JIABS 22-1

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 22 Number 1 1999 JINHUACHEN One Name, Three Monks: Two Northern Chan Masters Emerge fromthe Shadow of Their Contemporary, theTiantai Master Zhanran m ~(711-782) JEROME DUCOR Shandao et Honen,a propos du livre de Julian F.Pas:Visions of Sukhavatf ULRICH PAGEL Three Bodhisattvapi[aka Fragments fromTabo: 1 93 Observations on a West Tibetan Manuscript Tradition165 Introduction to Alexander von Stael-Holstein's Article "On a Peking Edition of the Tibetan Kanjur Which Seems tobe Unknown in the West" Edited for publication by JONATHAN A.SILK211 JEROME DUCOR Shandao and Honen.Apropos of Julian F.Pas's book Visionsof Sukhavatf (English summary)251 he watermarkThe Journal 0/the International Association o/Buddhist Studies (rSSN 01 93-600XX) is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. It welcomes' scholarly contributions pertaining to all facetsof Buddhist Studies. JIABS is published twice yearly, in the summer and winter. Address manuscripts (two copies) and books for review to: The Editors, JIABS,Section de langues et civilisations orientales, Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2, CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland. Address subscription orders and dues, changes of address,and business correspondence (including advertising orders) to: Professor Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, Treasurer lABS, Section de langues et civilisations orientales,Facu1te des lettres Universite deLausanne, BFSH 2 1015 Lausanne-Dorigny Switzerland email: iabs. [email protected] Fax: +41216923045 Subscriptions toJIABSare $40 per year for individuals and $70 per year for libraries and other institutions. For information on membership in IABS, see back cover. Copyright 1999 by the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. EDITORIAL BOARD Cristina A.Scherrer-Schaub Tom J.F.Tillemans Editors-in-Chief Robert Buswell Steven Collins Collett Cox LuisO.Gomez Paul Harrison Oskar von Hinuber Roger Jackson Padmanabh S.Jaini Shoryu Katsura DonaldS.Lopez,Jf. Alexander Macdonald D.Seyfort Ruegg RobertSharf ErnstSteinkellner Erik Zurcher Editorial Assistant: Yves Ramseier Announcement Wewouldliketoannouncethat Prof.CristinaScherrer-Schaubof the University of Lausanne hasaccepted the position of treasurer ad interim of thelABS.Communicationsconcerningmembership,back issuesand subscriptionstothe journal should henceforth be sent toher.For details concerningpaymentof membershipduesandsubscriptions,pleasesee the inside cover of the journal. Finally,wearehappytotakethisoccasiontothankProf.JoeB. Wilson for his many yearsof devoted service asthe IABS treasurer. JIABS22.1 Contributors tothis issue: CHEN Jinhua received his Ph.D fromMcMaster University in 1997 with adissertationontheformationof TendaiEsotericBuddhisminJapan, andisnowdoingpost-doctoralresearchatKyotoUniversity.Hehas published a book onTiantai sectarian historiography(Studia Philo logic a BuddhicaMonographSeriesno.14,TheInternationalInstitutefor BuddhistStudiesinTokyo)andisnowworkingonamonographon Sengcan. Jerome DUCOR is privat-docent at the University of Lausanne.He holds a doctorate in Japanology fromtheUniversityof Geneva and hastaught East-AsianReligionsatMcGillUniversity,Montreal.Heispresently curator of theAsia Department of Geneva's EthnographyMuseum.His interests center on Far Eastern Buddhism, in particular J6d6-shinshii. http://www.ville-ge.chlmusinfo/ethg/ducor/ E-mail: [email protected] Born in1963in Bonn,UlrichPAGEL iscurrentlyLecturer in Tibeto-MongolianBuddhismattheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies (London).BeforejoiningSOASin1999,hehadbeenAssistant Professor of Tibetan Studiesin the Department of Asian Languagesand Literature,Universityof Washington(Seattle)andhadworkedatthe BritishLibrary(London)ascuratorof theTibetanmanuscriptsinthe Oriental and India Office Collections.His main research interest focuses onthetransmissionofthe 'TibetanKanjur,Mahayanaliteratureand Tibetan historiography.In1996,hebegantodevotepart of histimeto the preservation of the Tibet Autonomous Region Archives in Lhasa.He isaco-founderandChairof theInternationalTibetArchivePreserva-tionProject(ITAPP)whoseprincipalconcernistheconservationand cataloguingof archival heritage of Tibet. AlexanderVONSTAEL-HOLSTEIN(1877-1937)wasaspecialistin Buddhistphilology,andheldamongotherpoststhatof Professorat Harvard University. JonathanSILKisAssistantProfessorintheDepartmentof Religious StudiesatYaleUniversity.HisinterestsincludeMahayana siitra litera-ture,and the development of Mahayana Buddhism. JINHUACHEN One Name,Three Monks: Two Northern Chan Masters Emerge from the Shadow of Their Contemporary, the Tiantai Master Zhanran(711-782)* INTRODUCTION Foranyonewithbasicknowledgeof ChineseBuddhism,thedharma-nameZhanranwhichliterallymeans"profound and tranquil (wa-ter),"bringstomindtheNinthTiantaiPatriarchZhanran(711-782), whoisaccreditedwiththerevivalof theTiantaitraditioninthemid Tangafteracenturyof obscurity.! Hisprominencehasledscholarsto mistake him with a Chan master with the same dharma name. * Aprimarysourceof inspirationsforme towritethisarticlederivedfromthe workdonebyProfessorsAntonino ForteandLinda Penkoweraswellasmy communicationwiththem.My teachers Professors Shinohara Koichi -, RobertSharf and Aramaki Noritoshi have, asalways, sagaciously and patientlyadvisedmethroughouttheresearchdoneforthisarticle.Professor Hubert Durt read the draft of thisarticlein different stagesand made valuable comments. Among friends providing assistance in the preparation of this article areElizabethMorrison,FunayamaToru JohnKieschnick,Elizabeth Kenney and Catherine Ludvik. Finally, this article isa by-product of my research on Sengcan, which is one project for my current two-year post-doctoral research intheInstituteforResearchinHumanities(Jinbunkagakukenkyusho atKyotoUniversityIherebyacknowledgethe generoussupport the Japan Society forthePromotion of Science (JSPS, Nihon gakujutsushinkokaiB if)hasprovidedforthispost-doctoralre-search.Finally,Iwant tothank the participantsof the Tang ReligionSeminar headed by Professor Yoshikawa TadaoE JII of the Institute for Research in Humanities at Kyoto University for their detailed and valuable comments on my presentation about the research that is now incorporated in the present article. 