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Journal of the International Association of

Buddhist Studies

Volume 19 · Number 2 · Winter 1996

On MaJ}.galas

FRANK REYNOLDS

Preface

GERI H. MALANDRA

. The Mm:t<;lala at Ellora / Ellora in the Mm:t<;lala

CHARLES D. ORZECH

Mandalas on the Move: Reflections from ChineseEsoteric Buddhism Circa 800 C. E.

DAVID L. GARDINER

Mandala, Mandala on the Wall:Varhitions ofUsage in the Shingon School

JACOB N. KINNARD

Reevaluating the Eighth-Ninth Century Pala Milieu:

leona-Conservatism and the Persistence of Sakyamuni

JOHN S. STRONG

The Moves Mal,l<;lalas Make

177

181

209

245

281

301

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The Journal o/the InternationalAssociation ofBuddhist Studies(ISSN 0193-600XX) i s . t h ~ organ ofthe International AssocIaoon ofBuddhist Studies, Inc. It welcomesscholarly contributions pertaining toall facets ofBuddhist Studies.JIABS is published twice yearly, inthe summer and winter.

Address manuscripts (two copies)and books for review to The

Editors, JIABS, Section delangues et civilisations orientales,Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2,CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland.

Address subscription orders anddues, changes of address, andbusiness correspondence(including advertising orders) to

Professor Joe B. Wilson, TreasurerlABS, Department of Philosophyand Religion, University ofNorthCarolina at Wilmington,Wilmington NC 28403 USAemail: [email protected]: 910-962-7107

Subscriptions to JIABS are $40per year for individuals and $70per year for libraries and otherinstitutions. For information onm e m b e ~ s h i p in lABS, see backcover.

© 1996 by the InternationalAssociation ofBuddhist Studies,Inc. The editor gratefullyacknowledges the support of theCenter for Chinese Studies and theDepartment ofAsian Languagesand Cultures of the University ofMichigan.

EDITORIAL BOARD

Donald S. Lopez, Jr.Editor-in-Chief

Robert Buswell

Steven Collins

Collett Cox

Luis O. GomezOskar von Hinuber

Roger Jackson

. Padmanabh S. JainiShoryu Katsura

AlexanderMacdonald

D. Seyfort Ruegg

Ernst Steinkellner

Erik Ztircher

Editorial Assistant

Alexander Vesey

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TWO IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENTS

The term of the current Editor-in-chief of the Journal of the International

Association ofBuddhist Studies will end on July 1, 1997. He is pleased to

announce that at that time, two distinguished scholars will together assume

the editorship of the journal. They are Professor Tom J. F. Tillemans and

Professor Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub of the University of Lausanne.

Beginning immediately, all submissions to the journal should be sent to:

The Editors

Journal of the International Association ofBuddhist Studies

Section de langues et civilisations orientales

Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2

CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland

Fax: (41) 21 692 30 45

E-mail: [email protected]

The Twelfth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist

Studies

will be held in 1999 in Lausanne, Switzerland from August 23rd untilAugust 28th.

For information please contact:

Professor Tom I.F. Tillemans

Section de langues et civilisations orientales

Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2

CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland

Fax: (41) 21 6923045

E-mail: [email protected]

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Contributors to this issue:

DAVID L. GARDINER received his Ph. D. in 1995 from the Religious

Studies Department of Stanford University. He now teaches at HawaiiPacific University in Honolulu.

JACOB N. KINNARD received his Ph. D. in History of Religions

from the University of Chicago in 1996. He is currently a Mellon

Postdoctoral Fellow in the Department of Religion at Northwestern

University.

GERI H. MALANDRA is department head of Professional Develop-

ment and Conference Services at the University of Minnesota's Uni-

versity College (continuing education), and Adjunct Assistant Profes-

sor of History. She is the author of Unfolding a Mandala: The Bud-

dhist Cave Temples at Ellora (SUNY Press: 1993).

CHARLES D. ORZECH is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at

the Universityof

North Carolina Greensboro. His Politics and Tran-scendent Wisdom: The Scripture for Humane Kings and the Creation

of National Protection Buddhism is forthcoming in the Hermeneutics

Series of Penn State Press.

FRANK REYNOLDS is Professor of the History of Religions and

Buddhist Studies at the University of Chicago where he also serves as

the Program Director of the Institute for Advanced Study of Religion.

JOHN STRQNG is Professor of Religion at Bates College. His most

recent publIcations include The Legend and Cult of Upagupta and The

Experience ofBuddhism.

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Frank Reynolds

PREFACE,

For many years Buddhist Studies has been dominated by research that has

focused on particular "national" traditions on the one hand, and on written

texts and textual traditions on the other, The project which has culminated

in this Special Issue of JIABS represents an attempt to move beyond thelimitations on our understanding that the dominance of these two

components of the received Buddhological orthodoxy has imposed.

Stated in a more positive manner, there are two closely correlated

hypotheses that the conference that spawned this Special Issue was

designed to explore. These two hypotheses can be stated at a very broad

level as follows. The fIrst is that for a period that extends roughly from the

3rd century B. C. E. through at least the 13th century C. E., Buddhists were

the proponents and bearers of a civilization ai, "interregna1" religioustradition that gradually became more or less fIrmly established throughout

most areas of Asia. 1 The second is that during this period, as in other

periods of their history, Buddhists expressed, communicated, reconfigured

and implemented their various orientations toward the world (including

worldly power), and salvation beyond it, not only through the medium of

written texts, but also-and very importantly-through a variety of sensory

media as well.

For the purposes of this particular conference, the temporal scope and

topical focus were necessarily delimited in a much more precise manner.

The period from the beginning of the 8th century C. E. to the middle of the

9th century C. E. was chosen as an appropriate temporal span because it

constitutes what is arguably the highpoint of the Pan-Asian spread of

Buddhism as a dynamic interregnal tradition. M a I ) . ~ a l a imagery, symbolism

and practice was chosen as an appropriate thematic focus because during

this century and a half various mwujalic expressions, along with associatedforms of ritual practice, were emerging as especially prominent media

1. The strategy of substituting the term "interregnal" for the term "international"

is explained and employed by Jonathan Walters in his superb but as-yet unpub

lished paper entitled "Finding Buddhists in Global History."

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through which Buddhist orientations were being experienced, molded, and

adapted to changing situations.

The immediate stimulus for organizing the "Ma:t;l<;lalas on the Move"

conference that was held at the University of Chicago on April 21, and 22,

1995 came from a fascinating book by Geri Malandra entitled Unfolding a

Mandala: The Buddhist Cave Temples at Ellora (State University of New

York: Albany, 1993). Written by an art historian from the University of

Minnesota, Unfolding a Mandala focuses on the central role of ma:t;l<;lala

imagery and patterns at an important Buddhist cave site in the Indian

Deccan; and particularly on the development of this imagery and patterning

during the late 7th and early 8th centuries C. E. Using art historical methods

(directly correlated written texts could not be identified) Malandra traces theemergence of a series of complex ma1Jq,aiic structures that she associates

with an early form of Esoteric Buddhism.2 In addition, she points to

variety of interesting correspondences between the Esoteric ma:t;l<;lala

imagery that she had discerned at Ellora, and the emergence-in the 8th to

9th centuries-of similar kinds of Esoteric expression all across the

Buddhist world.

The original versions of the five essays published in this Special Issue

were presented, along with a superb paper by Julie Gifford (WhitmanCollege). In addition, important contributions to the discussion were made

by four scholars who served as respondents to specific papers: Jonathan

Walters (Whitman College), Richard Cooler (Northern Illinois University),

Robert Campany (Indiana University at Bloomington) and John· Holt

(Bowdoin College).

Among the papers that were presented at the conference and included in

this Special Issue, three highlight the emerging importance of Esoteric

traditions and describe the meanings that Esoteric ma:t;l<;lalas conveyed, andthe uses (both. soteriological and mundane) to which they were put. Geri

Malanda's p ~ p e r sets the stage by placing the Esoteric / ma:t;l<;lala

developments that can be discerned in the Buddhist cave temples at Ellora

within the context of an Asiatic "world system" in which Buddhists were

actively and creatively involved.

2. In the conference, and in the papers included in this volume, the terms

"Tantric Buddhism" and "Esoteric Buddhism" are both used, and no attempt to

formulate a systematic differentiation between them has been made. In this

"Preface" I have chosen "Esoteric Buddhism" because it is the term which I take

to be the more comprehensive and encompassing.

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REYNOLDS 179

Charles Orzech follows with a paper in which he discusses the slightly

later coming to prominence of Esoteric / maI)qala elements in China,

especially in the higher reaches of the Tang court. He provides a

fascinating description of the maw;ialas that were employed, and analyzes

the rich complexity and variety of the correlated practices generated by

adept practitioners. David Gardiner, in the third essay, emphasizes both the

very early presence of Esoteric elements in Japanese Buddhism, and the

crucial role played by Kl1kai-after his return from China in 806 C.E.-in

establishing a systematic basis for the emergence of the Esoteric / Shingon

tradition. In his discussion of the central role that maI)qalas played in

Kukai's fascinating and highly complex system, Gardiner focuses special

attention on the rich maI)qala symbolism that he integrated into theconstruction of the important new monastic complex established on Mt.

Koya.

The other two papers presented at the conference strike notes of caution.

They warn us not to become too exclusively captivated by the emerging

importance ofEsoteric orientations and associated maI)qala imagery during

this period. They do so by pointing to extremely important and highly

innovative examples of contemporary Buddhist imagery that are not

Esoteric in character and not associated with maI)qalas-at least with thekind of maI)qalas that were so central in specifically Esoteric contexts.

Julie Gifford, in the conference paper that is not included in the present

collection, made a strong case for her contention that Borobodur, the great

Buddhist monument constructed during the late 8th / early 9th centuries in

Java, is an architectural embodiment of an orientation that is not-despite

the interpretations of several previous scholars--ciistinctively Esoteric and

does not involve distinctively Esoteric maI)qala symbolism. Rather, she

argued, this great Buddhist monument displays and makes available a

classically Mahayana soteriology of emanation and reabsorbition in which

specifically Mahayana visualization techniques playa central role. (Those

interested in Gifford's very original and fascinating interpretation will have

to wait until her University of Chicago dissertation on the topic is

completed.)

Jacob Kinnard, in a paper that follows Gardiner's in the present

collection, provides another cautionary example. Kinnard argues thatprevious scholars have greatly exaggerated the role that Esoteric traditions

and Esoteric maI)qalas played during the 8th and early 9th centuries in the

Buddhist "homeland" in northeastern India. Rather, he contends, the

Buddhists who lived in this tradition-rich area adopted a rather conservative

iconographic stance. Following up on an insight of Paul Mus, and basing

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1.80 JIABS 19.2

his argument on contemporary archaeological, art historical evidence rather

than the much later textual evidence from Tibet, he maintains that the

historical Sakyamuni was the primary focus of iconographic attention.

What is more, he demonstrates that the most prominent imagery involved

local pilgrimage sites where, according to long established tradition, themajor events in Sakyamuni's historical life had actually taken place.

Kinnard's argument leads him to suggest a major revisionist hypothesis

that received much support in the discussion that followed his presentation.

The hypothesis which he proposes is that Buddhist Esoteric / maI}.<;lala:

traditions, rather than developing at the "center" of the Buddhist world and

spreading outward to the periphery, actually developed primarily on the

periphery where they provided marvelously efficacious means for

constituting a Buddhist world or worlds in contexts in which the traditions

focused on the historical Sakyamuni were less accessible and less

compelling.

John Strong's essay-which is a revised version of the "summary

response" that he gave at the closing session of the conference--contains a

series of brilliant reflections on the topic of maI}.<;lalas and the "moves

maI}.<;lalas make." In this essay Strong identifies many of the central themes

that were highlighted in the papers and conference discussions; heintroduces a number of fascinating new insights of his own; and he weaves

these various strands together in a way that provides not only a most

appropriate conclusion for this Special Issue, but also a most exciting

stimulus for further research and reflection.

All of those who have participated in the "MaI}.<;lalas on the Move" project

greatly appreciate the financial support that we have received from three

administrative units at the University of Chicago: the Institute for the

Advanced Study of Religion (a research arm of the Divinity School), theCommittee Southern Asian Studies, and the Buddhism Workshop. We

are also grateful to Donald Lopez who has presided over the publication of

this Special Issue of JIABS.

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GERIH. MALANDRA

The MaJ.).qala at Ellara / Ellara in the Mal).qala

Introduction

This paper originated as the introductory contribution to a conference on the

mru;u;lala as an exemplar of the ways Buddhism moved and evolved through

Asia in the eighth to tenth centuries. I was asked to set the context for theconference, working from the evidence at Ellora, the case most familiar to

me and one which, I will argue below, suggests that a constellation of

beliefs and practices surrounding the malJ.<;lala was already influencing the

layout and use of certain Buddhist sites in India as early as the seventh

century. During the conference and while editing this paper for publi-

cation, I was challenged to clarify the interrelated methodological issues of

treating images (and sites) as "texts" and extrapolating from the presence of

mal)<;lala-like images that esoteric practices took place at a particular site.The fIrst issue has to do with the appropriateness and utility of interpret

ing visual images as texts. Historians of religion, with access to written

texts and observations of ritual behavior, may have differing opinions about

the validity of deriving meaning from what is seen or, more often the case,

from what is seen when it is only loosely connectable to what is known

from a written or observed tradition. For art historians, images are com-

monly treated both as "texts" that can be explicated and "read," and also as

evidence that reflects and / or amplifies evidence from written traditions.

As W. J. T. Mitchell elegantly describes the assumption underlying this

interplay, "the dialectic of word and image seems to be a constant in the

fabric of signs that a culture weaves around itself." I Among art historians

of South Asia, there may be disagreement about which texts to connect to

particular images, but not about the appropriateness of using visual and

written texts "dialectically."2 I would argue that we have to start with what

1. W. J. T. Mitchell, !conology, Image, Text, Ideology (Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1986) 43.

2. For instance, in a recent and influential debate about aniconism and emblems

in early Buddhist art, Susan Huntington and Vidya Dehejia interpret visual evi-

dence in strikingly different ways. Yet, while they critique the interpretative

181

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is known and, in the case of Ellora, what we can know most about is the

visual evidence. To explicate this material requires interaction with a textual

tradition and whatever strands of the historical record and practice seem

most probably to be connected. This should be an interactive process;

visual evidence is analyzed until a pattern seems to emerge. The pattern can

be checked with known documents or other sites for possible correlations.

Ideally these will come from the same or a similar milieu. And, the more

complicated the pattern of repetition among sites or sites and texts, the

greater the likelihood that a similar pattern of meanings underlies them.3 I frelationships seem to appear, identifications of images and their positions

can be tried out. If the "tests" do not work, the images can be examined

again to see whether a different pattern might emerge and, simultaneously,

additional documents or sites can be sought for alternative identifications.4

At the same time, there are limitations to this approach. For instance, if

esoteric Buddhism was practiced at Ellora, not all of its meaning would

have resided in the sculptures themselves, or even in a written textual tradi

tion. Some of the knowledge necessary to worship there would have been

passed on orally and that tradition, invisible as it may be, would also be part

of the larger "text" of the site.5

context of this material over the past century; as well as one another's

approaches, they both work from a double assumption that, on the one hand,

early Buddhist texts can be used to identify and explain the subject matter of the

images they discuss and, on the other, that if we adopt the right approach, the

"narrative" content of the images is sufficient for us to decode their meaning.

See Susan L. Huntington, "Early Buddhist Art and the Theory of Aniconism,"

Art loumal49.4 (1990): 401-408; Vidya Dehejia, "Aniconism and the Multiva

lence of Emblems," Ars Orientalis21

(1991): 45-66 (see particularly p. 51);Susan L. Huntington, "Aniconism and the Multivalence of Emblems: Another

Look," Ars Orientalis 22 (1992): 111-156 (see particularly, pp. 124-125).

3. This methodology is not exclusive to a Buddhist or South Asian context; see

Henry Maguire, Earth and Ocean: the Terrestrial World in Early Byzantine Art

(University Park, Penn.: 1987) 2-3. In this case, too, text and image rarely come

from precisely the same time and place.

4. This can go in contrary directions. While further exploration of the Tibetan

Buddhist tradition might reveal a written text that better matches or "explains"

Ellora than the scheme I discuss here, searching the considerably later Tibetantradition would force anachronistic connections that may have no historic

validity.

5. The question was raised during the conference, whether there was physical

evidence of esoteric rituals at Ellora, for instance, traces of smoke on the ceiling

where ritual fires would have been lit. Inside the shrines, there is considerable

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MALANDRA 183

I f we accept viewing images as texts in this broad sense, then we can

focus on the second question, whether we can postulate from the visual

evidence of a maJ).Qala (assuming there is agreement that a particular image

or groups of images is a maJ).Qala) at a site, that esoteric or tantric Buddhism

was practiced there. As I will discuss below, Ellora is a particularly

challenging place because of the absence of evidence other than its layout

and sculptures themselves. The presence of maI).Qala-like. groupings of

images provides the possibility of making analogies to better documented

places. However, it became clear during our conference discussions that

we should not expect point-by-point coherence in the application of

maI).Qalas, even when we are certain that maJ).Qalas were used at particular

places. Instead, esoteric iconography and practice seem to have beenapplied in a more "modular" fashion, elements chosen to meet the needs of a

specific time and place. Still, the overall patterns-that I have used the con

cept of the maQ.Qala to represent-seem to have been similar from place to

place.

Although this paper may not resolve these questions, I hope that by

bringing them to the surface, other scholars will be inspired to contribute to

their solutions. Many loose ends may continue to remain untied, and many

analogies may defy logical proof. However, our conference's discourseacross the various cultures in which Buddhist took root generated new

insights that would not have occurred without this kind of intellectual travel

across boundaries. Challenging places like Ellora will become comprehen

sible if we can continue to compare, contrast, stretch and test our means of

interpretation.

Historical Context

In 806, as the well-know story goes, the Japanese monk Kukai returned

home from China, after two and one-half years of esoteric training in the

Tang capital of Ch'ang-an. For presentation to his emperor, Kukai carried

smoke damage. In the halls outside the shrines, most plaster has fallen awayand with it, traces of smoke. Without archaeological dating, which has not yetbeen attempted to my knowledge, it would be difficult to determine whether theshrine smoke was contemporary with use of the caves, or accumulated later by

the non-Buddhists known to have frequented the site. For instance, the 1278L ~ l a c a r i t r a describes the visit to the caves by the famous Maharashtrian saintCakradhara who used them as a place of refuge; see S. G. Tulpule, ed., Mhai

Bhat, L ~ l a c a r i t r a , vol. 1 (Nagpur and Poona: 1964): 22-26, 44. I am indebtedto the late Professor Tulpule for directing me to these passages and for his assis

tance in reading them.

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hundreds of text scrolls, many statues of Buddhist deities, ritual objects,

and numerous mal).galas, including the Vajradhiitumahiima1J4ala and the

Mahiikarur;adhiitumar;cjala. These would form the core of Shingon Bud

dhist teachings and practice, revolutionizing temple layouts and- linking

them closely to the official activities of the Heian court. 6At the other end of the Buddhist world, finishing touches on the largest

and last of the great Buddhist cave temples had been completed at Ellora.

seventy-five years earlier. There, at the ritual center of the rising Ra.;;.trakii.ta

empire, a three-tiered temple was filled with Buddhist sculptures, arranged

in unique, mal).<;l.ala-like patterns brought, perhaps by an Indian "Kukai" to

Ellora around 700. By the early 800s, the nearby Kailasa temple was

completed under R a ~ ~ r a k u . t a patronage, even larger than its Buddhist and

Brahmanical predecessors and equally unique in its use of the rock-cut site

to express an iconographic vision. With such wonders, Ellora attracted

visitors and worshippers from India and abroad who, witnessing worship

in the extraordinary Hindu and Buddhist shrines, might have been as aston

ished as modern visitors at the sagacity and power of the R a ~ ~ r a k i i ~ a s tosupport "state-of-the-art" temple building for not one, but two major reli

gions of their time.?

Unfortunately, apart from the sites themselves and inscriptions recording

the expansion and political and economic life of the R a ~ . t r a k i 1 . t a s , little pri

mary evidence for their activities exists. In the absence of direct evidence,

the legendary-and admittedly rudimentary-image of Kukai, laden with

mal).<;l.alas, provides a seductive analogy for the wayan individual, under

official auspices, could have physically imported new ideas about icono

graphy and practice to Ellora and initiated the creation of new structures to

house those precious images.

6. Chikyo Y ~ a m o t o , History ofMantrayana in Japan (New Delhi: 1987): 37.David Gardner's paper at the conference decoded the mythic aspects of this

story.7. The Kailasa project was reportedly a source of amazement to its own artisan.

In the Baroda plates of the Ral'trakUta king Karkaraja, it was put this way:

. . . a temple, the architect-builder of Which, in consequence of the failure of hisenergy as regards [the construction of] another such work, was himself sud

denly struck with astonishment, saying, "Oh, how was it that I built it!"

(R. G. Bhandarkar, "The Rashtrakuta King K r i ~ I ) . a r a j a I and Elapura," Indian

Antiquary 12 [1883]: 229.)

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MALANDRA 185

While we have other records of the transmission of Buddhist texts,

Kukai's, because it is an idealized version, offers a much fuller account of

the role that maQQalas played in the movement of esoteric Buddhism

through A s i ~ in the eighth and ninth centuries. 8 Even when the myth is

stripped away, we know that they were crucially important and precious,

displayed in temples throughout the Buddhist world (some of which were

constructed specifically for worship prescribed in these sutras). But they

were just part of a complex of material items and knowledge that were

requisite to the transmission of esoteric Buddhist teachings. So, when we

look at a very different kind of place, like Ellora, where all we have are the

maQQala-like iconographic programs of the temples, we should use the

"Kukai analogy" in exploring the visual record to determine if it mightreveal traces of individual action and royal support similar to the pattern of

KUkai's accomplishments.

As an official visitor to the Tang capital, Kukai was able to study with

Hui-kuo, a key teacher who was, himself, part of a direct line of transmis

sion of Vajrayana teachings from India. The three great teachers of this

line-Subhakarasimha (637-735), Vajrabodhi (671-741), and

Amoghavajra (705-774)-all taught both the Mahiivairocanasutra and the

Sarvatathiigatatattvasaritgrahasutra, and were responsible for introducingthem in China.9 SubhakarasirQha, who studied at Nalanda, was also an

official emissary, carrying the Mahiivairocanasutra to Ch'ang-an in 716 at

the invitation of the Tang emperor. It was under one of his disciples that

Hui-kuo studied this sutra, and he is traditionally thought to have studied

the Sarvatathiigatatattvasa11J.grahasutra under Amoghavajra, a disciple of

Vajrabodhi, who brought that sUtra to China in 720.!0 We know, of

course, that these teachers were concerned not just about text transmission

but about initiating disciples, properly setting up maQQalas, and ultimately,

with the efficacy of the rituals they conducted to support the ruler and the

state'!!

8. The widely repeated story of Kiikai's accomplishments should not beaccepted at face value, as Charles Orzech convincingly demonstrated in "SeeingChen-yen Buddhism: Traditional Scholarship and the Vajrayana in China,"

History ofReligions 29.2 (1989): 87-114 and in his paper at this conference.9. Orzech, ibid.: 90-93, argues that both siitras, and m8.I}.Qala traditions, were

promulgated together by all three teachers.10. Minoru Kiyota, Shingon Buddhism: Theory and Practice (Los Angeles:

1978): 17-19.11. Orzech, op.cit. 91, n. 6.

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186 JIABS 19.2

International travel was a significant factor in these transmissions.

Subhakarasill)ha and Vajrabodhi, who· may both have been from Central

India originally, and Amoghavajra, were reputed to have traveled exten

sively, in India and southeast Asia, to gain advanced experience irr esoteric

practices. It seems evident that, in the seventh and eighth centuries, there

was no single seat of esoteric knowledge; world-famous teachers circu

lated throughout India, and ambitious practitioners traveled widely from

within India and from abroad to seek them out. 12 Krrkai's story is, then,

emblematic of an idealized pattern for the transmission of esoteric teach

ings in Asia. An official monk / traveler is eager to collect texts and

maI).<;lalas from abroad; his findings are of great interest to his ruler, who

believes that esoteric Buddhist rituals can help ensure the safety and healthof the state. He makes contact with a top teacher of the tradition, creating a

legitimate line of succession, and transmission of carefully translated texts,

but he also creates something new-an original synthesis- to be practiced

in his homeland. This pattern followed a precedent going back centuries,

for international travel to gather the highest and most current Buddhist

12. Although later than the period of Ellora and this conference, medieval

Tibetan texts are the richest source on the history of tantric Buddhism. It is in

this literature that we find traces of a link, through Saraha, between Vidarbha

(eastern Maharashtra) and Orissa. Saraha was the teacher of Nagarjuna, the

teacher of Nagabodhi, who was Vajrabodhi's teacher; Vajrabodhi was supposed

to have been born in Central India around 670. See Andre Bareau, "Der

Tantrismus," Die Religionen Indiens, II: Buddhismus, linismus, Primitivvolker

(Stuttgart: 1964) 173; Alex Wayman, The Buddhist Tantras (New York: 1973)

13-14, argues for later dates for these individuals. In various accounts, Saraha

is said to have been born in Vidarbha, performed a mahiimudrii ritual there, and

converted the people; H. V. Guenther, The Royal Song of Saraha (Seattle:1969) 4-12; Lama Chimpa and Alaka Chattopadhyaya, trans., Taranatha's His-

tory ofBuddhjsm in India (Simla: 1970) 102-106. Saraha, elsewhere called

Rahula, is also connected to Orissa where a seventh- or eighth-century inscrip

tion refers to a Rahularuci, a mahiimar;rjaliicarya and paramaguru; A. Ghosh,

"Kha4ipada Image Inscription of the Time of Subhakara," Epigraphia Indica 26

(1942): 247-248; S. C. De, "The Orissan Museum Image Inscription of the

Time of Subhakaradeva," Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1949

(Allahabad: 1950) 66-74. Even if the Tibetan texts and inscriptions do not refer

to the "historic" Saraha, they demonstrate that, at least in the later tradition, it wasbelieved that tantric Buddhism was pursued and taught in the region abutting the

R a ~ . t r a k l 1 t a domain and the one from which more parallels to Ellora's iconogra

phy appear than from any other region. For a more extensive discussion, see

Geri H. Malandra, Unfolding a Mar;rjala, The Buddhist Cave Temples at Ellora

(Albany: 1993) 16-17, and 133-134, notes 92-97.

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188 JIABS 19.2

Foreign enclaves were, for example, welcomed on the west coast of

India, i t has been suggested, because of the Brahmanical aversion to mar

itime travel. As "Hindu" empires grew from the ninth century onward,

these enclaves and the trade contacts they brought, became increasingly

important.16 From this point of view, there was interaction with a widerworld and developments on the Indian subcontinent cannot be viewed in

isolation even if most internal records seem to be inward-looking. So, for.

instance, in the ninth century the R a ~ ) : r a k l 1 ~ a empire was recognized as one

of the four imperial formations of the medieval world, even as this dynasty

described itself only in terms of its Indian conquests and territories. The

king, one of whose titles was Vallabharaja, appears as "Balhara" in an

Arabic list of four great kings in the world, together with rulers of China,

Greece, and the Arabs. His capital was at Mankir, that is M a n y a k h e ~ a orMalkhed, known to be the R a ~ ) : r a k l 1 ~ a capital in the ninth century. 17 The

Balhara was considered by these writers to be the greatest of the kings of

aI-Hind, able to maintain his position in the face of numerous threats from

surrounding, lesser rulers. 18 Arabic geographers noted the R a ~ t r a k l 1 ~ a kings' wealth, displayed in the capital, filled with thousands of elephants,

and adorned with an "idolhouse" containing twenty thousand idols made of

a variety of precious materials. 19 The exotica ofIndia's royal and religious

presentations was "world class," at least from an Arab point of view.

By this time, the R a ~ ~ r a k l 1 ~ a s dominated India from the Ganges valley

south and west to Gujarat, across the Deccan, and south again to Kanci.

Their wealth may, in fact, be linked to the expansion ofIslamic trade with

India. 20 They likely benefited, at least indirectly, from the resources

accrued from trade along the coasts and, as one source reports, "no king

had more friendship for the Arabs."21 Yet, this system is not evident in

R a ~ . t r a k l 1 . t a epigraphic records, typically inward-looking and concerned withthe more traditional matters such as royal donations and military campaigns.

So, we m i g h t ~ 6 e tempted to conclude that from the inside looking out, this

"world system" was not apparent or important to the R a ~ ) : r a k l 1 ~ a s . How

ever, both the Buddhist temples that were created in the early years of their

16. Andre Wink, Al-Hind. The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, vol. 1(Leiden: 1990) 68-69, 101.

17. Quoted from SUlayman, merchant, A. D. 851, in Ronald lnden, ImaginingIndia (Cambridge: 1990) 213-215.

18. Wink, op. cit. 304-305.

19. From the Kitab al-Fihrisht, ibid. 305-306.

20. Ibid. 308.

21. Ibid. 306.

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190 JIABS 19.2

appearance, they are generally symmetrical or even geometrically arranged

groups of images,. organized in order of (and to guide) worship for those

initiated into the proper way of "reading" them. The point of using

maJ.lQalas is to engender enlightenment, through proper initiation and ritual

practice. They are, thus, sacred ground, which an initiate approaches in

carefully orchestrated steps, and into which the gods are invited to descend;

they are "the whole universe in its essential plan, in its process of emanation

and reabsorption."25 They are, in other words, as conceptualized the Shin

gon tradition, the seat of realization of specific Buddhist insights: "a

maI)Qala is what gives birth to all buddhas . . . 26

MaI)Qalas conceived as diagrams could be extended into a visualization of

concrete architectural space and, thus, were transformed into actual templearchitecture and sculpture, as I have argued Ellora was. 27 The universe-in

a-maI)Qala may thus be described and represented as a palace and, con

versely, the maI;lQala as a whole is conceived as being located in a ku.tiigiira,

a three-storied eaved palace resting on top of mount Sumeru. 28 Such

maI)Qalas would contain layers or galleries, in which reside numerous

manifestations of buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other deities, whose

arrangement and numbers vary from mal).Qala to mal).Qala. These group ings

have been collected in iconographic lists in such texts as the Mafijusrfmulakalpa, Siidhanamalii, N i ~ p a n n a y o g i i v a l f and the Kriyiisal1}graha, and

might be associated with specific teachers and / or schools.

The maI)Qalabecomes a kind of sacred ground and as such, can confer

advantages even to the uninitiated. Thus, in the Tibetan tradition, the ques

tion was asked rhetorically:

the Sarvadurgatiparisodhana-tantra. Vajravarman was possibly a contempo

rary of Atisa, who brought tantric Buddhism to Tibet in 1042 after study in thetantric school at Snvijaya. Ibid.,140-14l.

25. Guiseppe Tucci, The Theory and Practice of the Mandala (New York:

1970) 23.

26. This according to the Mahiivairocanasiitra and Subhakarasinilia's commen

tary on it; see Adrian Snodgrass, The Matrix and Diamond World MalJ!j.alas inShingon Buddhism (New Delhi: 1988) 120.

27. This was not an exclusively Buddhist phenomenon. Dennis Huston has

argued that a Vai(>I)ava maI)c;Iala was applied to the architectural form and icon

ographic program of the 770 C. E. Vaikuntha Perumal temple at Kanchipuram;see his "Vasudeva Kr(>I)a in Theology and Architecture: A Background for

Snvai(>l).avism," Journal ofVaisnava Studies, 2.1 (1993): 139-170. I am grateful

to Charles Orzech for bringing this study to my attention.

28. For instance, the N i ~ p a n n a y o g i i v a l I specifically describes the ku.tiigiira on

Sumeru as housing maI)c;Ialas with the main deity in the center.

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MALANDRA 191

If someone were made only to enter the maIJ.Q.ala and not be conferred initia-tion, what would be the advantage? [The answer given was:] If one takes therefuge vow and beholds the maIJ.Q.ala of faith, there is the advantage that hebecomes purified from sins accumulated for many aeons and plants in hisstream of consciousness . . . the disposition . . . of becoming in future times areceptacle fit for entering the profound mantra path. 29

In this, the maJ)Q.ala functions as a tlrtha does; I will return to this point.

But, is it sufficient to observe that Barabudur or Ellora are "like a

maJ)Q.ala?" On what basis might we postulate that a monument is a

maJ)Q.ala? Which one? If we cannot name it, does that weaken the analogy?

Does the presence of a maJ)Q.ala ensure that esoteric Buddhism was

practiced at that site? What more complex ranges of practice does their

presence suggest? Are there alternative analogies or models that would be

more productive in explicating what gave such sites as these their particular

forms?

Ellora: A Case Study

Ellora is a fitting case study because at no other Indian site of this period is

evidence for sculpted maJ)Q.alas so well preserved as early asit

was there.Yet, it has fallen into cracks between or overlapped the boundaries that

appear in standard historical and art historical accounts of this period and

has been generally missing from discussions of early tantric Buddhism and

its art. Much of what we see at EBora has its roots in its history at Ajanta,

Aurangabad and other cave temple sites. But, there is also much that was

new to the Deccan, and was connected more to places like Sirpur, Sanci,

Bodhgaya, and Ratnagiri in Orissa. Moreover, iconographic features

among all suggest a transregional diffusion of a teaching or teachings thatshared a core of common belief, across various dynastic and geographical

boundaries. 30

Best known as a major Brahmanical site and tlrtha, Ellora is located near

Aurangabad, in the "cave temple" region of western Maharashtra, about 150

miles northeast of Bombay. As a tlrtha, it was relatively easy to get to, ac-

cessible for centuries by a land route still in use today. Bus, train, and air

29. It is worth remember Wayman's caution, that " . . there is no revelation ofthe maIJ.Q.alajust by exhibiting it, or by the disciple's mere seeing it" (The Bud-

dhist Tantras , op. cit. 59).

30. Detailed background, discussion, and illustrations of the points made here

can be found in Malandra, op. cit., passim.

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192 JIABS 19.2

travel have made it even more accessIble to the tens of thousands of mod

em-day tourists and devotees who visit each year.

The Kailasa temple has overwhelmed first impressions and serious study

ofEllora, but there is much more-thirty-four Brahmanical, Jain, and Buddhist caves in all, dating from the late sixth to the early tenth century. It

was significant enough, as a Brahmanical site, that it appears in the litera

ture of the emerging Islamic world system, in the travelogue of the n i n t h ~ century traveler, al-Masudi (contemporary with, if historically unconnected

to KiIkai), who noted:

. . . he great temple named Aladra [Ellora], where Indians come on pil

grimage from the farthest regions. The temple has an entire city dedicatedto its support and it is surrounded by thousands of cells where devotees

consecrated to the worship of the idol dwell)!

From the early eighth century, the tfrtha was visited by R a $ ~ a k i I ~ a leaders,

long before Kri$I).a I took credit (in the 812 Baroda plates) for constructing

the Kailasa temple. They used it as a ritual capital even before they

assumed all the titles of empire, and continued to use it as such at least until

they moved their capital south to Malkhed (Mankir of Arab geography). Inplates issued at Ellora in 742, Dantidurga recorded his worship at

guhesvaratzrtha in connection with a gift of a village. The tfrtha also has a

place in the Puranic lists of jyotirlfngas where sriiddha should be per

formed and, later, it appears in a list of 50 Siikta p ~ t h a s . Local legends

provide a paradigm for Saiva worship at Ellora. In one version, a linga

arises from the "lake" at Elapura, a place where worship will absolve con

flict and sin. In a medieval Marathi story about queen MaI).ikavatI and the

king of Elapura, even accidental worship-bathing in the tank there-alle

viates suffering caused by sin. In gratitude for this expiation, which1.,,"'- . '"nswered MaJJikavati's prayers, she had an entue temple to Siva con-

structed, perhaps the Kailasa excavation itself.

We might expect patrons of rock-cut architecture on this scale in such a

numinous place publicly to claim and bequeath the credit for such an

extraordinary expenditure of time, funds, and human resources. Yet, not

atypical for monuments of this period, what could be read of the only in

situ dedicatory inscription does not refer explicitly to R a $ ~ a k u J a patronage

or practice at the site. As noted above, their patronage was only briefly

31. C. Barbier de Meynard, ed. and trans., Mar;oudi-Les Prairies d'Or:Muruj-ul-Zahab, vol. 4 (Paris: 1865) 95-96.

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MALANDRA 193

acknowledged in the Baroda plates issued in the early ninth century in

Gujarat.

The Kailasa and other Ra$trakl1ta caves were not, however, the fIrst

Brahrnanical excavations at Ellora. Cave excavation began in the late sixth

century; one of its earliest caves dedicated to the worship of Siva, and most

similar to the great cave temple at Elephanta.32 So, when Buddhist

teachers, practitioners and patrons moved to Ellora around 600, they were

locating their worship at a Brahmanical site, a tlrtha "on the rise." And,

somewhat later, during the late seventh and early eighth centuries when the

Ra$.tra1..'l1tas were forming their empire, the Buddhist community was also

experiencing change. That this change may have included a considerable

increase in support is suggested by the increased scale and complexity ofCave 11 and 12, created during in the early 700s. Without external evi

dence, the changes at the site itself are our best indication of a Ra$trakl1ta

connection to the changes in Buddhism expressed at Ellora. Similarly dra

matic changes in China and Japan, initiated with the support of royal

houses concerned about expansion and stability, suggest such a connection.

Moreover, this was the time frame in which Islamic merchants and armies

were just beginning to expand the systems in which goods and ideas circu

lated in Asia, and that included the continuous movement of monks backand forth to India from China and Southeast Asia to study and teach new

esoteric texts and practices.

