, it also con- tributes to the maintenance of an archeological patrimony, the con- struction of monuments and museums, and the elaboration of a written and oral tradition passed on in history books, in the school curriculum, in theatrical performances, and in other cultural pro- ducts.

Tourists, meanwhile, especially foreign ones, have ¯ocked to Cuzco, in ever increasing numbers since jet planes have made the city easily and quickly accessible. This growing tide was largely an outgrowth of the romanticized ``discovery'' of the ``Lost City of the Incas'' by a North American expedition in 1911. Since then, Machu Picchu has acquired a mythical aura and become a ``must'' of South American grand tours. Cuzco, as it happens the capital of the Tawantinsuyu or ``Inca Empire,'' is also the obligatory ``gateway'' to Machu Picchu. The twain naturally came together: the tourists attracted by the romanticized mystery of a vanished civilization and its living descendants, and the locals who see themselves as the proud heirs of that civilization. The ideology of incanismo became a marketable commodity, with much of the marketing under the con- trol of the Cuzco urban elite that spawned the ideology in the ®rst place (Flores Ochoa 1995a, 1995b).

Visitors and indigenes alike readily agree that Cuzco (or Cusco or Qosqo) is an extraordinary place. Its physical setting is excep- tional: nested in a high Andean valley in Southern Peru, at 3400 meters of elevation. It is, along with nearby Bolivian cities like La Paz and PotosÂõ, one of the highest large cities on earth. Its historical importance is unique in the Americas. While other pre-Colombian cities, especially in Meso-America, were much larger in population, Cuzco was, for a century before the Spanish Conquest, the capital of the largest unitary state in the Western Hemisphere, the Tawantinsuyu, or the so-called ``Inca Empire.'' In Spanish colonial

VAN DEN BERGHE AND FLORES OCHOA 9

times, Cuzco was brie¯y the capital of Peru, but it was quickly eclipsed by Lima. It became a fairly important provincial town with a bishopric and an Audiencia (tribunal), but a relatively dormant one until the late 18th century, when it was shaken by the Tupac Amaru revolt of 1780.

Peruvian independence from Spain in 1823 did not reverseCuzco's long slide into gentle indigence as a provincial backwaterdominated by conservative hacendados. Peruvian political and econ-omic life centered around the capital of Lima and the cities of thePaci®c coast. Until a railroad linked Cuzco to Arequipa and the restof the country in 1908, Cuzco remained almost as isolated as it hadbeen in the 16th century. Indeed, even today, it takes three or fourdays to drive less than 1,000 km of toboggan-like dirt roads betweenLima and Cuzco, a death-defying trip which few CuzquenÄos willinglyundertake. Not until the advent of the jet-age in the 60s wasCuzco's geographical isolation ®nally overcome.

Today, Cuzco is a city of a little over a quarter of a million in-habitants, and the capital of the homonymous department. A predo-minantly indigenous population of Quechua speakers lives indispersed settlements in the interior and make up some two-thirdsof the department's one million people. Quechua-Spanish mestizobilinguals (and a few criollo Spanish monolinguals from the coast)make up the urban population of the city of Cuzco and of the muchsmaller provincial and district capitals. The population of thedepartment of Cuzco constitutes about 4% of Peru's 24 millionpeople (Flores Ochoa 1990; Tomoeda and Flores Ochoa 1992; vanden Berghe and Primov 1977).

Economically, Peru ranks 9th of 20 Latin American countries inper capita income ($1,690 in 1995) (Williamson 1997:6); but Cuzco,along with other Southern Andean Departments, is well below thenational average, and is basically in the same economic league asthe poorest Latin American countries such as Bolivia or Honduras.Cuzco has yet to exploit its appreciable mineral resources and itlacks large manufacturing industries (except for a brewery); itsagriculture and livestock breeding, though complex and ®ne-tunedto the local ecology, are hampered by marginal conditions. Cuzco'smain export is its people: poor, displaced, and landless peasantsemigrate to the coast in search of better conditions, generally enter-ing an underemployed and marginal urban proletariat.

INCANISMO AND TOURISM

This dismal picture of Cuzco as a remote, isolated backwater in a Third World country mired in economic stagnation, political crises, and guerrillas is relieved by two phenomena which, although of unrelated origin, now feed on one another to create a dynamic new reality. The ®rst is the ideology of incanismo (Flores Ochoa 1990:9±13; Flores Ochoa 1995b:117±118), and the other is tourism, es-

TOURISM IN CUZCO10

pecially international in¯ux. It is dif®cult to date the origin of either precisely because manifestations of both can be traced back to the19th century (NunÄez 1989). With some justi®cation, the 16th cen-tury Cuzco aristocrat, Garcilaso de la Vega (1961), can be calledthe ®rst ``incanist'', for his early 17th century magnum opus was anunabashed paean to the glory and bene®cence of the Tawantinsuyu.Similarly, Alexander von Humboldt, Charles Darwin, and a goodnumber of less illustrious gentlemen of leisure who criss-crossed theAmericas in the 18th and 19th centuries can be called the ®rst tour-ists. Nonetheless, as signi®cant phenomena affecting thousands ofpeople in Cuzco, and visibly shaping daily life, both incanismo andtourism are largely post-World War Two developments.