1.The most recent and detailed study of Zhaman' s role in establishing the Tiantai tradition asa whole is provided by Linda PENKOWER's1993 Ph. Ddissertation. Her 1997 article represents a more focussed and refined study of the same issue. There is near-consensus among Tiantai scholars that Tiantai enjoyed continuous success and prosperity under the Sui dynasty and that its excessively close con-nectionstothe Sui imperial familythrewit into adrasticdecline following the establishment of theTang.PENKOWER,followingthe lead of Japanese Tiantai Journal of theInternational Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 22. NumberI .1999 JIABS22.12 AmonkcalledZhanranfiguredheavilyina772bidforimperial recognitionof theobscure monkSengcan(d.before604)asthe ThirdChanPatriarch.2 Scholarshaveusuallyregardedth,isZhanranas thegreat Tiantai master Zhanran,even though thisidentification creates quiteafewdifficulties,suggestingasit doesthatoneof themostout-spokenTiantaipartisansardentlysupportedadifferentschoolbypro-motingoneof itspatriarchsoutof hisobscurity.Theidentificationis evenmorefar-fetchedwhenwetakeintoaccountthefactthatTiantai Zhanranwasafiercecriticof Chan.ThesteadinesswithwhichChan followersaggressivelygainedgroundduringZhanran'slifestin:lUlated andsharpenedhissectarianconsciousness,whichexpresseditself in bitter criticismsof Chan.3 IdentifyingadifferentandChan-affiliatedZhanranresolvesthis problem.It also,aswewillsee in thisarticle,introducesustotheChan master Zhanran asa person of no little insignificance.Not only washe a keyplayerbehindaseriesof importantChancampaigns,buthealso, scholars (Sekiguchi in particular, see SEKIGUCm1959), has redressed Shimaji's "DarkAge"designationof TangTiantaibyworkingonregionalandcultic factions.Her work has to some extent deconstructed the notion of a Tang Tiantai lineage exclusivelybasedattheGuoqinsitemple.In one of my recent articlesand my newly finished book on Tiantai sectarian historiography, Ialso questionedthevalidityof theconventionalviewregardingSui-TangTiantai Buddhism. In my opinion, the Sui rulers actually chose to neglect the Guoqiugsi-based Tiantai group within a decade ofZhiyi's death in 597, while Tiantai seemed to have been much more activeand influential in the Tang (at least in the early Tang) than Tiantai scholars have assumed (CHEN Jinhua 1999 and in press). 2.Of the first six Chinese Chan patriarchs, Sengcan is the only one not accorded a separatebiographyinanyof thethreemajorChinesemonasticbiographical anthologies.Probably tocompensate forSengcan's obscurity, beginning in the eighth century a seriesof campaigns, twoof which are discussed in thisarticle, were launched toglorify him.I will discussthe legends related to Sengcan in a forthcomingarticletentativelyentitled"Storyand History:The Evolutionof Legends Related to the Third Chan Patriarch Sengcan." 3.In hiswork Zhiguanyili (Principlesof meditationandcontemplation) Zhanran severelyattacked Chan Buddhism byaccusing it of over-emphasizing religiouscultivation(xiu andexperience attheexpenseof teachingsandknowledge(zhi920),the so-called "xiu er wujiao,zheng erbuzhi(cf.JAN1988:101).Furthermore,assome Tiantai scholars correctly understand, Zhanran' s emphasis on the Tiantai panjiao (ranking of Buddhist teachings) scheme was in fact a reaction to and stand against the emergingself-consciousness of contemporary non-Tiantai Buddhist sects, including Chan (PENKOWER1993: 244-71). CHEN3 moreremarkably,becamea NorthernChan leaderwhodebateda chief Southern Chan representative in anofficially convened, large-scale Chan council,heldatthepalace monasteryin 796.Scholarshavemistakenly identified this .Chanmaster ZhanranwiththeTiantaipatriarch Zhanran inspiteof thefactthat thedel?atewasheldexactly fourteenyearsafter thedeathofTiantaiZhanran,anddespitethefactthatthisZhanran enthusiasticallydefendedtheNorthernChan tradition byacrimoniously denouncing the teachings of "Suddenness" advocated by Southern Chan. Thisconfusion of anobviously rather important Northern Chan master withthecontemporary Tiantai monk of thesame namecan be traced to twofactors.The firstandmoregeneral issueisof coursethefailureto keepthepossibilityopenthattwo,orevenmore,contemporaneous monksborethesamedharma-name.AsIamtoshowinthisarticle, TiantaiZhanranhadasecondcontemporaneousandhomonymous "dharmabrother,"who,asahighlyaccomplishedcalligrapher,turned out tobeabitter criticof TiantaiBuddhismand possibly a followerof NorthernChan. Theotherreasonismorespecific.TiantaiandChanscholarshave failedtolookmorecloselyintotheriseanddevelopmentof the. Chan campaigns forglorifyingSengcan.Asa matter of fact,thecampaignto glorifySengcan inthe770swasbasedonandacontinuation of a cam-paign of a similar naturethat took place twoand half decadesearlier,in whicha monk called Zhanran had alreadyparticipated.Wewillsee that thetworelatedcampaigns,examinedtogether,willestablishboththe identityof aNorthernChan master and build upthedifficultiesof iden-tifying him with hisTiantai homonymous contemporary. Furthermore,the epitaph reportingthe Chan master Zhanran'spartici-pation in theChan council failstospecifyitsdate.This hasenshrouded theepitaph in mysteryand prevented scholarsfromrecognizing that the Chan master Zhanran outlived Tiantai Zhanran by fourteen years. Accordingly,in order toclarify theconfusions originating from but by nomeanslimited tothisChan Master Zhanran,wemustbeginwithan in-depthinvestigationof alargerChanpropagandistprojectaimedat promotingSengcan'sprestige,of which the770scampaignwasmerely onepart.Thisleadsustothefifthyearof theTianbao::7(.era(746) underthereignoftheTangEmperorXuanzongm ~ *(r.712-56), when theearlier campaign forSengcan's famebegan. JIABS22.14 I.Shangusi Zhanran and theWangongshanPagoda Erected in Sengcan's Memory AninscriptionascribedtotherenownedTangbureaucratFangGuan mJg- (697-63),4whichisnowincluded intheBaolinzhuan.