The juxtaposition of Buddhist and Saiva (and later Jain) shrines shows

that Ellora's space was considered sacred in more than a Brahmanical con

text. Just as the Kailasa temple refers explicitly to another sacred place

(suggesting a regional transposition of Maharashtrian for Himalayan

sacrality), so it is possible to consider that as a Buddhist site, it came to

suggest a similarly monumental transposition; Ellora for Bodhgaya. (Later,

the Jain community was to define it as its own tlrtha, making an explicit

analogy between Caranadri and KaiIasa.33) I will return to this point later.

32. Recent excavations have revealed foundations of what appears to be an evenearlier Hinayana establishment in the vicinity of the caves; this was reported bythe Xinhua News Agency, New Delhi (October 24, 1994), reference via Internet; thanks to Richard Lariviere for sending me this notice. The layering ofHlnayana and Mahayana temples at the same site is well known in Maharashtra:Ajanta, Aurangabad, Nasik, Kanheri, and Karle are among the most well-knownexamples of this phenomenon. Until now, Ellora has been the exception with itsexclusively, and relatively late, Mahayana / esoteric temples.33. In the donative inscription dated 1234-35, on an image of Parsvanatha inEllora's Jain excavations, the donor is said to have made " . . many huge images

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,194 JIABS 19.2

But, despite its later fame and the weighty evidence of the Buddhist caves

themselves, we have no direct evidence to identify patrons or teachers.

Unlike many earlier cave temple sites, where donative inscriptions in situ

help locate them fairly precisely in time and dynastic affiliation, EIlora's"

Buddhist caves are anonymous. I t has appeared to be, therefore, lacking

historical, religious, and historiographic importance. It has been treated as

marginal and derivative, as "the end of the line" by most art and religious

historians, who have typically looked to eastern India to explain changes in

style, iconography, and sectarian affiliation that we can observe in other

parts of the subcontinent. This is connected to the even broader tendency

many historians have had to see decline and deterioration in the religion, art,

and politics of late classical and early medieval India. Such work as Wink's,AI-Hind and Inden's Imagining India are helpful counters to that attitude,

offering fresh explorations of the economic / cultural / political and ritual

context of religious monuments and objects. But even here, the importance

of Brahmanical establishments in the creation of "scales of forms" over

shadows what are viewed as waning Buddhist activities.

Contrary to these opinions, Ellora embodies considerable, significant

change. It appears to be on a kind of boundary where transitions in iconog

raphy, and then style, occurred. At Ellora we see the culmination of a millennium-long tradition of rock-cut Buddhist architecture in India. At the

start of the 12-cave Buddhist sequence around 600 C. E., style, iconogra

phy, (and, by extension, teachings) derive in part from other nearby sites.

But, by the end of the sequence, around 730 C. E., more is different than

similar. Techniques, stylistic, thematic and iconographic idioms were in

place to be applied there; then new idioms were introduced in a "traditional"

style. And, fmally, in its last Buddhist temples, new style and iconography

appear, spanning different cultural zones. At this point, no later than 700,

we cannot.J,lnderstand it by treating it purely as a regional site. The tradi-"-tional rock-cut environment was shaped-in places unevenly, experimen-

tally, incompletely, to house a new kind of sect and practice, with as many

connections outside as inside the region.

Given the limitations in the historical record, I would argue that we

should simultaneously treat E1lora as a text about itself, possessing an

internal logic, but also as part of a larger system.I f

its former "marginal

of the lordly Jinas . . . and converted the Charanadri thereby into a holy t1:rtha

just as Bharata [made] Mount Kailasa [a tfrtha]"; James Burgess andBhagwanlaI Indraji, "Elura Inscriptions," Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of

Western India (Bombay: 1881) 99-100.

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MALANDRA 195

status" is put aside, significant new internal and external connections

appear that do in fact suggest explanations for much about the site. We still

may not be able to name patrons or teachers and the results may not be neat

correlations to other kinds of sites and texts, but the results will ultimatelybe more useful than the more common, linear search for forced correlations

between a known text and site that can be equally frustrating. And, looking

outward, Ellora's meaning can be placed in a network (a more fanciful

"maJ).gala") extending from the Buddhist caves within a Brahmanical tfrtha,

to other early esoteric sites in central India, to the wider range of places

connected by monks and traders traveling through the Buddhist world sys

tem of the eighth century and onward.

Ellora's Buddhist temples followed patterns used for centuries in thewestern caves, the typical layout including a caitya (cave with monolithic

stilpa) and several other excavations that served as worship, study, or resi

dence halls. Here there is only space to bracket the earliest and latest mani

festations of the malJgala as a simple, repeated, geometric arrangement of

buddha and / or bodhisattva images within their architectural enclosures.

The earliest at Ellora is worth noting briefly, to highlight continuities and

changes even in the early 600s, and to anticipate what was to happen a

century later.Cave 6, like most of the early shrines, is a single-level temple. Its wide

entrance hall is filled with pillars, and not much else, empty cells lining the

side walls. In this cave, the only sculpture is found in the shrine and its

antechamber. There, four stunning images are carved: Bhrkuti and

A valokitdvara to the left of the shrine door; Maitreya and MahamayUri to

the right. The bodhisattva dvarapalas follow convention in iconography,

style and location. B'ut, these female figures are the earliest to display the

precise iconographic elements that clearly identify them. They are found in

several other of the seventh-century caves, and would be part of a much

more complex group of female figures in Cave 12 (to which I will return),

an indication that they were important, and original, members of Ellora's

earliest maJ)..gala.

Inside the Cave 6 shrine, a small seated Tara image was carved directly to

the left of the door. The left and right walls are each filled by a nine-bud

dha maIJ.gala carved in shallow relief. The buddha images are undifferentiated (they were painted, but the colors are not apparent today); all seated in

vajraparyaiikiisana, hands held in dharmacakramudrii. Below the left

wall group are three worshippers; two are crowned and, with attendants

and an elephant, it appears that they should be viewed as royal figures.

Below the right wall group are seated images of A valokitesvara, Jambhala,

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MALANDRA 197

Maitreya (nagakesara) Samantabhadra K ~ t i g a r b h a (sword) ( kalpadruma)

Avalokitesvara Buddha Vajrapili).i (vajra)

S a r v a n i v a r a I ) . a v i ~ k a m b h i n AkasagarbhaMafijusri (book)(banner) (bud / jewel)

Cave 12 Relief Maw;lala

Moving toward the shrine on the first floor, panels depicting

dhyanamudra buddhas were carved in large niches on both walls of the

six-pillared antechamber. Outside the shrine door, seated images of

Maitreya and MafijusrI were carved to the left and right, respectively.Inside the shrine, an image of Tara was carved to the left the door (in the

same position as the one in Cave 6); to the right of the door is an image of

Cunda). On the left and right walls of the shrine are carved eight bod

hisattvas, all seated in lalitasana. Carved on the back wall, the main shrine

image is a dharmacakramudra buddha attended by two nagas. Where

attributes are preserved, we appear to have:

BUDDHA

Lokesvara (padma) A.kasagarbha (frothy bud /

jewel?)

Maitreya (nagakesara) [V ajrapaI).i?]

Samantabhadra (sword) Mafijusrl (book)

S a r v a n i v a r a I ) . a v i ~ k a m b h i n K$itigarbha(kalpadruma(banner) branch)

Cave 12.1 Core Shrine program

The entrance to the second floor is through a cell, in which two more of

the relief maI).<;lalas are carved, which leads to a stairway up to a small front

shrine, where the central bhumispadamudra buddha image is attended byA valokitdvara and Vajrapili).i. To the left and right of this image are the

last two relief maI).<;lalas; above the one to the right are images of Cunda,

Tara, and Bhrkutl. On the right wall of this small shrine is a triad com

posed ofA valokitesvara, accompanied by Jambhala and Tara. It is note-

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198 JIABS 19.2

worthy that a large lotus medallion is carved on the ceiling of this shrine, a

decorative motif typical of eighth-century BrahmanicaI architecture.

All sculptures on the second floor are located along the central front-to

back axis. The passageway to the ma1Jg,apa (another pillar-fIlled,hall lined

with empty cells) is framed, to the left, by an image of Avalokite.5vara

flanked by Tara and BhrkujI, and, to the right, an image of Mafijusri,

flanked by four female deities. The shrine entrance, protected by

Avalokitdvara and Vajrapal)i leads, down two steps, to a relatively spa

cious shrine. Inside, to the immediate left is an image of Tara; Jambhala is

carved to the right.

Four standing bodhisattva images were carved on the left and right walls

of the shrine; attributes (where preserved) suggest that this is the same

group as in the relief mal)<;lalas, and in the fIrst and third floor shrines of the

cave, with slight adjustments in position:

BUDDHA

Maitreya (srupa in hair) Mafijusn (book)

Samantabhadra (sword) Lokesvara (bud)

[Vajrapiil)i?] S a r v a n i v a r a l ) a v i ~ k a m b h i n (pennant)

K ~ i t i g a r b h a ? Akasagarbha (bud / jewel)


Above the}:Jodhisattvas to the left, at ceiling level, is a row of seven small

bhumisparsamudrii buddha figures; above and to the right, is a similar

group but with hands held in dhyiinamudrii. The central shrine image, a

bhumisparsamudrii buddha, is attended by Avalokitesvara and Vajrapiil)i.

In front of the throne are images of BhUdevi and Aparajita, carved as if

rising out of the floor.

The third floor of Cave 12 is an extraordinary creation, filled with lightand major pieces of sculpture. Unlike the lower two levels, its ma1Jg,apa is

lined with nine buddha images instead of empty cells. The two "central"

ones on each side are seated in pralambapiidiisana, hands held in dharma-

cakramudrii. The remaining fIve are all seated in vajraparyankiisana. The

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MALANDRA 199

mudriis of these five vary; taking them in clockwise order from the

"entrance" in the front, left, they appear to have been: dhyiinamudrii,

dharmacakramudrii, dharmacakramudrii, dhyiinamudrii, 35 bhumis-

parsamudrii. 36 Along the rear marp!dpa walls are two groups of seven

buddhas; those to the left hold their hands in dhyiinamudrii; trees above

their heads distinguish them as the six past buddhas and the buddha of this

age. Those to the right hold their hands in dharmacakramudrii.

The shrine antechamber is framed by female figures, as it was in Cave 6.

But here, in the densest expression of the mal)<;iala, there are twelve,

unprecedented in the western caves (or elsewhere for the early eighth cen

tury). Distinctive iconographic details include a four-armed Cunda (third

on the left); the three-pronged vajra of SarvakarmavaranavisodhanI (seatedimmediately to the left of the shrine door); the snake belt worn by Jafigull

(immediately to the right of the shrine door); the peacock of MahamayuIi,

second on the right; and the four arms and twisted daJ'.Lcja of Bhrkup-, fourth

on the right. Such specific attributes help in identifying the group as the

Dharal)Is who appear (in varying configurations, as described in later

iconographic compendia) in mal)<;ialas of Tara, Dharmadhatu Vagisvara,

and Mahavairocana. 37 Above them, to the left, at ceiling height are nine

bhumisparSamudrii buddhas; to the right, nine dhyiinamudrii buddhas.Inside the shrine, Tara and JambhaIa again protect the front wall on either

side of the door. Four standing bodhisattvas are carved on the left and right

walls, holding objects that identify them as the same group in the lower

levels and in the relief mal)<;iaIas:

35. This is a correction; in Malandra, op. cit. 86, it is erroneously listed as

bhumispadamudril .

36. It is tempting to read these five as representations of the five Dhyilni buddhas: Mahavairocana, A k ~ o b h y a , Ratnasambhava, Amitayus, and

Amoghasiddhi, but what is preserved of the mudrils doesn't support this differ

entiation. (We would expect, instead, to find dharmacakramudril for Vairocana;bhumispadamudril for A k ~ o b h y a ; varadamudril for Ratnasambhava;

samilhitamudril for Amitabha; and abhayamudril for Amoghasiddhi.) Still, thisis a close as Ellora's iconography seems to come to a five-Buddha system;

otherwise, there seems to be a rather strong emphasis on triads of various sorts.37. It is worth noting that locally, a compositional precedent for visually similarfemale groups existed in the sixth- and the eighth-century Brahmanical caves,

where groups of saptamiltrkil images, are commonly found.

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;wo JIABS 19.2

BUDDHA

Maitreya (smpa in hair) MafijusrI (book)

Samantabhadra (sword) Aka"sagarbha ?

[K$itigarbha?] S a r v a n i v a r a I ) . a v i ~ k a m b h i n (banner)

Vajrapru;ri? Lokesvara


Above them, at ceiling level on the left and right, are groups of seven bud

dhas' hands of all held in dhyiinamudrii. The central shrine image is, again,

a bhumisparSamudrii buddha, with images of BhUdevi and Aparajitii

carved on the floor in front of the throne.

What does this condensation of Ellora's "text" tell us? Looking in

overview at the reliefmaI).c;lalas, while their locations suggest that they were

not part of the original programs of the cave, their content-eight differentiated bodhisattvas surrounding a dhyiinamudrii buddha image-con

nects them directly to the bodhisattva programs in the Cave 12 shrines (and

to the slightly earlier Cave 11). The kernel of the concept was there from

the beginning, but the content changed quite dramatically over the century

and a quarter of Buddhist activity. Carved in shallow relief, they were also

"unfolded" into the three-dimensional space of the cave shrines, in which

groupings of eight bodhisattvas frame the central buddha image: the "top"

row becomes the left shrine wall, the "bottom" row the right wall, and the"center" ro;,w is the rear wall, containing the main shrine image.3 8 The

38. The question has been raised, why "unfold" rather than simply rotate themaI).c;lala from a vertical to a horizontal position? Implicit in this is the broaderquestion of how literally a maI).c;lala concept or diagram would have had to betransposed into a sculpted medium to be comprehensible and useful for ritual.AtEllora, a more literal transfer would have had the effect of placing the Buddha

image in the center of the shrine instead of on the rear wall, making it possiblephysically to circumambulate it. There is, of course, evidence from the BhUdeviand Aparajitii images that sculptors could carve images in three dimensions.Moreover, behind the Buddha throne in the Cave 12.3 shrine, rough cutting suggests an attempt to prepare a small p r a d a ~ i n a p a t h a (although the image wouldstill have been essentially on the back wall, not in the center of the shrine).

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MALANDRA 201

group as a whole, if identifications based on correlating attributes with

those found in later iconographic texts are correct, corresponds generally to

lists such as those found in the Siidhanamiilii, the N i ~ p a n n a y o g i i v a l f . Unfortunately, such overlapping similarities prevent us from identifying

Ellora's the eight bodhisattva group with anyone text.The central shrine images should also contain important information. As

do two of the three key shrine images in Cave 12, shrine images of the sec

ond floor of Cave 11, and many of the small "intrusive" images in the two

latest caves depict the Buddha holding his right hand in bhumis

padamudrii. It is commonly viewed as the emblem of Sakyamuni or

A k ~ o b h y a (as contrasted with the dhyiinamudrii in the relief mandalas

which, as with certain forms of dharmacakramudrii, signifies an image of

Vairocana). This gesture has layers of meaning, but on the most basiclevel, it symbolizes the event of the Buddha's enlightenment, which took

place at Bodhgaya. It appears that Ellora's creators did not want to leave

this interpretation in doubt: many of the main shrine images in Caves 11

and 12 include sculptures ofBhUdevi and Aparajita, rising from the earth in

front of the throne; Bhildevi attesting to the Buddha's integrity as he faced

Mara's attack; Aparajita trampling on the back of a male figure, representa

tive of the "evil beings" she slaps into submission with a hand raised in

cape.tamudrii.39 These images condense the lesson to be learned about the

power of enlightenment and of the Buddha himself. They are unique and

strikingly early at Ellora. Similar, although later, images have been found

in eastern India,including Bodhgaya itself, and Ratnagiri in Orissa.

The precision ofEllora's compositions strongly suggests that worship in

the shrines could have been viewed as a substitution or transposition of

worship at Bodhgaya-not an unreasonable expectation at a site that was·

However, this circumambulatory was not completed and in the other late-seventh

and early eighth-century shrines, convention seems to have dictated that most

images be carved on the walls of the shrine even when, as in Cave 8, a circum

ambulatory passage was excavated around the shrine.

39. TIlls connection was suggested to me initially by Janice Leoshko. It is doc

umented in D. C. Bhattacharyya, "The Vajraviilf-niima-ma1JrJalopayika of

Abhayakaragupta," Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honor ofR.A. Stein, ed. M.

Strickmann (Brussels: 1981) 74-75. In the Sadhanamala, Aparajita isportrayed trampling GaI).apati; she is the destroyer of all wicked beings. M.-T. de

Mallmann, Introduction d l'Iconographie de Tantrisme Bouddhique (Paris:

1975) 245-246 and figs. 189 and 190. One hand appears to cup a breast; the

texts say that the left hand rests on the heart, holding the sacred thread and mak

ing the gesture of danger, tarjanlmudra.

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202 JIABS 19.2

also to carry Brahmanical prayers to l;teaven as effectively as pilgrimage to

Mount KaiIasa can. This may be linked back to conceptualizations of ~ h e maI).Qala, which could be viewed as "an ideal Bodhgaya, an 'adamantine

plane,' that is, an incorruptible surface, the representation of the vefY instant

in which is accomplished the revulsion to the other plane, in which onebecomes Buddha."4o

Buddhist Ellora thus exemplifies the attitude expressed in the later

medieval period by a Maharashtrian saint who advised, "stay in Maha-

rashtra because every place worth going to is there."41 The RastrakiItas in

effect brought to Ellora every place worth going to. Transformations and

interaction of geography, politics, and religion combined to create a power

ful regional tfrtha, part of a universal sacred system to which architecture,

sculpture, and religious practice refer. The patrons and teacher(s) respon-

sible for this extraordinary transformation of the site must have been

thinking in what we might call transregional terms; terms in which most

historians and art historians have not viewed it.

What might have been on the margin was made the center. But, who

brought it, and from what school? A search in traditional written sources

has revealed only partial, or general connections. The relief maI).Qalas might

suggest a connection to the teachings of the Mahavairocanasutra. But the

central shrine images, so clearly Sakyamuni, may be better seen as connect

ing Cave 12 to teachings of the Sarvadurgatiparisodhanatantra, centered

on Mahavairocana / SakyasifI).ha. But in this, the five-buddha system is

well developed, as it is not at Ellora. Instead, emphasizing Sakyamuni,

attended by A valokitesvara and VajrapllI).i, Cave 12 may simply reflect an

earlier teaching similar to what was classified in the Tibetan tradition as

kriyatantric Buddhism (as reflected in a text like the Mafijusrfmulakalpa),

that foreshadows what would become differentiated in later tantric traditions. There are no perfect matches from the known literature; comparisons

as above carFsuggest certain parallels. But Ellora, relatively early, predates

these later systemizations. It gives us a glimpse, still difficult to interpret,

of the expression of one such system in a very early form.

Other Early Expressions of the Mm:uJala at South Asian Buddhist Sites

EIlora, unique as it is, is not an isolated case where esoteric Buddhism was

expressed in a cave temple format, although it is the earliest to exhibit such

40. Tucci, op. cit. 86.

41. Quoted in Anne Feldhaus, "Maharashtra as a Holy Land: A Sectarian Tradition," Bulletin of the School ofOriental and African Studies, vol. 49 (1986): 544.

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MALANDRA 203

systemfltic, extensive tantric influence. Traces of tantric iconography have

been identified at several sixth or early seventh-century sites in the western

caves, ranging from Kanheri on the coast just north ofmodem Bombay, to

Nasik in the ghats west of Ellora, to Aurangabad, just miles away from

Ellora, and likely the site most closely connected to it in time as well as

space. Aurangabad, whose latest caves probably date to the late 500s, may

exemplify an even earlier form of tantric Buddhism than does Ellora, as

John Huntington argued in a 1981 article. He hypothesized that Caves 6

and 7 were expressions, respectively, of the MahiikanaJiigarbhadhiitu

mm:u!ala and the Vajradhiituma1J4ala. He argued that, if Subhakarasin)ha

and Vajrabodhi were known to have transmitted the teachings of both

siltras which include these rnaI).qalas, then it is likely that they wereexpounded together somewhere earlier in India, as they would be later in

China and then, in Shingon Buddhism. He, therefore, looked for a site that

might display both. 42

He noticed that, although the central buddha images in the shrines at

Aurangabad display a generic dharmacakramudrii, like buddha images

throughout the western caves, buddha images in the small sub shrines dis

play dhyiinamudrii and dharmacakramudrii. These he connected to the

mudriis of buddhas in the GarbhadhiitumalJ-rJala and the VajradhiitumalJ-rJala, respectively (in the latter, the mudrii is actually bodhyangi

mudrii. This group of three buddha images is, in Huntington's argument,

the "key" to the cave's program. He described the bodhisattva figures,

PadmapaI).i and VajrapaI).i, as corresponding "exactly to the Mahiivairo

canasiltra ... in that the two halls of the bodhisattvas VajrapaI).i and

PadmapaI).i flank the central eight-petal lotus hall and manifest the Prajiiii

and KarulJ-ii of the buddha Vairocana." Unfortunately, he was not able to

draw out systematic correspondences; instead, he found, for instance, thatthe central buddha image seems resolutely to be the traditional dharma

cakramudrii pralambapiidiisana form. In Cave 7, which he hypothesized

would represent the VajradhiitumalJ-rJala, we might expect the mudrii to be

bodhyangi; that it is not, he said, must be "because this image type is so

widespread in the western caves, they must be taken as generic images, not

42. John C. Huntington, "Cave Six at Aurangabad: A Tantrayana Monument?"

Kaladarsana, American Studies in the Art of India, ed. Joanna G. Williams(New Delhi: 1981) 47-55. The article was intended as a test of the comparative

methodology; it hypothesizes an answer to, but does not definitively resolve thequestion of whether the connection of these two mar;t<;!alas actually took place inIndia, or whether it was a compilation formed somewhat later by esoteric teach

ers in Tang China.

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204 JIABS 19.2

specifically different from those of Cave Six."43 He further read the

remarkable, if iconographically general, group of female images in Cave 7

as portrayals ofprajfia, pointing out that sixteen of thirty-two deities in the

Vajradhatumar;¢ala are female. Given Aurangabad's relatively generalized

iconography such close analogies are difficult to confirm. Moreover,

although it is clear that certain iconographic and stylistic idioms were trans-·

ferred to Ellora, the overall program of these caves was not. Instead, at

Ellora, just a few years later, iconographic elements become much more

clearly differentiated, and programs are laid out in very different ways.

This is not suggestive of a comprehensive teaching, comparable to Shin

gon, that would have been readily transferred from site to site. Instead, we

would have to argue that the teachings of two rather different mal).qalas

went on in the same geographical area in the space of one or two

generations.

Important sites exhibiting similar teachings also developed in eastern

Orissa and south to Andhra where, according to several strands of tradi

tion, tantric masters traveled and taught. Located on the periphery of the

traditional Buddhist heartland, each preserves unique variations and even

innovations in Buddhist art during the period when Buddhist missionary

activity also carried these ideas to Southeast and Eastern Asia. Among

these, Ratnagiri provides more iconographic parallels to Ellora than any

other site.

Located on a tributary of the Mahanadi River (which connected coastal

Orissa to interior centers like Sirpur, which also shares certain iconographic

elements with Ellora), Ratnagiri was developed as a major monastic and

temple site from the mid-eighth century. There, thirteen of sixteen large

scale buddha images are portrayed in bhumisparSamudra, one including an

image of Aparajita defeating Gal).apati. Ellora's eight-bodhisattva mal).qalais also strikingly similar-in content, not style or format-to the

a ~ . t a b o d h i s h t t v a m a l } ¢ a l a s carved on steles at Ratnagiri (three-dimensional

images of such groups are also found at the nearby sites of Lalitagiri and .

Udayagiri). Moreover, the iconography and location of larnbhala and Tara

as shrine protectors, are more like those at Ellora than anything else we can

find in Maharashtra.44

These, and many other similarities (but not identities) strongly suggest

that the eighth-century Orissan sites shared elements of a cornmon teaching

43. Ibid. 50.

44. See Malandra, op.cit. 16,21,70, 76,97-98, 106-107, 111, 115-116, 121,

for a detailed discussion of these parallels.

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MALANDRA 205

with Ellora, despite differences in political regime, artistic culture, and his

tory of Buddhist development in their respective regions. Nancy Hock,

locating Ratnagiri in the Indo-Tibetan tantric tradition, has made the case

that the earlier bhumisparSamudra buddhas were intended to represent the

more or less ):listoric Sakyamuni (as distinguished from A k ~ o b h y a , the

focus of more advanced tantric teachings, also depicted with hands held in

this position).45 Although the specific text describing the configuration of

images at Ratnagiri has not yet been recovered, she has shown that the

pantheon of deities found there seems most like that described in relatively

early tantric texts such as the MafijuSrzmulakalpa, classified as a

kriyatantra in the Tibetan canon. This Mantrayana system is distinguished

from the later, anuttarayoga system, practiced later at Ratnagiri, representedby horrific deities quite different from the benign images of the earlier

stage.46 The new buddha image, certain female deities, and the proliferation

of bodhisattva images that we find in Ellora's latest Buddhist caves 11 and

12 have counterparts in Ratnagiri's earlier stage, although style, emphasis,

and placement differ considerably. Iconographic parallels can also be

drawn to images from sites along what was the even more extended margin

of the Buddhist world, as missionaries carried these teachings to places

such as Sahlihundum in Andhra Pradesh and Candi Mendut in central Java(where the eight bodhisattvas, Jambhala and Harm, Cunda, and BhrkutJ

images offer striking similarities to Ellora's "core" mar:l(:lala, even while the

central image is a dharmacakramudra buddha).

45. Nancy Hock, "Buddhist Ideology and the Sculpture of Ratnagiri, SeventhThrough Thirteenth Centuries (India)," diss., University of California, Berkeley,

1987, 1-33. David Snellgrove also makes this distinction, in Indo-Tibetan Bud

dhism, vol. 1 (Boston: 1987) 117-152.46. Hock 68-69; A.K. Bemet-Kempers, Ancient Indonesian Art (Cambridge,

1959) 40-41 and Plates 58-61; N. J. Krom, "De bodhisattvas van den Mendut,"

Bijdragen tot de tall-, land- en volkenkunde, door Koninklijk Bataviaasch

Gennotschapp van Kunsten en We tenschapp en, vol. 74 (1918): 419-427; 1. L.Moens, "De Djandi Mendut," Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land, en

Volkenkunde, door Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen59 (1921): 529-600. Lokesh Chandra, "Borobudur as a Monument of Esoteric

Buddhism," South East Asian Review 5 (1980): 17-21, compares this

iconography with the Garbhadhatumar;.qala, but also sees a connec tion to the

iconography of the Durgatlparisodhaniimar;.qala where, he says (p. 18) the

Vairocana image also displays dharmacakramudrii.

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~ 0 6 JIABS 19.2

Conclusion

Among these and many other places, EIlora appears to reflect esoteric Bud-·

dhism on the cusp of change, at a relatively early point. I f t was geograph

ically peripheral from the point of view of the great university at N alanda, it

was central in that it more than "kept up with the times." We might evensay, in aspiring to be the "Bodhgaya of the south" it erased, in sense, the

geographic and sectarian boundaries that separated them.

How far do these selective comparisons get us in understanding who was

responsible for what happened at Ellora? Although the maQ.c;lala is a clear

link throughout Ellora's Buddhist development, its content had changed

radically by the end of the seventh century. The teachings represented in

Cave 12 are not the same as in the earlier caves. And, the new ideas werecarved in a new style. So, new teacher / teachings, new artisans. Where

did they corne from? Taking iconographic details as primary evidence, the

answer would appear more likely to be Orissa than eastern India, or a place

that sent teachers to Orissa and the Deccan. Certainly, legends about eso

teric teachers who reportedly came from, or preached in the Deccan, sug

gest but cannot prove this scenario. This was, after all, during the time

when teachers like SubhakarasirQ.ha and Vajrabodhi were active in India

and then in China.One way to imagine how this happened is in the context of the pre-impe

rial "opening" of the Deccan in which the early Ra*akujas appear to have

been engaged. The regional and national references in the iconography at

Ellora are not, then simply evidence of a dynastic change. They could be

seen as part of the activities the Ra:*akUjas engaged in to forge the charac

ter of their new empire. We could see them, already worshipping at the

nearby tfrtha, endorsing if not actively supporting the creation of new

Buddhist temples at the most active center in their region. A "cutting edge"(if, now, a!{$mymous) teacher would have been recruited to Ellora, or a

local mOnKcould have been sent out to study with such a person, linking

this region to the growing international network of esoteric teachers and

sites. I f the ambitious Ra$jrakuja leader took a more personal interest in

these developments then Cave 12 and its maQ.c;lala might indeed have been

as central to the official activities of this new empire, as the movements of

monks supported by emperors were to the north and east in Java, China

and Japan. This analogy suggests that, just as Kukai built on already exist

ing juxtapositions of beliefs, in support ofBuddhism and the Heian empire,

so we might imagine Buddhism at EBora as a century-old tradition primed

for the advent of new ideas in support of a newly broad-thinking dynasty.

Ellora's "Kukai" may well have gone out to seek them, returning, as Kukai

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MALANDRA 207

himself.did, to create an original, local synthesis of new and old concepts

and practices.

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CHARLES D. ORZECH

MaI).<;lalas on the Move: Reflections from ChineseEsoteric Buddhism Circa 800 C. E.

The construction and use of m a J J . < ~ a l a s was an essential part of the Esoteric

or tantric Buddhism which spread throughout Asia from the eighth century

onward. 1 Yet the role of malJ.qalas as the vehicle for a complex, conservative, lineage-based and initiation-controlled ritual system is seldom exam

ined. Focusing on malJ.qalas in the propagation of one lineage of late

eighth-century Chinese Esoteric Buddhism, I propose that maI).qalas repre

sent the traces of a tradition at once conservative and designed to be readily

adapted to new missionary fields.

But before I proceed I must meet the most obvious of objections: There

are no malJ.qalas from eighth-century Chinese Esoteric Buddhism. The

Esoteric Buddhism of India, Tibet, Central Asia, and Japan teems with a

variety of maI).qalas, and through these malJ.qalas we can trace the diffusion

of Esoteric Buddhism from India to Japan. In China maI).qalas dating to the

Yuan Dynasty (1280-1368) testify to the influence of Tibetan Vajrayana.

The Mo Kao cave-temples at Tun-huang and the cave temples at Ta-tsu and

An Yueh in Szechuan contain Esoteric Buddhist iconography and malJ.qalas

dating to the tenth century.2 Yet not a single painted, drawn, or SCUlpted

1. Even if we leave aside modem adaptations of mar:tqala in Jungian psychology

and new-age spiritual movements it is obvious that the "idea" of the mar:tqala is a

very portable one. The use of maI).qalas and pseudo-Sanskrit mantras in Taoist

ritual is a good exmnple of inter-tradition borrowing of maI).qalas. This borrow

ing between Buddhism and Taoism seems to have been a two way street. As I

have argued elsewhere, Pu-k'ung or one of his heirs seems to have borrowed the

nonary configuration of Taoist cosmogrmns for the distinctive East Asian ver

sion of the Vajradhatu maI.J.qala.

2. Matsumoto Eiichi, Tonka ga no kenkyu (Tokyo: Toho Bunka Gakuin, 1937)is still the classic work on the art of the Mo Kao caves. For an overview of the

scholarship and a recent contribution to it see Henrik H. S¢rensen, "Typology

and Iconography in the Esoteric Buddhist Art of Dunhuang,"Silk Road Art and

Archeology 2, 1009-92 (Kamakura: Institute of Silk Road Studies): 285-349.

On Ta-tsu see Liu Zhangjiu, Hu Wenho, and Li Yongqiao, eds., Dazu shike

209

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~ 1 O JIABS 19.2

maI).q.ala can be definitively dated to the eighth century. Generations of

Japanese scholars.have labored to prove indisputably the Tang dynasty

provenance of the twin "Genzu" maI).q.alas which are at the heart of Kukai's

Shingon. 3 Although Esoteric Buddhism has used painted and sculpted

maI).q.alas, altars configured as maI).q.alas, maI).q.alas composed of syllables

(bfja) or symbols (samaya) visualized by the adept, and the body as

maI).q.ala, the only trace of these maI).q.alas dating from eighth-century China

are descriptions of their construction and use preserved in ritual manuals.

The situation is exactly the opposite of that described by Geri Malandra.4

For Ellora all that remains is the sculpture. For Tang China all that remains

are the ritual manuals.

This is not so bad a state of affairs, since maI).q.alas are an artifact of prac

tice, and what we have are the "how to" manuals. In this essay I will exam-

ine ritual manuals from Pu-k'ung's (Pu-k'ung chin-kang, Amoghavajra,

705-774) lineage connected with the Peifect Wisdom Scripture/or Humane

Kings Who Wish to Protect Their States.5 The choice of these manuals is

yanjiu: Collected Works of the Researches on Dam Stone Carvings (English

subtitle) (Chengdu: 1985). For a survey of the An Yueh carvings and maI).q.alas

see Henrik H. S¢rensen, A Survey of the Religious Sculptures ofAnyue, East

Asian Institute Occasional Papers 3 (Copenhagen: East Asian Institute, University of Copenhagen, 1989).

3. A continuing source of scholarly and religious controversy is the way in

which the maQ.Qalas described in Chinese texts differ from those dating from the

earliest period of Japanese Esoteric Buddhism. Partisans ofShingon and TendaiEsoterism have a vested interest in discovering charters for their interpretations

and practices either in the teachings of PU-k'ung (Amoghavajra) or in those of

his disciple Hui-kuo (Kukai's teacher). Unfortunately this has led both to an

anachronistic Shingonization of Tang Esoteric Buddhism and to its virtual disappearance from the study of Tantric Buddhism. I have addressed these issues

in "Seeing r;Jhen-yen Buddhism: Traditional Scholarship and the Vajrayana in

China," History ofReligions 29.2 (1989): 87-114. The literature in Japanese on

the relationship between the Genzu maQ.Qalas in use in Shingon and maI).Qalas in

a variety of sources in Tang translations is massive and the English literature onthe topic is growing rapidly. For a convenient summary see Yamamoto Chikyo,

Introduction to the Ma1J¢ala, (Kyoto: 1980) 64-82.

4. For Ellora as maQ.q.ala see Geri Malandra's essay in this volume and her

Unfolding a Ma1J¢ala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993).5. There are two versions of this text. The version attributed to Kumarajlva (T.

245) and that of Pu-k'ung (Amoghavajra, T. 246), are available in Takakusu

Junjiro and Watanabe Kaigyoku, eds., Taisho shinsha daizokyo, (hereafter T)

85 vols. (Tokyo: Taish5 Issaikyo Kankokai, 1924-1935). For an introduction to

and description of the text see M. W. De Visser, Ancient Buddhism in Japan:

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ORZECH 211

not arbitrary. Indeed, they comprise a key link between India and Japan

and they are emblematic of a tradition which is at once highly conservative

and very adaptable. As I will demonstrate, these manuals were central to

Pu-k'ung's Esoteric teachings and are representative of a number of other

manuals in tbe lineage, all of which are based upon principles outlined in

the SarvatathiigatatattvasafIJgraha (also known as the Vajrasekhara or

"Diamond Tip," T. 865-66, henceforth SITS). 6 Moreover, these manuals

and the mal)<;lalas drawn from them epitomize the close connection-found

throughout East and Central Asia-between Esoteric Buddhism and the

state. Pu-k'ung's Esoteric Buddhism, which Osabe has aptly termed "State

Protection Buddhism," sought the fulfillment of two goals, rapid enlight

enment and benefits for the state.7

In response to the needs of his imperialpatrons Pu-k'ung skillfully adapted ritual programs developed in South

Asia to the situation in the Tang court. It was these teachings which Pu

k'ung's spiritual grandson Kukai imported to Japan. Though the continu

ities between Pu-k'ung's eighth-century manuals and some ninth-century

Japanese manuals is astounding, Kukai and his heirs readily adapted the

Esoteric teachings to the ninth-century Japanese milieu. The key to this

missionary success was the conjunction of a clearly defined ideology and a

modular ritual structure.

Satras and Ceremonies in Use in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries A. D. and

their History in Later Times, vol. 1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1935) 116-142. DeVisser's study includes a summary-translation of approximately one fourth of the

text. For a full study and translation of the scripture see my Politics and Transcendent Wisdom: The Scripture for Humane Kings and the Creation of

National Protection Buddhism (The Pennsylvania State University Press, forth-

coming).6. The best source on the Tang versions of the Sarvatathiigatatattvasanigraha

(T. nos. 865 and 866) is David L. Snellgrove's introduction to Lokesh Chandraand David L. Snellgrove, Sarva-Tathagata-Tattva-Sa1igraha, Sata-Pitaka Series

vol. 269 (New Delhi: Mrs. Sharada Rani, 1981) 5-67. One should note thatShingon references to the SITS are usually references to Pu-k'ung's text (T. no.

865) though refrences to Vajrabodhi's text (T. no. 866) and a host of commentaries is not uncommon. Both are truncated translations which focus on the first

major sec tion of the STTS text. The first complete Chinese translation of theSITS was by Shih-hu (Danapala) in 1002 (T. no. 882).7. Osabe makes this argument in Todai mikkyoshi zakko (Kobe: Kobe Shoka

daigaku gakujutsu kenkyukai, 1973) 90-91.