Incanismo

In a sense, incanismo is a special case of the wide literary, intellec- tual, and political movement known in Peru (and in other Latin American countries, notably in Mexico) as indigenismo. In Peru, the roots of indigenismo go back to the 19th century (AquÂezolo Castro1976; Degregori et al. 1978; Kapsoli 1980; Kristal 1991; Tamayo Herrera 1980, 1982; Tord 1978; Valencia et al. 1978). It was expressed in novels such as El Padre HorÂan of Narciso ArÂestegui (1848) and Aves sin Nido of Clorinda Matto de Turne (1885) as shown by Miranda Bernal (1994). Politicians like Victor RauÂl Haya de la Torre and JosÂe Carlos MariÂategui (1928) were also associated with indigenismo.

Converted into a protest ideology, it captured the imagination of leftist intellectuals, and became a real fad between the second and fourth decades of the 20th century. Peruvian indigenismo, like that of other Latin American countries, extols the virtues of indigenous civilizations, romanticizes them as living in harmony with nature, and pictures their political institutions as egalitarian, benevolent, redistributive, non-exploitative, communitarian and non-capitalist. Conversely, indigenismo vili®es the Spaniards and other Europeans as the scourge of the Americas, and the purveyors of epidemic dis- eases, slavery, capitalist exploitation, racism, tyranny, and ecological devastation.

This interpretation of indigenismo is especially prevalent among foreign observers who accuse it of applying a double moral standard: tyranny, servitude, conquest, taxation, corvÂee labor, and human sacri®ces evoke little sympathy for the victims so long as the perpe- trators are pre-Colombian, but bring forth righteous indignation when committed by Europeans. Incanismo is the speci®c application of indigenismo to the Tawantinsuyu, commonly depicted as a model welfare state, a ``socialist empire'' to borrow the title of a French so- ciologist (Baudin 1943), who was an acerbic critic of socialism. In the incanismo vision, land was communally held and redistributed according to need, taxes and labor were reallocated for the common good, and the state through its bene®cent aristocracy and clergy,

VAN DEN BERGHE AND FLORES OCHOA 11

was the ultimate creator and purveyor of peace, prosperity, and hap- piness.

What makes the variant of incanismo distinct from the broader current of indigenismo is largely the geographical scope of the Tawantinsuyu. Though other pre-Columbian Peruvian cultures, such as ChavÂõn, Paracas, Moche and Nazca, were brilliant, they were all quite localized. Only the Tawantinsuyu covered much of today's Peru (except for the western Amazonian lowlands), and indeed large parts of neighboring countries, principally Ecuador, Colombia, Chile, and Bolivia. Thus, the Inca Empire was the natu- ral candidate for a ``proto-Peru'' in the country's nationalist myth formation. At the level of nationalist ideology, incanismo is the mythical property of all Peruvians. For instance, a July 1997 ques- tionnaire study of Lima youth revealed that nearly half of them regard the Inca period as the most important in Peruvian history. However, since the capital of the empire was in Cuzco, incanismo gives CuzquenÄos a claim to superiority over other Peruvians, es- pecially the criollos of the coast, where the current capital, Lima, is located. For CuzquenÄos, incanismo turns LimenÄos into provincials, hence the special attachment of CuzquenÄos to this notion. It puts them at the navel of the world.

To foreign critics, one of the interesting features of incanismo, as well as general indigenismo, is that its main proponents are not Quechua-speaking peasants who are the direct heirs of that social order, but Spanish-speaking, urban, mestizo intellectuals and pro- fessionals, often university-educated in the mainstream of the tra- dition they vilify. However, these intellectuals are part and parcel of Andean society, born and raised in the nucleus of what was called in the 70s the mancha india (``Indian spot'') of Peru. They therefore claim a legitimate right to interpret what the French historian Wachtel (1971) aptly called the ``vision of the vanquished'' and to speak for indigenous peasants.

While incanismo has been an elite, urban, intellectual ideology, most of its proponents have considered themselves descendants of the Incas and shown sympathy for the indigenes. They have sought to improve their condition and advocated changes that conservative governments of Peru have always regarded as subver- sive and often repressed violently. Indigenist and incanist senti- ments have contributed to local sympathies in Cuzco for protest movements and leftist politics. Conversely, mostly leftist leaders have seen themselves as indigenistas. This and incanismo contribu- ted to the development of local and regional consciousness and the search for better living conditions for indigenous peasants and the urban poor. At the same time, however, incanismo provides some of the urban elite with an escapist, nostalgic, and revivalist ideology. By giving them a glowing vision of their place in the sun, it helps them, if only momentarily, to forget the unpleasant realities of underdevelopment, unemployment, pollution, terror- ism, inequality, landlessness, corruption, and the countless other

TOURISM IN CUZCO12

predicaments that plague a poor, provincial city like Cuzco, and, even more, its destitute hinterland.

What then are the manifestations of incanismo in Cuzco? One of the ®rst ones is the desire to speak Quechua, and to speak it well, in a re®ned, ``pure'' courtly form, free of Hispanic borrow- ings, and often quite differently from the vernacular spoken by indigenous monolinguals. An example was the foundation in 1958 of the Peruvian Academy of the Quechua Language (Academia Peruana de la Lengua Quechua) by a group of middle class pro- fessionals and literati who speak and write a re®ned, aristocratic, and poetic Quechua (van den Berghe and Primov 1977:133). Its members compose and even privately publish Quechua poetry and other literary works, and occasionally deliver public addresses, in such ¯owery, courtly language as to be barely understandable to the average Quechua-speaking peasant (van den Berghe and Primov 1977:140). Many urban mestizos express great pride in their Quechua ¯uency, which is a badge of regional identity in contradistinction to the criollo population of the coast which is monolingual in Spanish.