#1$,5 creditstheerectionof a pagoda in memoryof Sengcan tothepietyand effortsofalocalofficialcalledLiChang*'m'(n.d.).6Formerlythe Vice Prefect (shaoyinyj3") of the He'nan yfl]iiComrnandery,Li Chang was,asthisinscriptiontellsus,demotedin746toanewposition, AdministrativeAide(biejia ofthePrefectofShuzhouwhereMount WangongflJG011!waslocated.?Itwasgenerallybelieved that SengcandiedatWangongshanafter living thereforseveralyears.8 The inscription asreproducedin theBaolinzhuandoesnot bear a date, and the Baolin zhuanauthor doesnot take the trouble todate it.Another source, however,establishes that it waswritten in 762.9 4.An important aide to Tang Xuanzong and Tang Suzongmli* (r. 756-62) after they wereforcedintoanexilein755byAnLushan*:t:hL!(?-757),who re-belled against the Tang government, Fang Guan's biography is found in JTS 111 10:3320-25, XTS13915:4625-28. 5.Compiled in 801by an otherwise unknown monk called Zhiju 1&:1E(a.k.a.Huiju n.d)(d. YAMPOLSKY1967: 47, note 166). 6.In the XTSzaixiang shixi *i'i!t* (Lineages of the[Tang] Prime Ministers) Li Chang islisted asamember of theLi dan of Zhaojun iElHill$.a;(XTS728: 2477).Thiswasa prestigiousdan in Tang,or even almost thewhole imperial China(JOHNSON1977).Sixbranchesof thisclanaloneproducedseventeen primeministersfortheTangDynasty(XTS728:2599).Renownedliterati-bureaucrats (shidafu:kx) coming from this clan included Li Hua(710?-766?), who wasa fervent Buddhist follower and contributed numerous epitaphs for Buddhist monks (for Li Hna's relation to Buddhism, see VITA1988). 7.According toan account attached toSengcan's BLZ biography,tobe discussed towardstheendof this ,section,the edict forthisre-installmentwasissued by Xuanzong on the13th day of the 7th month of 746 (BLZ 8:40). 8.The attempt toassociate Sengcan with Wangongshan can be traced back to two of theearliestChanhistorico-biographicaltexts,theChuanfabaoji (Record of the transmission of dharma-treasure) compiled ca.710 (YAMPOLSKY 1967:5),andtheLengjiashiziji (Recordofthemastersand disciples belonging tothe Lankiivatiira school), which was completed before 716 (BARRETT1991).According tothesetwotexts,Sengcan died onthe mountain after living there asa recluse forseveral years(YANAGIDA1971:167-68,371-72). 9.This date is given by Zhao Mingcheng(1081-1129),the Song compiler of thelinshilu(EpigraphicCollection). Zhao Mingcheng provides the CHEN5 ThisinscriptionnarrateshowduringavisittoWangongshanonhis waytoanewpositioninShuzhou,LiChangpaidavisittoSengcan's alleged tombthere.He wassaddened toseethat the caftkramal!-a(jing-Xing wasdesolateandSengcan'stombovergrownwithweeds.1O ThispromptedhimtorenovateSengcan'stomb,adecisionwhichmet withwidespreadsupport.Accordingly,Sengcan'scoffin.wasdisen-tombedandhisremainscremated.Thecremationreportedlyyieldeda quantityof sarfra,anda"treasurepagoda"wassubsequentlybuiltin Sengcan's memory.!l following information for a stele which, numbered l378 in his huge collection, is entitled"Tang Shangusi Can Dashi bei(The stele for Great Master[Seng]can erected at the Shangusi in the Tang)":, 1*$/\5T:S:' ("drafted by Fang Guan, hand-written by Xu Hao[703-79, biogra-phies in JTS137 11:3759, XTS8516: 4965-66], in the bafenshu style. Erected in thejianchen [third]monthof thefirstyear."SKSLXB12:8846).Here, ZhaoMingchengdoesnotspecifytowhichera thisso-called yuannianj[;ij:: (firstyear)belonged.Threemoreentries,numberedl377,l379,1380(one rightly preceding and two immediately following Fang Guan's inscription),are alsosimilarly dated.Actually,thisyuannian indicatesa singular period in Chi-nese history without a reign name (nianhaoij::5l;'j;),which lasted forsix months, from Shangyuan J:j[; 2/9/21when Suzong decreed the abolitionof reign names, and Yuannian 114/16, when the same emperor restored the reign name system by introducing a new reign name - Baoying llB! (Hu 1988:370-76). 10.,(BLZ8:40)."Usually,theword jingxing referstothe practiceof monkswalkingtoandfrowithinaspecificplacein between meditation sessions mainly for the purpose of warding off sleepiness. It gavethebody achancetostretchsoseated meditationcould continue.It was perhapsalsoaformof walkingmeditation(thiswassuggestedbyElizabeth MORRISON).As the word isused asa noun in this case, it indicates the place for such an exercise. Another example of this usage of the termjingxing is found in theinscriptionYanTingzhi (673-742),animportantsupporterof NorthernChan(biographies in the two Tang histories found in JTS999:3103-06, XTS12914: 4482-83), wroteforYifu (661-736),oneof thetwo chief disciplesof the NorthernChanleaderShenxiut$5=(606?-706),"RJE.3?:'wtm 0'i:R1iMt'l:l' (After [Yifu]arrived [at Mount Song], Reverend[Fa]ru had passed away.Disappointed and sorrow-stricken,hetread along the jingxing [where Faru walked in between his meditation sessions] for a long while (QTW280 3:2842a13)." The word used in thissense isequivalent to the Sanskrit word calikramalJa,which can be a cloister, or a corridor of a temple, some of the places for thejingxing exercise (cf.SOOTHILL1982:409). 