Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies
Volume 28 Number 1 2005 David Seyfor RUEGG The Kalawan Copper-plate
Inscription: Early Evidence for Maha-yana-type Thinking?.........
.......................................... ...................... 3
Jinhua CHEN Fazang (643-712): The Holy Man
................................................... 11 Richard D.
McBRIDE DMral}l and Spells in Medieval Sinitic Buddhism ....
........ .............. 85 Jacob DALTON A Crisis of Doxography: How
Tibetans Organized Tantra during the 8th_12th
Centuries.............................................
.................................. 115 Pieter C. VERHAGEN Studies
in Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Hermeneutics (5). The mKhas pa mams 'jug
pa'i sgo by Sa skya Pal}cjita Kun dga' rgyal mkhan...... 183 Jm
HOLBA Index to JIABS vol.
22-26.................................................................
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Printed in Belgium EDITORIAL BOARD SCHERRER-SCHAUB Cristina A.
TILLEMANS Tom J.F. Editors-in-Chief BUSWELL Robert COLLINS Steven
Cox Collet G6MEZ Luis O. HARRISON Paul VON HINOBER Oskar JACKSON
Roger JAINl Padmanabh S. KATSURA Shoryu KuoLi-ying LOPEZ, Jr.
Donald S. MAcDONALD Alexander SEYFORT RUEGG David SHARF Robert
STEINKELLNER Ernst ZDRCHER Erik THE KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE
INSCRIPTION: EARLY EVIDENCE FOR MAHAYANA-TYPE THINKING? D. SEYFORT
RUEGG The copper-plate inscription found in the north-western part
of the South Asian subcontinent, at Kalawan (Taxila or raises
questions of importance for the historian of Buddhism and early
Mahayana. Recording the installation (Skt. of a corporeal relic
(Skt. sarira), and placed in the base of a stUpa (gahathuba:
g[hastilpa) at Cha-qasila, the inscription is dated in the 134th
year of Aja (= c. 77nS CE?)l. Its installer-dedicator was a certain
upiisikii named CaqIdrabhi (or bha), the daughter of the
householder (Skt. grhapati) DhraqJ.ma (Skt. Dharma) and the wife of
Bhadravala. In the inscription it is specified that she was acting
together with her householder brother (Skt. Nan-divardhana), her
two sons and daughter, her two daughters-in-law, and JivaI}.aqIdi
(Skt. Jivanandin), the teacher (Skt. iiciirya). For the historian
of Mahayana this inscription is of considerable potential
significance, but in its final portion it is difficult to interpret
with complete certainty. The Prakrit (GandhlirI) text in script as
edited by R. Salomon reads as follows in its final portion (lines
4-5): ... sa[rvajsti[line parigrahe puyafta puyae pratiae hotu2 I
On the era of the Saka ruler Aja/Aya (= Azes), equated with the
Vikrama sarrzvat of 58/57 BCE, see recently R. Salomon, Indian
epigraphy (New York, 1998), p. 182, follow-ing on A.D.H. Bivar,
'The Azes era and the Indravarma casket', South Asia archaeology
1979 (ed. H. Hartel, Berlin, 1981), pp. 369-76, and G. Fussman,
BEFEO 1980, p. 43. The identification of 'Aja', here without title
or biruda, has been much debated (compare below, n. 4), as has been
the starting date of the Azes era. As for the enigmatic expression
gaha-thuba, its significance has been briefly remarked upon by G.
Fussman, JIABS 27 (2004), p. 242 n. 8. 2 R. Salomon, op. cit., pp.