This mestizo pride in the Quechua language as a badge of local and regional identity is sometimes combined with a prejudiced and condescending attitude to contemporary peasants, because some members of the Cuzco elite make a clear, if somewhat schizo- phrenic, distinction between the glories of the Inca past, and the liv- ing representatives of that society, whom they often see as sadly degenerate, ignorant, backward peasants mired in abject poverty, and addicted to alcohol and coca. Incanismo is in part, an elitist ideology espoused by educated urbanites who see themselves as the heirs to the Tawantisuyu's ruling class. This is not, however, restricted to the urban upper and middle classes. Recent ethno- graphic work has revealed incanist sentiments in local peasant com- munities as evidenced in myths and oral traditions.

A recent manifestation of upper-class incanismo is the formation in December 1996 of a ``Consejo Imperial Inka, Qosco- Tawantinsuyo''. This organization produced a ¯yer listing some 30 prominent self-appointed council members, all with assumed Quechua names. One of them, for example, is a non-Quechua- speaking Peruvian from the coast who spent 18 years in Germany and speaks ¯uent German and English. His passion is the revival of the Tawantinsuyu, and he is in touch with several foreign and inter- national organizations concerned with the rights of indigenous groups in the United States, Brazil, Australia, and Scandinavia. This Inka Imperial Council is led by a person who impersonated the Inca emperor in the last performances of the Inti Raymi. The Council was structured according to the principle of ``Convention169'' held by indigenous peoples and independent countries under United Nations auspices. (UN declared the decade 1994±2004 as the ``International Decade of Indigenous Peoples,'' a declaration rati®ed by the Peruvian Government in March 1994.)

VAN DEN BERGHE AND FLORES OCHOA 13

Incanismo is also prominently displayed in a number of symbolic representations. One of them is the highly charged controversy over the spelling of Cuzco±Cusco±Qosqo. The ®rst spelling is the tra- ditional Spanish one, used for several centuries. Documents since the 16th century fairly consistently use the orthography ``Cuzco'' which, thus, is the standard one in the Spanish language (CarriÂonOrd nÄez 1993). For reasons of consistency with most of the litera-ture in Spanish, in English, and in other European languages, this isalso the orthography used in the present article. Cusco, the secondorthography, has been of®cialized by the Cuzco Provincial Counciland the central government. However, it has no historical or linguis-tic basis. It was simply the product of rejecting the letter ``z'' as``Spanish,'' and is a good example of schizophrenic behavior sur-rounding incanismo, since ``s'' is no less Spanish than ``z''.

Qosqo, the third orthography, has the object of differentiatingthe pronunciation in Quechua of the city's name from its hispani-cized gloss. It was of®cially adopted by the Cuzco ProvincialCouncil of 1990±92. The same council rescinded that decision in1996, however, because it ``created confusion''. In reality, itresponded to pressure from a group of tourism entrepreneurs whoargued that this orthography impeded the international recog-nition of the name of Cuzco, and was contrary to their interests.The spelling ``Qosqo'' and its Quechua pronunciation is preferredby incanistas as more ``authentic'' (Q in Spanish is always followedby u, and can only precede the soft vowels i and e.). In the samevein, incanistas prefer the spelling Inka, Tawantisuyu, etc., if forno other reason that the letters ``k'' and ``w'' are not used inSpanish. Orthography is one of the main battlegrounds of inca-nismo, another index of the elitist nature of the movement, sincethe majority of Quechua speakers have such low levels of literacyas to be totally indifferent to, and indeed, unaware of, such trans-literational controversies.

Other symbolic expressions of incanismo involve visual represen-tations, notably ¯ags and monuments. Even though ¯ags weretotally unknown in the Tawantinsuyu, the incanistas invented therainbow ¯ag as a representation of the empire, and later, it wasadopted as the of®cial bandera of the city. Its incanista symbolismnow transcends Cuzco and extends to Peru at large, and even toneighboring Andean countries like Bolivia, Ecuador, and Chile,where it has become an emblem of indigenist movements. The his-tory of the ``Tawantinsuyu ¯ag'' goes far back. In Inca times, therainbow was the symbol of water, and appears in Inca iconography,as in ``coats of arms'' in 17th, 18th, and 19th century portraits ofInca nobles. It also appears on Inca ceremonial wooden vases (Qeros)of the colonial period. In the 20th century, the rainbow ¯ag wasadopted as an indigenist symbol, ®rst during the presidency of Augusto LeguÂõa, and then by the Aprista Party, only to become pro- scribed in 1948 during the dictatorship of Manuel OdrÂõa. It reap-peared during the 60s with the recreated theatrical show of the IntiRaymi, and ®nally became the adopted ¯ag of the municipality of

Cuzco. It now ¯ies alone over the municipal building, itself a Spanish superstructure over an Inca palace, as indeed are most buildings in central Cuzco. The rainbow ¯ag is also ceremonially raised, just after the Peruvian national ¯ag, in a military ceremony every Sunday morning, in front of the Cuzco Cathedral. The two¯ags ¯y side by side on two poles of equal height, with no clear pre- cedence of one over the other, except the order in which they are hoisted.