11.Anaccountin Sengcan'sBLZ biographymentionsthatthisauspicioussight promptedLiChangtodonateaportionof hisincometoerectapagodafor Sengcan's memory. JIABS 22.16 LikeotherChanhistorico-biographicalworks,theBaolinzhuancon-tainsnumerous 'legendsanddocumentsof dubiousreliability.Therefore, a fewwords are needed about theauthenticity of this inscription ascribed toFangGuanbeforewebegintoanalyzeitscontentindetail.The Baolin zhuanbiographyofHuike1I,PJ(487-593),the second Chan pa-triarch,contains, aninscriptionsupposedlywrittenbyarenowned Buddhist defender Falin (572-640).12Becauseof itsreferenceto anexpression farpost-datingHuikeor Falin,thisinscription hasgener-allybeenconsidered a fabrication,which used Falin's fametoincrease Huike's prestige.13 This might cast a shadow on the authenticityof Fang Guan'sinscriptionincludedinSengcan'sBaolinzhuanbiography, which immediatelyfollowsHuike's. However,theauthenticityof Fang Guan's inscription issupported by quite reliablesources.The stele with Fang Guan's inscription isrecorded in a Song collection of epigraphy.14 Moreimportantly,aswewillseeinthenextsection,FangGuan's inscriptionwasseen in person bya Tang writer whomentioned it inan inscriptionhewrotein 773,that is,a meretenyearsafter FangGuan's deathandelevenyearsafterFangGuan'sinscriptionwaswritten.The ascriptionofthisinscriptiontothisTangwriteris,initself,quite reliable,a factwhichwill becomeclear in thenextsection.Therefore, unlessstrongevidenceemerges toargue for theopposite,wecan accept FangGuan's inscriptionasauthenticalthough wemust,needlesstosay, view its content critically. Fang Guan's inscription describesthe pagoda dedicated to Sengcan as an awe-inspiring structure, huge and impressive, ,0ti*!i'fi'J#'0A , flj[jt@,@;l't 0 ,0' 0 J I 015 Oncethetreasurepagoda wasfinished,it looked overwhelmingly magnificent. Theold woods in red and thenew treesin green set each other off verybeauti-12.A Tang monk famousforhisefforts to defend Buddhism from attacks, mainly those advanced by Daoists. In addition toa separate three-juan biography of him by Yanzongg'l* (557-610)(T no.2051, vol.50), he was accorded a biography in theXGSZ (636b-639a). 13.Theexpression in question isdongshanfamenwJl.i:tF5 ("Teaching of the East Mountain"),whichdidnotcomeintocommonuseuntilthetimeof Hongren '1E. P.iJ,(602-75), the fifth Chan patriarch. 14.Cf.note (9). 15.BLZ 8:40-41. CHEN7 fully.Pine trees stand out among the forest,reaching out tothe moon,which, in turn,runsafter the' feetof the polestar.The windingcorridors seem tobeem-braced by theloftyridges,whilethedrawn-outsoundsof thebell reverberate from the inlaid cliff.One can ascend toand descend from the pagoda from both sides. The buildings16 stand face toface,with [the pagoda]overlooking [the temple]and [the temple] looking up at [the pagoda].[The pagoda] lightens up the deep ravine and illuminates the long river. We note that sixteen yearselapsed between the year 746,when LiChang determined to build a pagoda for Sengcan,and the year 762,whenFang Guan took uphisbrushtowritethisinscription forthepagoda.If Fang Guanwasasked towritethe inscription shortly after theconstruction of thepagoda,ithadtakenalmost16yearstobuildit.Evengivenits magnificenceandsize,17it stillseemsunlikelythattheconstruction of thepagoda would have taken that long.This leads metoassume that the memorialstelewasnot erected untilseveral yearsafter thepagoda had beenconstructed.Apassageintheinscriptioncorroboratesthis assumption: ' . 7\3;fi)ltff ? . ' , ,'19 But fortheHonorable Li, theAdministrativeAideof thePrefect,whowould have taken the initiative to build this pagoda, which has illuminated this place to such an extent?But forshangzuo Huiqin (n.d.),sizhu Chong-ying (n.d.),duweinaZhanran andChanMasterDaoyou(n.d.),20whowould have protected and maintained thispagoda and brought a [good]beginning toa [fruitful] result? In addition topraising LiChang'seffortstoinitiatetheerectionof this pagoda,FangGuanhereunderscorestherolefourmonksplayedin "protectingand maintaining" (baohuyinwei the pagoda after itwascompleted.ThismeansthatbythetimeFangGuanwrotethis 16.The two buildings might refer to the pagoda and the Shangusi which was not far from the pagoda. 17.The magnificence of Sengcan's pagoda at the Shangusi isalso corroborated by a poem by Dugu Ji which I will discuss in section (II). 18.Theoriginal texthasthecharacter hu3j1.here.Thecontextsuggests,however, thatthe character should befei (like the first sentence, the second wasalso or-ganized by the same...structure). 19.BLZ 8:41. 20.Other than Zhanran, these monks mentioned here are otherwise unknown. JIABS22.18 inscription,thepagoda hadalreadybeencompletedandbeen under the protection of thefourmonks for some time. Sincetheyareidentified in termsof thethreemost important appoint-mentsof atemple(shangzuo, sizhuandduweina),21thethreemonks Huiqin,Chongyingand Zhanran,alongwith Daoyou,whom Fang Guan identifiesas a Chan master (chanshi belonged toone and the same temple,presumablytheShangusiinwhich,asFangGuantells us,Sengcan spent hislast years.22 However,wecannotsay that thefour monkswerealreadyat thetemplewhenLiChangvisited it.Weshould notforgetthe. desolatesightthatgreetedLiChangwhenhe,:,isited Sengcan's tombin 746.Both the jingxing,whichwasclosetoif not in-sidetheShangusiitself,andSengcan'stombweredeserted,afact strongly suggesting that theShangusi did not functionasa templeat that time.Hadthetemplethenhousedagroupof monks(nomatterhow few),theplacewherethethirdChan patriarchwasallegedlyentombed would not have been soneglected. Inaddition,itisFangGuan'sunderstandingthatLi Changhimself wasexclusively responsible forinitiating theconstruction of the pagoda which,aftercompletion,wasentrustedtothefourmonksforprotection and maintenance.Had the four monks already been at theShangusi,they would also have participated in planning theconstruction of thepagoda. Inthat case,FangGuanwouldnot havedrawnsucha clear-cut distinc-tion between Li Chang's roleand theirsand defined their role merely as bringing"a goodthingtoa fruitfulresult."Forthesetworeasons,we havetothink that thefourmonksincludingZhanranwereprobably not 21.The sizhu(abbot;Skt.vihiirasviimin),shangzuo(headmonk; Skt. sthavira)and duweina (administer of the temple;Skt. karmadiina), joint-ly calledsangang::::J[iii](threeprincipalmonks),arethethreemostimportant posts in a temple.AsMICHIHATAand FORTE point out,usually the sizhu, rather thanshangzuo, held the highest leadershipof a temple(MICHIHATA1967:98-100; FORTE1976:87-88). 