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212 JIABS 19.2

MANPALAS IN CHINA:

THE SITS AND THE PROTECTION OF THE STATE

Chinese Esoteric Buddhism has a complex prehistory which I cannot fully

rehearse here. Suffice it to say that between the third century and the

beginning of the eighth century South and Central Asian texts describing

maJ).<;ialas and studded with mantras and dharaTJ.ls began first to trickle and

then to pour into China. 8 This piecemeal transmission continued until

Subhakarasinilia (arrived Ch'ang-an in 717), and then Vajrabodhi, and his

disciple PU-k'ung arrived in the Tang capital (721) to propagate and articu

late comprehensive systems ofBuddhist Esoterism. 9

The reception of these missionaries was quite different than that which

might be accorded in South Asia. Throughout most of the history ofBud-

dhism in China highly educated monks propagating the teachings quickly

became servants of the state. The acaryas of the eighth century were not

free to do as they pleased. On arrival at the court they were placed under

house arrest as "guests" in a government monastery where they could be

watched and interrogated. Once accepted they were put to work in the ser-

vice of the state with teams of translators, rendering texts and performing

rituals to augment state policy, to ensure seasonable rain, to repel invasion

and put down uprisings, and to help promote the well-being of the imperial

8. Chou I-liang's "Tantrism in China" (HJAS 8 [1945]: 241-332) remains thebest source on Chinese Esoteric Buddhism in English. Material on JapaneseShingon, by comparison, abounds. Yoshito S. Hakeda's Kfikai: Major Works

(New York:: Columbia University Press, 1978) gives access to the writings of

Pu-k'ung's spiritual grandson, and works by Minoru Kiyota (Shingon Buddhism

[Tokyo and Los Angeles: Buddhist Books International, 1978]) and Taik5Yamasaki, (Shingon: Japanese Esoteric Buddhism [Boston and London:

Shambala, 1988]) give access to Japanese Esoteric thought and practice. TajimaRyujun's, Etude sur le Mahavairocana-Sfitra (Dainichikyo) (Paris: Adrien

Maisonneuvre, 1936) is hard to get and comes from within the Shingon tradition, but it is more comprehensive than the works of Kiyota or Yamasaki. Forfurther bibliography in French, Chinese, and Japanese see my "Seeing Chen-yenBuddhism."9. For the current purpose I will not be examining the tradition stemming from

the iiciirya Subhak:arasinilia. For standard overviews of his teachings and theirconfluence with those of Vajrabodhi and Pu-k'ung see Mochizuki,

BukkyOdaijiten 3005a; Matsunaga, Mikkyodaijiten 1366c-1368a; Chou I-liang,"Tantrism in China,' 251-272; and the transmission flow-charts in MikkyOdaijiten

beginning on p. 1. For more substantial bibliographical references see Orzech,Politics and Transcendent Wisdom, chs. five and six.

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ORZECH 213

family and its ancestors. Effectively to transplant Esoteric Buddhism to

China meant combining religious ideology and political expediency.

The dominant ideological and ritual template of Pu-k'ung's Esoteric Bud-

dhism was the SITS, and, though certain elements of the Mahiivairocana

Scripture (T. !;l0. 848, henceforth MVS) are used in his teaching, he actively

promoted the SITS over the MVS which had been translated and propa

gated by Subhakarasinilia and I-hsing. The SITS was the centerpiece of

Vajrabodhi's teaching, and procuring a more complete version of the text

was the object of PU-k'ung's pilgrimage to India and Ceylon.10 As we shall

see, in pursuing the twin goal of enlightenment and protection of the state

PU-k'ung was adapting and extending the Indian teachings of the SITS and

its cycle of texts for his Chinese patrons.

The central role of the SITS as the ideological and ritual template of Pu

k'ung's Esoteric teachings is enshrined in the story of the origin of the SITS

and its maI,lc:ialas in an "iron stUpa" in central India. 11 The tale begins with a

great worthy (ta-te, Sanskrit bhadanta) during the "Latter Age of the

Teaching" (mo-fa) who through the use of Mahavairocana's mantra had

gained a vision ofMahavairocana and of a teaching. which has traditionally

10. For the MVS see Tajima Ryujun, Etude sur le Mahiivairocana-Sutra:

(DainichikyiJ) , and Iyanaga Nobumi's excellent "Liste des abbreviations(Bibliographie commentee)" which appears in "Recits de la soumission deMahesvara par Trilokyavijaya d'apres les sources Chinoises et Japonaises," in

Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honor ofR. A. Stein, ed. by Michel Strickmann,Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques, vol. 22 (Bruxelles: Institut BeIge des hautesetudes Chinois, 1985) 649-655. Yamamoto Chikyo has recently published a full

translation of the text, making it available for the first time in English. The

translation, however, lacks critical apparatus and is cast in a stilted, sometimesincomprehensible English. Not withstanding, it is a useful and welcome contribution by one of Japan's formost scholars of Shingon Buddhism. See Mahi'i-

vairocana Sutra (Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, and Aditya

Prakashan, 1990). I-hsing's biography is in Sung kao-seng chuan T. no. 2061,

50.732c7-733c24.11. The legend of the Iron StUpa recounts the origins of Pu-k'ung's EsotericBuddhism and the "reappearance" of the SITS and its maI).qalas and rites. The

story was related by Pu-k'ung based on the oral teaching of his master

Vajrabodhi and is found in Instructions on the Gate to the Teaching of he SecretHeart of Mahii-yoga of the Scripture of the Diamond-Tip (T. no. 1789,39.808aI9-b28, Chin-kang-ting ching fa yu-ch'ieh pi-mi shin tifa-men yi-kuei].

For a translation and introduction to the tale see Charles D. Orzech, "The Legend

of the Iron SWpa," Donald S. Lopez, Jr. ed., Buddhism in Practice (Princeton:

University Press, 1995) 314-317.

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214 JIABS 19.2

been identified with the "Essential Rites for Vairocana" [T no. 849 and

chiian seven of the MVS].12 Using these techniques he then opened-the

iron stiIpa (i. e. he entered the maI).<;J.ala). Once inside the stiIpa his educa

tion consisted of a course in the SITS and we are informed that the text of

the SITS available in China is but a superficial outline of the truly compre

hensive scrip ture contained in the iron stilpa. A longer "outline" than that

now extant was supposed to have been brought with Vajrabodhi from

India, but this text which is described as "broad and long like a bed, and

four or five feet thick," was tossed overboard during a typhoon. Weare left

with the obvious conclusion that the total teaching is still available, but only

through initiation. 13

The legend simultaneously encodes the basic process of initiation into themaI).<;J.ala world of the Esoteric school and into a hierarchy of teachings and

maI).<;J.alas. Through the process of homa (immolation) and consecration

(kuan-ting, Sanskrit abhi$eka) every initiate reenacts the burning away of

defIlements (klesa) and the entry into the iron stilpa with his or her own

entry into the ma1Jejala .14 The MVS represents the lower Esoteric teachings

whose mastery provides entry to the "higher" teachings. Once the initiate is

"inside," the STTS is both the avenue to enlightenment and the basis of

apotropaic ritual.The dominant place of the SITS and the importance of the rituals related

to the Scripture for Humane Kings is evident in three document collections

compiled by Pu-k'ung's disciple Yuan-chao in the last quarter of the eighth

century. The bulk of Pu-k'ung's correspondence was collected in Tai-tsung

ch'ao seng ssu-/(ung ta-pien cheng kuang-chih san-tsang ho-shang piao

chih-chi[The Collected Documents Relating to the Monk Pu-k'ung of Tai-

12. There is no proper Sanskrit equivalent for the term moja. For a discussion

see Jan Natti:er, Once Upon A Future Time: Studies in A Buddhist Prophecy of

Decline (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991) 95-103.

13. Pu-k'ung's Indications of the Rites of the Eighteen Assemblies [Shih-pa huichih-kuei, T no. 869, 18.284c-287c] outlines this more comprehensive text. It is

notable that the fifteenth assembly consists of the Guhyasamiija yoga (Pi-mi chihui yii-ch'ieh, 827a28-b7). for more on this see Kenneth Eastman, "The Eighteen

Tantras of the Vajrasekhara / Mayajala," (unpublished paper presented to the

26th International confe"rence of Orientalists in Japan, Tokyo, 1981). A brief

resume of the paper appeared in Transactions of the International Conference of

Orientalists in Japan 36 (1981): 95-96.

14. Indeed, as Kakuban and other esoteric masters make clear, "the iron stilpa is

this very body." See Kogyo-daishi zenshu (Tokyo: Kaji sekkai shisha, 1910)

510.

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ORZECH 215

tsung's Reign, T. no. 2120, circa 781, hereafter Piao-chih chi]. The corre

spondance includes letters between PU-k'ung and the emperors Su-tsung,

and Tai-tsung as well as assorted other communications connected with the

Esoteric school, including Pu-k'ung's testamentary memorial. 15 These doc

uments provide us a glimpse of Pu-k'ung's understanding of Esoteric Bud-

dhism and its role in the court. The Piao-chih-chi is supplemented by two

further works of Yuan-chao. The Ta-fang chen-yuan hsu kai-yuan shih

chiao lu [Supplement to the Catalogue of Buddhist Teachings of the Kai

yuan Period Compiled During the Chen-yuan Period of the Great Tang

Dynasty, T. no. 2156, compiled in 796, hereafter Shih-chiao lu], and the

more expansive Chen-yuan shin-ting shih-chiao mu-lu [New Recension of

the Catalogue of the Buddhist Teaching Compiled in the Chen-yiian Period,T. no. 2157, compiled in 800, hereafter Shin-ting], are invaluable sources

for the teachings of Pu-k'ung's lineage from just after his death in 774 until

just prior to Kukai's arrival in 804. 16

Time and again Pu-k'ung frames his life and mission in terms of the Five

Wisdoms in the SITS, and its five-fold mandalic structure became the tem-

plate for new rituals for his imperial and aristocratic patrons. PU-k'ung

states this plainly to his successors and to the emperor in his testamentary

memorial:

Among the teachings I have translated, the Yoga of the Tip of the Vajra (the

SITS) is the path for quickly becoming a Buddha. As for the remaining sections of the mantra teachings, these I present to help the state avoid disasters,to keep the stars on their regular courses, and to insure that the wind and rainare timely. [T. no. 2120, 52.840bl-2]

Reading these comments from the perspective of later Japanese Shingontradition with its dual emphasis on the SITS and the MVS we might mistak

enly assume that Pu-k'ung relied upon the teachings of the STTS for

enlightenment and on the MVS for "worldly" goals. An examination of

Tang ritual texts from Pu-k'ung's lineage shows instead that the SITS and

15. The text is T. 52.826c-860c. Raffaello Orlando ("A Study of Chinese Documents Concerning the Life of the Tantric Buddhist Patriarch Amoghavajra [A.

D. 705-774], diss., Princeton University, 1981) has translated some of the documents in this collection and lists the contents of others. Osabe Kazuo has trans

lated the entire text into Japanese in "Gokyobu,"Kokuyaku Issaikyo voL 98,476-

604.16. I examine the Piao-chih chi and both of Yuan-chao's catalogues in chapter

six of Politics and Transcendent Wisdom.

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216 nABS 19.2

its central teachings not only provided the quick path to enlightenment, they

also provided the basic structure or "template" for the key rituals of Pu-

k'ung's state-protection Buddhism. Only the most advanced students were

granted full initiation to this teaching and Pu-k'ung took care to single them

out:

Many are the disciples who have entered the altar to receive the Dharma.

Eight of them have been nurtured and established in the [Yoga of the] Five

Sections [the STTS], and two of these have died, leaving six persons [so

trained]. These are: Han-kuang of the Chin-k'o [monastery], Hui-chao of

Silla, Hui-kuo of the Ch'ing-Iung [monastery], Hui-Iang of the Ch'iung-fu

[monastery], and Yuan-chao and Chueh-chao of the Pao-shou [monastery].17

[T.no. 2120 844a28-b2]

The MVS is clearly secondary in Pu-k'ung's tradition. 1s

While the SITS provided the basic ideological and ritual template for Pu-

k'ung's system, the Scripture for Humane Kings applied the teachings of

the SITS to the onset of the "Latter Age of the Teaching" and to actualize

the era of the Correct Teaching (Cheng-fa, Saddharma). Pu-k'ung and his

disciples Liang-pi, Fei-hsi, and Yuan-chao produced a "new translation" of

17. The Yuan-chao mentioned here is not the Yuan-chao who complied thePiao-chih chi.

18. Iyanaga Nobumi summarises the evidence for all three acaryas having both

the SITS and the MVS in his "Recits de la soumission de Mahesvara, 706-707,

note 143. The transmission of these texts is quite complicated, particularly in the

case of the SITS. For the MVS see Tajima Ryfijun, Etude sur Ie Mahavairo

cana-Siitra: (Dainichikyo), and Iyanaga's excellent "Liste des abreviations

(Bibliographie commentee)," 649-655. For the SITS see David L. Snellgrove's

i n t r o d u c t i o n ~ ' r o Lokesh Chandra and D. L. Snellgrove, Sarva-Tathagatha

Tattva-Smigraha 5-67, and Iyanaga, 656-657. Elsewhere, such as in the Tou-pu

fo-lo-ni mu (T. no. 903, 898c-900a) attributed to Pu-k'ung, but probably the

work of a disciple, both traditions are mentioned, and yet other disciples such as

his biographer Chiao Ch'ien make pointed reference to Pu-k'ung's teachings as

comprised the SITS and "the method of setting up the ma1Jq.ala according to the

Mahakarunagarbhama1Jq.ala of the MVS" (see T. no. 2056, 292c5ff, and 283a6-

9). Some Japanese Scholars, such as Ono Gemmyo have argued on the basis ofma1Jq.ala iconography that Pu-k'ung is the author of the pure "dual ma1Jq.ala"

tradition. See for instance, Chandra, 37. It seems clear that Pu-k'ung used the

teachings of the MVS but not in a "double" sense as in Japan. The double

maJ:.lQala tradition probably arose in the generation after PU-k'ung and it never

came to be the all-encompassing ideological emblem that it did in Japan.

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ORZECH 217

this anonymous fifth-century Chinese scripture in 765-66. 19 Liang-pi and

PU-k'ung also produced ritual manuals in tandem with the new scripture

and Liang-pi wrote a massive Commentary on the Scripture for Humane

Kings.

The importance of the new recension of the scripture and its new1yeso

tericized rituals is evident in the Pioa-chih chi. The Piao-chih chi begins

with Pu-k'ung's involvement in the denoument of the An Lu-shan rebellion

and establishes a parallel between the emperor (in this case Su-tsung) who

is the head of the state and the Buddha (and, by implication; the QCQrya, Pu

k'ung).20 The first section of the Piao-chih-chi presents us with a major

disaster which is rectified by close cooperation between the emperor and

the QCQrya and by new forms of ritual action and honors by the emperor. Itthen goes on to portray the institutionalization of the Correct Teaching in

this dual sovereignty under the new emperor Tai-tsung. Through the care

ful arrangement of a wealth of documents, Yuan-chao shows again and

again that this is the ideal polity for the empire, and that the Scripture for

Humane Kings is the emblem of that polity.

As I have detailed elsewhere, the structure of Yuan-chao's Piao-chih chi

was a response to particular historical circumstances. Te-tsung came to the

throne in June of 779 as an energetic 40-year-old bent on wresting some ofthe control of the empire back fromprovincial warlords. He did not share

his father's regard for the Esoteric masters, and, indeed, he put an end to

esoteric rites in the palace and cut back patronage to the schoo1. 21 During

the years 782-85 Te-tsung was beset by a series of rebellions brought on

by his stubborn pursuit of renewed imperial control over the nominally

loyal warlords Who had entrenched themselves as an outcome of the An

19. According to Fo-tsu t'ung chi (T. no. 2035, 39.377c-378a) Tai-tsung personally ordered the new translation and compared the two versions. The immediate cause of the new translation was the 765 Tibetan invasion of the Chineseheartland lead by the Uigur commander P'u-ku Huai-en. P'u-ku Huai-endropped dead in camp and his forces fell into disarray. Pu-k'ung was creditedwith this fortunate tum of events. According to Fei-hsi, the ritual that felled P'uku Huai-en invoked the vidyaraja Acala who is often the focus of HumaneKings rituals. For Fei-hsi's comments see Piao-chih chi 52.849al-5.

20. I have argued elsewhere that the unusual structure of the Piao-chih chi cen

ters around a dual polity of Emperor and acarya and the role of the Scripture forHumane Kings. See Politics and Transcendent Wisdom, chapter six, "A NewBuddhist-State Polity: PU-k'ung, Yuan-chao, and the Piao-chih chi."

21. For Te-tsung's reign, see C. A. Peterson, "Court and Province in Mid- andLate T'ang, The Cambridge History of China, vol. 3 pt. 1 (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1979) 492ff.

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218 JIABS 19.2

Lu-shan rebellion. What began in 782 as moderate success for imperial

forces soon turned into a nightmarish 'repeat of the events 37 years earlier

during the An Lu-shan rebellion. In 783-84 Te-tsung was forced to flee his

capital and to retreat, first to Feng-t'ien and then toward Szechuan. Not

until 785 did he reenter the capital. 22 The parallel with the events of the An

Lu-shan rebellion must have been on everyone's mind. Yuan-chao begins

the Piao-chih chi with a memorial by PU-k'ung congratualting Su-tsung for

retaking the capitol during the An Lu-shan rebellion. In the memorial Pu

k'ung refers to ritual activity he had undertaken to repulse the invaders, rit

uals which are elsewhere identified as invoking the vidyiiriija Acala (Pu

tung) associated with esoteric performances based on the Scripture for

Humane Kings. Yuan-chao's careful sequencing of documents presents an

ideal Esoteric polity, a polity supported by rituals of the "humane kings"

established by Pu-k'ung.

The roles of the SITS and the Scripture for Humane Kings in Pu-k'ung's

teachings are also further evident in Yuan-chao's two "catalogues," the

Shih-chiao lu and the Hsin-ting. The large number ofEsoteric scriptures in

Yuan-chao's catalogues reflects both the fact that these were the scriptures

that were "hot" in India and Central Asia in the latter part of the eighth cen

tury and the dominance of Pu-k'ung's Esoteric teachings. The Hsin-ting isindeed a massive catalogue ofBuddhist scriptures, though one which high

lights scriptures of the Esoteric school and particularly those aligned with

the SITS. But the Shih-chao lu is no comprehensive catalogue at all.

Instead it has three concerns: the new recension of the Scripture for

Humane Kings and its commentaries; the commentary on the Liu-ch'u

ching (another important text in the SITS orbit) and the role of the monk

Prajfia in its propagation; and the great vinaya commentary produced at the

An-kuo monastery.23 Yuan-chao was involved in these projects as"recorder" a,pd 75% of the Shih-chiao lu consists of narrative accounts of

these projects.

The Shih-chiao lu is broken into three chiian with translations of scrip

tures in the first, commentaries in the second, and catalogues, memorial

22. For the An Lu-shan rebellion see The Cambridge History, 453-463. ForTe-tsung's predicament see The Cambridge History, esp. 503-510.

23. The Liu-ch'u ching (Japanese Rishukyo) is a short Prajiiiipiiramitii withdecidedly tantric coloring. Pu-k'ung made a translation of the text (T. no. 243,8.784a-786b) and Ian Astley-Kristensen has produced an excellent study andtranslation of the scripture, The Rishukyo: The Sino-Japanese TantricPrajiiiipiiramitii in 150 Verses (Amoghavajra's Version Buddhica Britannica,Series Continua III (Tring, U. K.: The Institute of Buddhist Studies, 1991).

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ORZECH 219

stele, and other documents comprising the third chiian.24 The first long

narrative to appear in the Shih-chiao lu is the narrative of the history of the

transmission of the Scripture for Humane Kings and the circumstances of

the production of its new recension, of Pu-k'ung's ritual commentaries on

the scripture,and of Liang-pi's great commentary [749c-753a with short

breaks; 758a-758c; 761c]. When we add the prominent role of the Scrip

ture for Humane Kings in the Shih-chiao lu to its place in the Piao-chih chi

it is clear that Esoteric rituals connected with the Scripture for Humane

Kings were among the most visible signs of the adaptation of South Asian

Esoteric Buddhism to the Chinese milieu. 25

THE STRUCTURE OF ESOTERIC RITUALBefore we can examine Pu-k'ung's ritual manuals and how maI).qalas con

nected with the Scripture for Humane Kings were produced from them, a

brief overview of Esoteric ritual and the templates from the SITS is in

order. The purpose of ritual (siidhana) is siddhi (Chinese ch'eng-chiu,

sometimes transliterated as hsi-ti) a term which literally means the attain

ment of a goal. In Esoteric Buddhism the basis of siddhi is often defmed as

the realization of the identity of the practitioners body (mudrii), speech

(mantra), and mind (samiidhi) with those of the "basic divinity," (Chinesepen-tiun, Japanese honzon). Some treatments ofEsoteric Buddhism tend

to over-intellectualize the tradition by focusing on the mental component.

Esoteric ritual involves all three components, mental, sonic, and somatic.

When siddhi is considered from the perspective of ultimate enlightenment,

anuttarasan;yaksambodhi, then one refers to it simply as siddhi or more

specifically as lokottara siddhi (ch'u-shih ch'eng-chiu, or ch'eng-chiu hsi

ti). When this attainment is channeled toward action in the conditioned

24. While much of the material in the collection has been reassembled from thePiao-chih-chi and other sources, occasional new details do appear. There arementions of 100 seat Humane Kings convocations as well as a narrative of thegrand convocation outside the south gate of the city in 765. Y ian-chao mentions100 seat Humane Kings convocations at T. no. 2156, 55.751c9-18, including an

imperial reply, and another at 55.761c24. The great convocation outside thesouth gate of the city in 765 is the one connected to P'u-ku Huai-en and the

Tibetan invasion and the new recension of the Scripture for Humane Kings. Theaccount appears at 55.752b27-753b8.25. Together these documents provided the exempla for a "national protection"Esoteric Buddhism which was exported to Korea and Japan, where it once againunderwent complex evolution. The Piao-chih chi was among the key texts taken

to Japan by Kukai.

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220 JIABS 19.2

universe through images, maI).<;lalas, and mantras it is referred to as mun-

dane siddhi (Zaukika siddhi, shih-chien ch' eng-chiu) and is manifested

through application of supernormal powers used to aid in the salvation of

beings. Though the purpose of any given ritual might be predominantly

Zokottara or Zaukika, all rites assume both goals.This "dual" structure is often described in terms of "inner" and "outer"

dimensions of performance. Rituals are are articulated in terms of the inner

versus the outer cosmos, the human body and the divine body, the samsaric

cosmos and the nirvanic cosmos. These relationships are established and

manipulated mentally, sonically, and physically through the use of visual

ization, mantra, homa, a b h i ~ e k a , nyasa. 26 Such correspondences are

repeatedly articulated in the Esoteric texts and commentaries. For instance,

in discussing homa (immolation) one text in the SITS cycle says that the

outer homa is the fire altar, the sapwood, and so on, while in the

"adamantine inner homa . . . total enlightenment is the flame and my own

mouth is the hearth."27 Although siddhi is thus of "two types," each attain

ment implies and requires the other.28

The ultimate soteriological element of Esoteric ritual is "identification," or

the generation of the adept in the body of the divinity for the purpose of

insight into emptiness. Nevertheless, most rites, such as those of the

Scripture for Humane Kings, focus on the effect of such identification in

the world. Thus, most rituals are apotropaic, and the adept, acting as the

divinity, secures various sorts of blessings for a community. The

apotropaic dimension of Esoteric ritual has not escaped scholarly attention.

Stephan Beyer's The CuZt of Tara demonstrates this dual goal in Tibetan

rites to Tara, and the articles ofWilliam Stablein demonstrate the process in

Newar healing rituals.29 Indeed, the two kinds of siddhi may be consid-

26. On nyqlSa (the localization of divine powers in the body) see Bharati, 273-274; Eliade, Yoga, 210-211; and the Mahavairocana Siltra, T. no. 848, 18. 22a-

22b, 38b-38c.27. From the Chin-kang-feng-lo-ko i-ch'ieh yu-ch'ieh yu-ch'i attributed to

Vajrabodhi, T.no.867, 18.266aI2-21. Examples abound throughout the tradition.28. The root texts of the tradition discuss not only the attainment of enlightenment but also the attainment and use of supernormal powers. Rituals used to

obtain these siddhi comprise a sizable part of the latter portions of the SITS. Sotoo, texts aimed at immediate "worldly" goals almost always point out thesoteriological and transcendent insight gained in such practices.

29. Stephan Beyer, The Cult ofTara: Magic and Ritual in Tibet (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973) esp. 254-258. William Stablien, "A Descriptive Analysis of the Content of Nepalese Buddhist Piljas as a Medical-Cultural

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ORZECH 221

ered the ritual realization of the two truths, a realization in which the adept

simultaneously becomes "world renouncer" and "world conqueror."

The cultivation of siddhi is the aim of the Esoteric teaching, and Esoteric

rituals, whether of the Indian, Tibetan,Chinese or Japanese variety, exhibit

a highly regular structure based on the metaphor-harkening back to the

Vedas-of inviting a guest for dinner. "At the most fundamental and overt

level, both Vedic and Tantric rituals are banquets in honor of the gods." 30

This is so in Vedic ritual (much else is, of course, going on), in pujii

("offering") which characterizes popular Hindu worship, and in the various

rites of the tantras. Indeed, if we examine the sixteen traditional upaciiras

or "attendances" of household and temple pujii we find remarkable corre

spondence with homa and other esoteric rites. 31 Not surprisingly, one

mainstream tradition in Japanese Shingon (Chuinryu of Koyasan) divides

most rituals into five modules based on the guest metaphor: purification,

construction, encounter, identification, and dissociation. 32 However the

stages of ritual are divided, what occurs is the construction of a world-of

a mm;t<;lala-in which the adept and the buddhas, bodhisattvas, or guardian

divinities can meet. This fundamental mandalic structure is a simulacra of

the cosmos with Mahavairocana enthroned in the palace at the summit of

the realm of form (the a k a n i ~ . t h a heaven). The ritual construction of themaI,l<;lala is the construction of the universe. The process of construction

culminates in the consecration ( a b h i ~ e k a ) of the adept)3 Realizing the

System with Reference to Tibetan Parallels," A. Bharati, ed., In the Realm of the

Extra-Human: Ideas and Actions (The Hague: Mouton, 1976) 165-173, and his"Tantric Medicine and Ritual Blessings,"The Tibetan Journal 1 (1976): 55-69.

30. Wade T. Wheelock, "The Mantra in Vedic and Tantric Ritual," Harvey P.

Alper, ed., Mantra (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989) 111.For an introduction to and brief bibliography on the vast topic ofVedic ritual seeJan C. Heesterman, "Vedism and Brahmanism," Encyclopedia of Religion

l5:217b-242a. For the metaphor of the "guest" in Vedic ritual see J. C.

Heesterman, The Broken World ofSacrifice: An Essay in Ancient Indian Ritual

(Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1993) esp. 36-39, 188-89.

31. For a convenient overview of pujil and relevant bibliography see Nancy E.

Auer Falk, "Puja," in Encyclopedia ofReligion 12:83a-85a. The list of the sixteen upacilras, "invocation," "offering a seat," "greeting," "water," etc. is on page

84a.32. For this analysis see Richard K. Payne, "Feeding the Gods: The ShingonFire Ritual," diss., Graduate Theological Union, 1985, 219ff. Payne's thesis has

been published as The Tantric Ritual ofJapan: Feeding the Gods: The Shingon

Fire Ritual (New Delhi: Aditya, 1991).

33. The process begins on 237c and runs through 239b.

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222 nABS 19.2

complete identity of his body, speech, and mind with that of

Mahavairocana, the fully initiated adept is consecrated Lord of the Triple

World. This "lordship" involves both world transcendence (lokottara sid

dhi, Chinese ch'u shih ch'eng-chiu) and world conquest (laukika siddhi,

Chinese shih-chien ch' eng-chiu). This element of "world conquesf' was

taken quite seriously in East Asia and royal patrons endowed grand temples

with pennanent altar / maJ.H;ialas for a b h i ~ e k a and homa.

The Esoteric ritual system of Vajrabodhi, PU-k'ung, and their disciples at

first seems labyrinthian. One is confronted with hosts of divinities, bud

dhas, and bodhisattvas, with seemingly endless ritual texts and ritual varia

tions. In fact the system is quite straight-forward, even when we take into

account the tendency to ritual accretion and elaboration over time. As in

Taoist rituals scrutinized by Kristofer Schipper, we find here an architec

tonic ritual paradigm or template out of which specific rituals are con

structed to meet specific needs. These rituals are themselves composed by

stringing together a series of "rites" in a sort of boilerplate fashion. 34 Ritual

elaboration typically takes place through the embedding or nesting-some

times recursively-of independent modules or rites into larger ritual struc

tures, a process which usually involves some modification of the original

ritual's concern. 35At the highest level, the architectonic paradigms-the "cosmologicaf'

outlines or templates-are laid down in the root texts of the tradition,

whether the STTS or the MVS.3 6 Each scripture details a distinctive

34. Kristofer Schipper, The Taoist Body, trans. Karen C. Duval (Berkeley: The

University of California Press, 1993). For Schipper's discussion of rituals andrites see, pp. 75-80.35. Fritz Staal has made similar arguments concerning Vedic ritual. See his"Ritual Syntax," in Sanskrit and Indian Studies, ed. M. Nagatomi, et al.

(Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1980) 119-142.36. In addition to these two scriptures the Susiddhikara (T. no. 893) was seen incertain late Tang Esoteric lineages as a third, integrating principle uniting the

MVS and the SITS. For these developments see R. Misaki, "On the Thought ofSusiddhi in the Esoteric Buddhism of the Late Tang Dynasty," Studies ofEso

teric Buddhism and Tantrism in Commemoration of the 1,150th Anniversary ofthe Founding ofKoyasan (Koyasan: Koyasan University Press, 1965) 255-281,

and Osabe Kazuo, "On the Two Schools of Garbhodbhava Esoteric Buddhismin the Latter Period of the Tang Dynasty and the Method of the Three Siddhis,"in the same collection, pp. 237-254. Osabe goes into greater depth in Todai

mikkyoshi zakko, 209-252.

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ORZECH 223

mal)<;laIa structure. 37 Thus, when we examine the STTS, we find a sys

tematic procedure for constructing a mal)<;lala / altar based upon the rela

tionships of its constituent divinities. These relationships govern the con -

struction of the mal)<;lala / altar and the progress of the ritual, from theestablishment ofboundaries, through the visualization of its central divinity,

to the visualization of its subsidiary divinities or their bfja or samaya. The

scripture gives the name and mantra of each divinity, his or her mudrii, and

an iconographic description for the puropose of visualization.38 In the case

of the MVS the mal)<;lala unfolds as a lotus to reveal a pyramid-like hierar

chy ofMahavairocana surrounded by the buddhas of the cardinal directions

and the interstitial bodhisattvas arranged on the eight petals of a lotus

throne. In the most common graphical arrangements (the so-called Genzumal)<;lala in Shingon) eleven other halls emanate from the petals represent

ing the activities of the bodhisattvas. The MVS also classifies all of its

divinities into three categories: Buddha, Vajra, and Padma.

In the SITS Mahavairocana, seated in the karma assembly, is surrounded

by four buddhas representing four aspects of his wisdom. In contradis

tinction to the pyramid-like hierarchy of the MVS each of these buddhas is

the center of another five-fold configuration which recursively replicates the

the larger pattern. Altogether the scripture describes the five buddhas, sixteen prajfiii bodhisattvas and sixteen samiidhi bodhisattvas. These latter

are divided into female puJii and male prajfiii bodhisattvas. Thus, thirty

seven divinities comprise this mal)<;lala. The SITS classifies its divinities

37. In the case of the SITS we find a five-fold structure composed of four bud

dhas arranged at the cardinal directions surrounding Mahavairocana. In tum,

each of these buddhas is the center of a similar cardinal and recursive arrange

ment. The divinities are seated on a lotus throne which rests on a lunar disk. Inthe MVS Mahavairocana is surrounded at the cardinal and interstitial directions

by buddhas and bodhisattvas, but these stand alone and are not, as in the SITS

the center of further cardinal deployments. Each buddha or bodhisattva is seatedon a lunar disk which rests upon a lotus (the reverse of the SITS).

38. For example, the key "template" text for the teachings of the SITS in the midto late Tang was Vajrabodhi's Scripture Outlining the Meditations and Chants

in the Yoga of the Vajra Summit (Chin-kang-ting yii-ch'ieh chung Ziieh-ch'u nien

sung ching [T. no. 866, 18.223b-253c]). The text is it truncated version of amuch longer Sanskrit text. This translation renders only the first part of the fulltext and focuses on the establishment of the great mar;t<;lala and instructions for

the initiation ofdisciples. The actual construction of the maI).<;lala begins at 227a.

Each of the five central divinities is named and their mantras, mudriis and

iconography are detailed. Shih-hu (Danapala) provided the first full Chinesetranslation of the SITS (T. no. 882) at the end of the tenth century.

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224 JIABS 19.2

into Buddha, Vajra, Padma, Ratna, artd Karma, in accord with the type of

wisdom and maIJ.Qala descdbed in the text. While the MVS includes'the

Vajra-beings, they playa much more prominent role in the SITS.

Ritual "application" for specific purposes starts with the fundamental

template which governs the deployment of the maIJ.Qala / altar itself, the

names and iconography of the divinities in it, and their mantras and

mudriis. Each ritual manual (Sanskrit kalpa, "ordinance," Chinese i-kuei, Or

fa, "method"), is structured by the template in the form of the chief divinity

for the ritual. Thus, in the esoteric ritual for Humane Kings Prajfiii

piiramitii bodhisattva of the SITS is the centnil divinity. Much of the rest

of a given ritual, its subsidiary divinities and sequences of rites, are drawn

from the SITS. Indeed, the construction of the mal).Qala / altar is largely amatter of using boilerplate sequences appropriate to the STTS. These

sequences include the purification of the adept and the site, the construction

of the maIJ.Qala / altar, the expulsion of hindrances or evil influences, the

invitation of the three "departments" (in this case buddhas, bodhisattvas,

and vajra-beings) of the SITS, offerings (water, thrones, incense, lamps,

etc.), meditation on the chief divinity, and exit rites (usually the reverse of

preparatory sequences). All are structured according to the template of the

SITS using boilerplate recognizable in a variety of ritual texts by identicalsequences of procedures, mantras, mudriis, and divine names.39 This

modular approach makes the system learnable, infmitely expandable, and

easily adapted to whatever needs a new context might require.

One dimension of the template derived from the SITS is a division of the

manifestations, functions, and attributes of divinities into "wheel bodies"

(lun shen, Sanskrit cakrakiiya).40

39. One example of such "boilerplate" is based on the Shih-pa kuei-yin, whichShingon exegetes consider to be Kiikai's account of his master Hui-kuo's teaching. The teXt is T. no. 900, 18.781c-783c. It sets out a standard sequence ofworship keyed to a series of mudrii. This sequence does in fact reflectsequencing found in Tang dynasty manuals. For an outline of the sequence andthe mudriis see MikkyiJdaijiten 2:888a-889b. For the Tang manuals and theirsequencing see the tables of correspondence in Hatta Yukio's Shingonjiten(Tokyo: Hirakawa shuppansha, 1985) 255 and 264-67. Hatta's dictionary is oneof the most important works for the study of East Asian Esoteric Buddhism to

be produced in recent decades. For a review see Ian Astley-Kristensen, "TwoSino-Japanese Dharru:.u Dictionaries," Temenos 23 (1987): 131-134. "BoilerplateSequences in Pu-k'ung's Teachings" compares these sequences in key T'angdynasty texts and is found below.40. Kiyota translates [un shen as as "Wheel-body" (Shingon, 103-104). Unfortunately this is both meaningless and clumsy in English and it misses the the

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ORZECH 225

According to the Sanskrit text of the Yoga of the Summit of the Vajra (the

SITS) in the possession of Tripitaka (Pu-k'ung) . . . the five bodhisattvas41manifest bodies differentiated in accord with two kinds of wheel. In the

first-the Wheel of the [Correct] Teaching-bodhisattvas manifest their

bodies of truth (chen-shih shen) because this is the body received as recompense for the practice of vows. In the second-the Wheel which brings about

the Teaching-[they] display their bodies of wrath (wei-nu shen) because it isthe body which, arising from great compassion, manifests as anger.42

Thus, each of the five buddhas of the STTS have three forms: Buddha,

bodhisattva, and wrathful vidyaraja.43 Buddhahood-the state of enlight

enment itself-is represented as the "Wheel body of the Self-nature" (tzu

hsing lun shen, Sanskrit svabhavacakrakaya). Apotropaic rites focusingon the beneficent teaching activities of bodhisattvas invoke the "Body

[which turns] the Wheel of the Correct Teaching" (cheng-fa lun shen, San

skrit sadharmacakrakaya). These beings have the term vajra (chin-kang)

prefixed to their names. The chastizing and wrathful manifestations who

are transformations of the buddhas and bodhisattvas are designated the

"Body [which turns] the Wheel of Command" (chiao-ling fun shen, San-

metaphorical, mythical and cosmological connotations of the term (discus, realm

/ cakravala ruler / cakravartin etc.). I suggest lun shen abbreviates the phrase

chuan-lun shen, "wheel-turning body" or "body which turns the wheel of . . .Thus, Cheng-fa-lun shen should be read as "body [which turns] the Wheel of the

Correct Teaching," and Chao-Zing-Zun shen is the "body [which turns] the Wheel

which Commands" or "brings about the Teaching." For the sake of fluid English

I call these the "Body of the Correct Teaching" and "Body of Command" respec

tively. See Ian Astley-Kristensen's analysis of the term in The Rishukyo 136 and

207.41. "Bodhisattvas" (p'u-sa) here refers to the buddhas Mahavairocana,

Ratnasambhava, etc., in their compassionate activities.