Monuments are, likewise, highly visual representations of inca- nismo. Unlike in Lima, where a large equestrian statue of Francisco Pizarro stands on a corner of the central square, Cuzco does not publicly honor its Spanish conquistadores. On the contrary, it extols its defeated Inca rulers. The founders of the dynasty are honored in a large monument not far from the famous temple of the Qoricancha, and in 1992 a gigantic Inca Pachacuti was erected on top of a large round tower built in part with cannibalized Inca stones, in total disrespect of archeological remains. On the 1992 quincentenary of Columbus' ``discovery'' of the Americas, a plaque dedicate to the victims of the Spanish Conquest was unveiled on the Plaza de Armas.

More than these modern monuments, however, the entire center of Cuzco and its towering ``citadel'' of Saqsaywaman overlooking it, are a massive testimonial to the Inca past. Cuzco is effectively a two-storey city. For several blocks around the Plaza de Armas, most walls show traces of Inca masonry in their lower part, with a Spanish or Republican superstructure on top. The Inca stone masonry obviously is there, but almost every bit of it has been lov- ingly excavated, freed of plastering and other subsequent accre- tions, and conspicuously displayed for public admiration. This done not only on the outside, but even inside public buildings, such as banks, churches, and the municipality. Entire streets have been restored to their nearly-original appearance; post-Conquest build- ings around the Qoricancha (Temple of the Sun) have been recently demolished, and pseudo-Inca walls have been built in the newly opened-up space; a bank housed in an imperial palace has meticu- lously restored the entire edi®ce, excavated some of its interior walls in de®ance of any functional use, and transformed much of its interior into an exhibition hall.

Inca masonry is protected by the usual kind of law applying to national monuments. It is also the object of public reverence, and any proposal for architectural remodeling that touches any Inca building unleashes storms of public protest. A recent example of such reverence for Inca masonry concerns the transformation of a window into a doorway by the owner of a building located on the site said by tradition to have been the palace of Pachacuti on the Plaza de Armas. Even though he did so with the approval of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura and the Provincial Council, he was vociferously attacked as a cultural vandal, and forced to rebuild what became known as the ``Wailing Wall.'' The ultimate irony is

that the wall in question was built after the 1950 earthquake in the purest neo-Inca Republican Modernist style.

A skilled graf®ti squad painstakingly removes within hours of their appearance any desecrations on Inca masonry, while graf®ti on ordinary walls are left for weeks, and are generally privately painted over or washed off by the owners of the buildings on which they appear. Graf®ti on Inca walls evoke feelings of extreme disgust which are not extended to the defacing of more recent buildings. In short, many CuzquenÄos show a quasi-sacralized reverence for Inca architecture, and are acutely conscious that the latter makes their city unique. To be sure, many CuzquenÄos are also proud of ``their'' Spanish colonial architecture, especially the score or so baroque churches and convents that grace the city's skyline. However, they know that there are many well-preserved colonial cities in Peru and elsewhere in Latin America, but no other city where the pre- Colombian past is as conspicuous as in Cuzco. Furthermore, CuzquenÄos often gleefully point to the evident superiority, in both craftsmanship and seismic resistance, of Inca masonry over later Spanish constructions. The Spanish city was almost razed by the1650 earthquake, for instance, while Inca constructions were left undisturbed by it and by subsequent strong tremors such as that of1950.

Cuzco museums also re¯ect incanismo. The large patrician houseonce inhabited by the original incanista, Garcilaso de la Vega, hasbecome a museum containing both pre-Colombian and colonialobjects. A palatial mansion next to the Cathedral has been recentlyrefurbished and extended to house Cuzco's main collection of Incaand early colonial artifacts: mummies, portraits of the Inca rulers,textiles, ceramics, wooden vases (qeros), and many other objects.Both museums are frequently visited by Peruvian school classesunder guidance of their teachers, reinforcing the strongly incanistand indigenist slant of Peruvian history schoolbooks.

This reverence for Inca matters also manifests itself in the greatannual ritual of the Inti Raymi, the Inca Festival of the Sun, cele-brated around the time of the Winter Solstice on the site of the``citadel'' of Saqsaywaman, overlooking the city of Cuzco, and ashort, though steep, walk up from the Plaza de Armas. Starting as aprivate initiative of the Instituto Americano de Arte del Cuzco in1944, and roughly synchronized with the elaborate set of Catholicprocessions accompanying the celebration of Corpus Christi, theInti Raymi is a re-enactment of an Inca state ritual (Flores Ochoa1992:179; van den Berghe 1980). The irony is that the Catholicfeast of Corpus Christi was deliberately substituted by the Churchfor the original Inti Raymi in the 16th century. Now, the revivedInti Raymi and Corpus Christi are combined in the vast pageant ofthe Festejos del Cuzco which are at once an attraction and a civicand religious ritual of local identity involving the mass participationof hundreds of thousands of CuzquenÄos. Corpus Christi goes backto the mid-16th century and, as a movable feast, may occur anytime between late May and early July. It consists largely of a series

of processions during which the large statues of the 15 patron saints and Virgins of the parishes of Cuzco and the neighboring towns of Poroy, San SebastiÂan and San JerÂonimo, converge on the Cathedral. There, they spend a week, and from there the saints jointly emerge, carried by hundreds of men, accompanied by thousands of parishi- oners, and watched by virtually the entire population of Cuzco and environs.