269-70. Salomon has translated the end of the inscription as
follows: 'for the acceptance of the Sarviistiviidins. The country
and the town are [hereby] honored; [and] it is for the honor of all
beings. May it lead to [their] attainment of Nirviil}.a., Journal
of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 28
Number 1 2005 4 DAVID SEYFORT RUEGG The precise significance for
the history of Mahayana of this part of the inscription not being
entirely clear, it was not considered in the present writer's
recent article 'Aspects of the study of the (earlier) Indian
Maha-yana'3. The epigraph states explicitly that the installation
was pJaced by the donor in the parigraha - the 'acceptance' or
perhaps rather 'keep-ing' - of persons described (by a Prakrit
equivalent) as Sarvastivadins, one of the main schools (nikiiya) of
the Sravakayana. At the same time it hopes for the attainment of
nirvii1)a by the dedicator herself and per-haps by her entourage -
possibly even by all sentient beings, an idea characteristic of
various stages of Mahayanist thought. At this point the syntax is
unfortunately ambiguous. The wish for nirvii1)a with no refer-ence
to all sentient beings appears frequently in inscriptions and
texts4. In developed Mahayanist thought the hope for the attainment
of nirvii1)a - nirvii1)iiviipti or its equivalent - by all sentient
beings (sarvasattva) The Kalawan inscription was first published by
S. Konow, EI 21 (1931-32), pp. 251-9 (cf. id., 'Kalawan
copper-plate inscription of the year 134', fRAS 1932, pp. 949-65).
See also 1. Marshall, Taxi/a, i, p. 327; D.C. Sircar, Select
inscriptions 2 (Calcutta, 1965), pp. 131-2; and K. Tsukamoto,
Indo-bukkyo himei no kenkyt1- A comprehensive study of the Indian
Buddhist inscriptions, i (Kyoto, 1996), p. 971. The inscription has
recently been discussed by G. Fussman, fIABS 27 (2004), pp. 241-2,
who translates the end as follows: 'Given in trust (parigrahe) to
the Sarvastivadins. The kingdom and its corporations are honoured.
All beings are honoured. May it be attainment of nirviil}a. ' The
use here of the word puyae 'in honour, for respect of' in connexion
with 'all sen-tient beings' finds numerous parallels in the use of
this word, or of etymologically related words, in connexion not
only with, e.g., 'all the Buddhas' but also with 'all beings' and
with the dedicator's parents in Mathura inscriptions (see H.
Liiders, Mathurii inscriptions [Gtittingen, 1961], p. 124 with p.
80), as well as in connexion with Buddhas, with the ded .. icator's
parents, and with all sentient beings in inscriptions (where in
relation to 'all sentient beings' hita-sukha also appears; see S.
Konow, Kharoshthf inscriptions [Cn ii/I, 1929], pp. 77, 114 and
155, with pp. 5, 62, 65, 100). 3 fIABS 27 (2004), pp. 13-18. 4 See
e.g. Konow's Kharoshthf inscriptions, p. 77: the Taxila silver
scroll inscription dated in the year 136 of Aya [/Aja] = 79 CE (?),
where the dedicator himself may be the only beneficiary of the wish
for nirviil}a; the inscription of Ajitasena, father of Senavarma,
published by G. Fussman, BEFEO 75 (1986), p. 2; and the inscription
dated in the year 98 of Azes published by A. Sadakata, fA 1996, pp.
308-09. On Senavarma's inscription dated to no later than the
middle of the first century CE, and also on the inscription from
Hidda dated to the year 28, see below. Compare also G. Schopen,
'Mahayana in Indian inscriptions', IIl21 (1979), pp. 1-19.
Concerning the wish that all sentient beings might attain
nirviil}a, see our 'Aspects of the study of the (earlier) Indian
Mahayana' (as in n. 3), p. 13 J. TIIE KALAWAN COPPER-PLATE
INSCRIPTION 5 stands beside another characteristic wish: that all
sentient beings may attall the Gnosis (ofthe buddha),
anuttara-(buddha)jfziinas. Now, concerning the possible reference
in the Kalawan inscription to the attainment of nirviil}a by all
sattvas and at the same time the mention of Sarvastivada, the
following considerations may be noted: 1) It is possible that the
reference to the attainment of nirviil}a is not to. be connected
directly with the preceding sarva[sva]tval}a, from which 5 The
Govindnagar (Mathura) Brahmi inscription from the time of
HuveOka/HuviOka dated to the year 26 reads: ... sar(va)(sat)[v]a
anut(t)ara(-) bud(dh)ajnana- pra(pnva)-(tu) ... See 'Aspects of the
study ... ', p. 13. A further variant of the formula appears in
another inscription from the same reign recently published by H.
Falk, 'Two new inscriptions from the time of BIS 12-14 (2000), p.