42. The passage occurs in slightly different form in two places. It occurs in

Liang-pi's great Commentary on the Scripture for Humane Kings (T. no. 1709,

33.515c22-25) and in Instructions for the Rites, Chants, and Meditations of the

Prajiiiipiiramitii-dhiirm;l Scripture for Humane Kings Who Wish to Protect

Their States. (T. no. 994, 19.514a24-28) len-wang hu-kuo po-jo-po-lo-mi-to

ching fo-lo-ni nien-sung i-kuei, hereafter Instructions) a24-28. The "wheel

bodies" are also covered briefly in Bukkyodaijiten 1857c-1858a, 1315b, and623a.

43. These three are similar to the "families" of the MVS and it is tempting to see

these wheel bodies as indicative of the influence of the MVS. Perhaps their

inspiration is in the MVS but, as the quote indicates, in Pu-k'ung's manuals they

are clearly framed in terms of the SITS.

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ORZECH 227

lier Buddhist texts and rituals or the production of new rituals Pu-k'ung and

his successors consistently followed the template set out in the STTS.47

Although I will focus primarily on the ritual manuals connected with the

Scripture for Humane Kings, several other contemporary manuals pro-duced under Pu-k'ung's tutelage form its cohort. Among these are the

Kuan-tzu-tsai p'u-sa ju-i-lun nien-sung i-kuei (T. no. 1085, hereafter Ju-i

lun), the Wu-liang-shou ju-lai kuan-hsing kung-yang i-kuei (T. no. 930,

hereafter Wu-liang-shou), and the Chin-kang-ting lien-hua-pu hsin nien

sung i-kuei (T. no. 873, hereafter Hsin kuei). I will return to these manuals

shortly.

Three ritual commentaries on Pu-k'ung's new recension of the Scripture

for Humane Kings are attributed to Pu-k'ung (though likely the joint product of Pu-k'ung and his close disciples).48 The most important of these

Which Gave Rise to the Teaching to Ananda Concerning the Essentials of the

Yoga [Tradition] on Distribution ofFood to Burning Mouths (T. nos. 1318 and1319), The DhiirmJI Sutrafor Saving the Burning Mouth Hungry Ghost (T. nos.

1313 and 1314), and the ritual text Distributions ofFood and Water to Hungry

Ghosts (T. no. 1315). This last text presents a ritual, centered on the use ofmantra, for magically multiplying offerings of food and water to alleviate the

suffering of the countless beings in the lower realms. The new techniques ofoffering are given authoritative charter through an account of the ritual's origins,

an account which is associated with these rites into this century. The earlier rites

connected with the Chinese Yu-lan-p'en Scripture have been treated by Stephen

F. Teiser, The Ghost Festival in Medieval China (Princeton: Princeton

University Press, 1988). Teiser has also explored the emergence of the Chinese

vision of the underworld in his study and translation, The Scripture on the Ten

Kings and the Making ofPurgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu:University of Hawaii Press, 1994). For an exploration of the the shih-shih rites

see Charles D. Orzech, "Esoteric Buddhism and the Shishi in China," Henrik H.

Sprensen, ed., The Esoteric Buddhist Tradition, SBS Monographs Series 2

(Copenhagen: Seminar for Buddhist Studies, 1994) 51-72. I have translated the

story of the origin of the shih-shih rites in appendix two of that publication, and

have also done an updated translation titled "Saving the Burning-Mouth HungryGhost," in Donald S. Lopez, ed., Religions of China in Practice (Princeton:

Princeton University Press, 1996) 278-283.

47. Again, we have the various "Ghost Festival" texts already cited as well as

the rainmaking scriptures (T. nos. 989-993), some of the "Peacock" scriptures

(T. nos. 982-988), rites for the worship of Amitabha (T. no. 930), etc.

48. Osabe sees these ritual commentaries as indicative of Pu-k'ung's transforma

tion of Vajrabodhi's Esoteric Buddhism into an Esoteric Buddhism of state-pro

tection designed to serve Chinese needs. Indeed, Liang-pi (T. no. 1709 33.516b-

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.228 JIABS 19.2

commentaries is Instructions for the Rites, Chants, and Meditations of the

Prajfilipliramitli Dhlirm;f Scripture for Humane Kings Who Wish to Pro

tect Their States (T. no. 994, 19.514a-519b len-wang hu-kuopo-jo-po-lo

mi-to ching fo-lo-ni nien-sung i-kuei, or Instructions).49 Instructions out

lines the establishment of the maI.1c;lala / altar, the order of rites in the ritual,

and gives instructions on the contemplation of the great dhlirm;f. 50 The

Methodfor Chanting the Humane Kings Prajfili [paramitlij (T no. 995,

len-wang po-jo nien-sung fa, or Method) also outlines the ritual and

focuses on its mantra sequences. The Translation of the Humane Kings

Prajfilipliramitlij Dhlirar;,f (T. no. 996, len-wang po-jo fo-lo-ni shih) is an

exegesis of the key bfja or seed syllables of the major dhiirar;,f of the text.

The Instructions, the Method, the Translation, and Liang-pi's greatCommentary on the Scripture for Humane Kings include only partial

accounts of specific rites such as the inner visualizations of the adept. Like

rainmaking rituals and other such performances there is no exhaustive ritual

commentary dating from later Chinese use of the text. Nevertheless, when

we examine these ritual manuals with knowledge of the template drawn

from the SITS and of specific boilerplate sequences found in other late

Tang manuals in PU-k'ung's lineage we can can "flesh out" the full perfor

mance. Our knowledge of these ritual performances is further corroboratedboth by Tang sources contemporary with PU-k'ung and by ritual manuals

preserved in the medieval Japanese Shingon and Tendai collections.51

These are intimately linked to state protection. The Zuzosho, the Kakuzen

sho, the Asabasho, the Bessonzakki, and the Byakuhokusho all preserve

medieval Japanese versions of mal)c;lalas and altar layouts for the Scripture

for Humane Kings. Although these manuals must be used with caution,

ff.) details the rites in his commentary and the continuity is striking. See OsabeTodai mikkyoshi zakko, 89-95.

49. Though'it is attributed to Pu-k'ung the opening passages and the prefaceindicate that it was the product of the master and his disciple Liang-pi. The preface was composed by Hui-ling of Pu-k'ung's Hsing-shan monastery. For thecomments in the preface see T. no. 994 19.514a6-7.50. For these ritual commentaries see Osabe, op. cit. and De Visser, AncientBuddhism, vol, 1, 158-176. Toganoo, Mandara no kenkyu 370-371, treats thesebriefly.

51. For instance, the Piao-chih chi is replete with references to homa and abhi$eka performed at the Esoteric altars ofthe inner palace (nei tao-ch'ang), at Pu

k'ung's home monastery the Hsing-shan ssu, and at the Golden Pavilion (Chink'o ssu) on Mt. W u ~ t ' a i . For the homa rite see Michel Strickmann, "Homa inEast Asia," Fritz Staal, ed., Agni, vol. 2 (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1982) 418-455; and Richard K. Payne, The Tantric Ritual ofJapan.

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ORZECH 229

they clearly reflect the overall structure and sequencing of rites known from

Tang dynasty sources. 52 Finally, J6kei's ninth-century Kaguraoka shidai

which preserves Shingon ritual sequences connected with the Vajradhiitu·

(SITS) demonstrates a remarkable continuity with eighth-century Tang rit

uals in Pu-k'ung's lineage. Almost certainly PU-k'ung's rituals were not as

punctilious as those found in modern day Shingon or in medieval Taimitsu

and Tomitsu manuals, but the template and the sequencing or ritual modules

are nearly identical.

Any ritual and the maI).qala and altar layouts for its performance will fol

low the "grammar" or "template" of the SITS-the five-fold maI).qala struc

ture and the Wheel body taxonomy-but will vary in "vocabulary," details,

divinities, and so forth depending upon its purpose. The specific configuration of the mal)qala / altar-the "vocabulary," if you will-depended

upon the purpose at hand. These variations are explained in Instructions

which is divided into five unequal parts. Part one, 'The Five Bodhisattvas

Manifesting Their Awesome Virtue" discusses the relationship of the key

divinities and their Wheel Bodies to the SITS. Part two, "Rites for Con-.

structing the MaI).qala," sets out the procedures to be followed in establish

ing the maI).qala / altar. Part three details the rites for "Entering the Ritual

Arena" (actually the order or sequence of rites comprising the ritual pro

gram). Part four presents a 'Translation of the Phrases of the Dhiira7J.I and

the Method for its Contemplation." Part five sets out the "Visualization of

the Dhiira7J.I According to the Wheel of Characters."53

52. The ZuzoshO (Taish5 supplement vol. 3, compiled by Ejo, 1139); the

Bessonzakki (Taish5 supplement vol. 3, compiled by Shinkaku [1117-1180]);

the KakuzenshO (Taish6 supplement vol. 4, compiled by Kakuzen [1143-1218]and his Kakuzen hitsu NinnokyohO in the same volume); the AsabashO (Taish5

vol. 9, compiled by Sh5ch5 [1205-1282]; and the Byakuhokusho (TaishB vol. 6,

compiled by Ry5zen [1258-1341]) all contain material on the Humane Kings.

These commentaries proport to be the oral traditions passed on from Chinese to

Japanese initiates. While it is obvious this later material must be used judi

ciously, the conservative nature of the tradition, the clear continuity with Tang

ritual manuals (immediately obvious in examining Hatta Yukio's tables in Shin-

gonjiten 255-267) and the example of the ghost rites (for which we have later

Chinese ritual commentaries) means that we can use this material with some

confidence.

53. Section two of Instructions details strikingly Indian procedures for setting

up the ritual arena, and with it we enter the ritual process proper, including the

purification of the ground with cow dung and cow urine. "Chakuji," Hobi5girin

3:279-280, has a discussion of these procedures.

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230 JIABS 19.2

The purpose of part one is to situate the divinities of the ritual within their

proper orbits of association with the SITS. Beginning in the east -with

VajrapaI).i and proceeding to the south (Vajraratna), west (VajratIksna),

north ( V a j r a r a k ~ a ) , and center (Vajrapararnita), Instructions first 'quotes the

initial description of each divinity from Pu-k'ung's translation of the Scrip-

ture for Humane Kings. It then identifies each with its "Wheel body" forms

derived from the five chief divinities of the SITS. For example, Vajrapani

is identified with Samantabhadra (P'u-hsien p'u-sa) as the Body of the Cor-

rect Teaching who eliminates subtle defilements (klda), while his Body of

Command is Trilokyavijayavajra (Chiang san-shih chin-kang) who sub

dues the miiras and Mahesvara. 54 This list thus describes three possible

maI).Qala / altar deployments with Vajraparamita / Mahavairocana /Acalavajra seated at the center. Depending on the need at hand (teaching

and purification of subtle defilements, enlightenment, or the pacification of

calamities, the subjugation of enemies, etc.) the iiciirya employs

Vajrapararnita or Acalavajra as the central divinity. 55 The associations out

lined in part one of Instructions are presented in figure 9.

Correct SITS Function Command Function

TeachingEast Va rapfu.ll Samanta- eliminates Trilokya- Mara!

bhadra klesa vijaya Mahesvara

South Vajraratna Akasagarbha fulfills Km;u;lali- subdues

desires vajra asuras

West VajratIksna Mafijusrl severs Yamantaka subdues

obstacles evil

dragons

North Vajrarak$a Vajra- eliminates Vajrayak$a subdues

dam$.tra56 sins rak$asas

and yak$as

54. In the SITS Vajrap1iI).i, the "great rak$a" subdues Mahesvara. For a fascinating analysis of this conversion of a Hindu divinity into a Buddhist protector seeIyanaga Nobumi, "Recits de la soumission de Mahesvara par Trilokavijaya."55. Mahavairocana is likely not to be the central divinity of the ritual since other

rituals have total enlightenment as their primary goal, though the imagery of

visionary light is a central part of the visualization of Prajfiapararnita bodhisattva.See below, and the original at T. no. 994, 517b20ff.56. MikkyOdaijiten vol. 2, 676a-677b identifies this figure as "Vajra tooth" fromAmoghasiddhi's court in the first maI).qala from the STTS. He is equated withVajrayak$a in the Vajradhatu maI).Qala. V a j r a d a n i $ ~ r a is the name given the

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Center· Vajra

paramita

Maha

vairocana

subdues

demons

ORZECH 231

Acalavajra subdues

maras

Part two of Instructions stipulates requirements for siting and constructing a m a l ) . < ~ a l a . / altar as well as procedures for painting the divinities and

arranging objects on the altar. The sequence of rites which are strung

together to form the ritual is invariant, though particular rites may be nested

into other rites in accordance with the goal of the performance. First, the

iiciirya will decide which sort of mal)<;lala / altar to construct. Although

most rituals will involve the visualization of the maI).<;lala in the body, an

external pre-painted maI.1<;lala or a three dimensional altar mayor may not be

available. Moreover, both interior and exterior maI).<;lalas may consist offull images in either two or three dimensions, bfja (the fundamental sonic

expressions of divinities), or samaya (the "pledge, in this case a symbolic

representations of the meditative state of divinities).57 Part two also stipu

lates proper times and colors of vestments, and seating position of the

iiciirya which are appropriate to the divinity evoked and the purpose of the

ritual.58 For example, in the case of the rites outlined in Instructions the

central divinity will commonly be PrajiHiparamita bodhisattva or

Acalavajra.59 The former is the Body of the Correct Teaching of Maha-

vairocana. The latter is Mahavairocana's wrathful Body of Command form.

If the rite is being performed for pacification of calamities (Siintika), the

beneficent form of this bodhisattva in the Garbha maI).Qala, where he is placed in

Vajrapani's court. His vow is to devour the causes of suffering. See Snodgrass,

The Matrix and Diamond World Mandalas 1:332. Osabe, Todai mikkyoshi

zakko 92-93, asserts that the ritual program of the Humane Kings predates the

dichotomy of the Garbhadhatu and Vajradhatu maI).<;lalas and methods. While Iagree with the spirit of Osabe's remark, putting the issue in terms of the Shingon

dual maI).Qala system is still anachronistic.57. The four main types of maI).<;lalas are the Mahii-ma1J.q.ala, which is the

maI).Qala constructed with painted images of the deities, the Samaya-ma1J.q.ala

consisting of the symbolic forms of the deities, the Dharma-ma1J.q.ala which use

the bIja or "seed-syllables" of the deities, and the karma-ma1J.q.ala which represents the the forms of the deities in unpainted images.

58. Instructions, T. no. 994, 19.515c-516a18 for the colors, times, and directions. For types of homa see Snodgrass, 82-96. For a full discussion of contemporary homa (which closely match medieval Japanese manuals) see Richard

K. Payne, The Tantric Ritual ojJapan.

59. Although Instructions details the iconography ofPrajfiaparamita bodhisattva

contemporary evidence and evidence from Japanese manuals shows that Acala is

often favored.

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.232 JIABS 19.2

iiciirya is dressed in white, faces north-the direction of Vajraralq;a /

Vajrayalq;a-and visualizes the focal divinity, the offerings, etc. as white in

color and he chants calmly and silently. If for increase (paus.t*a) he wears

yellow and faces Vajrapill)i / Trailokyavijaya-yellow in color---'in the east.

He chants calmly and under his breath. I f the rite is for SUbjugation

(abhiciiraka) he wears black and faces Vajraratna / KUIJ.Q.ali-visualized as

black in color-in the south. He inwardly arouses great compassion and

outwardly assumes an awsome, angry demeanor and shouts out the chants.

I f for attraction (vasfkarana) the iiciirya wears red and faces Vajratlksna /

Yamantaka-visualized as red in color-in the west. He chants in ajoyous

and fierce voice. These four types of rites are homa (immolation) and we

know from other sources that the shapesof homa

altars also vary in accordance with the purpose of the ritual. 60 I f for pacification the altar is

circular. For increase the altar is square. For SUbjugation the altar is

triangular, while for attraction the altar is in the form of a lotus.

Thus, depending upon the purpose of the ritual, one generates a maIJ.Q.ala

which is simultaneously stereotypical and tailored to specific circumstances.

Throughout the performance the text (in the PU-k'ung recension) resides on

the altar and a group of monks chant it as specified in the Scripture for

Humane Kings itself.The basic sequence of rites which compose the ritual is outlined in sec tion

three of Instructions and begins with the preparation of the iiciirya.61

These rites involve the purification of body, speech, and mind, the perfor

mance of the "pledges (samaya) of the three "departments" of Buddha,

bodhisattva, and vajra beings, and the protection of the iiciirya by donning

"armor." The next sequence of rites involves visualizing, securing and

embellishing the ritual space. Only then can the deities be welcomed to the

ritual arena where they are offered water, jeweled thrones, incense, etc.Having a ~ , s e m b l e d and worshipped the divinities the iiciirya moves to the

visualization and identification with the chief divinity of the ritual and the

contemplation of the syllables of the great dhiiralJ.l. Finally, having

accomplished the purpose of the ritual the iiciirya performs a series of exit

rites which reverse the entry rites. Among these are a final set of offerings,

the transfer of merit to all beings, the dissolving of the ritual space and

60. On the shapes of homa altars, the first systematic appearance of rites of"pacification," "subjugation," and "increase," see Bodhiruci's I-tzu-ting lun-wang

ching ("The Scripture of the Cakravartin of the Single-character U ~ I J . i s a , " T. no.

951, 19.261c-263b) and Strickmann's comments in "Roma in East Asia,' 434-447.

61. The same order is outlined in Method, T. no. 995, 19.520a-521c.

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ORZECH 233

depart!lre. Homa, when it is performed, focuses on Acala and is nested

into the series of offerings after the divinities have "taken their seats," and

before the identification sequence. Some T'ang manuals carefully detail

some sequences while abbreviating others.62 The ritual as it appears in sec-

tion three is translated in the following pages. I have supplied the sequencedivisions numbered 1-4. 63

1. Preparation of the Acarya and the Arena

If the practitioner seeks relief from calamities [santika]:

First: You must bathe and put on freshly cleaned clothes. I f you are a

householder, receive the lay precepts. Caring naught for your own life [you]

should arouse the ferverent mind of the Great Vehicle seeking siddhi. Towardnumberless beings arouse the compassionate vows of the mind of salvation.

In this manner you will be able to swiftly achieve siddhi. On entering the

ritual arena do a full prostration in veneration to all the Triple Jewel throughout

the Dhannadhatu. Kneeling on the right knee, repent all transgressions of the

triple karma (body, speech, mind), request that the buddhas of ten directions

turn the wheel of the Correct Teaching, and beseech all Tathagatas to long

abide in the world. [The practitioner then says,] "All the merit that I, (insert

name) cultivate, shall be dedicated to the achievement of unsurpassed enlight

enment. I vow that, together with all the beings of the Dharmadhatu, the sid-dhi we seek shall quickly attain fulfillment."

Next: Assume the cross-legged position. In case there are deficiencies

that have not been cleansed, take the hands and rub [them with] incense and,

arousing the ferverent mind, make the purification mudra. With care and

humility clasp the hands like an unopened lotus blossom. Chant the mantra:

62. For instance, Instructions gives the barest indication of the exit rites (T. no.

994, 19.515c) while Method specifies each step (T. no. 995, 19.521c).

63. The specific rites which consist largely of "boilerplate" have been labled by

me and numbered 1-4 in italics. I have found it convienient to use a somewhat

different terminology and division of the sequence from that used by the

ChUinryfi of Koyasan. Instructions is representative of Tang Esoteric manuals

in Pu-k'ung's lineage. I t is structured around the mudra and mantra sequences

and includes ritual instructions concerning what to do, how to make the mudras,

and other "stage" directions (in normal typeface), liturgy to be recited by the

acarya (in quotation marks) and the mantras to be chanted (boldface). Bold ital

ics represents transliterated Sanskrit terms appearing in the Chinese. Pictures ofthe mudtas can be found in Hatta's Shingonjiten under their corresponding

mantras and at the front of volume one of Mikky8daijiten. The spareness of

Instructions contrasts with the elaborate ritual laid out in the ByakuhOkushO

(Taisho supplement vol. 6, 198c-217c), though one should note that exactly the

same sequence of ritual modules is present there.

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234 JIABS 19.2

Om. svabhava-suddhaI,. sarva-dharmaI,. s a r v a b h a v a - s u d d ~ o 'ham64

Chant this mantra three times. While you chant it move the mind 'to magna

nimity and [reflect]: "All dharmas are originally pure, therefore my body is

also completely pure." Then with eyes closed visualize all the multitudes of

ritual arenas, the assemblies of buddhas and bodhisattvas that everywhere fill

the void. Hold every sort of supernal incense and with triple karma resolute

and sincere, face them to pay your respects.

One: Make the mudrii of the Buddha department samaya. The two hands

are placed before the heart, making a fist with the fingers crossed and inside,

while the thumbs are upright. Chant the mantra:

Om. jina-jik svaha65

Silently chant this mantra three times and release the [mudra] above the head.

By making this mudra and chanting this Buddha-department samaya mantra,

all of the buddhas of the Dharmadhatu of the ten directions will assemble like

a cloud and totally fill the void. [They] empower the practitioner [who will

thus] be freed from all obstacles, and the vow cultivating the purification of the

triple karma will be swiftly accomplished.

Two: Make the mudra of the Bodhisattva depa..-tment samaya. As before[clasp] the hands before the heart and make a fist [this time] with the left

thumb inside. Chant the mantra:

Om. alolik svaha66

Just as before chant it three times and release [the mudra] above your head.

Because of making this mudra and chanting this bodhisattva-department

samaya mantra Kuan-yin and all the other bodhisattvas of the Dharmadhatu

of the ten directions will assemble like a cloud and totally fill the void. [They]

empowerJhe practioner [whose] triple karma [thus] becomes pure and without

any affliction. This is called bodhisattvas carrying out the vow of great com

passion and it will cause one who seeks it to attain complete fulfillment.

Three: Make the mudra of the Vajra department samaya as in the previ-

0us mudra [but] extend the left thumb while enclosing the right thumb in the

palm. Chant the mantra:

64. Hatta, Shingon-jiten no. 1808.

65. Hatta, Shingon-jiten no. 242, the heart mantra of the "Buddha-department."

66. Hatta, Shingon-jiten no. 64, the heart mantra of the "Bodhisattva - depart

ment."

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ORZECH 235

ODJ. vajra-dh:rk svaha67

As before chant it three times and release [the mudra] above your head.

Because of making this mudra and chanting this Vajra-department samaya

mantra, all of the Vajra [beings] of the Dharmadhatu of the ten directions willmanifest their wrathful bodies and assemble like a cloud and fill the void.[They] empower the practioner [whose] triple karma becomes firm as dia

mond. This is called the sages earring out the Buddha's awesome spirit.

Using the strength of their vows [they] are able to protect the state and cause it

to be without calamities, and even this insignificant body will be withouttroubles.

Four: (516c) Make the mudra of protecting the body. Again use the

mudras and chant the mantras of the three departments and empower the five

places-that is the two shoulders, heart, throat, top of head-and release [themudra] above your head. Forthwith you will be protected by stout Vajra

annor. Because of this empowerment the entire body of the practitioner glows

with an awesome radiance. All the maras who would obstruct and harass

[you] do not dare to look [at you] and they quickly flee.

Five: (516c-517a) Make the exorcism mudra and then the mudra of the

Vajra-quarter jewel-realm. Use the previous Vajra department mudra and

chanting the mantra circle the altar turning to the left. Make three circuits.

Forthwith you will be able to exorcise all the powerful maras and, as a conse

quence of the goodness of all the buddhas and bodhisattvas, all those who are

hidden will be exposed and they will flee far from [the Buddha's] world.

Make three circuits to the right, as you like, big or small. This will complete

the Vajra-quarter jewel-realm. All the buddhas and bodhisattvas will not dis

obey you. How much more is it true for those who would harass you, and

you will be able to obtain their expedient devices. Release the [mudra] above

your head.

2. Summoning and Feting the DivinitiesSix: Make the mudra of inviting the sages to descend to the altar. Use the

previous mudras of the three departments and chant their mantras. [This time]

move your thumbs toward your body summoning them three times. Immedi

ately the air before you will fill up with the sages of the three departments,

each going to his proper place without obstructing one another. They wait

silently.Seven: Mudra offering agra perfumed water. As above using two hands

respectfully offer the m a ~ i - b e j e w e l e d vessel filled with perfumed water. Hold

it at eyebrow level and chant the mantra:

ODJ. vajrodaka tha hiiDJ.68

67. Hatta, Shingon-jiten no. 1090, the heart mantra of the "Vajra-departrnent."


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236 nABS 19.2

Just as above chant it three times while moving the heart to magnanimity.

Next bathe all the sages and release [the mudrii] above your head. Because of

this agra water, during each and every stage-from the stage o(victorious

understanding and practicing of the Teaching to the stage of the Dharmacloud-the buddhas and bodhisattvas of the Dharmadhiitu of the ten direc

tions all will protect you and you will obtain all their a b h i ~ e k a s . Eight: Mudra presenting jeweled thrones. As above, with care and

humility, clasp the hands with thumbs and little fingers matching and slightly

bent. The remaining six fingers are spread and a little bent, like a lotus blossom

just opening. Chant the mantra:

Oil) kamala sviiha69

By making this mudrii and chanting this mantra, you cause the jeweled thrones

which are presented to be received and used by the sages as though they were

real, and it causes the practitioner to reach the state of fruition70 and to attain

the Vajra-finn jeweled-throne.

Nine: Make the mudrii of universal offering (517a-b). As above, clasp the

two hands. The five fingers are interlaced with the right pressing on the left.

Place it above the heart and chant the mantra:

Namah sarvatha kham udgate sphara himall) gagana-khall)

svaha71

By making this mudrii and chanting this mantra-moving the mind to magna

nimity-it rains all [types] of offering vessels in all of the ritual arenas of all

ocean-like assemblies of buddhas and bodhisattvas all about the Dharma

dhiitu. On the first recitation numberless vessels are filled with incense paste

which is daubed on all the sages. On the second recitation every sort of flower

garland adorns [the sages]. On the third recitationall

sorts of incense isburned as offering. On the fourth recitation it rains superb divine food and

drink whith is properly arranged in in the jeweled vessels and offered every

where. On the fifth recitation it rains all sorts of bejeweled lamps which are

offered before all the buddhas and bodhisattvas. Because of the strength of the

empowerment [confered by] chanting this mantra, in all the ocean-like

assemblies the offerings of incense and so on all are completely real and are

used by the sages and, as for the practitioner, he is certain to obtain

recompense.


70. The "state of fruition" or attainment indicates the completion or outcome or

attainment of the goal of practice.


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ORZECH 237

3. Contemplation of he Chief Divinity of he Ritual

Ten: Make the fundamental mudrli of Prajiilipliramitli. Place the two hands

back to back with the index and little fingers enclosed in the palms with the

thumbs pressing on the index fingers. Place [the mudrli] above your heart and

. chant the dhliraf}.f from the scripture seven times.72 Becauseof

making thismudrli and chanting this dhliraf}.f the practitioner's own body is immediately

transformed into Prajiilipliramitli bodhisattva and becomes the mother of allbuddhas. The image of the bodhisattva is seated cross-legged upon a white

lotus. His body is golden colored and he has many precious necklaces adorn

ing his body. On his head is a jeweled crown with two (pieces of) white silk

hanging down the sides. In the left hand is the Sanskrit text of the Prajiia

pliramitli]' His right hand is held before his breast making the Dharmacakra

mudrli; thumbs pressing on the tip of the fourth finger. Now, meditate on the

bodhisattva from head to toe. All the pores of his body emit a multi-coloredradiance which fIlls the Dharmadhlitu. Each ray transforms into countlessbuddhas who fill up the void, and on behalf of the assembled beings in all

these worlds they expound the profound teaching of thePrajiilipliramitli

which causes the samlidhi of the abode of enlightened comprehension. After

the practitioner completes this contemplation release the mudrli above the head.

Grasp the prayer beads and clasp hands together and with resolute heart chant

this mantra:

0111 Vairocana mala svaha73

Chant this three times and empower the rosary by touching it to your head. 74

Then bring it before the heart. With the left hand receiving the bead and the

right hand moving the bead, focus on union and abide in the Buddha-mother

samadhi. Contemplate it without interruption, and chant [the mantra either]

108 or 21 times. When you have finished touch the rosary to your head and

put it back in its place. Make the samadhi mudrli. Lay the hands across one

another just below the navel with the right pressing on the left. [Sit] withupright posture, closed eyes, and head slightly inclined, and concentrate on

your heart. Visualize a bright round mirror which [expands] from one hasta

in breadth gradually [to fIll] the entire Dharmadhlitu. Set out the characters in

line revolving to the right, and contemplate them in sequence. Their effulgent

radiance shines everywhere. Proceed from the outside toward the inside until

reaching the character ti. Then go from the inside toward the outside. Grad

ually contemplate all the characters. When you have been around once start

over again. When you reach the third repetition your mind will be quiescent

72. Section four of Instructions gives a word by word explication of the

dhlirafJf. T. no. 994, 19.518a-519a Section five gives instructions for interior

visualization of the dhliralJ.f in "wheels" of words.


74. Literally, "by wearing it on your head."

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238 JIABS 19.2

and concentrated, and you will clearly comprehend the meaning of that whichyou contemplate:, "no production,no extinction, all is the same throughout theDharmadhiltu. Not moving, not quiescent, meditation and wisdom are thetwin conveyance. Forever beyond all signs, this is the contemplation of

Prajftilpilramitil samildhi." Make the Prajfiaparamita mudril and chant thedhiira1J! seven times and release [the mudriiJ above the head.

4. Exit Sequence

Next: Make the mudrii of universal offering. As previously move the mind[to magnaminity] and follow the sequence of offerings. Before the sages dedicate the merit produced to the fulfillment of all vows on behalf of the state andthe family, and for the benefit of others. Thereafter transfer [the merit] tobeings so they may tum to the Pure Land, tum to the edge of reality, tum to

seeking unsurpassed bodhi, and vow that all beings will swiftly arrive at theother shore.

Next: Make the previous [Vajra]-dhiltu mudrii and chant the previousmantra three times circling to the left, which will complete the dissolusion of

the [Vajra] realm.Next: As previously, make the mudriis of the three departments and chant

the previously (used) mantras three times, all the while moving the thumbstoward the outside. This will complete the departure, and the sages will eachreturn to their original land. The practitioner should make a prostration andleave.

The modular construction of the ritual set out in Instructions is apparent

when we examine other texts of its cohort. The lineaments of this structure

have recently been laid bare in Hatta Yukio's Shingon-jiten. Hatta's com-

prehensive tables and appendices provide a basis for examination of the

underlying ritual structure and the sequencing of individual Esoteric rites in

a variety of historical contexts. 75 Hatta's table of rites copnected with theVajradhiitu (pp. 264-268) are of particular relevance to the procedures con

cerning the Humane Kings detailed in Instructions and Methods. In this

table Hatta compares the sequencing of rites in eleven manuals connected

with the teachings of the SITS. He provides a master numbering which

represents all the possible rites which might be nested to produce a specific

ritual program. Among the manuals Hatta uses are Japanese manuals of the

ChUinryii ~ e c t of Koyasan, that attributed to Jokei (866-900) of the Kan

jujiryu, and the Shih-pa-chih yin (T. no. 900) supposedly the oral teachingsof Pu-k'ung's disciple Hui-kuo as transmitted by Kiikai, and T'ang manuals

75. The appendices and tables run from pp. 254-339.

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ORZECH 239

from the Vajrabodhi I P u ~ k ' u n g lineage.76 This latter group includes

Vajrabodhi's version of the SITS (Chin-kang-ting yii-ch'ieh ch'ieh chung

liieh ch'u nien-sung ching T. no. 866) as well as three manuals attributed to

PU-k'ung. These are the Kuan-tzu-tsai p'u-sa ju-i-Iun nien-sung i-kuei (T.

no. 1085, h e r ~ a f t e r lu-i-Iun), the Wu-liang-shou ju-Iai kuan-hsing kung

yang i-kuei (T no. 930, hereafter Wu-liang-shou), and the Chin-kang-ting

lien-hua-pu hsin nien-sung i-kuei (T. no. 873, hereafter Hsin kuei).

Hatta's table clearly demonstrates the direct connection between these

manuals and later Shingon manuals. The table also demonstrates Japanese

codification of the modular structure and further elaboration on the part of

Shingon ritualists. Looking back to the Tang dynasty context, the table

makes i t quite obvious that the lu-i-Iun, the Wu-liang-shou, and the Hsinmei are closely related to Instructions (T. no. 994) and Method (T. no.

995). Indeed, Osabe has cogently argued that all of these texts are the

product of Pu-k'ung and his heirs.77 In the following table I compare the

sequences of rites in Instructions with those in the lu-i-Iun, Wu-liang-shou,

and Kaguraoka. In each case the ritual programs involve the same

sequences of rites, though some manuals abbreviate, elaborate, or even skip

certain details. All use the same mantras or variants of the same mantras.78

Finally, for our purposes, Hatta's work has one drawback. Shingonjiten isa dictionary ofmantra, and in the many cases where a sequence of standard

rites is briefly refered to without mention of the mudrii or mantra, Hatta is

silent. For instance, Hatta's tables show none of the exit rites for lu-i-Iun,

or Wu-liang-shou. Like these manuals Instructions mentions the sequences

of rites without specifying the mantra or simply notes, "use the three

mantras as before." When we examine the Wu-liang-shou and other man

uals we find the same kind of abbreviation as in Instructions. Indeed,

when we take into account indications of rites both when they include

mantras and when they merely refer to a rite without actually transcribing a

76. J5kei's Kaguraoka shidai represents teachings on the Vajradhatu in theKanjujiryu tradition. The Kaguraoka shidai is the most comprehensive of themanuals surveyed by Hatta. For the manual see Mikkyi5daijiten 230a. ForJ5kei's life see Mikkyi5daijiten 1136b-c.77. Osabe groups these manuals together under the rubric of "the EsotericTeachings of Pu-k'ung and his milieu." He argues that these texts (and a numberof other texts) represent the adaptation of the tantras to the Chinese scene. Osabealso argues that they represent a joint esoterism of Vajradhatu and Garbhadiitu,an esoterism influenced by the Susiddhikara (pp. 44-48; 89-105).

78. The numbers in parentheses which follow each rite refer to Hatta's sequencing numbers, pp. 264-268.

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240 JIABS 19.2

mantra the high degree of congruence between T'ang rites and Japanese

Shingon rites is astounding. The table below presents the results of my

examination of these manuals. When a mantra or mudra indicating a corre

spondence is found in Hatta's table I have marked it with an *. When Hatta

is silent but an abbreviated reference to sequences of rites is mentioned in

the manuals I have marked them with a **. In one case a mantra is in a text

but Hatta skips over it. In this case I have marked it with a #. The boldface

headings indicate logical breaks between sequences of rites. My division

does not completely correspond to those put forward by various Shingon

exegetes. Each of the number:s 1-12 running down the left side of the table

represents a discrete sequence ofboilerplate rites. I have not included all of

the sub-rites in each. Thus, in the case of the hama sequence I have not

broken out the establishment of the homa altar, the invitation of its deities,

the offerings, and so on.

Instructions

Preparation

l. Worship Triple Jewel (4) **

2. Purify Triple Karma (9) *3. Buddha Dept. Samaya (1020) *

Bodhisattva / Lotus" " (1 I2l) *Vajra Dept. Samaya (1222) *

4. Annoring the Body (13) **

5. Establish Vajra Realm (35) **

Summoning and Feting the Divinities79

6. Offer Agra Water (80) *Offer ThrQpes (81)

Universal Offering (90)

Homa8o

7. Homa Sequence

**

JU-i-lun Wu-liang- Kaguraoka

shou

* *

* * ** * ** * ** * ** * ** * *

* * *

* * *# *

**

79. In its full fonn this sequence of rites includes dispatching a chariot to bringthe divinities, welcoming them and feting them with a variety of offerings includ-ing water, garlands of flowers, various kinds of incense, and so on.80. For a full account of the many sub-rites see Payne, The Tantric Ritual of

Japan.

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Chief Divinity

8. Contemplation of

Chief Divinity (95)

Exit Sequence

9. Universal Offering (106)

Dedication ofMerit (108)

10. Dissolving the Ritual Arena

(109)

Three Depts. I Departure

(110, 112)81

11. Taking Off the Armour (117-118)

12. Prostration and Exit (124)

*

**

**

**

**

**

**

ORZECH 241

* * *

** ** *

*** *

** ** *

** *

** ** *

CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS ON MANDALIC ADAPT ABILITY:

PRACTICE AND ITS ARTIFACTS

What made-and still makes-Esoteric Buddhism a great missionary reli

gion was its modular structure. If the modular structure I have detailed in

PU-k'ung's Esoteric Buddhism is representative of other lineages of EsotericBuddhism, as I suspect it is, then interpretation of sites like EIlora,

Aurangabad, or KongobUju becomes more difficult. This structure pro

vided a degree of freedom and adaptability while maintaining strong ideo

logical continuity. Even with a living tradition and ritual manuals extant

interpretation is far from clear; in the absence of these we must grope

toward an interpretation. We can look to other Esoteric sites and traditions

as Geri Malandra has so ably demonstrated, but when we do so we need to

take account of both the stereotypical and unique dimensions of anymaI).c.iala. If Rastrakuta rulers endowed these sites (a point we are as yet

uncertain of), what sorts of rituals did they wish to be performed there?

Esoteric Buddhism was connected with the periphery of the Indian world,

if it represented Indian Esoteric Buddhism for "export," and if this export

was targeted for and adapted to those in power, then what sorts of rituals

and what sorts of maI).c.ialas are these? Though an altar can be adapted to

immediate needsas

they arise and the appropriate paintedmar;tc.iala

can besupplied to fit the circumstances, a permanent rock-cut mar;tc.iala provides no

such flexibility. Malandra puts the problem concisely. I f Ellora is a

maI).c.iala or maI).c.ialas, which is it? "If we can't name them, does that

81. This sequence in its full form involves sending off the divinities.

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242 JIABS 19.2

weaken the analogy?" 82 I would like to suggest we reframe the question.