In contrast with the catholic ritual of Corpus Christi, the IntiRaymi is clearly an Inca revivalist event, held in the middle of anarcheological site that serves both as backdrop to the ceremony,and as a terraced spectator arena. A minutely orchestrated, choreo-graphed and scripted scenario lasting several hours involves manyhundreds of actors costumed in Inca dress, with much concern forthe authenticity of the music, the clothing, and, of course, the cere-monial itself. The entire script is delivered in Quechua. Of course,the event attracts thousands of tourists, many of them from otherparts of Peru, but locals make up at least 95% of the audience. Inaddition to the Inti Raymi ceremony itself, the occasion also servesto display dance groups from a number of indigenous communitiesin the region, who compete for prizes. These dance groups havealready been selected at ``semi-®nals'' previously held in smalltowns in the Department of Cuzco, notably Racchi, Paucartambo,and other localities (Flores Ochoa 1997).

Both Corpus Christi and the Inti Raymi are clearly not events of``staged authenticity'' (MacCannell 1973, 1976) held for the bene®tof tourists, but rituals of mass participation involving virtually theentire local population, and taken with utmost seriousness as ex-pressions of collective solidarity and af®liation. They are solemnaf®rmations of what Durkheim has called the ``conscience collec- tive'' of CuzquenÄos, jointly incorporated in what began as a ``DÂõadel Cuzco,'' soon expanded to a ``Semana del Cuzco,'' and then to the current ``Festejos del Cuzco,'' now lasting from late May to early July (Flores Ochoa 1992). They represent the dual character of Cuzco society and culture: Spanish and Inca, Catholic and``pagan,'' mestizo and Indian. The two coexist and intermingle, but the Inca component is proudly and consciously reaf®rmed as it isnowhere else in Peru.

Tourism

Where does tourism ®t into the contemporary reality of Cuzco? To even the most transient of tourists, Cuzco looks ``touristy.'' A casual stroll within a 200-meter radius of the Plaza de Armas exposes one to scores of other tourists of many nationalities; to doz- ens of street vendors, shoe-shiners, beggars, and others who accost tourists; to multiple shops and street stalls selling principally tour- ism crafts; to women and children in traditional homespun clothes posing for pictures, with their llamas or lambs, in exchange for tips; to numerous hotels and restaurants (the latter often with polyglot

menus in English or even Hebrew) catering mostly to tourists; to travel agents proposing a wide range of excursions and ``adven- tures'' from river rafting to hang-gliding; and, with a bit of bad luck, to roving pickpockets.

Tourism in Cuzco is both foreign and domestic. Indeed in sheer numbers, other Peruvians probably outnumber foreign visitors. For several reasons, however, foreign tourists have more impact on the city than domestic ones. First they stand out much more, in terms of their phenotype, their language and their travel style. Second, they spend more, and a number of restaurants, hotels and travel agencies cater almost exclusively to a foreign clientele. Peruvians simply do not need as many tourism services because they are more at ease and knowledgeable about local conditions, and, indeed, a number stay with local friends and family members. Third, while there is little dif®culty in identifying foreigners as tourists, and little ambiguity on their part that they are such, for Peruvians the bound- aries of tourism are much more blurred.

There are, to be sure, standard forms of domestic tourism, nota- bly the high-school graduation class excursions that spend a week or so in the Cuzco area, staying in inexpensive hotels and pensions, using public transportation, camping and hiking. However, many other Peruvian tourists are, in fact CuzquenÄos in exile returning to attend ®estas, celebrate family events such as christenings, wed- dings, and funerals, or simply to visit family and friends on their annual vacation. Other Peruvians come for business reasons, as, for example, a number of itinerant craftsmen, buyers, and street ven- dors who come either to buy local crafts for resale elsewhere, or to sell their own products (such as cheap costume jewelry) to tourists. Most of the above types would deny that they are tourists, although they might appear as such in the statistics. For all these reasons, the emphasis in this paper is on foreign tourism.

How did it all begin? Aside from the occasional elite visitors of earlier epochs, tourism in the modern sense began in Cuzco after the sensationalized ``discovery'' of Machu Picchu in 1911 by a YaleUniversity expedition led by Hiram Bingham, and publicized in the National Geographic magazine. Within a decade, in the 20s, several guide books in Spanish began to appear (Flores NaÂjar 1994; Flores Ochoa 1996:9±10; NunÄez 1989), but the tourist ¯ow was still very small. As late as 1954, Cuzco received only 6,903 tourists for the entire year, of whom only 421 were foreigners. This translates into an in¯ux of less than twenty a day.

Until the advent of the jet era in the 60s, Cuzco was simply not accessible to large numbers of af¯uent but hurried tourists. The 60s also ushered in the new phenomenon of ``backpack'' tourism, made up of young, long-term low-budget tourists. Incipient mass tourism thus began in the 60s when two or three daily jet ¯ights and a daily train brought in a couple of hundred tourists a day (van den Berghe1980). In 1963, 35,767 tourists came (Lov n Zavala 1982:5).Between 1968 and 1971, the annual total of foreign visitors alone¯uctuated between 32,000 and 40,000, and in 1971, 48,000 passen-

gers, foreign and domestic, took the train to Machu Picchu (van den Berghe and Primov 1977:144). Numbers of tourists continued to swell to 71,000 in 1973 and 141,000 in 1979, reaching a peak144,000 in 1986. Then, the terrorism of the Shining Path produced a sharp downturn to a low of 54,000 in 1991 (31,000 of whom were foreigners). Peru in general, and the Southern Andes in particular, were widely perceived, with considerable justi®cation, as a danger- ous destination. The most spectacular incident in terms of scaring tourists away was the 1983 bomb explosion in the San Pedro railway station, as the tourist train to Machu Picchu was about to depart. It killed six tourists.