32 f.: *imena kualamiilena sarvasattvanut-tarasya nirantarasya
jiianavaptaye*, where nirantara jiiiina 'unimpeded, or inunediate,
Gnosis' does not appear to be the precise equivalent of terms such
as anantaratattva-jiiiina, iinantaryasamiidhi, iinantyamiirga,
iinantaryamurdhaprayoga found notably in Prajiiaparamitii
literature ( on which see E. Obermiller, 'The doctrine of
Prajiiaparamitii, AO 11 [1932]). A variation on this very frequent
formula appears in an inscription of Queen MahiidevI of Gupta
lineage on a bronze of the Buddha with his hands in dharmacakra
position, now in the British Museum, and dated to the fIfth
century. The recent editor of this inscription, O. von Hiniiber,
reads (Die Palola [Mainz, 2004], p. 127): ... yad atra pUlJyaTfl
tad bhavatu sarvasattviinii(TfI) miitiipit[purvaTflgamana
anuttarapadajiiiiniiviiptaye. (In v. Hiniiber's book, the more
usual formula anuttara-jiiiinaO is found in colophons of Qilgit
Mss. published on pp. 18,77 and 79; it is of course frequent
elsewhere.) Whether the form of words on the bronze in the British
Museum - also known as an Icchawar inscrip-tion (H. Liiders, List
no. 11; K. Tsukamoto, op. cit., p. 612) - represents a conflation
or contamination with the expression am[ta(pada/dhiitu) (cf. ibid.,
p. 179 n.) - equivalent to nirviilJadhiitu (7) - is not perfectly
clear. - For amuda dhatu, a Prakrit equivalent of am[ta-dhiitu (:
nirviilJadhiitu), see line 12b of Senavarma's inscription in O. von
Hiniiber, . Beitriige zur Erkliirung der Senavarma-Inschrift (AWL
Mainz, Stuttgart, 2003), p. 37. Cf. lJivalJadhatu [Le.
nirviilJadhiitu] in line 7c of the same inscription, ibid., p. 23.
Sena-varma's inscription has again been discussed by G. Fussman,
BEFEO 90-91 (2003-04), pp.517-20. It is interesting to note that
the inscriptions on the British Museum bronze and on the Kalawan
copper-plate both originate with women, the fIrst a queen and the
second an upiisikii. For a further instance see n. 12 below. It is
to be recalled that, in one of the main canonical texts of the
tathiigatagarbha teaching according to which all sattvas carry in
them-selves the potentiality of becoming tathiigatas or buddhas,
the SrfmiiliidevfsiTfl-haniidasutra, the Buddha's interlocutor and
speaker of this teaching is Queen SIimruadevI. The inscriptional
materials gathered in this article are to be added to those noticed
in our Theorie du tathiigatagarbha et du gotra (paris, 1969), p. 31
n. 2. 6 DAVID SEYFORT RUEGG it is separated by the word puyae. In
other words, the syntax allows the rendering: 'May [this
installation] be for respect towards all sentient beings, for
attainment of nirviilJa [viz. by the upiisikii and perhaps her
cir-cle, namely her relatives andthe A.carya, but not by all
sentient beings]'. This interpretation would be in conformity with
the text of numerous other inscriptions. The syntax is ambiguous,
however, and the words 'for respect towards all beings' and 'for
attainment of nirviilJa' are juxtaposed asyndetically, with the
only verb hotu at the very end. Hence, it does not seem
syntactically impossible, or altogether unnatural, to regard the
attain-ment of nirviilJa as here relating to all sentient beings6.