Given the modular structure I have outlined above, there are two possible

avenues of inquiry open to us. One the one hand we may be looking at a

particular instantiation of a particular ritual procedure which was,the raison

d'etre of the site. On the other hand Ellora's maI).c;lalas may be "templates"

or generic structures. In either case we should try to determine both the

ideological template of the caves as well as the sort of ritual which would fit

such a space. Looking at the ritual and social context of maI).c;lalas in

eighth-century China shows us not only how maI).c;lalas were created but

also one of the reasons why Esoteric Buddhism was a great missionary

tradition.

PRIMARY TEXTS

Chen-yiian-hsin-tingshih-chiao mu-lu. Yuan-chao (d. 800) T. no. 2157.

Chin-kang-feng-ko i-cliieh yii-ch'ieh yu-chih ching. Trans. by Vajrabodhi

(671-741). T. no. 867.

Chin-kang-ting i-ch'ieh ju-lai chen-shih she ta-ch' eng hsien-ti ta chiao

wang ching (Sarvatathagatatattvasamgraha). Trans. Pu-k'ung (705-

774). T. no. 865.

Chin-kang-ting lien-hua-pu hsin nien-sung i-kuei. Pu-k'ung (705-774). T.no. 873.

Chin-kang-ting yii-ch'ieh chung liieh ch'u nien-sung ching

(Sarvatathiigatatattvasanigraha). Trans. by Vajrabodhi (671-741). T.

no. 866.

F0 shuo i-ch'ieh ju-lai chen-shih she ta-ch' eng hsien ti san-mei ta chiao

wang ching (Sarvatathagatatattvasanigraha). Trans. Shih-hu (Danapala,

fl. 980s). T. no. 882

len-wang hu-kuo po-jo-po-lo-mi-to ching. Attributed to Kumarajlva (350-409), b u t ~ r i t t e n ca. 470-490. T. no. 245.

len-wangho-kuo po-jo-po-lo-mi-to ching. Pu-k.'ung (705-774). T. no. 246.

len-wang hu-kuo po-jo-po-lo-mi-to ching shu. Liang-pi (fl. 760's). T. no.

1709.

len-wang ho-kuo po-jo-po-lo-mi-to f o-lo-ni nien-sung i-kuei. PU-k.'ung

(705-744). T. no. 994

len-wang po-jo nien-sungfa. PU-k.'ung (705-744). T. no. 995.

len-wang po-jo fo-lo-ni shih. Pu-k.'ung (705-744). T. no. 996.

Liu-ch'u ching. Pu-k.'ung (705-744). T. no. 243.

Shih-pa kuei yin. KUkai (774-835). T. no. 900.

82. ''The Mar;4ala at Ellora / Ellora in the MaT;ejala" 191

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ORZECH 243

Ta p'i-Iu-ch' e-na ch' eng fo shen-pien chia-chih ching (Mahiivairocanii

bhisambodhi sutra). Trans. SUbhakarasi.n)ha (637-735) with the aid ofI-

hsing (683-727). T. no. 848.

Ta-fang chen-yuan hsu-liai-yuan s h i h ~ c h i a o lu. Yuan-chao (d. 800). T.

no. 2156.

Tai-tsung-ch' ao ssu-liung ta-pien-cheng kuang-chih san-tsang ho-shang

piao-chih-chi. Yuan-chao (d. 800). T. no. 2120

Wu-liang-shouju-Iai kuan-hsing kung-yang i-kuei. PU-k'ung (705-744). T.

no. 930.

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GLOSSARY

chen-shih s h e n ~ . J : t cheng-fa l E ~ cheng-fa-Iun shen l E ~ ~ J : t ch'eng chiu pj(;ff"tch'eng-chiu hsi-ti p j ( ; : § f t ~ f - t ! ! chin-kang ~ j l n ] U Chin-kang-chih ~ j l n ] U ~ ChUinryil $ ~ m t ch'u-shih ch'eng-chiu tf:Ifftpj(;:§itfa

hsi-ti~ f - t ! !

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tzu-hsing-lun shen § ' t ! ~ J : t wei-nu shen ~ 1 § J : t Y llan -chao Iillffi

ORZECH 244

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DAVID L. GARDINER

Ma1).c;iala, Ma1).c;iala on the Wall:

Variations .of Usage in the Shingon School

INTRODUCTION

Kayasan is the name of the mountain, as well as the small community that

occupies its peak, in Wakayama prefecture in Japan where KUkai established

an important rural monastic center devoted to the practice of esoteric

Buddhism in the early ninth century. The modern town of Kayasan is

perhaps best known, by both Japanese people and foreigners alike, as a

tourist destination. This is especially the case during the summer months

in western Japan, when the company that owns the train line that carries

people to the mountaintop town two hours south of Osaka pitches a high

visibility advertising campaign to attract visitors to the distant peak. A

recurrent theme in the poster ads stresses the temperature differential

between Osaka and Kayasan (the latter is cooler), with the poster colorsof choice invariably being hues of green and blue. The invitation is to a

respite from the sweltering heat of the urban plain into a land of cool and

natural comfort. Another aspect of the invitation is the opportunity to

visit a grand repository of cultural history as well as the burial site of

many of Japan's greatest cultural heroes. A walk through Kayasan's

Oku-no-in, the country's largest cemetary with its breathtaking paths through

canopies of ancient cryptomeria and massive moss covered gravestones,

with all the paths culminating at the mausoleum of Kukai, is frequentlybilled as a glorious trek through Japanese history. Whatever their various

motivations, over one million people flock to Kayasan each year, most

during summer. But people visit during all seasons, and in the climatically

still-tolerable portions of spring and autumn (the mountain has a long,

cold winter) many will also attend one of the numerous annual festivals

there, some of which have been celebrated for over one thousand years.

While these festivals also get billed in full-size posters placed in the midst

of busy urban centers, and the modern quality of the activities surrounding

some of them-the stage sets, brightly clad kimono dancers, amplified

music and colored lights--carry the sheen of a truly polished production,

many of them maintain a core structure that appears to preserve key

elements of the religious observations practiced by the founders of the

245

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monastic complex nearly twelve huridred years ago. The town is a curious,

and I think still attractive, blend of the past and present.

It would be as egregious a misrepresentation to portray Koyasan's present

as if bereft of the glorious religious traditions of the past as it would be to

depict the town's earlier history as if it had lacked anything resembling an

element of tourism. Ever since it became a widespread belief in the tenth

century that the founder, Kukai, had never died but was in an eternal

samadhi at Oku-no-in awaiting the arrival of the future Buddha Maitreya,

the mountaintop was an active recipient of the pilgrimages of innumerable

sovereigns, aristocrats and common people. There were also vigorous

advertising campaigns in the medieval period run by the famous Koya-hijiri,

the wandering "holy men" who promised bereaving family members splendid rewards for their deceased loved ones in the afterlife if at least some

of the remains were buried near the "resting place" of KobO Daishi (KUkai's

posthumous title and the name by which he is still best known). Monies

collected for the service of transporting remains to the distant mountain

and caring for the burial seem at times to have been used to help maintain

the struggling community of monastics in their remote locale. Thus the

tradition developed of making the visit to Koyasan for the dual purpose of

making a pilgrimage to the site of KobO Daishi's tomb and to pay respectsto one's own ancestors or loved ones who were buried there. This tradition

is maintained strongly up to the present (the cemetary is still a major

source of income for the main temple of the Shingon school, Kongobuji,

that is located at Koyasan), and it manifests a remarkable exception to the

common exclusivity of Japanese sectarian Buddhism by virtue of the

multi-sectarian affiliation of the pilgrims. Both these two common purposes,

in addition of course to the third "purely" touristic motivation mentioned

in my opening, seem to animate visits even of people whose families are

closely affjliated with other Buddhist sects beside Shingon. Koyasan is a

complex community fed by various streams of energy flowing along mul

tiple currents.

The modem town of Koyasan maintains an old pattern of struggling to

maintain its livelihood on a mountain top far removed from the urban

center. As part of this struggle, the images employed to ensure the tourist

trade, which represents a significant influx of the wealth that supports thefour thousand residents, rely not only upon the natural features of the

locale but on its historical and cultural virtues as well. Borrowing from

both geographical and cultural implications, one theme that has frequently

been employed to characterize the community has been that of a m a I : l ( ~ a l a . The circular rim of hills that surrounds the mountaintop basin has often

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GARDINER 247

been likened to the perimeter of one, as has the complex plurality of

religious practices and devotees that have comprised the community's

long history. Indeed, the term maI)qala in Japan has been popularized to

such an extent, in particular since the "mikkya (esoteric Buddhist) boom"of the 1980sbrought on in part by the 1150th anniversary of Kukai's

passing, that it can often connote little more than an image of a melting-pot

suggesting a sense of the connectedness and equality of all·participants.

A recent lecture series open to the public at Kayasan utilized just this

theme in its colorful brochures. But a maI)qala has had other more specific

meanings in its history at Kayasan and this paper will address the question

of how the term and its concrete expressions have been employed there.

As as well-known, the key mal).qalas in the Shingon tradition focus onthe Buddha Mahavairocana and the system of Five Buddhas (paiiGa

tathiigata) of which he is a central figure.1 Since it is known that

mal).qalas focusing on Vairocana were also associated with the early found

ing of Tantric Buddhist monasteries in Tibet at around the same time,

some of the features of the development of the monastic complex at

Kayasan might be of general interest to students of the history of Buddhist

Tantric traditions. In the case of Kayasan, and more broadly speaking the

early years of Shingon school in Japan, we have a remarkable wealth of

documents from which to learn about how a system of esoteric Buddhist

practice took institutional form. And, although there have certainly been

changes over the centuries, the contemporary religious community at

Kayasan preserves many symbolic architectural and ritual structures with

very ancient roots.

This paper will address several related issues centering on the theme of

the mal).qala in relation to Kayasan. I will tie these themes together by

referring to several of Kukai's writings on the subject. Some of the

themes addressed include the conception of the esoteric Buddhist teachings

themselves (or, perhaps more precisely, the world as envisioned in these

teachings) as being a maI)qala, the utilization of smpas for housing maI)qalas

and for representing the center of a mal).qala, and the employment of

painted and sculpted mal).qalas in various ritual contexts. Along the way I

will forward a hypothesis regarding the design of the monastic complex at

Kayasan, and furthermore will argue for the importance of additionalstudy of the ritual use of mal).qala representations for coming to better

1. For a recent and exhaustive study of the variety of Buddha systems inTantric Buddhism, utilizing materials from India, Tibet and China, see YoritomiMotohiro's Mikkyo butsu no kenkyu (Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1990), which contains alengthy English summary on pp. 691-716.

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understand the development of the esoteric Buddhist cults in Heian Japan.

ESOTERIC BUDDHISM IN EARLY JAPAN

The paper by Geri Malandra, prior to mine both in this volume and in

presentation at the conference, opens up our topic in a grand manner. It

treats us to images of an international esoteric Buddhist tradition spreading

easily throughout Asia via a variety of means. She portrays it as being a

remarkably adaptable tradition and as thus being eminently portable. Its

diffusion throughout Asia is likened to the unfolding of a maI).Qala from

center to periphery, like the petals of a flower emerging from a bud and

pushing outward. My task is to direct attention to the easternmost edge

of this unfolding in Japan where, in 806 when Kukai returned from twoyears of study in the Tang, we can find a reasonably well-documented

case of the consciously directed establishment of an esoteric Buddhist

system of practice. In what appears to have been his first public pro

nouncement of the unique qualities of what he was transmitting from

Ch'ang-an, Kukai borrowed the words of his master Hui-kuo, which indeed

depict his lineage in floral (or at least botanical) imagery: "In the personal

transmission of this teaching, from the Buddha's Body of Truth down to

my master Pu-k'ung, there are six leaves.,,2 The Shingon tradition countsHui-kuo as the seventh and Kukai as the eighth patriarch. Were we to

add one more, we could imagine the tradition representing its lineage as

something akin to the eight red petals surrounding the center of the Garb

hakosadhatu (Womb World) maI).Qala, wherein resides the Buddha Mahavai

rocana.

Within the thirty years since Kukai's return from China (until his death

in 835), he was instrumental in establishing four major centers of esoteric

practice in Japan. These were at the T6ji temple and the Imperial Palacein Kyoto, ,:"at the T6daiji temple in Nara and at K6yasan. He was also

instrumental in setting up numerous other centers for esoteric practice in

Nara, Kyoto and probably other localities as well. In the span of one

generation Japan acquired a unified network of such establishments, many

of them managed by Kukai's students, which represented a new unfolding

at the periphery of the Asian Buddhist world. As is well-known, this

process only accelerated after Kukai's death such that even in the "new"

Buddhism of the Kamakura period (12th to 14th c.) we find not only

2. KobOdaishi chosaku zenshil, ed. by Katsumata Shunky6, vol. 3 (Tokyo:Sankib6 1973) 390. This standard collection of Kl1kai's writings will henceforthbe referred to as KCZ, followed by a colon and then the volume and pagenumbers, so that the present citation is KCZ 3: 390.

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GARDINER 249

widespread esoteric practice but also the incorporation of various elements

of its tradition, such as the malJ.<;iala, manifesting in the Pure Land and

even Nichiren traditions in the visual forms of malJ.<;ialas depicting the

Buddha Amida or the sacred phrase in praise of the title of the Lotus

Satra, the gohonzon (sacred image, literally, "honorable main deity") of

"Namu myohO renge kyo." Historians of Japanese religion speak of the

permeation of esoteric patterns of thought as the "esotericization" (mikkyo

ka) of religious practice and theory at various levels.3

Early on in this development (in the 9th and 10th centuries) the Tendai

school was more aggressive and successful in this regard than was the

Shingon school. This was probably because its founder SaichO was not

well versed in esoteric Buddhism, left very few writings on it, and so hisdisciples had to build a workable program on their own. Incidentally,

although the Tendai sect afer Kukai's death (Saicho died several years

earlier) is often portrayed in Shingon scholarship as competitively trying

to "catch up" during the late 9th century due to the fairly complete system

that Kukai had apparently transmitted to his students, there were surely

other more internally driven mechanisms that propelled the propitious

growth ofTendai esoteric Buddhist practice. Despite the Shingon rhetoric

that hails KUkai's accomplishments as the only real core of esoteric Buddhism in Japan, the subsequent journeys to China by Tendai and Shingon

monks alike and their introduction of numerous new texts and practices

speaks clearly of the multifaceted character of esoteric Buddhism in Japan

as well as of its vitality in China at the time (after Hui-kuo's death).

There can be little doubt, however, that Kukai was instrumental in the

founding of the Shingon sect, and that his presence in Kyoto also greatly

stimulated the development of Tendai esoteric practice. It is no secret

that Saicho was eager to learn all that he could from Kukai and that he

sent many of his students to study under him. And for a while, at least,

both men even appeared interested in collaborating in the building of new

forms of esoteric practice in Japan.4 Some types of esoteric-style practice

existed already in Nara, but the great interest shown in Kukai's new

synthesis, which was part of a general vogue for anything from the Tang

capital, clearly spurred the efforts of both men's creative energies. Although

Kukai brought to Japan texts (especially translations by Amoghavajra),

3. See for example Furuta Shokin, Nihon Bukkyo shisoshi (Tokyo: Kadokawashoten, 1961) ch. 5, 139-65.

4. For a reevaluation of the traditional view that their relationship wasprimarily a bitter one, see my doctoral dissertation, "KUkai and the Beginningsof Shingon Buddhism in Japan," Stanford University, 1994, 194-224.

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liturgical paraphernalia (such as vajras and mat;lQalas) and forms of ritual

(such as advanced kanjo,Skt. a b h i ~ e k h a , consecration rites) that Were

entirely new to Japan, some forms of Buddhist practice transmitted from

the continent that were already referred to as esoteric were c1early notnew.5 The extent to which such practices existed is not well documented

in English, nor have they always been given due attention in Japanese

studies of KUkai. Yoshito Hakeda's oversight in this regard resulted in his

statement that the ftrst esoteric Buddhist ceremony in Japan was conducted

in 805 by Saich6, just after returning from. China, at the behest of the

ailing Emperor Kammu.6 Both Kukai and Saich6 were familiar with

5. On the elements of Kfikai's practice that were new to Japan, includingsome Sanskrit texts and the five-pointed vajra, see Kushida Ry5k5, Shingonmikkyo seiritsu katei no kenkyu (Tokyo: Sankib5, 1981) 36-42. As for esotericpractices during the Nara period, examples of leading research in this area areKushida Ry5k5, Shingon mikkyo seiritsu katei no kenkyu (Tokyo: Sankib5,1981); Ishida M5saku, Shakyo yori mitaru NarachO bukkyo no kenkyu (Tokyo:Toyo Bunko, 1930) (especially 146-59); Horiike Shunp5, "Nara jidai bukky5no mikky5teki seikaku," Kukai, Nihon meis5 ronshU 3, ed. Wada ShUj5 andTakagi Shingen (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K5bunkan, 1982) 22-39 (originally pub

lished in Nishida sensei koju kin en nihon kodai shi ronso); Hayami Tasuku,Heian kizoku shakai to bukkyo (Tokyo: Yoshikawa K5bunkan, 1975) 1-33,and also his Jujutsu shukyo no sekai (Tokyo: K5shob5, 1987) 25-40; MisakiRy5shU, "Narajidai no mikky5 ni okeru shomondai," Nanto bukkyo 22 (1968):55-73; Katsumata Shunky5, Mikkyo no Nihonteki tenkai (Tokyo: Shunjfisha,1989) 6-13, and Sawa RyUken, Nihon mikkyo -sono tenkai to bijitsu (Tokyo:Nihon H5s5 Ky5kai, 1966) 30-87. For a "state of the field" account thatincludes a review of several of these articles and arguments of its own, seeMiyagi Y5ichir5, "Nara jidai no mikky5 ni kansuru ichi k5satsu," Mikkyogaku

kenkyu 18 (1986): 75-91. This isa growing area of research as evidenced inthe listing under a recently published bibliography of ftfty-eight articles andbooks (aUq5ublished between 1985-89) under the heading of "Nara periodesoteric Buddhism." See Takeuchi K5zen, "Mikky5 kankei bunken mokuroku-ChUgoku, Nihon-hen," Koyasan daigaku mikkyo bunka kenkyusho kiyo

(1991) 136-38.

6. Hakeda, Yoshito, Kukai: Major Works (New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1972) 37. While on the one hand such a statement reflects a traditional

bias against recognizing the precursors of Kfikai's Shingon in Japan, on theother it can be seen as preserving part of Kfikai's emphasis on the disparitybetween the existing practices and his own. Stanley Weinstein noted thatHakeda may have had in mind the earliest instance of a kanjo ceremony, ofwhich indeed the case he mentions of Saich5's performance would probablyhave been the ftrst. See Weinstein's review article of Hakeda's book, "TheBeginnings of Esoteric Buddhism in Japan: The Neglected Tendai Tradition,"

The Journal ofAsian Studies, 34.1 (1974): 185. It also appears that although

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GARDINER 251

esoteric practices and texts before they went to China and their importation

of new texts and practices, as well as the tremendous influence these

came to have, is only conceivable in light of the knowledge of and interest

in esoteric Buddhism possessed by each man prior to their travels.?Nevertheless, it is clear that Kukai brought something new even though

it is hard to say for certain how much of his systematization relied upon

Chinese precedents and how much was due to his own creative synthesis. 8

Testament to this is the immediate interest shown in his system by SaichO

and the rapid growth of new centers of practice during his lifetime. Still,

it is clear that he felt a need to distinguish his new texts and practices

there are references to kanjo in texts in Japan prior to this time, the term may

have had an altogether different meaning denoting certain flags used in rituals.On sources designating Saicho's as the first kanjo in Japan as well as on themeaning of the term in Nara texts, see Paul Groner, Saicho The Establishment

of the Tendai School (Berkeley: 1984) 66, fn. 7.

7. From catalogues recording the copying of scriptures we can know that of

the nearly six-hundred texts classified as related to esoteric Buddhism in the

modem Taisho canon, about one quarter (at least one hundred thirty) existed in

Japan during the Nara period. This percentage is more significant than it sounds

because so many of these six-hundred texts post-date the Nara period. Of textstranslated (or composed) prior to the new tradition marked by Shan wu-wei

(born in India as Subhakarasimha, 637-735), who translated the Mahiivairocana

sutra (Ta-jih-ching ) and the Susiddhikara-sutra (Su-hsi-ti-chieh-lo-ching),

almost all were on hand in Nara. In fact, a testament to the effectiveness with

which the Japanese were obtaining materials from the continent is the fact that

the Ta-jih-ching was copied in Japan as early in 737, just twelve years after its

translation in China. As for texts translated by Subhakarasimha, Vajrabodhi

(Chin-kang-chih, 670-741) and Amoghavajra (Pu-k'ung, 705-74), which repre

sented a new type of esoteric Buddhism (characterized within the Shingontradition as being more concerned with the goal of enlightenment than earlier

forms), there were only a very small portion available in Nara. It is noteworthy,

however, that the three texts central to the systematized esoteric Buddhism of

the Heian period, the Ta-jih-ching, Chin-kang-ting-ching (Vajrabodhi's transla

tion) and the Su-hsi-ti-chieh-lo-ching were all available. In fact the first two of

these three, which were the key texts in the Shingon school and are related to

the two main maI;u:j.ala, were even frequently copied and lectured on together

during the Nara period, apparently as a pair (see Kushida, Shingon mikkyo 4,

21-22). Thus in terms of texts, pre-Subhakarasimha materials had been very

well transmitted and there was a smattering of newer texts also available, some

of which were apparently in good use.

8. For a critical perspective on some issues related to our understanding of

Chinese esoteric Buddhism, see Charles Orzech, "Seeing Chen-yen Buddhism:

Traditional Scholarship and the Vajrayana in China," History ofReligions 29.2

(November 1989): 87-114.

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252 JIABS 19.2

from ones already existing in Japan. For example, in his first formal

declaration of what he brought back from China, the Shorai mokuroku

(Catalogue of Imported Items, an extant copy of which is thought to be

SaichO's hand), Kukai writes that "within those teachings considered es

oteric, there is [the difference between] source and tributary. The former

transmitters of the Dharma [merely1 ugged at leaves and swam in tributaries,

but what I now transmit unearths the root itself and fully exposes the very

wellspring.,,9 In an effort to carve a niche for his system of esoteric

Buddhism in the world of early Heian Japan, it needed to be differentiated

on the levels of both doctrine and practice. It appears that the mal)<;lala

was a dc;vice eminently suited to just this purpose.

STRUCTURAL AND SYMBOLIC FEATURES OF THE MONASTIC

COMPLEX AT KOYASAN

Flexibility (Multivalence) of the Concept ofMalJcjala

In order to understand what was new in the forms of esoteric Buddhism

Kukai brought from China, it is important to look both at his own s e l f ~ congratulatory rhetoric regarding the superiority of his transmissions (his

theory), as well as at what new developments he accomplished within

actual institutional settings (his practice). In the present study the focus ison the latter but it is worth reiterating the degree to which all the energies

he expended in the former stand as clear indication of the imperative need

he must have felt to differentiate Shingon from other forms of Buddhist

theory and practice in Japan. And, it is most fruitful to consider the two

cornerstones of his doctrinal edifice-the theory that Shingon scriptures

and practices are based upon the preaching of the Dharmakaya Buddha

(hosshin seppo) and the claim that these same practices can enable one to

attain Buddhahood in this very lifetime (sokushin Jobutsu) - in light of the

classificatory wedge he was trying to insert between Shingon practice and

not only the "exoteric" Buddhist schools but also the existing esoteric

practices in Japan, to which he refers in his writings as "shallow" esoter-. . 10lClsm.

At the levels of both theory and practice, the mal)<;lala is one item that

served to distinguish the Shingon school from all others. Whether consid-

9. KCZ 2: 14.

10. Later Shingon exegetes of course label these earlier forms of practice"mixed esoterism" (zomitsu), but there is no evidence that Kukai or anyone at

his time was using such a phrase. Kukai clarifies at different places in hisworks that by "shallow" esoteric Buddhism he refers to the practice of dharii1J!

recitation that derives from teachings by Sakyamuni Buddha.

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GARDINER 253

ering maI).Q.ala as a philosophical/religious concept or as a material

support for (or object of worship in) ritual practice, the appearance in

Japan of the new maI).Q.alas centered on Dainichi Nyorai (Mahavairocana)

was a novel presence indeed. Saicha had brought back some maI).Q.alasassociated with esoteric Buddhist practice when he returned from China

nearly two years earlier than Kiikai, but he did not bring the Vajra and

Womb Realm representations nor a doctrinal system describing their sig

nificance. These mat).Q.alas played a central role in ilie abhigekha ceremonies

Kiikai performed (which were well-attended by SaicM and his disciples

as well as scores of monks from Nara) and in the doctrinal system he

presented as the foundation for Shingon practice. They also played an

important conceptual role in the layout of the Kongabuji ("Vajra Peak")temple complex atop Kayasan. 11

The significance of the maI).Q.ala is attested in a document written by

Kiikai in 818 on the occasion of the consecration of the ritual space on top

of Mount Koya. His votive account of the establishment of this center,

whereby "the secret maI).Q.ala was transmitted to J ambudvlpa," contains

the following passage:

Mahavairocana Buddha, the great compassionate one, enjoying for himselfthe taste of the equality that is enlightenment, was saddened by the plight ofthe beings in the six realms of rebirth. And so it was that the thunder of hiswisdom that is one with reality trembled throughout His dharma-realm palaceand the secret maI).Qala was thereby transmitted to Jambudvlpa [our world].

It was passed on to Vajrasattva, to Nagarjuna and down to the present without

a break in continuity. Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra came east, bearing their

staffs from India to China, and transmitted the esoteric teaching in order to

liberate all beings. And yet, here across the broad ocean in Japan, worthyvessels of this teaching had yet to appear and so the teaching remained

hidden in the secret palace of Mahavairocana without being transmitted toour land.Fortunately, due to the power of the grace of the Buddha and other forces,

hidden as well as visible, that mature beings for spiritual work, I was able to

travel to T'ang China in 804, whence I safely returned with the two maJ.).Qalas

11. See Kushida RyBkB as cited in fn. 5 on what was new among Kukai'simportations. On what SaichO brought back with him, see the list of esotericBuddhist paintings imported by each of the celebrated "eight monks who went

to T'ang" (all from the Tendai and Shingon schools) provided by Yoritomi

Motohiro in Mandara no uchii (Tokyo: ShUeisha, 1988) 37. It is important to

note here that while the material maI).Qalas that Kukai brought from China wereclearly not of his own design, the theoretical system that tied them together

into a structured practice may well have contained elements of his creation.

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254 JIABS 19.2

of the Womb Realm of Great Compassion and Vajra Realm and over onehundred scrolls. of Vajrayana scriptures. Still, people in Japan were notready and the time was not right. Month after month passed in rapid successionand it is now more than twelve years since I returned. At last, since our

devout Sovereign has taken it upon himself to help promote this teaching, weare in need simply of a place for the practice. I have searched far and wideand through divination have decided on Mount Koya. The Sovereign, determined to spread this teaching, has granted the mountain for this purpose.

Thus will a monastic complex be constructed on this land bestowed by theSovereign.So it is that now I will promote these esoteric teachings in order to return

favor to the Buddhas above and to liberate beings here below, as well as toaugment the dignity of the various beneficient spirits. Thus, in accordancewith the esoteric Buddhist teachings of the Vajrayana, I will establish in thisspace the two maQ.<;I.alas of the Vajra and Womb Realms. Mayall the Buddhasrejoice in, and all the heavenly beings protect, my efforts here and may allvirtuous spirits please vow to help realize our wishes. 12

The term maQ.<;lala is used here in several ways. First, there is mention

of the my ho-historical beginnings of the Shingon lineage in the initial

transmission of the esoteric teaching from Mahavairocana to Vajrasattva.

Here the maf.\<;lala indicates the esoteric teaching as a whole. Next, there

is reference to the scroll paintings of the two Realms that Kukai transported

from China. Lastly, he states that he will establish the maf.\<;lalas of the

two Realms at Kongobuji. It is of course possible that by "establishing

the two maf.\<;lalas" Kukai refers to setting up a ritual space within a

temple where painted scrolls depicting the maf.\<;lala will be hung. But a

more suitable interpretation is to understand him as saying that he is

establishing Kongobuji as a center of two greater, all-encompassing

maf.\<;lalas that represent the esoteric Buddhist concept of the entire world

as a diviQe assembly emanating from the Buddha. This is a common

usage of the term maf.\<;lala in Kukai's writings and its significance is

revealed in the title of his famous essay on the stages of religious develop

ment, the Himitsu mandara Jiijiishinron (Treatise on the Ten Levels of

Mind of the Secret Ma1Jl!.ala). The title of this work is frequently abbreviated

12. KCZ 3: 392-94. See also Allan Grapard's partial translation of the same

text in his "Flying Mountains and Walkers of Emptiness: Toward a Definition

of Sacred Space in Japanese Religions," History ofReligions 20.3 (1981): 203.

Grapard translates a section regarding the sacralization of the monastery groundsthat includes the ordering away of maleficient powers from, and the invitation

of all beneficient ones into, the newly established boundaries of the sacredterritory. He also comments on how similar this text is to Shinto texts that are

also used for demarcating sacred space.

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GARDINER 255

resulting in the omission of the reference to the secret maI).<;iala. The full

title expresses the view that all religious teachings, not only esoteric

Buddhist ones, are part of the "secret maI).<;iala" of the Buddha and as such

serve to liberate living beings. The esoteric maI).<;iala established at Koyasanis one part of this broader one (and clearly the most soteriologically

effective part from Kukai's perspective). Regarding this last reference,

there is another text that Kukai wrote five years later, at a time when he

was seeking patrons to contribute to the construction of smpas at Kongobuji,

in which the following explanation is given:

Thus it is that in the near future, in order to liberate beings and out of

gratitude to our four great benefactors [parents, king, sentient beings, theThree jewels], I will establish at Kong5buji two smpas that represent Vairocana

as the Essential Nature of the Dharmadhatu, in addition to two mandalas of13 . .the Womb and Vajra Realms.

In other words, he is not only consecrating the grounds of the monastic

complex; he is also designating these grounds as the center of a sacred

cosmos, as a place of religious practice where this world becomes trans

formed, through the power of the Buddhas and the practitioner's mysticalidentification with them, into a realm of perfection. In Shingon parlance,

this perfection is depicted as partaking of the interlocking spheres of

compassion and wisdom (and other pairs of qualities) that are visually

represented in the painted maI).<;ialas. This is a traditional understanding

of what it means to "establish" the maI).<;iala. 14

In the last passage cited, Kukai notes that he intends to establish two

smpas at Kongobuji. 15 These smpas are traditionally recognized as centers

13. KCZ 3: 366.

14. The maI).<;ialas of the two realms are said to depict the complementarity,or non-duality, of a variety of concepts or realities. The most common expression

for describing the pair in this regard is to see the Womb Realm as representing

"principle" (n) and the Vajra Realm "wisdom" (chi). Hence the oft-cited phrase

"the non-duality of principle and wisdom" (richi fun i) to describe the interpene

tration of these realms. For a treatment of the various pairs of terms represented

by the two maI).<;ialas, see Adrian Snodgrass, The Matrix and Diamond World

Mandalas in Shingon Buddhism (New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1988) 124-4l.

15. I use the term smpa rather than the more common term pagoda (to refer

to the Japanese architectural form corresponding to the South Asian stUpa)

because the Sino-Japanese term makes no distinction between these two and is

in fact derived from a transliteration of the word stiIpa. Furthermore, the form

of the present main stUpa at Kong5buji preserves in part the hemispheric shape

so characteristic of the Indian stiIpa but often missing in its East Asian represen-

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256 JIABS 19.2

of the Womb and Vajra Realm mal)<;lalas. As the center of a mal)<;lala,

each also symbolizes the Dharmakaya Buddha Mahavairocana, understood

in this particular context as being the "essential nature of the dhannadhiitU'

(hokkai taisho), the very essence of that which pervades all existence. In

fact in the paintings of the symbolic samiiya mar:ujala, where the various

deities are represented by sacred objects that express their vows to liberate

beings, the Dharmakaya Buddha is represented by a srupa. I will have

more to say below on the relation between the mal)<;lala and stupa, the

concept of mal)<;lala as a sacred cosmos and on K6yasan as an axis or

center for the practice that is conducive to the realization of such a world.

For now it will suffice to conclude this section by recalling that the

introduction of various levels of theory and practice related to esotericBuddhist mal)<;lalas was one of the most conspicuous contributions that

Kl1kai made to the religious landscape of early Heian Japan.

The Layout of he Kongobuji Complex

For the modern visitor to K6yasan, the center of the monastic complex

(or garan, as it is known in Japanese) would seem to be a single srupa

rather than two. 16 This large structure is called the "fundamental great

stl1pa" (konpon daito, hereafter Great Srupa) and, as older drawings ofK6yasan indicate, it seems to have stood out for centuries as a central

piece of the landscape. 17 It has become such a key symbol for the

community of K6yasan itself that photographs of its ringed spire, more

often than not shown piercing a cover of low-lying mist in the midst of

the surrounding rim of green peaks, frequently grace the covers of tourbooks

and pamphlets. It stands on the eastern side of the center of the Garan

and is mirrored even today by another stl1pa on the western side [See

Diagram 1]. This second srupa in the Garan is known simply as theWestern SJupa (saito), and is notably smaller than the Great Stl1pa and

slightly r;moved from the center of ritual activities (monastic as well as

lay) in the Garan that revolve around the Great Srupa. Although there are

no architectural plans dating from the founding of Kong6bl1ji to confirm

the design, most scholars agree that the original conception likely contained

both stl1pas as equally prominent focii of the Garan. This is suggested by

such evidence as the relatively symmetrical placement of the two stl1pas

tatives. The shape is known as the Tah6-tO (Prabhiitaratna-stiipa)

16. The term garan is derived from the Sanskrit word for the residence for

members of the Buddhist order, san:zghiiriima.

17. The present structure is a reconstruction dating from 1937. It stands over48 meters in height with a square base of over 23 meters on each side.

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GARDINER 257

with regard to what was once the entrance to the Garan, Kukai's writing

testifying to the plan to erect two smpas and, lastly, the convention of

such a double smpa layout in the major monastic complexes in Nara. It is

uncertain, however, whether both smpas were actually ever constructedon an equal scale. It has been hypothesized by some scholars that the

difficulties inherent in erecting two large stupas at the rural mountain site

prevented this from ever taking place. Thus the reason why one smpa has

corne to play such a central role may have been an expediency due to

economic and geographic conditions. I8 A more popular interpretation,

18. Indications of the difficulties involved in constructing a stupa can be

found in KUkai's letters of request for aid in the process. One such letter on the

occasion of planning the smpas for Kong6buji was cited above (fn. 40). The

letter also contains the following plea:

We now have many workers engaged in this effort but food supplies are in

shortage. What 1wish for is that persons of whatever status, whether rich

or poor, lay or cleric, would unite [with us in our purpose]. When it is said

that a huge mountain can be made by innumerable contributions of a single

grain of dust, or that the great ocean is created by the joining of many

drops of water, it is only made possible by the sharing of a commonpurpose and the collective union of energies.

And so do I humbly request, that all the patrons contribute anything, even

as little as a single cent or a grain of rice, in order to assist us in this

virtuous task. I f you will do so, our work will surely be accomplished in

no time at all and the merit thus produced will last for thousands of kalpas.

Another example is in a similar letter drafted when he was seeking help erecting

a smpa at the T6ji temple in Kyoto. This temple's construction had been

languishing for many years when it was placed under Kukai's supervision in824. An excerpt from the letter reads:

By some mistake the Sovereign's wish [to complete construction of this

temple] has fallen upon me instead of upon skilled artisans. I run about

day and night, in the east and in the west, supervising the work. The

lumber for the smpa has now been secured in the nearby eastern hills.

Together, monks and layman have been hauling timber . . . but since the

trees are large and our strength is insufficient it is an extremely difficult

task. I t reminds me of [the story in Chuang-tzu about] the praying mantis

who had to push a cart or the mosquito who tried to shoulder a mountain.

The letter continues by requesting that the Sovereign assign court officers,

even of the highest rank (!), to assist in the labor. See KCZ 3: 374-76. I f help

was needed even in the capital, the project at K6yasan must have been all the

more burdensome.

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based primarily on the appearance of a central srnpa similar to the Great

Srnpa at other Shingon monastic complexes in Japan, is that the sing1e-srupa

design was the original one. I will comment more on this theory later and

for now say only that it ignores the evidence to the contrary listed above.

In reliance on this evidence, the view presented here as most plausible is

that the original plan was for two srnpas.

The present-day Garan at Koyasan appears at a first look to be somewhat

of a sprawling assemblage of buildings without symmetry or center. This

is due to the gradual accretion, over the centuries, of structures adjacent

to, and primarily in the eastern direction of, the center of the Garan,

which is still today separated by stone steps on all four sides leading up tothe elevated plateau where the Great StUpa and the Western StUpa are

located. The "Garan proper," by which I mean the section that became

the center, includes three main buildings: the two stUpas and a Lecture

Hall (kodo).19 There was once a large covered gate from which one

could enter the Garan from the south side (known as the nanmon, or

southern gate) but only the stone foundations remain today. Upon entering

from where the southern gate used to be, one comes first upon the stately

Lecture Hall, behind which are placed more or less symmetrically theGreat StUpa to the east (and right) and the Western StiIpa (smaller and to

the left). Before focusing attention on the stiIpas themselves, it will be

helpful to comment on the basic layout of these three main buildings.

First of all, based on the model of ancient Chinese imperial palaces,

Buddhist temple complexes in China and Japan commonly placed the

entrance gate on the south side, with the central structure, and thus its

main Buddha images (like the Emperor), facing south toward those ap

proaching from the entrance. This layout was very common in Nara and

seems to hflve been based on T'ang models. Kongobuji was no exception.