Since the arrest of Shining Path leader Abimael Guzm n in 1992and the effective repression of that guerrilla movement, Cuzco hasexperienced a tourism boom of unprecedented scale. The touristof®ce claimed 183,000 foreign and domestic arrivals for 1995, andthe current total probably approximates a quarter million (FloresOchoa 1996:10). In December 1996, the Peruvian government cele-brated with great fanfare the arrival of the 600,000th foreign visitorfor the year, though not all were tourists, of course. The 1996±97hostage crisis in the Japanese Embassy residence in Lima slightlyslowed that expansion, but its spectacularly successful conclusion inApril 1997 (from the Peruvian government's perspective) will prob-ably help convince tourists that Marxist guerrilla movements inLatin America have become somewhat of an anachronism.

The current estimate of a quarter million annual tourists toCuzco, foreign and domestic, yields a daily average of slightly under700, with fewer during the slump months of October to March, andconsiderably more during the Northern Hemisphere spring andsummer months of June to August. The small sample (N=75) ofthis study reveals an average length of stay in the Cuzco region of6.1 days. Therefore, these daily average ®gures should be multipliedby ®ve or six to yield a reasonable estimate of number of touristspresent in Cuzco at any given time, with perhaps a high of 5,000during the high months and 2,000 during the slack period. Still, in acity of some 250,000, tourists probably seldom exceed 2% of thepeople, albeit a highly visible group highly concentrated in the his-torical heart of the city, within two or three blocks of the Cathedral.Beyond that zone, it is quite possible not to see a tourist for a wholeday. Within it, tourists, especially foreign ones, are conspicuous andubiquitous, though still greatly outnumbered by locals.

The 1996 Cuzco telephone book lists 131 hotels, 121 restaurants,and 143 travel agencies. But these ®gures are slight underestimates,as a number of eating places and a few more modest hostels do nothave a telephone. At least two of the hotels have well over 100rooms and minimally a dozen more have 50. Many of the cheaperhostels are small (8 to 12 rooms), but with the average hotel at 20rooms or 40 beds, Cuzco can accommodate some 5,240 overnightguests. The average occupancy rate, however, was well below 50%during the slack period of the ®eldwork, especially in the pricier 4-and 5-star hotels. Put into world perspective, foreign tourism in

Cuzco is relatively inconsequential: it only accounts for barely 0.1% of world traf®c, and 5% of South American traf®c (Aguilar, Leonith and Milla 1992:16).

Tourism and Incanismo

There remains to be examined how tourism and incanismo con- verged with one another to produce a sense of civic pride and iden- tity and a booming industry for CuzquenÄos, and a major attraction for visitors. The two phenomena, while quite distinct in their origins and motivations, feed on one another to produce the region's lead- ing source of income and development. The goose of incanismo is lay- ing the golden eggs of tourism. A common denominator of incanismo and tourism, of course, is the Machu Picchu mystique, which more than anything else, put Cuzco on the tourism map. That Machu Picchu enjoys a reputation well beyond its archeological signi®cance has not deterred generation after generation of tourists from mak- ing it a ``must'' on their South American Grand Tour. Further, as Cuzco is the unavoidable ``gateway'' to Machu Picchu, with a vir- tually obligatory minimum of two overnight stays, Cuzco necessarily ranks among the continent's half-dozen or so top destinations.

As increasing numbers of tourists began to take more extended trips, the length of stay in Cuzco increased. In 1971, tourists spentan average of 2.4 days in Cuzco, including in Machu Picchu (van den Berghe and Primov 1977:114); whereas in a survey done in December 1996, the average length of stay had grown to 6.1 days.One-®fth (15) of a sample of 75 tourists stayed 10 days or more, and one-tenth (8 out of 75) were repeaters. Clearly, for most, Cuzco is no longer simply an unavoidable stop on the way to Machu Picchu, but a highly desirable destination in its own right. The localtourism of®ces now sell an inclusive admission ticket to a dozen sights in and around Cuzco, including several archeological sites (Saqsaywaman, Pikillacta, Qenqo, Puca Pucara, Tambo Machay,Pisac, Ollantaytambo), several museums displaying both colonial and Inca works, and several colonial buildings (the Cathedral, the Church of San Blas, and the Convent of Santa Catalina). It takes anabsolute minimum of two very full days, in addition to Machu Picchu, to run through these sights, one day for a ``city tour,'' and another for a ``Sacred Valley'' tour to Pisac, Ollantaytambo, and Chinchero.

It is true that the archeological attractions are not all Inca (Pikillaqta, for instance is pre-Inca by several centuries), and that Cuzco Spanish baroque architecture competes with Inca sites fortourist attention. Cuzco's score or so of 17th century churches and convents constitute a colonial ensemble with few peers in South America, with the added attraction that they are often built on Incafoundations. Indeed, many of these colonial convents and mansions have been tastefully converted into hotel accommodations ranging from ®ve star and luxury restaurants to spartan backpackers'haunts. Most of these hotels and eating places exploit either the

Inca or the colonial theme, or both. This is re¯ected in their names (such as Hotel el Monasterio, Hostal Wiraqocha, Hotel Royal Inka, Hostal Incawasi, Hotel Kusi Runa, Colonial Palace, and others), in their decorations (posters of Machu Picchu and other ruins; Inca- theme murals; textiles, ceramics, masks, and other handicrafts pro- duced by local indigenes and mestizos; replicas of archeological arti- facts; and even store mannequins dressed up in local homespun clothing), and in their publicity pamphlets.