22.AccordingtoFangGuan,theShangusiwaslocatedonthesouthsideof Wangongshan.WhenEmperor Wuof theNorthern Zhou (r.560-78) waged a wide-scale persecution of Buddism in 574,Huikeand Sengcan fledto Wangongshan and lived at the Shangusi forseveral years.Although Fang Guan alsosaysintheinscriptionthatSengcandiedinadharma-assemblyheldon Wangongshan,heseemstosuggest that theassemblywasheld at theShangusi temple(Isuggestapossibleoriginof theShangusiatWangongshaninmy forthcoming article about Sengcan). CHEN9 attheShangusiuntiltheconstructionof thepagodawasunderwayor completed . .Fromtheforegoinganalysisof Fang Guan' s inscription,wecancon-cludethefollowingaboutthemonkZhanranmentionedtherein.First, thisZhanran arrivedattheShangusitempleat Wangongshan sometime after746andhadbeenmadetheduweinaof thetemplenolaterthan 762.Second,asoneof thethreechief monksof theShangusi,heacted asacare-takerof Sengcan'spagoda.Finally,hiseminentstatusatthe templewherethethirdChanpatriarchwasbelievedtohavediedsug-gests that he wasa Chan master. Sincetotheend of thisarticlewearegoingtomakea reappraisalof thevalidityoftheconventional. viewregardingShenhui's;f$1f(684-758)connection tothiscampaign forSengcan's prominence initiated by LiChang,wecannotclosethissectionwithoutsomewordsonan accountattheendof Sengcan's biography intheBaolinzhuan,which suggeststhatShenhuiplayedan importantroleintheerectionof the Wangonshanpagoda.Asthisaccountgoes,itwasthroughatalkwith Shenhui at the HezesiinLuoyangthat LiChanglearnedof the existenceofSengcan'stombanditsspecificlocation.23 ThisBaolin zhuanaccount reiteratesShenhui's close connection to this movement of glorifyingSengcan bystatingthat Li Changpresentedonethirdof the 23.Sometime in 746 while serving in the He'nan Command, according to this BLZ account, Li Chang visited the Hezesi in person and inquired of Shenhui, who was then dwelling at the temple,about the location of Sengcan's tomb, since he was concernedaboutthetruthof a saying that Sengcan went to Mount Luofu 2 W from which he never returned.Shenhui exhorted him not to place too much stock in this kind of saying, assuring him that what is essential in Sengcan's teachings wasapieceof workwhich,"elegant instyleandharmoniousin rhyme,was comprehensiveinpraisingtheGreatWay,Jt:kErfffifllliJ'A)"(This mighthavereferredtotheXinxinming [Inscriptiononrelyingonthe mind],aphilosophicalessayinrhymeattributedtoSengcan).Still,Shenhui ended the conversation with the remark that Sengcan's tombwaslocated to the north of the Shangusi at Wangongshan in Shuzhou. Even so, Li Chang remained suspicious of the existence of Sengcan' s tomb.Shortly after that, he was demoted and offered a new position in Shuzhou. Three daysafter he had assumed his new job, Li Chang wasvisited bysome local Buddhist and Taoist priests.He asked his visitors whether or not there wasa Shangusi in Shuzhouand whether or not Sengcan's tomb waslocated behind thetemple. To each of these two questions, Li Chang received an affirmative answer from the shangzuoMonk Huiguan !!fI..Thus,accompanied bysomeofficials,LiChangwent totheShangusito visit Sengcan's tomb on the10th dayof the11th month of that year (746)(this BLZ account is paraphrased in YAMPOLSKY1967:50-51). JIABS22.110 threehundred piecesof sarlra,whichwerecollectedfromSengcan's crematedremains,toShenhui,whoerectedapagodainfrontof the bathhouse (yutangyuanat the Hezesi to house them).4 Shenhui'sallegedroleintheerectionof Sengcan'spagoda,coupled withthefactthatFangGuanatleastoncelentimportantsupportto ShenhuiwhenShenhuiwasengagedinestablishinghisversionof the Chan lineage,25 led Hu Shi(1891-1962)toassume that Fang Guan wrotethisinscriptionunderShenhui'scommission.26 SincetheSong author ZhaoMingchengdatesFangGuan'sinscriptionto762,Hu Shi proposed newdatesfor Shenhui's birth and death(670-762),in cop.trast tothetraditionalonesgivenby Shenhui'sbiography in theSonggao-sengzhuan (686-760).27These dates proposed by Hu Shi were widelyacceptedbyChanscholars,includingYANAGIDASeizan, illuntiltheywererecentlyinvalidatedby a newly unearthed funeral stele which, erected merely seven yearsafter Shenhui's death,establishes Shenhui's datesof birth and deathas684-758.28 Since Fang Guan wrote theinscriptionfouryearsafterShenhui'sdeath,itisdoubtfulthat Shenhui ever exerted anysignificant influence on Fang Guan'sdecision towrite it. Itmust also be noted that this Baolin zhuan account states that in Tian bao10(751), XuanzongconferredonSengcana title"Jingzhi24.As-for the rest of Sengcan's sarlra,thisBLZ account informsusthat haIf was enshrined inthenewlyerected pagoda forSengcan,whiletheother half was worshipped in Li Chang's own house. 25.It is recorded in Huineng's SGSZ biography that Shenhui established at his home temple,the Hezesi,a memorial hail(zhentang .'J:it)forHuineng,whereHui-neng's portraitswereprobably hung (if the word zhen in thezhentang can be understood asportrait,fortheusage of thisword asportraiture in theChinese Buddhist, especially Chan, literature, see FOULK &SHARF1993-94).A general under Xuangzong'sreignSongDing*JiiI.(n.d.,describedinsomedetailsin JTS19716:5275) wrote an inscription for this hail. When Shenhui made a chart. of theIndianandChinese Chan patriarchs,FangGuan penned a preface for it ' ,' 755blO-13). 26.DUMOULIN1988:104-05. 27.Shenhui's SGSZ biography has it that he died in Shangyuan 1 (760) at the age of 93(757a). 