It is unclear, however, if KiIkai-or his disciples since the complex was

not completed during his lifetime-had a particular temple in mind as a

model, whether from a Chinese or Japanese precedent, upon which he

based its layout. Nevertheless, when compared with other Buddhist com

plexes in Nara, the Garan layout at Koyasan has both significant similarities

19. Today there are actually five main structures in all, but I exclude from thepresent discussion the Mied6, which enshrines a famous portrait of Kukai, andthe large shrine to the local deity that stands west of the Lecture Hall. In spiteof the significance of these buildings for ritual purposes, the focus is limitedhere to those buildings with the most explicit characteristics of esoteric Buddhistdoctrine. It is thought that the Mied6 may have originally housed the practitionersof the community.

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GARDINER 259

as well as differences.

While there are certainly grounds for thinking that Kl1kai made unique

contributions to Japanese Garan design via his plan for Kongobuji, it is

nevertheless. important to recognize that there were also key continuitieswith local precedents. Secondary literature occasionally refers to his

contribution as a revolutionary remaking of Garan layout, but the limitations

of his contributions must be clarified. Beginning with thesmpas, there

was clearly nothing revolutionary about placing two stl1pas on opposite

sides of a central north-south axis. Archeological evidence evinces this

as a common pattern throughout Nara in the eighth century. The correlation

of these smpas with the mru.H;lalas of the Womb and Vajra Realms is, of

course, a separate matter. This could not possibly have occured in Japanprior to Kl1kai's efforts because the maI:1cjalas did not exist until he brought

them from China. Thus this correlation may be treated as a doctrinal

innovation superimposed on an already existent architectural convention.

Regarding the placement of smpas within Garan complexes in Nara, it

appears that there was an evolution from one-stl1pa to two-smpa layouts.

Many smpas were regarded as reliquaries, and documents from the Nara

period reveal that relics were indeed often buried underneath, or on occasion

stored near the top of, the central pillar. Some scholars believe that the

appearance of two smpas in the complexes was likely due to aesthetic

reasons, with two structures offering a more symmetrical and decorative

layout, and that this development reflects a diminution in the overall

significance of the smpa within the sacred space of the Garan. Whatever

the reason, several major Nara temple complexes in Kl1kai's day-including

TOdaiji, Yakushiji and Daianji-contained two smpas.20

The temple complexes also frequently contained two other halls: a

Golden Hall and a Lecture Hall, and this holds for both the one- and

two-smpa Garan layouts. Furthermore, there was a pattern common to

many Garan, which was that upon entering the entrance gate (or on occasion

just before entering) one would first encounter the smpa or stl1pas, then

20. For more on this, including helpful diagrams and photographs of three

dimensional reconstructions based on archeological findings, see Nara no jiinto Tempyo chokoku, vol. 3 of the series Genshoku Nihon no bujitsu, 1st ed.(Tokyo: Shogakkan, 1966) 142-53. The author of this portion of the book,Asano Kiyoshi, notes that during the Nara period stupas gradually lost theircentral position, which they had in the earlier Asuka period when their locationsuggested that their "ranking" was at least equivalent to that of the Kondo. He

states that there seems to have been a tendency for stllpas to shift away from acentral position and for the Kondo to become more of a focus.

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.260 nABS 19.2

21 .the Golden (or Buddha) Hall and finally the Lecture Hall. The Golden

Hall is usually seen as the central structure of any complex and it traditionally

housed cast or sculpted images of Buddhas and other deities. These were

all placed on a raised platform known as a Shumi-dan or "Sumeru altar,"

which was commonly very large and took up much of the floor space

inside the building. This hall was riot designed for large gatherings, since

there was often very little open space, but rather for worship. The Lecture

Hall was frequently larger and provided space for religious talks as well

as other ceremonies such as the recitation of sutras. These same functions

were available within the Kongobuji complex but the "division of labor"

among the buildings there is rendered different because the Golden Hall

was no longer present.The Kongobuji complex presents three major features that appear to

some degree to be unique. First of ail, although not mentioned above,

there is the marked absence of an enclosed walkway surrounding the

buildings. It can be supposed that financial considerations as well as

early estimates of the expected number of residents could easily have

rendered this structure unnecessary atop ofMount Koya. Secondly, there

is the equally conspicuous absence of the Golden Hall. And third, there

is the placement of the pair of stl1pas at the back (north end) of thecomplex. As a pair, smpas were most commonly located closer to the

entrance before the Golden Hall. In some instances, such as at Horyuji in

Nara, the smpa and the Golden Hall were adjacent (that is, on the same

east-west axis). But the arrangement at Kongobuji would seem to be

noveL

Leaving aside the absence of an enclosure, the placement of structures

at Kongobuji poses interpretive challenges. I have yet to encounter any

attempts in scholarship to put these pieces together. It would appear that

there has ~ e e n some kind of reversal in arrangement, such that the Lecture

Hall comes first and the smpas last, but I can forward no explanation for

this. What does seem clear, however, is that although there is no Golden

Hall, the smpas seem clearly to have appropriated the role of this hall by

housing the key images (representing the two maI).qalas fundamental to

Shingon practice) in a hall dedicated to worship. For one of the most

remarkable characteristicsof

the smpas at Kongobuji is that the interiorswere fully furnished with images, on a raised platform, in a manner most

commonly reserved for a Golden Hall. Thus both the position and the

interior of the Kongobuji smpas suggests that their relative status in

21. The most common name for this hall is Golden Hall (kondo) but it is also

known as the Buddha Hall (butsuden or butsudo).

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GARDINER 261

22terms of sacred space seems to have been elevated over Nara counterparts.

I cited earlier a passage from one of Kl1kai's writings describing the

establishment of the Kongobuji complex that states, "I will establish at

Kongobuji two stl1pas that represent Vairocana as the Essential Nature of

the Dharmadhatu, in addition to two maw;lalas of the Womb and Vajra

Realms." There has been some scholarly debate over the centuries as to

how to interpret this statement. At issue is whether the statement means

that the stl1pas and the maI).qalas are "established" separately so that the

stl1pas, on the one hand, represent "Vairocana as the Essential Nature of

the Dharmadhatu," while the maI).qalas alone represent the two Realms.

One historical factor that has led to understanding the stl1pas themselves

as not each representing one of the maI).qala realms is that for severalcenturies the Great Stl1pa at Kongobuji has not been a representation of

one of the maI).qalas but of both of the maI).qalas. This is also the case

with the central stl1pa at some other Shingon complexes, such as at Daigoji

in Kyoto. In both Daigoji's five-storied stl1pa and the Great Stl1pa at

Kongobuji, the iconognwhy clearly represents both the Vajra and the

Womb Realms at once.2 At Kongobuji, on the central platform within

the Great Stl1pa are five Buddha images. At the center is Mahavairocana

of the Womb Realm (it is the same deity as Mahavairocana of the VajraRealm but is differentiated by mudrii), and he is surrounded by four

Buddhas of the Vajra Realm.24 The interior layout of the stl1pa at

Daigoji is somewhat different, but the combining of both realms is never

theless an unmistakable feature there. Although at Daigoji there is just

22. The mere presence of Buddha statues inside a stl1pa may not have beenan innovation at Kongobuji. Two other temples from the Nara period containstatues, Saidaiji (wooden) and Horyiiji (plaster). Some scholars have expressedsurprise that, considering the importance of stiipas in the garan ofNara temples,it is surprising that we have only two extant cases where Buddha statues arefound. See Asano Kiyoshi's comments in Nara no jiin to Tempyi5 chi5koku 96,

section on the four statues at Saidaiji.

23. The interior layout of the stiipa at Daigoji, which is very different fromthat of the Great Stiipa, is represented by a diagram in Sawa Takaaki, Art in

Japanese Esoteric Buddhism (New York: Weatherhill, 1972) 134.

24. These four Buddhas are from the group of five sometimes referred to as

'Dhyarn" Buddhas. They are (clockwise from the east, which is at the 'bottom"):A k ~ o b h y a , Ratnasambhava, Amoghasiddhi and Amitabha. The five Buddhasof the Womb Realm are Mahavairocana at the center surrounded by (clockwisefrom the west, which is at the "bottom"): Amitayus, Divyadundubhi-meghan i r g h o ~ a , Ratnaketu and Samkusumita-raja. For more on the deities of the twomaI).qalas, see Snodgrass, The Matrix World and Diamond World Mandalas in

Shingon Buddhism.

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262 JIABS 19.2

one main stUpa while at Kong6buji there are two stUpas, the degree to

which the Great StUpa has usurped acentral ritual position at the latter

makes it virtually a one-stUpa complex today in spite of what was likely

its original plan. The combination of iconography from both malJq.alarealms within one stUpa makes for a certain economy of architecture

since the need for a second (hard to build) stupa can be made obsolete.

This reason, in addition to the convenient expression that such a combination

makes of the doctrine that the two realms are ultimately indivisible, would

offer ample grounds for understanding how a one-stUpa layout may have

become popular. According to some Japanese scholars, the result of this

economics of construction as well as of doctrinal expression has been that

the original plan has been ignored. Evidence for the existence of anoriginal plan based on two stupas representing, respectively, the two

malJq.alas can be found in two places: Kukai's statement that he would

construct two stupas and in one additional place: the second or Western

StUpa at Kong6buji contains five Buddha images that are all derived from

one maJ)q.ala, that of the Vajra Realm. And, although the building itself is

not so old, the central image has been dated from the early Heian period.

Thus it is supposed that the Western Stupa has always represented the

Vajra Realm and the Great Stupa the Womb Realm, except that in thelatter a transformation took place whereby the central Buddha image

remained of the Womb Realm while the surrounding four Buddhas came

to represent the Vajra Realm such that the StUpa became symbolic of the

union of the two. I f such a tranformation took place, it must be assumed

that it corresponded also with a donning of a new name, "Great Fundamental

StUpa" (perhaps to replace an original name such as "Eastern Srupa,,).25

Another reason why it makes sense to understand the original plan as

having been for two stUpas representing each of the two malJq.ala Realms

25. I h a v e y ~ t to encounter any supposition as to the possible former name of

the Great Srupa, but the suggestions by scholars that both the composition of

its images and. its role changed such that it became a sort of single axis, as it

were, of the community, would be consistent with a change of name. Sawa

Ryuken's Mikkyo jiten (under "konpon daitB," p. 249) explains how the Great

Srupa's combining of the images of both Realms derives from the doctrinal

basisof

this integration expressed in theChin-kangfeng lo-ko i-ch'ieh yu-ch'ieh

yu-chi ching (T. 18, no. 867), an important scripture for the Shingon tradition

that is understood as integrating the teachings of the two key scriptures from

which the two Realms are derived. Sawa adds, however, that the original

Buddha images in the two srupas seem to have been derived from the two

different malJ4a1as. A careful argument in favor of this position appears in

Nakagawa Zenkyo, Koyasan garan kaiso no koso to rinen (Koyasan: Koyasan

Daigaku, 1983) 41-51.

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GARDINER 263

is in the wording of the passage from Kukai stating that he will establish

"two smpas that represent Vairocana as the Essential Nature of the Dhar

madhatu, in addition to two mru:t<;lalas of the Womb and Vajra Realms."

A factor contributing to the "separate" interpretation must have been thatthe smpas are given in this passage a name that is different from that of

the maJ).<;lalas; they are not called "smpas of the two Realms." But the

name of the smpas as representing "Vairocana as the Essential Nature of

the Dharmadhatu" need not be understood as indicating that they are

different from the maJ).<;lalas of the two Realms. Vairocana seen in this

aspect is recognized as the Vairocana who is depicted at the center of

both Realms. So the smpas could be given this name and still each

represent one of the mru:t<;lalas.Nevertheless, since there are no extant documents clarifying in detail

precisely what the original plan was, the problem as to the exact relationship

between the maJ).<;lalas and the smpas will likely remain unsolved. But

whether each smpa was intended to represent a different maJ).<;lala or

whether, as some think, at least the Great Smpa was envisioned from the

start as an "integrated" model as it stands today, the transformation of a

stupa into a symbolic center of a maJ).<;lala (or of both mal!<;lalas at once),

with the interior of the stupa adorned with images in a manner most

consistent with those of a Golden Hall, was one of the most striking

features of the Garan at Koyasan not to be found in any previous Japanese

temple complex.

I will return to the relationship between stupa and maJ).<;lala after a brief

discussion of the other building central to the Garan at Koyasan, which is

the Lecture Hall. In spite of the central position that the Golden HaIl

held in many temple complexes in Nara, the Lecture Hall played a verysignificant role as well. For example, the three most important annual

Buddhist rituals in early Japan took place at Lecture Halls and were

formal ceremonies where large numbers of monks recited, lectured on

and debated about the doctrines of key Mahayana sutras. The ceremonies

were known as the Shoman-e (named after a translation of the Surafigama

sutra, which was recited; held at Hory11ji), the Yuima-e (reciting a translation

of theVimalaklrti-nirdesa sutra; held at KOfuku-ji) and the Saish6-e (re

citing a translation of the SuvanJaprabhiisa sutra; held at Yakushiji). Toaccomodate these gatherings, the Lecture Hall was usually more spacious

than the Golden Hal1.26 The Lecture Hall at Kongobuji seems to have

played a role that combined that of both the Lecture Halls and Golden

26. Regarding the relative sizes of Golden Halls and Lecture Halls in Nara,see the chart in Nara no jiin to Tempyo chokoku 146.

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764 JIABS 19.2

Halls of Nara temples since it was at once the central gathering place for

important rituals and a repository of sacred images. In both these rdles,

however, it differed from predecessors in Nara because many of the rituals

and images were new to Japan and reflected Kukai's new systematization

of esoteric practice and doctrine.

The central rectangular section ·of the Lecture Hall at Kongobuji is

demarcated by a ceiling-to-floor wooden latticed wall that permits the

inside to be seen by all, but only entered by a few [see Diagram 3J.

Surrounding this central section is floor space in which monks commonly

gather for ceremonies. In the central section is an array of statues of

deities in the back (to the north) and a wide space for ritual worship

centered on the two maI}.c;lalas. At the eastern and western ends of thiswide space are hung large (approximately ten feet square) painted scrolls

of the MaI}.c;lalas of the Two Realms (Womb Realm to the east and Vajra

Realm to the west)?7 In front of these painted maI}.c;lalas are square,

horizontal altars (known as daidan and modeled after earlier Indian

maI}.c;lalas) on top of which are placed a variety of ritual imQlements and

before which the worshipper sits facing the hanging maI}.c;lala?8

Si"itras may have been read before these altars, as they were at the

Lecture Hall in other temples, but whether they were exoteric or esotericones, it is clear that Kukai saw that there were certain esoteric rites

associated with the reading of sutras that represented an altogether unique

order of worship. He laid out his views on this matter quite clearly in a

request written to the court in 834 that the annual Saisho-e ceremony held

at the Sovereign's palace during the fIrst week of the New Year be replacedb . 29Y an esotenc ceremony.

I have heard that there are two kinds of preaching of the Buddha. One is

27. The p ~ i n t e d maI).c;lalas face the center and toward one another, perhaps

ten meters apart, and are hung so as to preserve the directional orientation of

the much earlier Indian convention of horizontal maI).c;lalas. Thus the top of the

Womb Realm maI).c;lala (hung to the east facing west) represents the east, while

the top of the Diamond Realm maI).c;lala (hung to the west) represents the west

so that if one were to lay the paintings flat atop of a horizontal altar their

orientation would accord with the cardinal directions.28. For more on these altars and drawings of their layouts, see Sawa Ryuken,

Mikkyo daijiten (first one-volume edition of the original six-volume dictionary)

(Kyoto: H6z6kan, 1983) 1493-96.

29. KCZ 3: 370-71. The same text is partially translated and briefly discussed

in De Visser, Ancient Buddhism in Japan, vol. 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1935)

476-77.

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GARDINER 265

shallow and incomplete while the other is esoteric. The shallow teaching iscomprised of the scriptures with long passages and verses, whereas the esotericteaching is the d h a r a ~ z l found in the scriptures. The shallow teaching is, as

one text says, like the diagnoses of an illness and the prescription of a

medicine. The esoteric method of reciting dhara/'}z is like prescribing appropriate medicine, ingesting it and curing the ailment. I f a person is ill,opening a medical text and reciting its contents will be of no avail in treating

the illness. It is necessary to adapt the medicine to the disease and to ingest itin accordance with proper methods. Only then will the illness be eliminatedand life preserved. .

However, the present custom of chanting the Satra of Golden Light at the

Imperial palace is simply the reading of sentences and the empty recital of

doctrine. There is no drawing of Buddha images in accordance with propertechnique nor the practice of setting up an altar for offerings and for theceremonies of empowerment. Although the reading of the Satra may appearto be an opportunity to listen to the preaching of the nectar-like teachings ofthe Buddha, in actuality it lacks the precious taste of the finest essence [ghee]

of Buddhist truth.I humbly request that from this year on, fourteen monks skilled in esoteric

ritual and fourteen novices be selected, who while properly reading the Satra

will for seven days arrange the sacred images, perform the requisite offerings

and recite mantra in a specially adorned room. If this is done, both theexoteric and esoteric teachings, which express the Buddha's true intent, willcause great happiness in the world and thereby fulfill the compassionatevows of the holy ones.

We do know that a chapel designed expressly for the purpose of such

esoteric rituals was indeed constructed within the Sovereign's residence,

and what is thought to be the oldest remaining representation of the

painted Womb Realm MaQ<;I.ala is reported to have been used there. It is

not known how the ceremonies performed there might have compared

with those at the Lecture Hall in Kong6buji (surely they were more elab

orate), but there can be no doubt that representations of the maQ<;I.alas

were employed.

Stupas and Mar;qalas

The Lecture Hall at Kong6buji, which like the stupas maintains apparent

continuities with Nara temples, nevertheless differs from these structurally

as well as ritually. An interesting feature of the stUpas and the Lecture

Hall is that each of them contains within their structure representations of

both maQ<;I.alas as well as stUpas. In the Lecture Hall, in the middle of the

wide area used for worship there is another flat, square shaped altar. This

is separate from the two such altars that face each of the hanging maQ<;I.alas

to the east and west. It is a third altar between these other two, but with a

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266 JIABS 19.2

seat that faces the sacred images to the north side of the central section.

Each of these three altars represents it horizontal maI).c;lala and is covered

with a variety of ritual implements and offerings such as a vajra and

vajra-bell, small bowls for water and incense, candles, flowers and so on,and is surrounded by a single cord that connects the four corners atop a

two-foot high metal stick at each corner.30 In this third altar there also

stands at the center a smail bronze st11pa, approximately two feet in height.

A very similar altar is found in the Great St11pa. It also has a seat on the

south side of the altar facing north, toward the five main Buddha images

at center, and is adorned with the same implements and offerings. At its

center again stands a miniature bronze st11pa. I t is worth noting that there

is a succession of representations here: the small bronze stilpa. sits withina maI).c;laIa altar, which is located inside the Great St11pa that enshrines the

central Buddhas of the two maI).c;lalas, which is itself understood as the

center of a larger maI).c;lala that encompasses at least the sacred precincts

of K6yasan if not the entire world beyond. Put simply, there is a motif

represented here on more than one level: the stiIpa as the center of the

maI).c;lala and the maI).c;lala as the center of the stilpa.

Beyond this, however, is another relationship that pertains between the

maI).c;lala and stilpa. The stilpa can itself be a representation of the Dhar

makaya, and in the Shingon painted maI).c;lalas it is frequently found as a

symbolic representation (samiiya) of the central deity Dainichi (Mahavai

rocana). There are also drawings of the precincts of K6yasan that show

the Great Stilpa at the center surrounded by the eight mini-mountain

peaks that encompass the mountaintop valley in which the temple complex

sits. These eight peaks do not naturally form a perfect circle but this fact

has not prevented them from being depicted in such drawings as if they

surround the Great Stilpa just as do the eight petals of the red lotus31

blossom at the heart of the Womb Realm maI).c;lala. Thus the natural

features of K6yasan have come to be interpreted as an actual embodiment

of the maI).c;lala with the stilpa at center as a samiiya form of Dainichi.

The painted form of maI).c;lala in which the deities are represented by

symbols such as stilpas, wish-fulfilling gems, vajras, bells and so on, is

known as the sammaya- (Sanskrit, samiiya) maI).c;lala. In his writings,

30. A photograph of similar altars from the Kanshin-ji temple in Osaka can

be found in Sawa, Art in Esoteric Japanese Buddhism 18-19.

31. These eight deities are four Buddhas in the cardinal directions and fourbodhisattvas. The red lotus is also literally the "heart" of the maI).c;lala since atone level of symbolism it is considered to represent the physical organ of thehuman heart.

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GARDINER 267

Kukai -described this as one of four types of mal.).qala. The paintings on

which are found anthropomorphic representations of the deities (the most

commonly seen mal.J.qala type) are known as dai- (mahii) mal.J.qala. Then

there are maI).qalas of the same shape where the deities are represented bytheir mantric- seed-syllables (bfja) written in Siddham script, and these

depictions are known as ho- (dharma) mal.J.qala. These three types are

often found as painted hanging scrolls (bordered in cloth -in a manner

resembling Tibetan tangkha paintings). Lastly, there are three-dimensional

representations where statues of deities are arranged on a horizontal plane,

whether in miniature on an altar or on a large scale such as that found

inside the Great Stupa. This is known as the katsuma- (karma) mal.J.qala. 32

These four are all important components of the Shingon symbolic andritual systems. An indication of how highly Kukai regarded such repre

sentations is one of his comments about the power of seeing a mal.J.qala:

'The esoteric essence is profound and mysterious and is not easily captured

with brush and ink [i. e., through writing]. And so it is revealed to the

unenlightened by means of drawings and paintings. The many postures

and mudrii [represented in the mal.J.qalaJ derive from the great compassion

[of the Buddha]. With just one glance [at the mal.).qalaJ, one becomes a

Buddha.,,33Thus these visual representations are held to be vivid and effective

upiiya, or skillful means. As such, they are invitations to another world

of experience. An additional meaning of these four mal.J.qalas is that they

represent dimensions of enlightened perception, that is, the experience of

one who has truly learned to see the world as a sacred maI).qala. According

to this view, the mahii mar;c/ala is the physical world around us: all the

objects of our senses as integral parts of the body of the deity. The

samiiya ma/p/aZa can be understood as a representation of the deity's

intention, which in general suggests his compassionate wish to liberate

beings and in particular to the myriad forms this compassion assumes.34

The dharma malJq,ala represents all sound and speech seen as the words

of the deity and, lastly, karma malJq,ala can be understood as taking all

the movements in the world to be the actions of the deity. Thus a

32. A small representation of a karma-mal).qala is shown in a photograph inSawa, Art in Japanese Esoteric Buddhism 135.

33. KCZ 2: 25. See also Hakeda's translation in Kakai 145.

34. The term samiiya has many meanings. Key to understanding its applicationto this mal).Q.ala is the meaning of "vow," which can include the meaning of"promise" or "guarantee." The various symbolic depictions represent aspects of

the deity's vow to awaken sentient beings.

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268 JIABS 19.2

maJJ<;lala may be an artistic representation or it may be a demarcated ritual

sacred space, but iUs also the entire world of sentient experience transformed

by religious practice into a sacred realm that is the presence of the deity.

As I noted earlier, it can also refer to the esoteric teachings themselves,

but particularly with respect to their power to transform our experience of

the world. It is in this context thatKukai wrote about the origins of the

esoteric teachings: "Mahavairocana Buddha, the great compassionate one,

enjoying for himself the taste of the equality that is enlightenment, was

saddened by the plight of the beings in the six realms of rebirth. And so

it was that the thunder of his wisdom that is one with reality trembled

throughout His dharma-realm palace and the secret mandala was thereby35 . .

transmitted to Jambudvlpa."But the malJ<;lala is not alone in having cosmic connotations, for the

same can be said of the stl1pa. It is not merely an architectural product

nor just a bronze item adorning a ritual altar. If, as in the iconography of

the interior of the stl1pas at Kong6buji, the stupa is represented on top of

the horizontal altar as part of a karma ma1Jrjala, it can be likened to the

"dharma-realm palace" of the deity. Such a combination of stl1pa and

malJ<;lala evokes complex meanings: while the stl1pa is commonly taken

as a symbol of the Buddha's absence, the malJ<;lala is often interpreted as asymbol of his active presence in our world. Curiously, both of these

meanings of absence and presence can be seen to coincide in the Shingon

school's interpretation of the Buddha's dharmakiiya insofar as this incon

ceivable, transcendent and ultimate body of the Buddha is understood to

be the "preacher" of its main scriptures. Even outside the Shingon tradition,

however, the stl1pa is often said to represent the Buddha's dharmakiiya?6

As noted above, this is the case in the Shingon samiiya ma1Jrjala when

painted as a hanging scroll where the symbol stands for Mahavairocana,but it is alsoctrue for the three-dimensional structure. There is as well an

altogether different significance that recalls a legend of an ancient "iron .

stl1pa" in India out of which Nagarjuna is said to have retrieved the

esotericVajrasekhara sutra. This legendary metallic "cosmic egg" is thus

said to have given birth to the esoteric Buddhist traditions. The Great

Stl1pa at K6yasan is sometimes said to be a representation of this ancient

one. Kukai wrote about this legend as part of the history of his lineage

and the later Shingon master Kakuban even said of it that "the iron stl1pa

is this very body," referring to the body in which a practitioner is said to

35. KCZ: 3: 392-94.

36. For example, see David Snellgrove, Indo-Tibetan Buddhism, vol. 1 (Boston:Shambala) 37.

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GARDINER 269

be able to attain enlightenment according to Shingon (sokushinjobutsu).37

"This very body" commonly denotes "this lifetime" and as such is under

stood to refer to the capacity that esoteric Buddhist practice has to bestow

Buddhahood rapidly. The Shingon tradition refers to itself as "the sudden

among the sudden teachings." But in Kukai's work entitled The Realization

ofBuddhahood in This Very Body (Sokushinjobutsugi) "this body" also

has a cosmic dimension and signifies the entire dharmadhiitu. In KUkai's

exposition, all of existence whether mundane or transmundane is comprised

of the same six elements, five material ones and the mind. It is with this

grand "body" as our ground that we engage in the practices that engender

aWakening.38 And, insofar as this universal "body" can be considered

that of the Buddha, it can also be conceived as being a grand smpa. AsKukai writes39:

The mind-palace of the many treasures is high and w ~ d e without limit, andthe sun-residence of bright light extends everywhere.4 The "great self' [astaught] in Shingon originally resides in the lotus of the mind while its myriad

attendant mental-aspects naturally dwell in the moon of aWakening. TheTruth of the Three Equalities [of body, speech and mind, or of beings, theBuddha and one's own mind] resides in the effulgence of the Buddha-sun

and is continually being taught. The Buddha's mystical embrace [kaji, Skt.adhi$.thiina] ceaselessly responds to the faculties of beings. How marvellousis the stupa of the Dharma-nature body; it is truly grand. [emphasis mine]

37. Charles Orzech has translated this legend from the Chinese in DonaldLopez, ed., Buddhism in Practice, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,1995) 314-17. Orzech also evinces a further connection between smpa andma.I).qala by noting that through "the process of consecration (kuan-ting, Sanskrit

abhi$ekha) every initiate reenacts the entry into the Iron Smpa with his or her

own entry into the ma.I).qala." Taik5 Yamasaki also mentions the legend in hisShingon: Japanese Esoteric Buddhism, (Boston: Shambala, 1988) 8. Kakuban's

quote is from Kogyo daishi zenshu (Tokyo: Kaji sekkai shisha, 1910) 510 (as

cited in Orzech above, p. 315).

38. See Hakeda's partial translation of Sokushin jobutsu gi in his Kukai:Major Works, as well as my Master's thesis, "Kukai's 'The Realization of Bud

dhahood in This Very Body,'" University of Virginia, 1986.

39. KCZ 3: 278, Shoryoshu no. 54. On the same occasion he also announces

that he will make ten statues of deities, too. He dedicates the merit from theseworks to all people rich and poor in order to protect the country, improve the

living conditions of all beings and to cause everyone to enter the path of

enlightenment.

40. A standard interpretation in commentaries is to take "the mind-palace of

the many treasures" and "the sun-residence of bright light" to refer to the

Womb and Vajra MaIJ.qala Realms, respectively.

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'PO JIABS 19.2

Here the entire universe is likened to a palace. The all-pervading Dharma

nature body, co-extensive with the vast cosmos, is itself a stupa.41 And

yet this same "body" is also a palace and also a mal)<;lala.

CONCLUSION

This last passage comes from a text entitled "Votive Document on the

Occasion of Producing the Two MaJ;l<;lalas for the Sake of Repaying Our

Benefactors," which Kukai wrote dedicating the production of painted

mahii mar}4ala representations of the Womb and Vajra Realms in 82l.

As the text notes, in the fifteen years since Kukai's return from China

with these maJ;l<;lalas, their continued use in ritual settings had worn themconsiderably and it had become necessary to reproduce them. Records

indicate that this was the first of several times that Kukai had them

reproduced.42 Drawing attention to this votive document (ganmon) that

Kukai drafted on the occasion of reproducing a pair of large painted

maJ;l<;lalas in 821 provides an entry into one final consideration of the

roles that maJ;l<;lalas played in the early Shingon tradition. The collection

of Kukai's writings known as the Shoryoshu contains at least seven votive

documents in which it is recorded that maJ;l<;lalas were produced. Many of

these documents were drafted on the occasion of a memorial service

commemorating the death of a court noble. It is not clear precisely to43

what use these maJ;l<;lalas were put once they were produced. Most

would surely have been used solely for formal initiations into esoteric

practice, but such initiations were not intended only for the monastic

practitioner. Large numbers of laymen also received consecrations from

Kukai in ceremonies for both the Vajra and the Womb Realm maJ;l<;lalas.

It seems that there was widespread interest in Shingon teachings and

practices a!]long clerics and court nobles alike in both Nara and in Kyoto.

41. One last reference to another usage of the term stl1pa takes us to I-hsing'scommentary on the Mahiivairocana sutra. There he refers to "the mind as aBuddha-stiipa" (shin i hutto). As cited in Sawa Ryuken, Mikkyo Daijiten 1706,

under nanten tetto.

42. The phrase "for the sake of our benefactors" refers specifically to four

objects of gratitude: parents, the sovereign, sentient beings and the ThreeJewels (Buddha, Dharma and Sangha). This term appears frequently in Kilkai'sworks as an expression of a sense of indebtedness as well as dedication.

43. Although the patrons of these memorial services must have provided forthe costs of materials and labor required by such work, it is doubtful at thisearly date that the painted-scroll malJQalas themselves would have graced thewalls of an aristocrat's living room as they might today.

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GARDINER 271

The first large formal ceremony for which we have a record took place in

812 at the Takaosanji temple in the mountains outside Kyoto. Extant in

Kukai's hand is a list of those who received initiation. The names include

Saicho and several of his disciples, many important monks from the mainNara temples and some laymen, numbering over one hundred forty in all.

While a few of these initiants would later study further with Kukai, it is

doubtful that for the majority their initiation into the world ofthe mat).<jalas

was the actual beginning of dedicated cultivation of esoteric practice.

These were probably lower level initiations that served to "establish a

bond" (kechi-en) with the deities of the mat).qala, and this bond was con

sidered to be beneficial in and of itself regardless of the extent of subsequent

engagement.44 Such ceremonies became popular later in the Heian periodamong the aristocratic class and we can be sure that for many people,

partaking in a consecration was like receiving a blessing, if not making a

statement of fashion or status, more than it represented any committment

to a spiritual discipline. But participation in such ceremonies was something

desired by both the aciirya and the recipients. That is, while there was

among the aristocracy in general (lay and cleric alike, as they often came

from the same sectors of society) a strong interest, perhaps even fascination,

with the new esoteric rites and ritual paraphernalia that had just recentlybeen introduced from China, there was Clearly also a keen desire from

Kukai's side to promulgate these practices and related texts widely at a

variety oflevels. As he wrote around 816:

What I wish for now is that people with some affinity for this teachingmight read the texts, lecture on them and make them known to the world,thereby repaying the kindness of the Buddha. Since the circulation of the

teaching has been inhibited because the texts themselves are so few in number,I have sent my disciples Koshu and Angyo to distant regions bearing thesetexts.I f there be persons with predilections for the vehicle of supernatural power-virtuous men or women, whether cleric or lay-who share the samewish as I, may they establish a bond with this teaching; copy, read and recite

the texts; practice in accordance with the teaching and harmonize their thoughtswith the principle taught therein. By so doing, they will ascend beyond theten stages of the bodhisattva path without having to pass through the incalculable aeons traditionally required by the path, and in the very body born oK

their parents will quickly realize the Buddhahood inherent within their mind.4

44. The exact status of these initiations into the two Realms given by Kukaiin 812 is unclear. Paul Groner treats this topic in his Saicho 81-83.

45. KCZ 3: 386-91 (ShiJryoshfi no. 98).

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272 nABS 19.2

This passage is taken from a letter that Kukai sent to numerous people

throughout Japan along with copies of various esoteric scriptures. The

main emphasis of the letter is on the importance of copying and thereby

disseminating these scriptures. Whether or not the texts were actuallyever recited or studied by their recipients, implicit in the enterprise of

copying scripture was, of course, the power that is to be derived from the

mere presence of the texts themselves as well as the merit to be obtained

by those who copy (or sponsor the copying of) them. The letter indicates

that Kukai envisioned a broad field of practice developing in connection

with these texts. Surely it was not long before some of the communities

to which these texts were sent received also the liturgical parapherna

lia-va]'ras, bells, offering vessels, and so on-and some of the mandalas46 . .that were so central to the promulgation of the esoteric cult.

In fact, it is very important to keep in mind the role of financial /

material support provided by court aristocrats if we are to understand

fully the manner in which new religious practices such as those promoted

by Kukai actually took root in Japan. As was noted earlier, support for

the construction of smpas and temple buildings, especially in the remote

region of K6yasan, was not easy to come by. Perhaps in the case of

smaller projects like the production of painted maI;lQ.alas or of a fewcarved Buddhist deities, patronage was easier to procure. One can imagine

how this might be particularly true when the aims of a specific ceremony

in which such material is to be employed are clearly spelled out in terms

of the kinds of soteriological benefits that can accrue from memorial

services offered on the behalf of a loved one. The following is a passage

from one of the votive documents written by Kukai on the occasion of a

memorial ceremony:

To come:together and then to drift apart is the law of things in this world.Alas, the late fifth daughter of the Fujiwara family married in full possession

of virtue as well as beauty; she went to her husband with all the requisiteskills and proper speech. Her numerous children and grandchildren filledhomes and gardens alike. All had hoped that like a crane or a tortoise she

46. I have translated this text, commonly known as the Kan' ensho netter ofappeal to those with interest"), in my dissertation and it will also appear in theforthcoming volume of the Princeton Readings in Religion series called, Reli-

gions of Japan in Practice, ed. by Robert Morrell, Princeton University Press.

My dissertation contains a study of the contexts in which this letter was sent(pp. 14-52) as well as an annotated translation, (pp. 244-57). See my "Kukai

and the Beginnings of Shingon Buddhism in Japan," diss., Stanford University,1994.

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GARDINER 273

would live a long life closely united with her husband. . . How pitiful and

desolate we are. Dew and frost vanish quickly and lightning flashes only

briefly. And now many days have passed, the stars have coursed their way

and we face the one year anniversary [of her decease].

On the 22i:td day of the 5th month of the fourth year of Tench5 [827], inorder to deliver her spirit we drew the "one mudra" mandala of Dainichi onone canvas made of five strips.47 We also copied in' ~ e v e n fascicles the

entire dharma mar:t<;iala [text?] of the broad eye[d one, that is the Dainichi

kyo or Mahiivairocana satra]. In addition, at JingBji temple [Takaosanji]

monks assembled to recite the Dainichi kyo. The sound of bells resounded

throughout the broad valley . . .My wish is that by means of this virtuous cause we might bring succour to

her lost spirit. May the thunder of the Dharma awaken the long slumber of

Buddha nature, and i j ~ sweet ambrosia nourish the roots and leaves of thetree of bodhimind . . .

The text is unclear as to whether the Buddha nature to be awakened by

the thunder of the Dharma is that of the deceased woman alone or of all

beings in general. But since later in the text it is hoped of the latter that

they might enter into the "palace of awakening," it would be natural to

conclude that the ceremony is intended to transfer merit to both, near and

far. Yet the document also refers, on the near side, to the bereaved's

family, chief among which is the husband Nakamori Kasa, officer in the

court Department of Ceremony (shiki bu). Another votive document,

dated the 15th day of 10th month of the sixth year of KBnin (815), also

records a different memorial ceremony that Kukai performed on behalf of

this same Nakamori's deceased parents.49 Kukai commonly wrote multiple

votive documents for a given individual, many of them for a member of

the influential court family Fujiwara. It would appear that through theseceremonies he was offering them something of value. Further studies are

needed in the history of funerary and memorial rites in early Japan before

proffering any judgement as to how novel were these ceremonies that

Kukai performed, but one cannot deny that some of the esoteric elements

of these Shingon rites-the maQ.l;lalas painted, the scriptures copied, the

new esoteric deities carved in statue form, in addition to the overall

mystifying atmosphere of the complex liturgy--contributed greatly to the

attractiveness and subsequent popularity of such rites. In other words,

47. This is the ichi in'e, which forms one of the nine square panels of the

mar:t<;iala of the Vajra Realm. It is the panel at the top center, which depicts a

large image of Dainichi nyorai in the "wisdom fist mudra."