It is also true that not all tourists come to Cuzco principally or exclusively to see the wonders of the Tawantinsuyu. Many young adults (including, notably, Israelis after their period of active mili- tary service) come to engage in adventure tourism (hang-gliding, river rafting, mountain-climbing, and hiking), in ``ecotourism'' (jun- gle tours in the Amazonian lowlands to the East of Cuzco), or in``mystical tourism'' to commune with the spirits of the mountains (Altamirano Vallenas 1993; Flores Ochoa 1996; Longato 1991; NunÄez del Prado and Murillo 1998; Pilares Villa 1992). However, even these forms of tourism are generally linked in some way to the Inca theme. By far the most popular trek, for instance, is the 2±4 day ``Inca Trail'' with Machu Picchu as its destination. Another favorite is the day-long horseback excursion that takes in a series of nearby ruins around Saqsaywaman. The river-rafters usually start around the ruins of Ollantaytambo. Tourists seeking to experience``Andean mysticism'' usually do so in archeological settings such as Machu Picchu or Qenqo (Flores Ochoa 1996:15±16). Clearly, practi- cally every tourist gets exposed to Inca matters, and the vast ma- jority would not have come but for them.

Incanismo thus operates at several interacting and fully compatible levels. It is an ideology of local pride and badge of regional af®lia- tion that integrates indigenes and mestizos into a single Andean civi- lization, symbolized by the Inti Raymi, and concretized by the civic monuments and the very architecture of the city. It is a marketing strategy to commoditize the Inca tradition for the consumption of both national and foreign tourists. Paradoxically, the very isolation, underdevelopment and exoticism of the regionÐits ``otherness''Ð become the fuel of a thriving industry, indeed, but for the brewery, the only sizable industry of the ``Inca Region.'' The tourist presence both valorizes incanismo in a tangible commercial way and validates and reinforces the ideology itself which is, however super®cially, shared by tourists and locals alike.

Many tourists, for instance, gullibly accept the in¯ated population estimates, historical claims and other embellishments of Inca cul- ture propagated by their local guides. The latter present an over- whelmingly favorable picture of the Incas, and are conspicuously silent about any aspects of it that might shock tourists. Since many of these guides are graduates in the tourism program of the Universidad Nacional San Antonio Abad, their perspective clearly re¯ects the incanismo that suffuses Cuzco elite culture, including the faculty of the university. For instance, after a tour to the Sacred Valley in which a local guide from Chinchero spoke at length of the

Inca ruler and his ``principal wife'', one of the authors asked him why he did not mention royal brother±sister incest, as this infor- mation would certainly interest tourists. He replied that the tourists might ``misinterpret'' the custom out of context. Guides not only glorify Inca culture and achievements, but vilify and ridicule Spanish greed, religious intolerance, brutality, and exploitation, totally ignoring continuities between Inca and Spanish forms of tyr- anny. The evident superiority of Inca masonry over Spanish, clearly visible in the walls of Cuzco buildings, is eagerly mentioned by guides and accepted by tourists. In short, the entire tourism indus- try cultivates the glori®cation of Inca civilization from which it lives, with the collusive enthusiasm of the tourists who have come to be impressed.

This paper has thus far stressed the compatibility and mutual re- inforcement of tourism and incanismo, and the convergence of inter- ests between tourists and local entrepreneurs of incanismo. This is not to say that all CuzquenÄos view tourism as an unmitigated bles- sing, favorable though the general attitude is. Those critical of tour- ism tend to be either tourists themselves who ®nd Cuzco too commercialized, and who would prefer to be in a more ``pristine'' area or to be local intellectuals who are critical of tourists for caus- ing in¯ation, monopolizing the best local produce, constituting an obtrusive presence, debasing local crafts through excessive and uncritical demand, contributing to illegal drug traf®c, attracting criminal elements from Lima and thus fostering insecurity, and being a nefarious in¯uence on their children through licentious behavior.

The rapid disappearance of homespun textiles among rural CuzquenÄos, for example, is widely deplored (and quite evident com- pared to the situation a quarter century ago). However, other econ- omic forces besides tourism are at work here. Homespun clothes require an enormous investment of time which impoverished pea- sants can ill afford, especially when cheap second-hand clothing imported in huge bales from North America and Europe is widely available. While the homespun textiles often end up on the tourism market, this was the case long before women stopped weaving. Indeed, in many areas, such as Mexico, Guatemala, and Taquile Island in Peru (Healey and Zorn 1994), tourist demand for home- spun has stimulated traditional weaving.

The other complaintÐthat tourist demand promotes decay of local crafts and the proliferation of ``airport art''Ðis also question- able. To be sure, famous artists are massively imitated, and craft production has enormously increased, inevitably at some cost in quality. Some artists are even alleged to buy their imitators' work cheaply and pass it off as their own, thereby cashing in on their reputation. The reality, however, is more complex than the simple thesis of tourists spoiling culture suggests, as shown by the annual craft market of Santurantikuy on Christmas Eve, on the Plaza de Armas. This event has grown from year to year and attracts many hundreds of vendors and tens of thousands of prospective custo-

mers, only a few hundreds of whom are tourists. The main object of the fair, and its attraction to onlookers, is to provide local CuzquenÄos with the components of Nativity scenes (such as clay ®g- urines, straw, grass patches, miniature barns) that urban families, churches, and commercial establishments construct. Thus the fair is primarily a local event, that also happens to attract and enthrall tourists. It satis®es even the most fastidious tourism criteria of authenticity.