28.For scholarswhoaccepted thenewdatesof Shenhui suggested by Hu Shi,see YANAGIDA1967: 33, CH'EN1964:353, etc. For discussion of the implication of thenewlyfoundepitaphof Shenhui,seeWEN1984,ZHANG1991,McRAE 1987, and1993-94. CHEN11 (mirror-like wisdom)"and decreed that his pagoda be called"Jueji(thetranquilityof enlightenment)."Thiscontradictsan inscription tobe discussedinthenextsection,accordingtowhichtheconferralof the titleandname in questiondidnot takeplace until772.Finally,it must be noted that the Baolin zhuanauthor haswrongly identified the cyclical designations fortwoyearsattheTianbaoera.29 Allthis indicatesthatwhilewehavetoaccept theauthenticityof FangGuan's inscription included in the Baolinzhuan,the Baolin zhuanaccount rele-vant tothe 740s campaign for Sengcan's prestige cannot be read without reservation.ItisveryprobablethathisstrongtiestoSouthernChan causedtheBaolinzhuanauthortolinkbyforcethiscampaignto Shenhui,whobore,inalllikelihood,nodiscernibleconnectiontothat campaign,apointtowhichwewillreturnattheconclusionofthis article. ll.TheMonk Zhanraninthe770sCampaign for Sengcan's Prestige Weare now in a position to consider another inscription attributed tothe renownedTangwriterandbureaucratDuguJi1Il:ml&(725-77).30If 29.TheBLZauthorgivesyiqiuZil:!!andgengyin asthecyclicaldesignations forTianbao5(746)and9(750)(BLZ8:42,44),whilethecorrectonesare bingxu FRiB Wutaishan in Shanxi) to sound credible (TAJIMA1937).This reasoning is insufficient.AsPENKOWERrightly pointsout,"since theprecise dateof Zhaman'svisit toShandong isnot known,thisaloneisinsufficient to disavowZhanran's patronage of the pagoda"(PENKOWER1993:102).Further-more,Iargued in my1998 Asia Majorarticleandmy forthcomingbookthat reportsof Zhaman's 774 trip to Wutaishan probably have no basis in fact.In my opinion,whereasTAJIMAisrightindistinguishingShangusiZhanranfrom TiantaiZhaman, hisargument is seriously marred by the failureto trace the 772 campaign back totheearlier movement for the same purpose.Thisfailurehas preventedhim fromrecognizingthatatleast10yearsearlier(762)thesame Zhaman had already been made the duweina of the Shangusi, apparently a Chan temple. 72.DU1993:197,622. 73.Inthemaintextof his1967masterpiece,theShokizenshushishonokenkyu fJ];ltJHf!!*;I::.(7)tiJf%(Study in the texts of early Chan),YANAGIDAsays noth-ing about the relationship (or lack thereof) between Shangusi Zhanran and Tiantai Zhanran (see particularly YANAGIDA1967:324-25). However, the index of the same book contains two separate entries,forTiantai Zhaman, and theduweina Zhaman(tDinaTannenrespectively, the latter being a care-taker of Sengcan's Wangongshan pagoda. Thissuggests that he takes Shangusi Zhaman and Tiantai Zhaman to betwodifferent monks.But Yanadiga says nothing about the identity of the monk Zhaman steering the 770s bid for Sengcan's prestige. In the main text itself,noeffort ismade toconnect theduweinaZhaman (a care-takerof Sengcan'spagoda)withShangusiZhaman(theleaderof the770s campaign).NeithertheindexicalentryforTiantaiZhamannorthatforthe duweinaZhaman coverstheZhaman inthe770scampaign,which meansthat Yanagida doesnottakethethird Zhanran (the leader of the770scampaign)as either Tiantai Zhaman or Zhaman the protector of Sengcan' s pagoda. NotonlydoesSUZUKIprovideseparateindexicalentriesforShangusi ZhamanandTiantaiZhaman,theindexicalentryheprovidesforShangusi Zhaman alsocoverstheduweinaZhaman(seetheindexattachedtohis1985 book),suggestingthatSUZUKIdistinguishesShangusiZhamanfromTiantai Zhaman on the one hand and ontheother, links theformerwith the monk with the same name whom Fang Guan in 762 referred toasa duweina. JIABS22.126 WhatweknowaboutShangusi Zhanran makesit impossibletoiden-tifyhimwithTiantaiZhanraIi.74 First of all,wecannotsimply identify TiantaiZhanranwithamonk whosounambiguously himself withtheNorthernChantraditionandwhohadservedtheinterestof Chan Buddhism sowell by ardently and skillfully promoting thefame of itsthirdpatriarch.Secondly,forarelativelylongperiodoneZhanran wasmore or less permanently based at theShangusi, while the other was constantly on the road from place to place. Wehaveseenthatnolaterthan762whenFangGuanwrotehis memorialinscriptionfortheShangusipagodaShangusiZhanranhad beenappointedastheShangusiduweina,oneof whoseresponsibilities wastoprotect and maintain theSengcan pagoda newlyestablished near thetemple.Onesentencein Dugu Ji's inscription75 impresses usthat he hadperformedhisdutyfaithfullyandcontinuouslyatleastuntil772 when he,along with three other Chan monks,launched thecampaign for imperialrecognitionof Sengcan.Thismeansthatinalllikelihoodhe stayed at the Shangusi for at least one decade,from 762to772. Tiantai Zhanran,on the other hand,wasforced intoa vagrant life after 755when the An Lushan Rebellion broke out,asisconfessed by himself intheprefacetohisDelineationsoftheMohezhiguan(hereafter "Delineations"):76 In thepast,in Tianbao14(755),I madesome private notes[preparing forthe compositionof the Delineations] in Lin' an.In the jianyi (fourth) month of [Zhide 1 (756)], I rewrote the text at the Guoqingsi. While I had not finished proof-reading the text, my disciples had begun tocopy it secretly. When war broke out in the'coastal area,dharma-brothersscattered like stars.Some of them brought 74.Shangusi ZhanranwasknownastheShangusiduweinaby762when Tiantai Zhanran was52. In his 773 inscription Dugu Ii addresses Zhanran as"zhang lao ," a term used for a monk highly respected for his age and virtue. Sometimes the term also referstotheabbot of a temple;if this istrue,Zhanran had by that timeassumedthesupremeleadershipof thisimportant temple.Thisimage of Shangusi Zhanran provesthat he and Tiantai Zhanran,whowas63in 773and died nine years later, were indeed near contemporaries. 75.This sentence is found in QTW390 4:3973a13:T'76.Mohe zhiguan kewen mJt- itlUTi.iJIi* 754............................................................................ >-???........... >- AIjiG: Jli entering Mt.Wangong ???........... >-appointed asthe Shangusi duweina 762Fang Guan's epitaph for Sengcan's pagoda epitaph forthe Zhengs 767............................................................................ >- Fuxiansiabbot. visitedby Huangfu Ran ordained in Zhejiang 768................................................................................................................................................. >- 5'ii1i\'til! 770 772 773 Jjj:wl.RlIWtfJ'i'I Dugu Ji's arrivalinShuzhou ...... .... >-1 petition for Sengcan's prestige epitaph for imperial conferral of a title on Sengcan ................................................................................................................................................. >-796........... >- 1/IJi:ii]]ffit{. participation inthe Chan council and subsequent death lectures atTiantai t{.1R'5' death at Tiantai nABS 22.182 Abbreviations Used in Footnotes: BLZBaolinzhuan}lUi-'(Transmissionof theBaolinsi[the temple of "Treasure Forest"]). Songzang yizhengversion. BSBeishi:!t51:(Historyof theNorthernDynasties),100 juan, pletedbyLi Yanshouin659.ZhonghuashujuJaJ edition, Beijing 1974.. BZDainihonbukkyo zensho7;: B (A complete collection of theBuddhist textsof the Great Japan).Edited byTakakusuJunijiro etaI,100vols.Tokyo:Yuseido1913-22;reprinted, Tokyo:Kodansha1970-73; ed., Suzuki gakujutsu zaidanIll. DZDengyoDaishizensha(A complete collectionof the worksbyMasterDengyo[Saicho]).EdictedbyTendaishuden kankokai, 5 vols.1927-28 version. Hieizan:Tosho kankokai. FZTJFozutongji1!Ill:tilmfi2(A generaIrecordof theBuddha andother patriarchs),54 juan; compiled by Zhipan(n.d.) between1258 and 1269. T no.2035, vol. 49. GSZGaoseng zhuan il1'ii!!lf!f. (Lives of eminent monks),14 juan, completed by Huijiao (497-554) ca 530.T no.2059, vol.50. JSlin Shu-g. (Historyof theJin,265-419),130 juan,completed in 648underthesupervisionof FangXuanling (578-648), Zhonghua shujuJaJedition, Beijing 1975. JTSliu Tangshulfm. (Old History of the Tang),200 juan, completed in 945 under the direction ofLiu Xu ;?itlllBJ(887946). Zhonghua shuju JaJedition, Beijing 1974. LuoHanyu dacidian (Great Dictionary of Chinese), edited by LuoZufeng ?itt);., 12 vols.Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe J:. 1986. MOROHAsmDai kanwa jiten (GreatDictionaryof ClassicalChinese Explained in Japanese), by Morohashi Tetsuji(1883-1982), 13vols. Tokyo:Taishukan shoten 1955-60 (reprint,1966-68). QTSQuantang shi (CompletecollectionoftheTangpoems), 900 juan,compiledbyPengDingqiu andothersbetween 1705 and1706. Zhonghua shujuJaJedition, Beijing 1990. QTWQuantang wen(CompletecollectionoftheTangProses), 1,000juan,compiledbyDongGaolU!i (1740-1818) and others. Zhonghua shujuJaJedition, Beijing 1987. SGSZSonggaosengzhuan *il1'ii!!li-' (Lives of eminent monks, compiled in theSong), 30 juan, completed by Zanning (919-1001) in 988.T no.2061, vol.50. CHEN83 SKQS(Jingyin)WenyuangeSikuquanshuTaiwan Shangwu yinshuguan(1986) version. SKSLSBShikeshiliao xinbian(New edition of Historical Mate-rialsCarved on stone). Xinwenfeng edition, Tabei 1977. SS T SUlshuIlI'fW(Book of theSui,581-617),85juan,compiledbyWei Zheng (580-643) and others in 636 and 656. Zhonghua shuju$ *WmJ edition, Beijing 1974. TaishOshinshu daizokyo(A new Buddhist tripi!aka compiled intheTaishoera),Compiledunderthesupervisionof TakakusuJunjiroand Watanabe KaigyokuTokyo:TaishOissaikyokankokai 1924-1932. 100 vols. XGSZXugaosengzhuan(Livesofeminentmonks,continued; T2060.50.425al-707a27);30 juan,initiallycompleted byDaoxuan (596-667) in Zhengguan 19(645). XTS zz XinTangshu (New History of the Tang), 225 juan,compiled by Ou Yangxiu(1007-72),SongQi(998-1061)and others in 1043-60, Zhonghua shuju$*WmJ edition, Beijing 1974, Dai Nihonzokuzokyo* B ;;Js:*lliliJll:(Supplement tothe Kyoto Edi-tionoftheBuddhistCanon).EditedbyNakanoTatsue$!!!f Kyoto:Zokyo shoin 1905-12,150 vols.Reprint, Taibei: Xinwenfeng 1968-70. Modem Works Cited Barrett, T.H. 1991"TheDateof theLeng-chiashih-tzuchih," Journalof theRoyal Asiatic Society112:255-59, Chen Chang' an ed, 1991SuiTangWudaimuzhihuibianlLuoyang juan mll:5(Collectionof theepitaphsbelongingtotheSui,Tangand Wudai[Five-dynasties]period:thepartaboutLuoyang),vol.10. Tianjin: Tianjin guji. 1991aSui TangWudai muzhi huibianlLuoyang juanIlI'fmli / mll:5(CollectionoftheepitaphsbelongingtotheSui,Tangand Wudai[Five-dynasties]periods:thepartaboutLuoyang),vol.11. Tianjin: Tianjin guji. Chen Jinhua1997TheFormationof EarlyEsotericBuddhisminJapan:AStudyof ThreeJapaneseEsoteric Apocrypha.Ph.DDissertation,McMaster University, Hamilton, 1998"TheStoriesfromtheLifeof Chi-tsang$ii (549-623)and Their Use in T'ien-t'ai Sectarian Historiography." Asia Major,3rd Series, 11.1:53-98. JIABS22.184 In PressMaking and Remaking History: A Study of Tiantai Sectarian Historio-graphy.StudiaPhilologicaBuddhicaMonographSeriesno14, Tokyo:The International Institute for Buddhist StudiesTokyo. forthcoming"StoryandHistory:TheEvolutionof LegendsRelatedtotheThird Chan Patriarch." Chen Xinhui (a.k.a Chen YuanIl*:tll:) 1981"DaTangXiyujizhuanren Bianji(Bianji,the authorof theDaTangXiyuji)." InChenYuanshixuelimzhuxun (ASelected collectionof ChenYuan'sarticleson history)(eds.,Chen Yuesuand Chen Zhichao Shang-hai:Shanghai renming chubanshe), pp. 266-87. 