48. KCZ 3: 312-14 (Shoryosha no. 66).

49. KCZ 3: 270-72 (Shoryosha no. 51).

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.274 JIABS 19.2

the ceremonies offered more than just the accumulation of merit for both

the deceased and the bereaved. These ceremonies were part of an economy

of exchange between Buddhist priests and the laity (especially members

of the court) that provided, on the one hand, the resources essential forthe propagation of a new cult and, on the other, the solace and perhaps

status to be gained from the participation in what must have been seen as

a grand system of religious meaning and even legitimation.

Although not all esoteric Buddhist practice was devoted to such "worldly"

matters, it was nonetheless in contact with this economy of exchange that

the earliest communities of systematized esoteric Buddhist practice thrived

in Japan. The Kong6buji monastery complex at K6yasan was the first

attempt to establish a center devoted exclusively to this practice thoughmany centers were being developed at the same time within the already

established "exoteric" monasteries in Nara. The founding of these centers

for esoteric Buddhist practice in the early Heian period is a relatively

well-documented process but one that has yet to receive adequate attention

outside of sectarian studies focused on Kl1kai's life. Nevertheless, the

writings of Kl1kai-especially his various correspondences and votive

documents -preserve a vast amount of information that represents a

valuable record of the emergence of one of the earliest known coherent

systems of esoteric Buddhist theory and practice. By "emergence" Io f

course refer to causes and conditions both intrinsic and extrinsic to the

work of the monastic specialists themselves. Esoteric Buddhism in

Japan did not develope in a vacuum but in the rich atmosphere of an

active social and political world. It is within the dynamics of this particular

world that we must learn to discern the processes whereby "the secret

mal).<;lala was transmitted to Jambudvlpa."

GLOSSARY

betta J3U ¥3

Chin-kang-chili 1 5 : j i i j J U ~ Chin-kang-ting-ching ~ j i i j J U J J f ; f , I Chin-kangfeng lo-ko i-ch'ieh yu-ch'ieh yu-chi ching

15: iijJU ~ t l M- -IjJ] f&« 11Jo f&«*.e;;f,I

chingo kokka & J ; ~ O O * Daianji * * ~ Daig6ji M l W l ~ Dainichi *8hi5 mandara ¥ ! ~ ~ ~ D6ji

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Dokyo . 3 ! ! ~ Dosh6 3!!fIB

ganmon JJlJtGenb6 ~ ) t 1 j .Gomyo ~ ~ , Gonzo ibtlkGyohyo fJ*

hokkai taishO r ! W 1 * i ~ honzon

Horyl1ji r ! ~ ~ hosshin seppo r ! ~ \ m r ! Hsi-ming [ § ~ J I Hui-k'uoichi ine - t : I J ~ I-ching

jinenchi shu §?'&ff*Kai-yuan shih-chiao-Iu ~ : 7 C ~ R ~ ~ kaji JJu3<#

katsuma mandara m J ! i 5 ' U ~ m kodo ~ ¥ : KobO daishi gyoka ki 5 1 . r ! : 7 d i j J f J 1 t ~ 2 . Kofuku-ji : O O * i ~ kokuzo gumonji hO E ! i 1 ~ ~ * I l t l 3 < # r ! Kongobuji ~ / l i j J t i I h ~ ~ Konkomyo saishOo-kyo Iljj &Jlj :Eff,I

konpon daito tH**mdai mandara * ~ ~ m mikkyo ka ~ ~ 1 t nenbun dosha ~ 7 } J J t : t r Nihon ryoiki S * ~ . t ! l ~ ~ c . Pu-k'ung / f ~ Saish6-e l & J l j ~ sammaya mandara : = . a - * J 1 ~ ~ ~ m Sangoshiiki : = ' ~ t ~ 1 w Shan wu-wei ' & ~ : f l t shiki bu

shin i butto J b ~ { ~ : 1 $ shinzui *$71<

Sh6man-e J l j ~ ~ ShOryoshu ' t ~ ~ ~

GARDINER 275

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'}.76 nABS 19.2

sokushinjobutsu RPJrfi)GMJSu-hsi-ti-ching l * ~ f t ! ! . { f t Ta-jih-ching -};:. 8

Takaosanji~ ~ U J ~

Tao-hsiian iJ(

Toji chiJja h o n i n * ~ ~ 1 ! f 1 l f f { 1 : uchi dojo f i ' j ~ ~ Yakushiji . P i j i ~ Kusuko no ran ~ - r ( 7 ) J 5 L Yakushikyo ~ p i j i ~ Yao-shih liu-li-kuang ju-Iai pen-yuan kung-te ching

~ p i j i 3 3 f t ~ ~ ~ I J * * J B r j J 1 ~ ~ Yuima-e * l . ~ Z e n g i ~ ~ zo

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Yakushiji

Key

1 Kondo (Golden Hall)

2 Kodo (Lecture Hall)

3 Stilpa

GARDINER 277

I 2 Irl 1

r-

I 4 I

0.TOdaiji

CDWestern Great

Stilpa Stllpa

0 0

14 I

Kongobuji

(Koyasan)

4 Main (Southern) Gate (Foundation only remaining at Kongobuji)

Diagram 1: The Layout of the Kongobuji Garan Compared withThree Others from N ara .

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.278 JIABS 19.2

2

0 0

0 00 0

0 0 0 0

(2)0

0 00

0 00 0

°0

' -------------11 Entrance I t - - - - - - - - - - - - '

Key1 Statue of Mahavairocana Buddha of the Womb Realm surrounded by

the Four auddhas who accompany Mahavairocana in the Diamond

Realm

2 The sixteen small circles represent round pillars on which are painted

representations of the Sixteen Great Bodhisattvas of the Diamond Realm

3 Altar upon which are various bronze implements laid out in maI}.<;lala

form with asmall stiipa at the center

Diagram 2: The Interior of the Great Stiipa at Kongobuji

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GARDINER 279

[ 5 I

c 0 ~ 1

Entrance

Key

1 Hanging Diamond Realm Painted MaJ)c).ala

2 Hanging Womb Realm Mal).c).ala

2

3 Altars placed before each Mal).c).a1a-accompanying seat faces

hanging mal).c).ala; surface decorated with offering implements and

small stilpa at center

4 Central Altar Facing Statues (with accompanying seat)

5 Statues of Various Esoteric Deities

Diagram 3: Interior of the Lecture Hall at Kongobuji

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JACOB N. KINNARD

Reevaluating the Eighth-Ninth Century P ~ i l a Milieu:Icono-Conservatism and the Persistence of Sakyamuni

INTRODUCTION

The typical way to begin an essay such as this-that is, a "reevaluation"-is

to say that the period in question has been neglected, understudied, orsimply passed over. One could hardly say this about the Pala period.

Indeed, since Banerji's 1915 monograph, The Piilas of Bengal, this has

been one of the more intensely examined periods in Indian Buddhist his

tory. One of the effects of all of this attention, however, is that certain very

b a ~ i c assumptions have simply been handed down, paral1Jparii, without

sufficient scrutiny. What I wish to examine here is what is perhaps the

most glaring of all such assumptions: namely, that Pala-period Buddhism

is Vajrayana Buddhism. I shall call in to question this simple equation, and

argue that rather than the hotbed of innovation that is typically seen in the

Pilla period, this is in fact a strikingly conservative period. I argue here that

in the early Pilla milieu what we see appears to be a concerted effort to pre

serve and conserve the sense ofMagadha as the locative center of the Bud

dhist world, and to assert and reassert Sakyamuni's place at the center of

this center. 1 Paul Mus, of course, made this very point in his Borobutfur,2

I. I should say at the start that I am using the phrase "PaJa period" here as a convenient rubric, and that I am thus bracketing the decidedly messy issues involvedin such easy, i f not facile, periodization. It is, for instance, virtually impossible

to determine just what constituted the PaJa polity, or to determine the geo-politi

cal extent of that polity, let alone to determine the extent to which the Palas as

kings influenced the production and use of Buddhist sculpture: see my 1996 Ph.

D. Dissertation, "Wisdom Divine: The Visual Representation of Prajiiii in PaJa

Period Buddhism," particularly ch. two. One important issue that is indirectlyraised by the present paper is the degree to which the artistic remains from the

early PaJa milieu are reflective of a larger political discourse aimed at, or at least

in tension with, the R a ~ ~ a k i l t a s to the South. The fact that Buddhists in the earlyPaJa milieu did not develop the mal)galic programs prevalent in the Deccan dur

ing the same period is certainly saturated with political significance and issues of

281

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282 JIABS 19.2

but he never fully pursued his own assertion. It is my hope to flesh out

Mus' suggestion here, and I shall argue that the early Pilla period is charac

terized as much, i f not more, by continualion as it is by innovation.

On its face, this is indeed a tall order. What I shall do here., then, is

approach this issue from a very specific angle. I want to focus on the representation of the Buddha-or let me say for now of the Buddhas--during

the early Pala period, and in particular the prominence of images of the

Buddha in the bhqmisparsamudrii. What these representations tell us, or

more properly show us, is that, in contrast to what we might see during the

same period in the Deccan or in Orissa, it is not maIJ.Qalas that are being

propagated, but what I shall tentatively call the extended biography of

Sakyamuni.3

I shall proceed here by first discussing some of the most commonly per

petuated assumptions about the sort of Buddhism prevalent in the early PaIa

period; I will then tum to an analysis of the sources of these assumptions,

and offer some alternative interpretations of these sources; and finally, and I

hope most substantially, I shall discuss the iconographic representation of

the Buddha during this period. It is this last discussion that I think pro

vides the most insight into the nature of Buddhist practice during this

periodin

the PaIa milieu. For although this period is notable for its innovative and even radical textual practices, the overwhelming amount of hard

evidence provided by the sculptural remains of the period indicates a strik-

dynastic "legitimacy": i. e. the PaJa period Buddhists' development of a kind of

locative maI).<;lala of Sakyamuni's life, the center of which is the PaJa realm, can

be seen in a tense sort of juxtaposition with the R a ~ ) : r a k U t a period Buddhists'development of a complex of maI).Qalas that create a different sort of "center," a"cosmic Bodhgaya" away from Bodhgaya. See Geri Malandra's in Malandra1993, for the very different view from the Deccan.2. Mus suggests that it is Sakyamuni who remains in the foreground of Bud

dhist practice-particularly art-until the "irruption" of Islam into the IndianSubcontinent: see Borobut/-ur, 1Off.

3. At Ratnagiri, as well as elsewhere in Orissa, there was a tremendous amountof iconographic innovation taking place during this period, and, in particular, a

marked emphasis on female deities and a move away from Sakyamuni as the

central figure in Buddhist art see Hock, 1987. However, it is important to note

that Sakyamuni does not simply drop out of the picture, in either Orissa or theDeccan. As Geri Malandra has argued, at Ellora there is at once an innovative

thrust in the direction of increasingly complex maI).<;laIas, while at the same time aconcerted effort to retain the importance of Sakyamuni and also to equate Ellora

with Bodhgaya and the enlightenment episode: see Malandra 1993, particularly

29,70-71, and 114-15.

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KINNARD 283

ingly conventional and conservative modus operandi. I t is also my hope

that this specific discussion will open up some possibilities for understand

ing the contemporary developments in such "periphery" locales-periphery,

at least, from the Pala point of view-':"as the Deccan and Orissa, not to

mention the cqntemporary developments in Southeast and East Asia.

WHAT WE (THINK WE) KNOW, AND HOW WE KNOW IT

What We (Think We) Know

One of the first modem scholars to describe Buddhist practice during the

Pilla period was Rajendra Lal Mitra, who, in his 1882 book, Sanskrit Bud-

dhist Literature ofNepal, set the standard for at least the next fifty years by

saying that the texts he believed dated to this period-texts that had been

collected by Hodgson in Nepal in the 1820s and 1830s-were "reeking of

pestilent dogmas and practices" (Mitra 1882, 24). The texts in question

were, of course, tantric in nature: among them, the GuhyasamCljatClntra,

N i ~ p a n n a y o g C l v a l r , SCldhanamClICl, Mafijusrlmulakalpa. La Vallee Poussin,

in his article on Tantrism for Hastings' Encyclopedia ofReligious Ethics,

echoed and even exaggerated Mitra's opinion, saying that these Vajrayana

texts contained and promoted "disgusting practices both obscene and crimi

nal" (La Vallee Poussin 1908-26, 195). Two other prominent early scholars of Buddhism, Maurice Wintemitz and Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, cer-

tainly did not agree on much, but they agreed that Pala-period Buddhism

was of a decidedly low character: Winternitz said that the Pala-period texts

presented "an unsavory mixture of mysticism, occult pseudo-science, magic

and erotics" that was expressed in "strange and often filthy language"

(Winternitz 1933a, 3-4, and 1933b 389-89), while Bhattacharyya wrote that

the texts of the Vajrayana are "specimens of the worst immorality and sin"

(Bhattacharyya 1929, II, xxi).These comments, by some of the leading scholars of Buddhism in the

fITst half of this century, were not only seldom challenged, but were perpet

uated and elaborated on. Thus what started out in 1882 as a reaction to the

sexual imagery and seemingly-lascivious practices of a handful of texts

becomes the standard way to describe the nearly half-millennium of Bud

dhist practices that is encompassed by the phrase "Pala Period," In a work

that remains one of the standard sources for the period, The History of

Ancient Bengal, R. C. Majumdar is representative of this tendency when he

writes: "Buddhism under the Palas differed essentially from what it was

even in the time of Hiuen Tsang in the seventh century A. D. There was no

trace, not only of the ancient schools of the Hlnayana system, but even of

the pure form of Mahayana. What we find instead were forms of mysti-

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·284 JIABS 19.2

cism that had developed out of the Mahayana," namely, Vajrayana and

Mantrayana (Majumdar 1971,378). 'In another widely read and quoted

work on the period, Sukumar Dutt's Monks and Monasteries of India, we

read that "during the 'Pala Period' of its history Buddhism itself was already

in a phase wherein it was heavily adulterated by the Tantric cult and itsmagic spells and practices. . . . The effect of this on its old cultural stan

dards," writes Dutt, "was to stunt their catholicity of intellectual interests-

in fact to reduce culture to a cult" (Dutt 1962, 345). In short, according to

Dutt, under the Palas, "The religion had enterea on a phase in which the

Mahayana philosophy, of which Nalanda had hitherto been the intellectual

stronghold, had slanted off to an esoteric cult know as Vajrayiina (Tantric

Buddhism)" (Dutt, 1962 349). We find the same conclusion in Joshi's

Studies in the Buddhistic Culture ofIndia; he too emphasizes the develop

ment of the Vajrayana, and remarks that "except for some exceptional

examples, few and far between, the figures of Buddha, the historic

Sakyamuni, became rare during this period. He being relegated to the posi

tion o f M a n u ~ I Buddhas, the Dhyaru Buddhas became famous and popular

. . . (Joshi 1967, 78).

I shall return to this last point in particular, since one of the assumptions

that goes along with the Pala Buddhism equals Vajrayana Buddhism equation is that Sakyamuni simply drops out of the picture; in the early part of

the Pala period, as we shall see, this assumption could hardly be less true.

The question I wish to address fIrst, however, is from where these scholars

have gleaned these characterizations of early Pala-period Buddhism as

being almost exclusively Vajrayana.

Tiiraniitha

Perhaps the single most commonly cited source for this early Pala periodhas been 'ljranatha, who wrote his unambiguously Vajrayana-centric His

tory ofBuddhism in India (rGya-gar-chos- 'byun or dGos-'dod-kun-'byun)

in Tibet in 1608. Taranatha begins his description of this period with an

account of the ascent of Gopala, the first of the Pala kings, who seems to

have taken over the rule of the region in 750, following the so-called

matsyayana, the "reign of fishes" mentioned in the Khalimpur copper-plate

of Dharmapala (Kielhom 1896-97). Taranatha makes the Vajrayana sym

pathies of this fIrst Pala king quite clear. Before ascending the throne,

Taranatha tells us, Gopala "received a b h i ~ e k a from an iiciirya with instruc

tions to propitiate the goddess Cunda," and, having "attained siddhi of god

dess Cunda. . . . he became the king on the next day" (Chimpa and

Chattopadhyaya 1970,257-58). In the remainder of Taranatha's account of

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KINNARD 285

this first Pala king there are several other allusions to the Vajrayana; he

mentions a variety of siddhis and siidhana practices, implying, although not

actually stating, that Vajrayana was practiced at the highest level of this fIrst

Pilla king's realm.

The prominence of Vajrayana in Taranatha's account of the next Palaking, Dharmapala-here I am correcting Taranatha's somewhat confused

chronology-whose reign was from 775 to 812, is even more explicit.

During this period, several Vajrayana iiciiryas are said to have been active,

including, notably a figure named Kn;IJ.acarya who Taranatha says was a

great palJ-cjita of Cakrasambara, Hevajra, and Yamari (Chimpa and

Chattopadhyaya 1970, 268), some of the very deities to whom Taranatha

himself is know to have been devoted.

One of the most commonly cited passages in Taranatha's History is this

account of Dharmapala: "He accepted as his preceptors Haribhadra and

Jfianapada and filled all directions with the Prajfia-paramita and the Sri

Guhya-samaja. The pa1;cjitas versed in the Guhya-samaja and the Prajfia

paramita were offered the highest seats of honour etc.," (Chimpa and

Chattopadhyaya 1970, 274). This purported dissemination of the

Guhyasamiijatantra, what might be called the Urtext of the Vajrayana, has

often been takenas

proof-positive not only of the Palas' official support ofVajrayana, but also of the prominence of this text in the region. As we

shall see, however, it is precisely this kind of freewheeling extrapolation

that leads to what I think are misguided assumptions about the sort of Bud

dhism prevalent between 750 and 850 in Northeast India; the date of this

text is a matter of much debate, and the Buddhism that we see contained

within it does not jibe with the predominance of sculptural remains from the

time. I am not suggesting that the Guhyasamiija had no significance in the

Pala milieu, but rather that its prominence has been, at the very least, overstated, and that this overstated emphasis has skewed our understanding of

this period in Buddhist history.

Throughout his account of the Pilla period, Taranatha is most interested in

the goings on at VikramaSIla. At Vikramasila there was, for instance, "a

temple of Vajrasana [where] there were then a large silver-image ofHeruka

and many treatises on Tantra." According to Taranatha, however, these

were destroyed by Sravakas from Sri Lanka because they said that these

images and texts were made by Mara; "So they burnt these and smashed the

image into pieces and used the pieces as ordinary money" (Chimpa and

Chattopadhyaya 1970,279). Again, we see quite clearly where Taranatha's

sympathies lie, for in one of his few references to non-tantric monks, he

portrays these Sravakas as heretics. He goes on, however, to tell us that

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286 JIABS 19.2

Haribhadra, who was then the preceptor of VikramasIla, saved the people

from these misguided and evil. Sravakas: he explained to them. the

kriyayogas, and "he preached most extensively the five Tantras of the

insiders, namely the Samaja, Mayajala, Buddha-samayoga, Candra-guhya

tilaka, and Mafijusrl-krodha. Special emphasis," Taranatha tells us, "was

put on the teachings of the Guhya-samaja and so it was very widely spread"

(Chimp a and Chattopadhyaya 1970, 279).

I could go on and on about Taranatha here; his account is brimming with

names of authors and texts and descriptions of monastic complexes. My

point, however, should be clear by now: Taranatha is hardly engaged in

what we would call "objective historiography." On the face of it, certainly,

Taranatha's account gives an unambiguous description of the early Pala

period as being dominated by the three classes of tantra and, in particular,

by the Vajrayana teachings and practices as described in the Guhyasamaja

and other anuttarayoga texts.

Consider, however, the problems with taking Taranatha at face value:

First, Taranatha is writing from Tibet for a Tibetan audience; his history, in

fact, is more or less a chronicle of the significant Tibetan figures and those

Indians who either came to Tibet themselves, or whose work became cen

tral to Tibetan Buddhism. Second, Taranatha himself seems to have beenan adherent to the Kiilacakratantra, and he wrote several texts within that

vein. Third, he finished his history in 1608; although Goeffrey Samuel

may be correct in asserting that Taranatha objectively used the sources

available to him, (Samuel 1993, 420), we should be skeptical, to say the

least, in taking as "objective" a history composed eight hundred years after

the fact. Clearly Taranatha had a sectarian axe to grind, and part of his his

toriographical exercise was to legitimize his own preferred brand of Bud

dhist practice. As David Templeman nicely puts it, "Taranatha's purpose . . .was not tQ.,paint a completely accurate portrait of the Dharma and its

adherents but to glorify them, to make them serve as inspirations to the

Buddhists of Tibet ... " (Templeman 1981, 45). Thus the mainstream

Mahayana, as exemplified by the Prajfiaparamitii genre, is present in his

History only as a kind of lesser partner to the tantras. 4 And the Sravakas

who were present in the Pilla realm at this time are mentioned only as icon-

4. This is a particularly significant absence, since the majority of extant textsfrom the Pala period are Prajfiiipiiramitii texts, and the evidence provided byroughly contemporary authors, such as Santideva, indicates that it was the

Prajfiiipiiramitii that was at the center of the early Pala-period Buddhistdiscourse.

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KINNARD 287

oclasts who go so far as to melt down consecrated images and turn them

into money. Furthermore, the locative emphasis in TaranlUha's account is

on Vikramaslla, which does seem eventually, that is post-tenth century, to

have become the center of Vajrayana practice in Pala India; he makes only

passing r e f e r ~ n c e to the obviously major, and decidedly mainstream,

monastic centers ofNaIanda and Bodhgaya.

The Chinese Pilgrims

In contrast to Taranatha's Vajrayana-centric account, Xuanzang and

Yijing--both of whom travelled in India in the seventh century, and are

thus at least chronologically much closer to the early Pala period-present

views of a much more mainstream Buddhism in what is roughly the Palamilieu. Yijing, for instance, describes a Pala region in Northeast India that

is dominated by the Sarvastivadins and other so-called Hlnayana schools:

"In Northern India and the islands of the Southern Sea," he reports, "they

generally belong to the Hlnayana . . . (Takakusu 1896, 14). The environ

ment Yijing describes conforms very closely, in fact, to Dutt's "catholicity

of intellectual interests," the loss of which Dutt argues distinguishes the

Pala period. Yijing sees, for instance, no real differences between the vari

ous schools extant in the seventh-century milieu, and writes: 'We can reasonably practise both the Maha(yana) and the HIna(yana) doctrines in obe

dience to the instruction of the Merciful Honoured One, preventing small

offences, imd meditating upon the great Doctrine of Nothingness"

(Takakusu 1896,51). In short, one comes away from Yijing's report with

the impression that the milieu he saw in Northeast India was decidedly

mainstream; except for a passing mention of the Mahavairocanasutra,

there is no mention ofTantric practices.

Xuanzang, in contrast to Yijing, certainly sees plenty of discord in

Northeastern India: "The tenets of the schools keep these isolated, and

controversy runs high . . . Each of the Eighteen schools claims to have

intellectual superiority; and the tenets (or practices) of the Great and Small

Systems (lit. vehicles) differ widely . . . and many are the noisy discus

sions" (Bea11884, 162). Nonetheless, as does Yijing, Xuanzang describes

a mostly mainstream milieu, with a notable absence of tantric and Vajrayana

practices. There is no doubt that in their accounts of their travels in India,these Chinese pilgrims also have their own sectarian agendas, and I am not

suggesting somehow that they are prima jacie more objective or more reli

able than Taranatha. Rather, I am positing that they present a more diverse

and more, for lack of a better term, balanced view of the early Pala milieu.

Furthermore, when we examine the sculptural remains of this period, we

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288 JIABS 19.2

are left with a portrait of Buddhist practices that bears a much greater

resemblance to the mainstream Buddhism that we see in the Chinese. pil

grims' accounts than to what we see in Taranatha's History.

WHAT WE SEE

Searching for A k ~ o b h y a Scholars have generally characterized the Buddhist sculpture of the early

Pala period in much the same way that they have characterized the overall

religious milieu. They emphasize the expansion of the Buddhist pantheon

to include various Vajrayana deities, and, most significantly here, they cite

the rise of the so-called dhyiini Buddhas and the concomitant decline of

Sakyamuni. Gouriswar Bhattacharya, echoing Joshi's comment that I havealready quoted about the rarity of figures ofSakyamuni, remarks: "In the

medieval period a great change took place in the Buddhist theological con

ception in Bihar-Bengal when Buddha Sakyamuni, the great monk,

Mahiisramar;.a, lost his primary importance and became a family member

of A k ~ o b h y a like a Bodhisattva" (G. Bhattacharya 1989, 353). What I will

argue in the remainder of this essay is that this assertion-which I believe

betrays an over-reliance on Taranatha and other Tibetan historians, such as

Bu-ston, as well as on those scholars who have uncritically accepted theTibetan portrayal of the period-is not borne out by the sculptural evidence

from the early Pala period. Indeed, almost the opposite is the case for the

eighth through tenth centuries: although, certainly, a wide variety of bodhi-

sattvas and related deities are represented in the Buddhist sculpture of the

early Pala period-some clearly belonging to the Vajrayana-there is dur

ing this period a continued and consistent emphasis on Sakyamuni, and

particularly on, from the tenth century onward, the group of eight signifi

cant events in his life and the places associated with these events, theA ~ t a m a h i i B r a t i h i i r y a .

As we'have seen, Taranatha emphasizes the prevalence of the

Guhyasamiijatantra during the reigns of Gopala, Dharmapala, and

DevapaIa. Taranatha tells us that Dharmapala "filled all directions" with the

Guhyasamiijatantra (Chimpa and Chattopadhyaya 1970, 274), and at

places such as Vikramaslla "Special emphasis was put on the teachings of

the GUhya-samaja and so it was very widely spread" (Chimp a andChattopadhyaya 1970,279). The Guhyasamiija is one of the fundamental

texts of the anuttarayoga class of tantra-Benoytosh Bhattacharyya calls it

"the Bible of the Tantric Buddhists" (B. Bhattacharyya 1931, 24)-and, as

such, it is something of the root text of the Vajrayana. It is in the

Guhyasamiija that the pafica-tathiigatas-the five Buddhas who are

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KINNARD 289

typically referred to, incorrectly, as dhyaniBuddhas-are first articulated

and placed in a maI).<;iala, with A k ~ o b h y a at the center. These five Buddhas

are described in this text as emanations or manifestations of Sakyamuni inthe form of the five skandhas: paficabuddhasvabhavatvat paficaskandha

jinalJ, smrtalJ, (B. Bhattacharyya 1931,41). Given the purported ubiquity of

this text in the eighth and ninth centuries, one could reasonably expect to

find evidence of the practices described there throughout the sculptural

remains of the period. We could expect, for instance, to find evidence of

the five Tathagatas and the various members of their families. In short, we

could expect to find evidence ofmaJ)<;ialas in the art of the early Pilla period.

There are, however, first some chronological difficulties here, since the

dating of the Guhyasamaja is by no means certain. One of the first toattempt to assign a date to this text was Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, who in

his introduction to the 1931 Gaekwad's edition of the text argues that the

Guhyasamajatantra dates to the third century, C. E. (B. Bhattacharyya

1931, xxxiv). Bhattacharyya attributes the text to the great AsaIiga.

Although he recognized that there was a potential problem with this early

dating, since the text does not appear to be mentioned anywhere until the

seventh century, Bhattacharyya simply sweeps this problem away. "The

reason why we do not find any mention of the Guhyasamlija beforeNagfujuna [the seventh-century Nagarjuna], is because the Tantra was kept

secret among the professors and the doctrines inculcated therein were con

fined to a few adepts for three hundred years until Buddhist Tantras of the

Yoga and Yogatantra classes obtained publicity during the time of the Sid

dhacaryas mainly through their mystic songs, preachings and works," (B.

Bhattacharyya, xxxii). The shakiness of Bhattacharyya's argument is not

limited, however, to this rather absurdly literal thesis about the "secrecy" of

the text (the guhya of the title does mean secret or hidden). He erroneously

connects the AsaIiga to whom a single sadhana in the Sadhanamiila is

attributed with the great AsaIiga of the third century, to whom Taranatha

traces the origin of the tantras, and then he uses this to argue for the early

dating of the Guhyasamaja on the basis of the existence of the full-blown

pafica-tathagata system, as mentioned in the so-labelled Asanga sadhana.

The Sadhanamala, however, is clearly a late text (post-tenth century, at

least), and the attribution of one of the verses by the redactors of the textand subsequent Tibetan tradition to Asanga seems purely a legitimizing

convention. s

5. See, for instance, Joshi 1967, 330-33.

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Alex Wayman has also discussed the dating of the Guhyasamiijatantra at

length, and based on, among other factors, a commentary written by

Lilavajra in the eighth century on a text that mayor may not be the

Guhyasamiijatantra as we know it, he asserts that the text must date to at

least before the eighth century; he concludes, however, on what he himself

calls "a purely tentative basis," that the text dates to the fourth century.6

My purpose here is not to engage further in this dating debate-the

details of which would fill several volumes-although I favor a date of no

earlier than the eighth century for the text, and even then I question the

prevalence and the popularity of the practices described therein; 7 rather, I

wish to point out that these attempts to make the Guhyasamiijatantra a very

early text both fuel and are fueled by the very assumptions concerning thedevelopment and prominence of the Vajrayana that I have been calling into

question here. The argument, in short, proceeds along the logic that if the

Guhyasamiijatantra were written in the fourth century, it would then make

sense, as Taranatha claims, that the text and the practices contained in it

would have been prominent by the eighth century. The question that must

be asked, then, is do we see evidence of this text in the sculpture of the

period? Do we see Sakyamuni nudged aside by the pafica-tathiigatas, par

ticularly by A k ~ o b h y a ? Do we see, in fact, what Gouriswar Bhattacharyadescribes when he writes: "In Magadha or South Bihar, A k ~ o b h y a , of all

the Transcendent Buddhas, was the most important deity of worship during

the Pala period. Buddha Sakyamuni in bMimispar.samudrii was identified

with A k ~ o b h y a and this Transcendent deity attained more importance than

the mortal Sakyamuni?"S The short answer to this question is a simple no.

l t is, however, at least worth looking for A k ~ o b h y a , since any number of

scholars in any number of studies have misidentified images of Sakyamuni

as A k ~ o b h y a . The over:1Vhelming number of early Pala-period Buddha images depict a

seated Buddha displaying the bl1L7mispar.samudrii. Bhumispar.samudrii

images, also sometimes referred to as miiravijaya images, on the most

obvious level serve what Vidya Dehejia has called a "monoscenic" narrative

and symbolic function, presenting a single episode in the life of

6. See Wayman 1977,84-104, and also Wayman 1973, 17-19.

7. See Joshi, 1967 330-32, for a particularly concise, and sensible, hypothesis:and also see Yukei Matsunaga 1977, 179, for a view that takes in to account the

Chinese translations of the text.8. G. Bhattacharya 1989, 352 Bhattacharya makes this assertion in spite of the

fact that he is very clear about the iconographic distinctions between Sakyamuniand Alq;obhya.

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KINNARD 291

Slikyamuni;9 such images represent the point at which Sakyamuni achieves

enlightenment, the point at which he becomes the Buddha. John

Huntington has called this event "the summum bonum of Buddhist soteri

ology" (J. Huntington 1987b, 58). "It is this moment," he writes, "the

moment of gaining the right to enlightenment . . . that is the validation of the

soteriological methodology taught by the Buddhists" (J. Huntington 1986a,

61). In other words, this is the culmination of the dharma.

Let us briefly recall the event: Just at the point at which he is about to

attain bodhi, Sakyamuni is confronted by Mara, who realizes that he is

about to be defeated by this man who has discovered the means with which

to cut through all artifice and to conquer death. Mara, however, the embod

iment of subterfuge, creates all manner of illusion and temptation to distractand defeat the Buddha-to-be. He unleashes his various armies-appropri

ately named desire, discontent, hunger and thlrst, craving-but Sakyamuni

is unmoved. Mara then uses his own daughters to tempt Sakyamuni, to stir

in him lust and desire, but again to no avail. So finally Mara assaults him

verbally, and challenges his very right to be beneath the bodhi tree, his right

to achieve enlightenment. Sakyamuni responds that all of the millions of

offerings that he has made in the past have given him the right to enlight

enment. Mara, however, persists; he says there is no witness to supportSakyamuni's claims. Sakyamuni's response is the exact moment depicted in

bhumisparsamudra. images: he reaches out his right hand and touches the

earth. The bhudevl, the goddess of the earth (who is also sometimes

depicted in the images), is impartial and free from malice, and thus serves

as the ideal character witness.

Scholars have frequently identified bhumisparsa Buddha images from

the early Pala-period as A k ~ o b h y a ; for example, in the volume The Image

of the Buddha, edited by David Snellgrove, several bhumisparSamudra.

Buddha images are identified as A k ~ o b h y a , although there is virtually no

iconographic rational for doing so other than the fact that in the

Guhyasama.jatantra and other anuttarayoga tantra texts, A k ~ o b h y a ' s char

acteristic hand gesture is the bhumisparsamudra..l O Again, it seems that

the assumption about the prevalence of tantric practices in the early Pala

period has simply clouded the vision of such scholars, transforming

Sakyamuni intoA k ~ o b h y a .

Take, for instance, the image from Bodhgaya

9. See Dehejia 1990, for the full context of her discussion of this term, as wellDehejia 1992. See also S. Huntington 1990, and S. Huntington 1993, for a different perspective on the issues Dehejia discusses.10. See Snellgrove 1978 ..

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292 JIABS 19.2

that Susan Huntington properly identifies as Sakyamuni and that dates

roughly to the late ninth century;l! this is a fairly typical bhumisparsa

image. The Buddha (to-be) is seated cross-legged, his left hand rests in his

lap, and his right hand is draped over his right knee, touching the earth.

The Buddha is flanked by two bodhisattvas-Avalokitesvara and

Maitreya-and above his head, at the top of the stele, are two vidyadharas

and a bit of the asvattha bodhi tree, the latter a fairly standard motif on such

sculptures, serving to visually represent the locale of the scene. There is

also a small vajra directly below the ankles of the Buddha, a common motif

on Pala-period bhumisparSa images, and a motif that might lead one to

identify the image as representing A k ~ o b h y a ; the vajra is, after all, the

symbol par excellence of the Vajrayana. In this case, however, the vajra isiconographically tied to Sakyamuni's defeat of Mara and, in particular, to

Bodhgaya itself: as Mara tempts him, he sits atop the vajrasana, the

"adamantine," or "diamond-like seat" of enlightenment, pure and

immovable. 12

Although it is uncertain when Buddhist began to sculpturally represent

individual jina-Buddhas, it appears that this practice did not begin until

some time after the tenth century. Of the tathagatas, A k ~ o b h y a is in fact

the most common in Northeast India (as opposed to Vairocana or Amitabhaelsewhere in the Buddhist world); this later iconographic development

does, perhaps, indicate the eventual prominence of the anuttarayoga prac

tices such as those found in the Guhyasamiijatantra. The distinguishing

iconographic detail in such images is not, as has frequently been assumed,

the crown and jewelry that adorn the Buddha in such images (these ele

ments are typically used with images of Sakyamuni from the later Pilla

period). Rather, the distinct iconographic element that does not occur on

images of Sakyamuni displaying the bhumisparSamudrii is the single, cen

tral elephant at the base of the stele. 13 According to Abhayakaragupta's

N i ~ p a n n a y ; ; g i i v a l z , again a late, post-tenth century text that gives the

iconography of many of the deities in the Vajrayana pantheon, A k ~ o b h y a ' svehicle is the elephant. I t is important to note, however, that this icono

graphic detail is a late development, and even in the latest periods of the

Pala era sculptures of A k ~ o b h y a never even approach the popUlarity of

imagesof

Sakyamuni.

11. S. Huntington 1984, 103.

12. See Janice Leoshko 1988, for an extended discussion of vajriisana images.

13. O. Bhattacharya 1989, was, I believe, the fIrst to point this out.

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KINNARD 293

In sum, then, reports of Sakyamuni's death during this period have been

greatly exaggerated. Indeed, although we do see evidence of iconographic

innovations during this period-the increased popularity of Tara, say, or of

Mafijusn, or the emergence of Prajfiaparamita as a deity in her own r ight

Sakyamuni does not get replaced by A k ~ o b h y a , or by any of the other so

called 'Transcendent Buddhas," but on the contrary continues to be the

focus of early Pal a-period silpins. Furthermore, even in the -later period,

when the panca-tathagatas are iconographically represented, they remain,

in comparison to Sakyamuni, iconographically marginal figures, frequently

relegated to the periphery, to the tops and bottoms of images of

Sakyamuni.

Searching for a Mmpjala

It is possible, I must admit at this point, that I have been overly rigid in my

discussion of bhumisparSamudra Buddha images in the Pala milieu, and

that in attempting to correct the "Pala-period Buddhism equals Vajrayana"

equation, I have in the process blurred my own vision. Let me, then, step

back from my own thesis for a moment. Both Geri Malandra and Nancy

Hock have suggested that bhumisparsamudra Buddha images, as well as

other Buddha images with what we might call "historical" referents, have apolyvalent potential, and that seeing them as representing only Sakyamuni

is an overly narrow interpretation.l 4 Hock, for instance, sees an

"intentional ambiguity" and a "dual nature" in several sculptures from

Ratnagiri that depict a bhumisparsamudra Buddha, with a blurring of the

distinction between Sakyamuni and A k ~ o b h y a . She argues that the SCUlp

tural evidence from Ratnagiri reflects the transitional nature of that site,

transitional in the sense that the Buddhism practiced there in the eighth and

ninth centuries was midway between the Mahayana and the Vajrayana,

what she describes as Mantrayana. Thus, suggests Hock, images of

bhumisparSamudra Buddhas are best seen as what she calls "Sakyamuni in

a tantric form,"-that is, not the Sakyamuni of the Pilii and Mahayana texts,

what we frequently call "the historical Buddha," but Sakyamuni as he

appears in several early carya and kriya tantras, such as the Manjusrf

miilakalpa.