What is evident from the Santurantikuy Christmas fair is that the Cuzco craft business is thriving. Hundreds of craftsmenÐprob-ably thousands including their spouses and childrenÐproduce arti-facts, of varying quality for a huge market that is predominantlylocal and regional, but also national and international. This differ-entiated market includes some very cheap ceramics in a style andcolor favored almost exclusively by locals; some inexpensive costumejewelry bought principally by tourists and urban sophisticates fromLima, for gifts or even for resale on the street markets of Europeand North America; and some expensive, high quality wares sold tolocals and tourists alike, and passed on as family heirlooms byCuzquenÄos (notably the ®nely crafted NinÄos Manuelitos, dressed inembroidered clothes, and brought to church for blessing by entirefamily groups). Some traditions clearly did deteriorate over time,such as the massively reproduced colonial-style paintings imitatingthe ``Cuzco School'' of the 17th and 18th centuries, but this cottageindustry predates mass tourism. Overall, the impression is one of avigorous craft tradition of diverse style, vibrant dynamism, and con-stant change, catering to a growing clientele made up of local urba-nites, as well as domestic and foreign tourists, with a wide variety oftastes. Lima has a row of emporia that perhaps merits the stricturesof the deriders of ``airport art,'' but Cuzco crafts are alive and well,thanks to locals and tourists alike.

CONCLUSION

It seems almost de rigeur among certain students of tourism (see various authors in the collection by Smith 1989, notably contribution by Greenwood 1989, Nash 1989, and Turner and Ash 1976) to decry the latter as a new form of exploitation of the Third World by the First, as a source of cultural pollution, as a destroyer of ``authen- ticity,'' autonomy and self-respect of native institutions, as an agent for the creation of a dismal global village in which everything is homogenized, commercialized, and disney®ed. In reality, the effects of tourism vary enormously. It would not be dif®cult to ®nd lo- cations that show all the marks of what MacCannell (1973, 1976) has called ``staged authenticity,'' where towns have become stages, and where natives have become ``tourees'' on display. In Latin America, very small towns like Pisac, Peru, or Chichicastenango, Guatemala, can easily be swamped by intrusive tourists on market

days, and are in danger of becoming caricatures of themselves. But even small communities can effectively protect themselves against such an adverse impact and control tourist access. The Maya com- munities of highland Chiapas and Guatemala (Barrera NunÄez 1995; Colby and van den Berghe 1961; van den Berghe 1994), and the Island of Taquile, on the Peruvian side of Lake Titicaca (Healey and Zorn 1994) are good examples of ``community-controlled tour- ism''.

Naturally, tourism is not a panacea: it has costs. For example, it causes in¯ation and thus increases the cost of living for locals. Perhaps the most valid criticism of tourism is that its economic ben- e®ts are quite unevenly distributed. This is particularly true of the Cuzco area where the manna that descends from the jets does not scatter much beyond the airport. The main bene®ciaries of tourism are members of the urban middle and lower-middle class of Cuzco itself: the entrepreneurs who own and run the hotels, restaurants, shops, and travel agencies; the craftsmen who produce the wares and services consumed by tourists; and, to a limited extent, the street vendors and service workers who occupy the lowest tier of the tourism trade. In the aggregate, they include, with their depen- dents, several thousand people, but they are a minority of the Cuzco population. Such trickle down of tourism money as exists is almost entirely limited to the city of Cuzco.

Tourism in Cuzco has made virtually no contribution to regional development. Except for Pisac, Ollantaytambo, Aguas Calientes, Urubamba and Chinchero, the small towns of the department are minimally affected by tourism, even, surprisingly, the ones closest to the capital, such as San SebastiÂan, Anta, Poroy, Qhorqa, and San JerÂonimo. The Indian population is only tangentially involved in the production of handicrafts, which, in Cuzco, is an urban near-mon- opoly. (This is quite unlike the situation in Mexico, Guatemala, Ecuador, and other heavily indigenous areas of the Americas where weaving, ceramics and other crafts are largely produced by rural indigenes.) Indeed, the peasant population of Andean Peru is, if anything, poorer than it was before the tourism boom of the 60s and before the land reform of the 70s, if not absolutely, at least relative to rising urban incomes.

Undeniably, however, tourism transformed Cuzco and bene®ted its bourgeoisie. Both incanismo and tourism are elite phenomena, and this common feature has no doubt contributed to their mutual compatibility. CuzquenÄos created their own myth by reinventing their past, and through that myth, elevated their vision of them- selves and validated what tourists came to see. Incanismo authenti- cates the tourism product, and tourist interest validates it. The``golden horde'' of foreign tourists and the urban bourgeoisie ofCuzco happily meet under the invented rainbow banner of theTawantinsuyu.&

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Submitted 6 February 1998. Resubmitted 8 July 1998. Resubmitted 28 September 1998. Accepted 14 October 1998. Final version 19 November 1998. Refereed anonymously. Coordinating Editor: Jeremy F. Boissevain