2) There perhaps existed no problem, at least in the view of the
installer-dedicator. For Sravakayanists may hold that all sentient
beings are able to attain nirviilJa (of the kind classified
scholastically as that of the Sravaka, perhaps along with an
anuttara-jftiina distinct from anuttara-bud-dhajftiina?)7. 6 This
is the way some previous translators of the Kalawan inscription
have understood its final portion (see n. 2 above), but not Konow
who translated 'may it be for the obtain-ment pf Nirvfu:1a' without
connecting this phrase with 'all sattvas'. It may be noted that a
question concerning exactly to whom the hoped for attainment of the
amuda dhatu (Skt. amrta-dhiitu: nirviil)a) is relatable arises also
in interpreting line 12b of the inscription of Senavarma, ruler of
Ov'-C (Research on Siltras from the Viewpoint of the Fayuan zhulin:
Centering on Daoshi), IBK 24, no. 2 (1976): 974-977. I would like
to thank James Benn for introducing me to the F ayuan zhulin and
these secondary sources on this important work many years ago as we
attended graduate school together. 57 Fayuan zhulin 60, T 2122,
53.734c13. AND SPELLS IN MEDIEVAL SINITIC BUDDHISM 103 massive
obstacles into nothingness, and they extenninate bad karma that has
piled up oflifetimes. Daoshi demonstrates his understand-ing of
dhlirm;li in a technical sense, as well as how it was understood by
Buddhist exegetes, by saying that "dhlirm;li" is, of course, an
Indic word, which, if translated literally into Chinese would be
called chi :Rf (to hold, to support, to maintain). Thus, he says
that dhlirm;li "are chanted to hold on to what is wholesome and not
lose it and to hold on to what is unwhole-some so it will not be
produced. "58 With these explanatory doctrinal underpinnings he
moves to what is important to him: that the unseen forces of the
natural world may be con-trolled by means of speaking or chanting
particular spells. If the spells are administered and performed in
accordance with their prescribed meth-ods, one will recognize
immediate merit and effects. People will be able to work miracles,
or, in other words as he says "to smash rocks or pluck out trees,
remove illness and eradicate disease." Also, people may control the
spirits, take a ride on dangerous and destructive flood dragons,
and rouse the clouds to open and fertile rains to fall59 Following
his overview of dhlirm;li, Daoshi catalogs some Of the most
important, well-known, and efficacious spells of the mid-seventh
cen-tury. (1) He begins with a section on dhlirm;li used in
repentance rituals. (2) He then turns to spells used to invoke the
power of the Buddha Amitabha and the bodhisattvas Maitreya and
AvalokiteSvara (in that order). (3) He con-cludes with dhliraI}I
chanted to eradicate sins. For instance, he says that in order to
repent you must first set up a ritual space called an ment site"
(Ch. daochang Skt. bodhimal;uJa), cover it with a silk cloth and
place a parasol on top of it. Secure various types of incense and
perfume, close your doors, clean your house, keep visitors and
intruders away, bathe, hold blended perfume in your mouth
constantly, and pray to the buddhas of the ten directions for
repentance. If you are not lazy, he promises, you will have an
experience and will cease to doubt6. DhliraI}I were chanted during
repentance rituals long before the seventh century and were
produced by the participants to demonstrate the efficacy 58 Fayuan
zhulin 60, T 2122, 53.734cI7-23. 59 Fayuan zhulin 60, T 2122,
53.734c23-28. 60 Fayuan zhulin 60, T 2122, 53.735a6-11. 104 RICHARD
D. MCBRIDE, II of their repentance. For instance, Buddhist spells
deriving originally from dharal).l siitras were an integral aspect
of repentance rituals developed by Tiantai Zhiyi (523-597) and he
is also reported to have "man-ifested" dharal).I as a consequence
of perfonning a repentance ritual based on the Lotus Sutra61 The
final section presents dharal).I chanted for the eradication of
sins (miezui bu It is by far the longest section, comprising more
than six pages in the standard edition of the Buddhist canon, and
includes thirty-six dharal).!-62. All manner of dharal).I and the
ritual proceciures for their efficacious use are included in this
section. All of the spells address the ordinary needs and concerns
of the common people and the elite in medieval Chinese society. For
instance, Daoshi includes a spell for women that causes them to
stop menstrual bleeding and other awkward and embar-rassing bodily
functions63; a spell that protects against all manner of
calamities, perversities, defilements, and poisons64; a spell that
causes one to remember what he has heard for a long tirne65; a
spell invoking Avalokitesvara in order to fulfill one's wishes or
designs (yuan while traveling on the road (apparently in order to
get there safely)66; a spell for curing a toothache67; and a spell
summoning Avalokitesvara for pro-teCtion against poisonous
snakes68. There is even a spell for protection against all manner
of leprous diseases and exposed wounds, which was also taught by A
valokitesvara. The instruction, included by Daoshi, for people who
would use this spell technique is to chant the associated 61 For
spells in Zhiyi's repentance rituals see Fangdeng sanmei xingfa
:1:N!'=:IJ;f