Hock's "transitional stage" thesis is, I think, largely convincing, for shepresents a great deal of evidence, both sculptural and textual, that indicates

the practice of a variety of early maI).qalas in Orissa. As Hock herself

notes, however, the evidence from eighth / ninth-century Ratnagiri stands

14. See Malandra 1993, 29, 70-7l, 114-15 and Hock 1987, 55-56.

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294 nABS 19.2

in contrast to the contemporary. evidence from the Pala milieu, from

NaIanda and Bodhgaya; as she says about Nalanda, it is a site "that lacks

the iconographically more complex images and programs found at

Mantrayana sites," such as Ratnagiri (Hock 1987, 33). Indeed, as I have

already sug gested here, in the early Pala milieu we see almost an oppositesort of iconographic thrust;

Thus whereas Hock argues for an intentional ambiguity in the represen-

tation of the Buddha in the Ratnagiri context, I am arguing that there is no

such blurring in the early Pala milieu, but instead a consistent emphasis on

Sakyamuni. At Ratnagiri such images seem to be best seen in the context

of an iconographic expansion-what Hock calls an "explosion" of the

pantheon-that includes increasingly more complex maIJ.q.alas.

Bhiimisparsamudrii Buddha images from the Pala period, however, must

rather be seen in the larger context of the A ~ t a m a h i i p r i i t i h i i r y a images that

first appear in the early Pala period and which continue to be popular into

the 12th century; for these images, and the pilgrimage centers associated

with them, present the full biography of Sakyamuni in a condensed form,

and thus they recreate the presence of the historical Buddha in the Pala

realm. The viewer of, or we might more accurately say the participant in,

such images is visually transported into the past, into the presence of

Sakyamuni, to the time when-and also to the place where-the Buddha

was alive, defeating Mara, preaching the dharma, and so on.

Another common Buddha image from the early Pala milieu that also

forms part of the conventionalized set of eight scenes is the Buddha dis-

playing the dharmacakrapravartanamudrii (or simply the dharmacakra

mudrii). As with bhiimisparsamudrii images, these images have a b i o ~ graphical and also a locative significance, since the fIrst sermon was deliv-

ered by Sakyamuni at Samath, located at the heart of the Pala realm. Andas with bhiimisparsamudrii images, such images have frequently been

m i s i d e n t i f I ~ d as representing one of the panca-tathiigatas, in this case

Vairocana, who is described in later texts as displaying this same hand

gesture. Again, however, such images from the PaIa milieu unambiguously

represent Sakyamuni, as evinced by the common iconographic details at the

bottom of such stelae, such the fIve disciples who are gathered to hear the

frrst sermon, and the two deer who represent both the locale of this first

sermon in the r$ipatana mrgadiiva at Samath and also the power of the

dharma to "tame" and give refuge. l5

15. It is not insignificant, also, that the Palas adopt this motif for their royalseals: see, for instance, L. D. Barnett 1925-26.

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KINNARD 295

These two sorts of images-bhiimispada and dharmacakrapravar

tanamudra-when taken individually are iconographically quite conserva

tive, repetitions of iconographic conventions that extend to the earliest peri

ods of Buddhist sculpture. When they· are placed in the larger context of

the A ~ t a m a h a p r a t i h a r y a stelae, however, this conservatism takes on a more

innovative dimension. Four of the scenes that make up the set of eight

the birth, the enlightenment, the first sermon, and the parinirvaIJa-had

been sculpturally depicted together from a very early period, and the four

places associated with these scenes had been predicted to become pilgrim

age spots by the Buddha himself, as recorded in the Mahaparinibbana

sutta. Although various collections of scenes from the life of the Buddha

had been depicted in a variety of groupings sinceas

earlyas

theK u ~ a I ; l a

period,16 the standardization of the A ~ . t a m a h a p r a t i h a r y a is new to the Pala

period.!7 Furthermore, the four additional scenes-the miracle at SravastI,

the descent from the trayastrin;.sa heaven at Sakasya, the taming of the wild

elephant Nalagiri at Rajagrha, and the gift of honey to the monkey at

Vaisali-all take place within the basic confines of the Pilla realm.

CONCLUSION: AN ALTERNATIVE MAJ':TI?ALA.

So what, finally, are we to make of this particular collection of eightscenes? John Huntington has remarked: "The sequence is a kind of epit

ome of the life of Sakyamuni. . . . the A ~ t a m a h a p r a t i h a r y a epitomizes the

whole life of the Buddha, his attainments, his teachings and the benefits of

faith in his life to his followers. In short, the set of eight scenes epitomizes

the whole of Buddhism" (1. Huntington 1987a, 55, and 1987b, 67-68).

How do these stelae signify such a totality? The original set of four scenes

in a sense mark the outer parameter of Sakyamuni's life: his birth, his

attainment of enlightenment, his first articulation of the dharma, and his

death. The other four scenes, the ones that are added in the Pala period, all

have to do with the Buddha's propagation of the dharma.1 8 The miracle at

SravastI, for instance, although it is perhaps most obviously concerned with

the Buddha's superior rddhi, also represents the triumph of Sakyamuni's

dharma over all other teachings; the descent from the TrayastriIl).sa heaven,

where the Buddha had gone to preach the dharma to his mother, likewise

can be seen to demonstrate the superiorityof

the Buddha's dharma, even

16. See Joanna Williams 1975.

17. See Janice Leoshko 1993/94.18. Here I am indebted to J. Huntington's interpretation, particularly as articulated in 1. Huntington 1986a and 1986b.

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296 JIABS 19.2

over the potential teachings of the gods; the taming of the wild elephant

NaHigiri represents the dharma's ability to control even the most u n c o n t r o l ~ lable forces; and the gift of honey by the monkey at Vaisali represents the

importance of dana and the potential the dharma holds for even the most

humble of adherents to it.A great deal of attention in Buddhist Studies has been devoted to the

whole issue of the "absence" and the "presence" of the Buddha in such

physical objects as stiipas, relics, and images, 19 and we could, I think, eas

ily use such language to discuss A ~ . t a m a h i i p r i i t i h a r y a images. I t may,

however, be more appropriate in this context to think not in terms of pres

ence, but in terms of an intentionally emphasized "pastness." Each of the

events that makes up the A ~ . t a m a h a p r a t i h i i r y a set refers to Sakyamuni's

specific activities in the past in Magadha: in other words, Buddhists in the

early Pilla milieu did not emphasize the future, the coming of Maitreya; and

they did not emphasize the transcendent, cosmic present of the pure lands

occupied by A k ~ o b h y a and the other tathiigatas. Rather, in the Pala milieu

the focus falls squarely on the past, on Sakyamuni, and images such as the

A$.tamahiipratiharya make this past available-allow the Buddhists of the

present to participate in this past-in a condensed, visual sort of pilgrimage.

The temporal reality of the Pala present (marked by the absence of theBuddha) was thus replaced, via such sculptural images; by the spacial real

ity of the Sakyamuni-inhabited past (marked by the presence of the

Buddha). To use a distinction somewhere articulated by Paul Ricoeur, the

worldview reflected, if not also created, by such images is archeological,

and not teleological: the present is significant because it resonates with the

past, not because it anticipates the future.

Let me pose a final question, then: Does this set of the eight great events

in Sakyamuni's life constitute a mal)c;lala? The answer to this questiondepends 'L(fry much on what we mean by a mal)c;lala I f we mean what

GuisepptTucci means when he describes the mal)c;lala as "a map of the

cosmos. , , the whole universe in its essential plan" (Tucci 1961, 23), the

answer is "no." I f we mean what Reginald Ray means when he calls the

mal)c;lala "the central and all-integrating symbol in Tantric Buddhism as a

whole" (Ray 1973, 58), the answer again is "no," A ~ . t a m a h a p r a t i h a r y a images in the Pilla milieu do, however, represent something similar to such

conceptions of the maI).c;lala, in that they create a kind of totality of the

Buddhist world, but it is a totality as it was specifically conceived by Bud

dhists in the Pala milieu. This totality encompasses the entire life of

19. See in particular Schopen 1987 and 1988.

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KINNARD 297

Slikyamuni, from birth to Nirvai)a, including the essential point at which the

Buddha discovers the triumphant dharma-as represented by the

miiravijaya-as well as the crucial points at which he makes the dharma,

and its superiority and power, known to the world. Furthermore, each of

the events that constitute this maI}.Qala is connected to a specific place and

the set creates a pilgrimage circle that could have been completed within the

basic confmes of the Pilla realm. This, then, is a distinctly worldly totality.

It makes the idealized past of Sakyamuni available in the Buddha-less

present.

Why did early Pala-period Buddhists might have put such an emphasis on

Sakyamuni, and why they did not develop the more complex and cosmi

cally resonant iconographic programs and maI}.qalas that we see at contem

porary sites in the Deccan and Orissa, as well as in locales outside ofIndia?

We can probably never know the answer to this question. But it may be

that they simply did not need to look any further than the locative present.

There was no need to look to the alternative visions of the tantras and the

Vajrayana to find a cosmic center, since early Pala-period Buddhists were

already at the center of the this-worldly totality constituted by the life of

Sakyamuni. To use an image employed by Asvaghosa to describe

Bodhgaya, they already were at the very navel of the earth.

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JOHN S. STRONG

The Moves MalJ.q.alas Make

In 1895, L. Austine Waddell listed "magic-circles" (mar.lC.;lalas) as being

among the "silly secrets," of Lamaism.! Clearly, the study of mal).<;lalas has

progressed a lot over the last one hundred years, and, judging from the

papers published here,2 it is continuing to evolve. Geri Malandra's

"unfolding" mal).<;lalas at Ellora, Charles Orzech's ritually "unrolling"

mal).<;lalas in Tang China, Jacob Kinnard's search for an "alternative man

.<;lala" in Pala-period iconography, and David Gardiner's exploration of the

overlap and "slippage" of mal).<;lala symbolism at Kayasan in Japan-all can

stimulate us to new definitional reflections. One of the thrusts of these

papers is to change the ways, or at least the contexts, in which we may

view mal).<;lalas by presenting them not just as well-ordered, clearly-delim

ited, pre-defined "cosmograms," 3 but as configurations that are "on the

move" in more ways than one, and whose definitions must try to reflect

those motions.

This paper is a reworking of the "summary-response" I gave to the papers

presented at the symposium entitled "Mal).<;ialas on the Move: Caves, Monuments

and Icons Across the Buddhist World, ca. 750-850 C. E.," held April 21 and 22,

1995 at the Divinity School of the University of Chicago. I would like to thank

Frank Reynolds for organizing the conference and for inviting me to speak.1. L. Austine Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism (London: W. H.

Allen, 1895) 145.

2. All of these papers were presented to the symposium in Chicago. In addition,

there was a paper (not included here) by Julie Gifford on Borobudur. Each

paper was the focus of oral comments made by designated respondents, Robert

Campany, Richard Cooler, John Holt, Geri Malandra, and Jonathan Walters. In

what follows, I have tried to limit myself to a consideration of the four papers

here published, although sometimes my citations of them will reflect their origi

nal versions presented to the symposium. Occasionally, also, I will make use of

or refer to insights expressed at the symposium by some of the other partici

pants, for which I thank them. .

3. For a presentation of a number of such definitions of mal).<;ialas, see E. Dale

Saunders, "Mal).<;ialas: Buddhist Mal).<;ialas," The Encyclopedia ofReligion, ed.

Mircea Eliade, vol. 9 (New York: Macmillan Co., 1987) 155-58.

301

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Of course, other scholars have been aware of the "movement" of

mar:t4alas, but, for the most part they have approached this topic within

meditationaI, psychological or doctrinal contexts. For them, mar;t4alas con

tain polyvalent richness and multidimensional symbolism, but they are

more or less timeless, cultureless, and ahistorical "worlds in themselves." 4

The papers presented here, however; seek to place mar:t4alas themselves "in

the world." They take seriously a number of contexts that are often

neglected by other scholars. These include the historical, cultural, political,

geopolitical, art historical, architectural, physical, ritual, and textual milieux

which mar:t4alas reflect and effect. In them, the nature of mar:t4alas cannot

be separated from time, space, politics, world views.

My task, as I see it, is not so much to attempt to summarize these papersas to respond to their stimulus. I want to do this by taking seriously the

title of the symposium and talking about the various ways in which the

mar:t4alas described in these papers are "on the move." I will center my

remarks around four topics each reflecting a different sort of motion. Sim-

ply put: (1) mar;t4alas themselves are moved; (2) mar:t4alas make moves by

rearranging relationships; (3) mar:t4alas move other things over distance

and time; and, fmally (4), there is movement within mar:t4alas.

(1) First of all, mar:t4alas can themselves be physically moved. The

paradigmatic example here is that of Kukai literally bringing the two Shin

gon mar:t4alas with him upon his return from China in 806. The signifi

cance of this act by this "first mover" is nicely put into its Japanese context

in David Gardiner's paper. Yet as Geri Malandra suggests, there were

probably other "Kukais" in other parts of the world, and the more local use

4. For a variety of examples of this genre, see Mircea Eliade, "Mar;t4ala," Yoga,

ImmortalitifInd Freedom (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969) 219-27;

Carl Gustav Jung, Mandala Symbolism, trans. R. F. C. Hull (Princeton:

Bollingen Foundation, 1972); Minoru Kiyota, Shingon Buddhism: Theory and

Practice (Los Angeles: Buddhist Books International, 1978), ch. 4; Michael

Saso, Tantric Art and Meditation (Honolulu: Tendai Educational Foundation,1990), chs. 2-3; David L. Snellgrove, Indo-Tibetan Buddhism, vol. 1 (Boston:

Sharnbhala, 1987) 198-212; Adrian Snodgrass, The Matrix and Diamond World

Mandalas in Shingon Buddhism, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1988)121-23; Ryiljun Tajima, Les deux grands ma1Jejalas et la doctrine de resoter

isme shingon (Tokyo: Maison Franco-Japonaise, 1959); Giuseppe Tucci, The

Theory and Practice of the Mandala., trans. Alan Brodrick (London: Rider,

1961); Taik5 Yamasaki, Shingon: Japanese Esoteric Buddhism (Boston:

Shambhala, 1988) ch. 6.

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of movable maI).galas or mal)gaIa-like depictions by itinerant story-tellers

has a long history throughout Asia. 5 Mal)galas were thus part and parcel of

the spread of Buddhism. They could be transported across continents or

within communities, but in both cases their purpose seems to have been a

pedagogic one: they attracted attention and communicated meaning whether

at the popular or the esoteric level.

MaI).galas, of course, were not the only objects so moved and so used.

Kilkai himself brought back with him, along with the mal)galas and por

traits of Chinese masters, various texts, ritual implements, Buddha relics,

and images. 6 Among these, the texts-Sanskrit manuscripts, Chinese

siitras and commentaries-comprised by far the largest portion. It is inter

esting, therefore, to see what Kiikai has to say about the pedagogic powerof the mal)gaIas in comparison to texts. The passage from his "Memorial,"

quoted by David Gardiner, may be paraphrased here: Esoteric teachings,

according to Kiikai, cannot easily be expressed in writing, but they canbe

completely captured and revealed in mal)galas, the simple sight of which

can bring one to Buddhahood. 7 Thus mal)galas, unlike texts, are efficient

tools that can more readily transmit at least esoteric teaching in toto. Truly

they are pictures worth a thousand words.

In this context, it may be interesting to compare, phenomenologically,Buddhist stories about the transportation of texts with stories about the

movement of maI).gaIas. Texts seem eminently more likely to be subject to

loss or diminution in the course of transmission. Especially in the move

ment from India to China (which, it might be pointed out, also necessitated

translation-a further erosion not necessarily afflicting mal)galas), texts

sometimes seem to have been incapable of remaining intact, whole. The

myth recounted by Charles Orzech is a case in point: the original Sar

vatathagatatattvasal1Jgraha found in the Iron Stiipa was not transmitted to

China, but instead a summary was sent, an "outline" that itself was "broad

and long like a bed." But even this went overboard during a typhoon, and

5. For many examples of this oral genre, see Victor H. Mair, Painting and Per

formance: Chinese Picture Recitation and its Indian Genesis (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1988); on the identification of Chinese pien-wen as

"maJ).c;lala-texts," however, see idem, Tang Transformation Texts (Cambridge,MA: Harvard University Press, 1989) 59-60.6. This according to his "Memorial Presenting a List of Newly Imported Sutrasand Other Items" (ShOrai mokuroku), trans. Yoshito S. Hakeda, Kakai: Major

Works (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972) 140-50.

7. See ibid., 145-46.

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what ended up in China was a summai:y of a summary. 8 In the process, as

Orzech points out; there occurred an "esoterization" of the text, the total

teaching of which could now only be attained through initiation. In light of

Kllkai's comments, it might be possible tothink

of this as a "maI).Q:alization"of the text, a stripping of it down to its esoteric essence. 9 Because this

essence, according to KUkai, did not need elaboration and exegesis so much

as viewing, i. e., realization, it may, in fact, have been more easily movable

from one culture to another than exoteric traditions. This fact can help shed

further light on Geri Malandra's claim that maI).Q.alas were an important part

of making tantric Buddhism into an "international movement."

(2) Secondly, maI).Q.alas make moves by systematizing formerly disjunctelements of the culture or the religion. They give unity to multiplicity, and

this in several different arenas. First of all, they synthesize in a new orga

nized format structures that were nascent or not yet formed within the tradi

tion. A clear example of this may be seen in David Gardiner's portrayal of

the role played by Kllkai and his newly imported maI).Q.alas in the process

of creating a new "systematized" esoterism in Heian times out of an older

"fragmentary" Nara esoterism. This was occasionally referred to at the

symposium as "putting old wine into new bottles," but it might more appropriately be conceived of as "bottling what had been loose in barrels."

A slightly more complex instance of this process may be found in

Charles Orzech's analysis of the systematization, under SubhakarasifI).ha,

Vajrabodhi and Pu-k'ung, of "piecemeal" mantra and dharalJ-l texts that

had been flooding into China. Here, in his view, the new maI).Q.alaic struc

ture provided by the Sarvatathagatatattvasa11Jgraha was not single and

static but modular and adaptable to the different demands of ritual situa

t ions-a notion that some discussants at the symposium dubbed as

maI).Q.alas providing the basis for "ritual as jazz." 10 Something similar, per-

8. There are many such Buddhist legends. For another famous example,Hsiian-tsang's loss of scriptures in a boat while crossing the Indus river on hisway back home, see Li Rongxi, trans., A Biography of the Tripi.taka Master of

the Great Cz"en Monastery of the Great Tang Dynasty, BDK English Tripijaka77 (Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 1995) 156

(= T. 50: 249b, no. 2053).9. It is interesting to recall here that one of the etymologies proposed for the

word "maI).Q.ala" is "seizing the essence." See Ferdinand D. Lessing and AlexWayman, Introduction to the Buddhist Tantrica Systems (Delhi: Motilal

Banarsidass, 1978) 270, n.l.10. This point was frrst raised at the symposium by Robert Campany.

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haps, may be found in the iconographic context at Ellora, in the different

"unfoldings" of the "shrine programs" described by Geri Malandra. And

yet another sort of synthesizing movement may be seen in Jacob Kinnard's

analysis of the various ways in which the eight scenes of the a ~ t a m a h i i -priitihiirya "mar;cjala," formalized during the Pala period, create a new

totality that "epitomizes" the whole of Buddhism.

But mar:u;lalas do not just synthesize previously disjunct elements witmn

Buddhism, they also serve to syncretize Buddhist and "non-Buddhist" reli

gious traditions, as well as Buddhist and state ideologies. Clearly, Bud-

dhist esoterism, in its different cultural venues, interacted with a variety of

other religious traditions: Brahmanism, Taoism, and Shinto, as well as

"indigenous spirit cults." There was, of course, nothing new about this inthe Buddhist world. It was, rather, the continuation of a trend, but it did

affect the development of maI)Qalas. Thus we find, for example, that elabo

rate compositions such as the Vajradhatu and the MahakaruI)adbatu

maI)Qalas have incorporated into their halls gods, goddesses, and godlings

that in a different context might be thought of as Hindu. More specifically,

at Ellara (where Hindu and Buddhist patterns replicated and reinforced each

other), Geri Malandra notes the presence of Bhudevi , the Earth goddess

who testifies to Sakyamuni's merits when he is challenged by Mara. Thisis taken to be a reference to Bodhgaya and to the Buddha's conquest of

Mara there, and as such, it may be compared to the bhumisparsamudrii

images featured in Jacob Kinnard's discussion of the Pala period. But the

conquest of Mara and the witness of the Earth goddess may also be seen as

symbolic of the syncretism between Buddhism and indigenous divinities

that everywhere accompanied the establishment of Buddhism in new

10cales.1l This theme is perhaps less pursued in the papers dealing with

maI)Qalas in East Asia, but it did not go unnoticed by the discussants at the

symposium, several of whom emphasized the fact that the systematizations

taking place in Tang China and Heian Japan need to be considered not only

in the pre-existent Buddhist context, but in light of Buddhist-Taoist paral

lels on the one hand, and various cults of Shinto kami on the other,12 The

question was posed, for example, of the relationship between maI)Qalas and

the nine-squared Ming Tang (Hall of Light), supposedly used by early

11. BhUdevi (Nang Thorani ) was to become especially important in Southeast

Asia.12. These points were particularly raised by Robert Campany and by Gary

Ebersole.

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Chinese rulers. 13 Elsewhere, Charles Orzech has suggested that Chinese

maI;lc,ialas should be seen in light of the "Taoist" Ho-t'u and Lo-shu cosmo

grams as well as the Chinese philosophical categories of Ii and chih.14

A second type of syncretic movement going on in maI}.c,ialas is that

between Tantric Buddhism and state ideologies. Thus, as has often beenrecognized, the rituals and structures of mal).c,ialas-in India, T'ang China,

and Heian Japan-were in part stimulated by and helped reinforce political

concerns. As Charles Orzech points out, two goals dominated Esoteric

Buddhism in T'ang times: the rapid attainment of enlightenment and the

protection of the state. Similarly, at Ellora, Geri Malandra suggests that the

depiction of royal figures might reflect "an early record of royal participa

tion in amaI}.c,iala . . . ritual."

At the same time, however, she goes further to propose that Ellora as a

whole, and the esoteric Buddhism it nurtured, be viewed in the geopolitical

context of a nascent "world system" that saw Indian Ocean civilisations as

part of an "entire structure" defined in part by Islam. This is an important

point. On the one hand, it may help correct the generally dominant percep

tion of pan-Asian Buddhism as a continental culture with a view of it

being also a maritime tradition. On the other hand, it may alter the way in

which we see maI}.c,ialas themselves. From this perspective, maI}.c,ialas arenot only cosmograms; they also paradoxically embody both a totality that is

the whole and a totality that is "less than the whole." Because of their polit

ical connections, they are graphs of palaces, capital cities, kingdoms,

empires, from a ruler's perspective. They are thus privileged places, and are

often marked off by gateways, boundaries, guardians. Socially, they might

be called "aristograms." In terms of state ideology, these very demarcations

set them off and mean that they have to be seen not just as "the whole cos

mos" but as units operating within a greater world system. In this regard,it may be '%9rth remembering that when the Lotus Sutra lists various types

of kings, Ituses the word "maI}.c,ialin" not to denote a cosmic king, but to

identify a more minor ruler, one who governs only a single region. The

maI}.c,ialin, who controls a "maI}.c,iala," is thereby distinguished from a

cakravartin who rules all four continents (i. e., everything) and a bala-

13. For an interpretation of the Ming T'ang, see the still useful Marcel Granet,The Religion of the Chinese People, trans. Maurice Freedman (New York:Harper and Row, 1975) 67.

14. See Charles D. Orzech, "Chen-yen," The Encyclopedia of Religion, ed.Mircea Eliade, vol. 3 (New York: MacMillan Publishing Co., 1987) 236.

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cakravartin who rules over only one.15 A mm;tc;lala may constitute a world,

but it can also be a world within the world.

(3) A third set of moves made by mm;tc;lalas lies in the fact that they make

present the absent Buddha. By this I do not mean only that, as the Mahii-

vairocana sutra puts it, a mm;tc;lala is "what gives birth to all Buddhas," i. e.,

that it provides a matrix for enlightenment, for the development and matur-

ing ofbodhicitta.16 Mal).c;lalas do not only make meditators into Buddhas,

they also are able "magically" to transpose the Buddha through time and

space to the present here and now. I am using the word "magic" here in the

sense employed by Paul Mus in his Barabuij.ur. Mus's focus was on the

stilpa rather than the mal).c;lala, but he saw both as "mesocosms," a term hecreated to mean a "place of passage," 17 "a magical structural milieu" 18 that

can "overcome the absence of objects or persons . . . wherever they might

be or no longer be." 19 The primary "absent" person, of course, was the

Buddha in Nirval).a, a concept "so ungraspable that one can only propose

for it a formula bristling with contradictory negations."2o According to

Mus, it was in order to cut through this "excessively subtle logic" that Bud-

dhists turned to magical and cultic practices focused on mesocosms "so as

to assure themselves of satisfactions and certainties of an affective order,without which there is no religion."21

The "mal).c;lala as mesocosm," however, would appear to "make the

Buddha present" in several particular ways. First of all, it can overcome the

barrier of distance by transposing to itself the site (and hence the event) of

the Buddha's enlightenment at Bodhgaya. This is most explicitly stated by

Geri Malandra who convincingly connects Ellora with Bodhgaya even

15. Hendrik Kern and Bunyu Nanjio, ed., Saddharmapur;.4arlka sutra (SC-

Petersburg, 1912) 6, 20, 363. Kern (The Lotus a/the True Law [Oxford: The

Clarendon Press, 1884] 7, 20, 343) translates "mm;tc;lalin" as "governor of a

region." Eugene Burnouf (Le Lotus de fa bonne loi [Paris: Imprimerie

Nationale, 1852], p. 4, n.1 has "rai d'un pays."

16. See on this, Snodgrass, 120, 122. The original citation may be found in T.848,18: 5.

17. Paul Mus, Barabu4ur, vol. 1 (Hanoi: Imprimerie d'Extreme-Orient, 1935)

100.

18. Ibid., 94.

19. Ibid., 74.20. Paul Mus, "La mythologie primitive et la pensee de I'Inde," Bulletin de la

Societe Fran(aise de Philosophie 37 (1937): 91.

21. Ibid.

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calling it the "Bodhgaya of the South." But more generally, of course,

every maI).<;lala could be seen as the Vajrasana.

The transposition of Bodhgaya and other "central" Buddhist sites where

the Buddha had lived and taught to localities on the periphery was not an

uncommon phenomenon in the Buddhist world. Thus, according to certain

local traditions, the various sacred places of Magadha could be found

reduplicated in Gandhara,22 in Yiinnan,23 and in Southeast Asia.24 Even as

far away as Japan, the tradition developed that it was no longer necessary to

travel to India because the sites most intimately associated with the Buddha

(and thus the Buddha himself) could be found right there in Japan, at the

Sennyu-ji temple in Kyoto, for example,25 or at the Kasuga shrine in

Nara. 26 These views recall the words of the Maharashtrian saint quoted byGeri Malandra to the effect that there is no need to go anywhere, because

every place worth visiting-in this context, those places where the Buddha

can be found-has been made present right at home. MaI).<;lalas thus can

make pilgrimages unnecessary because they move the center to the periph

ery, thereby transforming it into a place of the Buddha.

It may be, however, that that "center" is not always located on this earth.

Thus the Buddha's dwelling place could be thought of not as Bodhgaya but

as a Pure Land or as one of the heavens. Here too, however, the maI).<;lala

can serve to make present that distant site. Alex Wayman, for instance,

describes a text in which "the maI).<;lala can be understood to represent the

palace of the A k a n i ~ t h a heaven, where . . . Gautama was initiated as a

Complete Buddha."27 By entering into the maI).<;lala, bodhisattvas could

thus find themselves in the A k a n i ~ t h a heaven and receive instruction from

the Buddha himself (in his sarr;tbhogakaya).28

22. See Edouard Chavannes, "Voyage de Song Yun dans l'Udyana et Ie

Gandhara,";Bulletin de fEcole Franr;,:aise dExtreme-Orient 3 (1903): 381-87

23. See Paul Pelliot, "Deux itineraires de Chine en Inde a a fin du VIle siec1e,"

Bulletin de fEcole Franr;,:aise dExtreme-Orient 4 (1904): 161-62

24. See Michael Aung-Thwin, "JambudIpa: Classical Burma's Camelot," Con

tributions to Asian Studies 16 (1981): 38-6l.

25. See John S. Strong and Sarah M. Strong, "A Tooth Relic of the Buddha in

Japan: An Essay on the Sennyu-ji Tradition and a Translation of Zeami's No

Play 'Shari'," Japanese Religions 20 (1995): 15

26. See Robert E. Morrell, "Passage to India Denied," Monumenta Nipponica

37 (1982): 192-93.

27. Alex Wayman, "Symbolism of the MaI).<;lala Palace," The Buddhist Tantras

(New York: Samuel Weiser, 1973) 9l.

28. Ibid.

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Secondly, the "maJ.lqala as mesocosm" can overcome the barrier of time,

and here the directions it takes can be several. On the one hand, the orien

tation may be to the past, and the maJ.lqala may act as the milieu for a trans

position to the life and time of the Buddha Sakyamuni. Such a move lies atthe heart of the icono-conservatism described by Jacob Kinnard, with its

freezing in time the sequence of eight scenes from the biography of the

founder. This is akin to a "move to Bodhgaya" but the metaphor is tempo

ral rather than spatial. On the other hand, the orientation may be to the

future, and the maJ.lqala may enact a projection to the presence of the

Buddha Maitreya who is yet to come. Such a move does not figure in the

papers published here but was much emphasized in Julie Gifford's presen

tation to the symposium on "The Place of Maitreya in the BorobodurMaJ.lqala." The same theme, perhaps, may be found at present day K6ya

san where Kukai and many others lie waiting for Maitreya in the midst of

the maJ.lqala-like cemetery at the Okuno-in, or more explicitly at

Kasagidera, not far from N ara, where the original presence of the future

Maitreya was preserved in what is now called the "Kasagi mandara."29 At

the same time, of course, the maJ.lqala as mesocosm can eschew both the

past and the future and seek the Buddha in the "eternal," finding him in fig

ures such as Aksobhya and / or Vairocana.

(4) Finally, we come to what might be called "movements within the

maJ.lqala." I want to address this by speaking in terms of several different

"oscillations," which are not unconnected to the movements we have dis

cussed so far, but present them in a different light. These oscillations are

the result of a maJ.lqala's inherent multivalence: as one pole of significance

within the maJ.lqala is emphasized, there is a tendency for it be counterbal

anced and replaced by the opposite pole.

The first oscillation concerns the question of the identity of divinities

within the maJ.lqala. Here I would like to return to the ambiguity pointed

out in Jacob Kinnard's paper between Sakyamuni and Aksobhya, both of

whom are represented as figures in bhumisparsamudra. 30 Kinnard cites

Nancy Hock's view that this is an "intentional ambiguity," a "dual nature"

reflective of a transitional stage epitomized by Sakyamuni in a tantric

29. See Karen L. Brock, "Awaiting Maitreya at Kasagi," Maitreya, the Future

Buddha, ed. Alan Sponberg and Helen Hardacre (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni

versity Press, 1988) 214-47.

30. The same ambiguity between Sakyamuni and Aksobhya can be found inSoutheast Asia, as was pointed out by Richard Cooler at the symposium.

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form. 31 There is thus some oscillation here between Tantra and non-Tantra

within the malJ.Q.ala. This could also be viewed as an oscillation between

different bodies of the Buddha or different levels of understanding: in a

certain sense, Sakyamuni is A k ~ o b h y a ; in another he is not. Ill' a slightly

different context, it is similarly possible to state that all the divinities in the

two great Shingon maI).Q.alas-the Taizokai and the Kongokai-are finally

none other than Vairocana (Dainichi Nyorai) who occupies the center of

both of them. Here too, there may be constant opportunities for oscillation.

For example, in the first level a b h i ~ e k a rite mentioned by David Gardiner,

the kechien kanjo meant to "establish a bond" between the initiate and a par

ticular deity of the malJ.Q.ala, the blindfolded candidate must toss a flower

onto the surface of the malJ.Q.ala; the particular divinity on whom the flowerlands thereby takes on a special importance and is established in a tutelary

relationship (embodied in an esoteric name) with the initiate.32 In the midst

of the ritual, however, at least in the Tendai tradition, as soon as the flower

is thrown, the name "Dainichi Nyorai" (Vairocana) is shouted out by the

attendant priests, regardless of what particular divinity or bodhisattva the

flower falls on. This is because all deities in the malJ.Q.ala are Vairocana,33

A second oscillation may be found in the structure of the Kongobuji at

Koyasan as described by David Gardiner: was the plan for one stUpa or

two stUpas? Was the intention to map out on the landscape of the mountain

two malJ.Q.alas in distinction or overlapping as one?34 The ambiguity, of

course, may be due to such mundane matters as the lack of funds or mate

rials for buildings, but it nicely captures an oscillation that is perhaps also

summed up in the Japanese expression "ryobufuni," meaning the two

paired maI).Q.alas are "not two"-i . e., not different from each other. This

31. See Nancy Hock, "Buddhist Ideology and the Sculpture of Ratnagiri," diss.,

UniversityBf California, Berkeley, 1987.

32. For brief descriptions of the ceremony, see Tajima, 271; Snodgrass, 732.

33. lowe this detail of "oral tradition" to the late Michel Strickmann, with whom

I visited the hall set up for the abhi$eka in Yokawa, on Mount Hiei, in 1977. I t

may also be due to the fact that these initiations can be seen as repetitions of

Kl1kai's abhi$eka. When Kl1kai was initiated, his flower landed on the image of

Dainichi Nyorai both times-in the Taizokai and the Kong6kai maI).Q.alas. See

Snodgrass, 732.

34. A similar oscillation may be found in the mountains of the Kii peninsula

where, for Japanese yamabushi, Mount Kimpu (near Yoshino) represents the

Kongokai, the Kumano peaks represent the Taiz6kai, and Mount Ornine repre

sents the superimposition of both maI).c;ialas. See Carmen Blacker, The CatalpaBow (London: Unwin, 1986) 211-12.

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paradoxical assertion, of course, reflects an oscillation of major importance

to the whole Tantric tradition: the twin emphasis on Wisdom and Compas

sion. Thus the Taizokai mm;u:;lala is traditionally taken to show the unfold

ing womb of the Buddha's compassion and the Kongokai maI).<;iala the

penetrating pqwer of his wisdom. But even within the Kongokai, there can

be a double motion: a centrifugal one spinning out compassion from the

center and a centripetal one seeking wisdom by spiralling inward.35 Else

where, as in the case of the monument of Borobudur, this double motion

may be thought of as ascending (to enlightenment) and descending (to this

world of suffering). 36 In each instance, there is a realization within the

motion of the maI).<;iala of the duality-yet-unity of NirvaI).a and safI).sara, that

forms such a crucial part of Mahayana Buddhism and of Tantra in particu-1ar. One might recall here David Snellgrove's distinction between the

"vertical core" of the maI).<;iala in which stages of realization and reality are

distinguished, and the "horizontal maI).<;iala" which is "an idealized represen

tation of the identity of n i r v ~ a and safI).sara."37

Finally, these papers bring to light a third kind of movement within the

maI).<;iala that might be described as an oscillation between the inside and the

outside. Simply put, in this context, what one finds when one penetrates

into the center of the structure is the structure. Some of this may be found

in Geri Malandra's paper in which "the illaI).<;iala is at Ellora," and "Ellora is

in the maQ.<;iala," but the full dimensions of this oscillation are perhaps best

seen in David Gardiner's discussion of the relationship of stupa and

maI).<;iala. At Koyasan, what one finds inside the maQ.<;iala is the srnpa and

what one finds inside the srnpa is the maQ.<;iala. In so far as the stupa may

represent the Buddha's absence and the maI).<;iala his "active presence in our

world," this also represents an oscillation between absence and presence.

But other elements-texts and bodies-may enter into this game of tantric

leapfrogging. The Great Srnpa at Koyasan is sometimes identified with the

Iron Srnpa in India which, as was pointed out, was the source of texts that

were the source of maI).<;ialas, but which here in Shingon is also "this very

body in which one realizes Buddhahood" (sokushin jobutsu), which

35. See Daigan and Alicia Matsunaga, Foundation ofJapanese Buddhism, vol. 1

(Los Angeles: Buddhist Books Internationa.l, 1974) 189.

36. This was one of the insights from Julie Gifford's paper not published here.

37. D. L. Snellgrove, The Hevajratantra, vol. 1 (London: Oxford University

Press, 1959) 29.

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·312 JIABS 19.2

Buddha body is a stlipa, which is a malJ.<;lala. Truly the word "malJ.<;lala"

means a "circle" in more than the usual sense of the term. 38

One could probably keep going round and round on the meaning of

maIJ.<;lalas which themselves are not static entities, and which are in constantinteraction with the contexts that inform them. But enough has been said, I

think, to show that there is much to be learned from the approaches taken in

these four papers. Though dealing with very different situations in very

different parts of Asia,39 they nonetheless make i t possible to think of 8th-

9th centuries in pan-Buddhist terms.

38. The model for all this may well be an Indian one rooted in Brahmanical tra

ditions of sacrifice, in which the sacrifice itself creates the gods, creates the

priests, creates the texts, creates the structure that creates the sacrifice . . . The

necessity of thinking about maIJ.<;lalas in the context of srauta rites was empha

sized by John Holt at the symposium.

39. It should be noted that no paper was presented to the symposium on

malJ.<;lalas on the move in Tibet or in Mainland Southeast Asia or in Nepal, a fact

that was noted and regretted.

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Treasurer's Report 1994

Beginning Balance

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Interest

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Signed: Lewis Lancaster, Treasurer

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$24,190.76

19,407.08

39.00

105.00

12.38

300.00

US $8717.03

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Treasurer's Report 1995

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