1997Shihuijuli(Examplesof TaboosintheHistory).Taibei: Wenshizhe (reprint). Ch'en, Kenneth K.S. 1964BuddhisminChina:AHistoricalSurvey.Princeton N. J.:Princeton University Press. Chou Yi-liang 1945"Tantrisrn in China," Harvard Journal ofAsiatic Studies 8:241-332. Du Jiwen and Wei Daoru1993Zhongguochanzongtongshi(Ageneralhistoryof ChanBuddhism in China). Jiangsu:Jiangsu guji chubanshetBAAtf. Dumoulin, Heinrich 1988ZenBuddhism:AHistory.Vol.1:IndiaandChina.Translatedby James W.Heisig and Paul Knitter.NewYork:Macmillan Publishing Company and London:Collier Macmillan Publishers. Faure, Bernard 1986 1991 1991a 1997 Forte, Antonino 1973 1976 "Le maitrededhyariaChih-ta et Ie'subitisme'del'ecoleduNord," Cahiers d'Etreme-Asie 2:123-l32. "Song-shanandTs'ao-hsi:AlternativeImagesof Pilgrimage,"in Pilgrimageand Sacred SitesinChina(edited bySusan Naquinand Chlin-fang Yli,Berkeley: California University Press), pp. 150-89. TheRhetoricof Immediacy:ACulturalCritiqueof Ch' an/Zen Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton University Press. TheWilltoOrthodoxy:ACriticalGenealogyof NorthernChan Buddhism. Stanford: Stanford University. "II'MonasterodeiGrandiChou'aLo-yang,"Annalidell'Istituto Orientale diNapoli, N.S.XXIII: 417-29. Political Propaganda and IdeologyinChina at the End of theSeventh Century:InquiryintotheNature,Author,andFunctionof the Tunhuang Document S.6502.Followed by an Annotated Translation. Napoli:Istituto Universitario Orientale, Seminario di Studi Asiatici. 1984" 1990 1996 1996a 1996b CHEN85 "The Activities in China of the Tantric Master Manicintana (Pao-ssu-wei:?-721) from Kashmir and of his Northern Indian Collaborators," East and West,N.S.34.1-3: 301-45. "The Relativity of theConceptof Orthodoxy in Chinese Buddhism: Chih-sheng'sIndictmentofShih-liandtheProscriptionofthe Dharma MirrorSutra,"inChineseBuddhist Apocrypha(edited by RobertE.Buswell,Jr.,Honolulu:UniversityofHawaiiPress), pp.239-50. "The Edict of 638Allowing the Diffusion of Christianity in China," in L'InscriptionnestoriennedeSi-ngan-fou:APosthumousWorkby Paul Pelliot (Edited byAntonino Forte;Kyotoand Paris:The Italian Schoolof EastAsianStudies[EpigraphicalSeries,vol.2]andthe College de France), pp. 349-73. "The Chongfu-si in Chang'an:A Neglected Buddhist Monastery and Nestorianism,"inL'InscriptionnestoriennedeSi-ngan-fou:A Posthumous Workby Paul Pelliot (Edited byAntonino Forte;Kyoto andParis:TheItalianSchoolof EastAsianStudies[Epigraphical Series, vol.2]and the College de France), pp. 429-72. "A Literary Model forAdam:The Dhuta Monastery Inscription," in L'InscriptionnestoriennedeSi-ngan-fou:APosthumousWorkby Paul Pelliot (Edited byAntonino Forte;Kyotoand Paris:The Italian Schoolof EastAsianStudies[EpigraphicalSeries,vol.2]andthe College de France), pp. 473-87. forthcoming"The Great Fuxian Monastery in Luoyang:A Forgotten Center of East Asian Civilization." forthcoming a"Daitoku(Great Virtue)." From HobOgirin (Diction-naire encyclopedique dubouddhisme d'apres les sources chinoises et japonaises)VII.Paris:Maisonneuve;Tokyo:MaisonFranco-Japonaise. Foulk, T. Griffith 1987The'Ch'anSchool' and its PlaceintheMonasticTradition.Unpub-lished Ph.D. dissertation. University of Michigan. Foulk, T.Griffith &Robert Sharf 1993-94"On the Ritual Use of Ch'an Portraiture in Medieval China," Cahiers d'Extreme-Asie 2:149-220. Fu Xuanzong ed. 1987Tangcad zhuan jiaojian(Acriticalcommentaryon the Tangcaizi zhuan). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju. Gemet, Jacques 1951 Groner, Paul 1984 "BiographieduMaitreChen-houeideHo-tso,"JournalAsiatique CCXLIX: 29-60. Saichi5:TheEstablishment of theJapaneseTendaiSchool.Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series no.7.Seoul:Po Chin Chai Ltd. JIABS22.186 Guisso, R.W. L. 1978WuTse-Tiena';dthePoliticsof LegitimationinTangChina. PrograminEastAsianStudies,WesternWashingtonUniversity, Occasional Papers Volume 11. Hibi Sensh6 (a.k.a. Nobumasa)8 J;t;iLiE 1975TadaiTendaigakujosetsu- Tannen no chosaku ni kansuru kenkyu -(Anintroductionto the Tiantai teachings in the Tang:A study on the works by Zhanran). Tokyo:Sankibo busshorin. HuShi 1953"Ch'an(Zen)BuddhisminChina,ItsHistoryandMethod," Philosophy East and West 3.1:3-24. 1988ShenhuiHeshangyiji- fu Hu Xiansheng zuihou deyanjiu :j;$iffD fil6 - (Collection of the works left by Rev-erandShenhui:withMr.Hu's lastworksattached).EditedbyMa Junwu. Taibei: Hu Shijinianguan (reprinted). Hucker, Charles O. 1985A Dictionary of Official Titlesin MedievalChina.Stanford:Stanford University Press. Ibuki Atsushi1991"Daijo goh6bennoshohon nituite:Bunken nohens en ni miru hoku-shu shiso no tenkai -- (Onthedifferentversionsof the Dacheng wufangbian:The development of Northern Chan thoughtsasseen in the textual transformation)." Nanto bukkya65:71-102. 1992"Tongoshinshu kongohannya shugyotatsu higan homon yoketsuto KatakuJinne,"inNihonChUgokubukkyashisotosono tenkai 8;zjs: $0)(Chinese &Japanese Buddhist thoughts and theirdevelopment,editedbyMisakiRyoshu.=:ilffif Ri!1,Tokyo: Sankibo busshorin), 291-325. Jan Yun-hua 1988Zongmi *W (Zongrni). Taibei: Dongda tushu. Komazawa daigaku ZenshUshi kenkyukai1978Ena kenkyu- Ena no denki toshiryo ni kan suru kisoteki kenkyuliJfJE-.'5I:;f4Ii:0 (Study of Huineng: Johnson, David A basic study of Huineng-related biographical and historical sources). Tokyo: Daishukan shoten. 1977"The last Years of a Great Clan: The Li Family of Zhao Chiin in Late T'angandEarlySung,"HarvardJournalof AsiaticStudies37.1, 5-102. CHEN87 Kamata Shlgeo .EElDZftt 1992"FutarinoChOkan- ShishuCh6kantoSeiry6Ch6kan .!:: - (Two Chengguans - Sizhou Chengguan and and Qingliang Chengguan)." Indogakubukkyi5gaku kenkyii 41.1:89-96.Chinese translation published under the title "Liangwei Chengguan - Sizhou Chengguan yuQingliang Chengguan- (Two Chengguans - Sizhou Chengguan an(j Qingliang Chengguan)"inGuoguxinzhi- Zhongguochuantongwenhuade zai quanshi:JinianTangYongtongXianshengdanchenbainianlun-wenji if-ffifilx* (Tounderunderstand the tradition in a new way - A reinter-pretation of the Chinese traditional culture:A festschrift in memory of the100thbirthdayof ProfessorTangY ongtong;editedbyTang YijieBeijing:Beijing Daxuechubanshe1993), pp. 293-298. Li Xianqi $Ri*-i'D- and Guo Yinqian eds. 1996Luoyangxinhuomuzhi (Epitaphs newly discovered in Luoyang). Beijing:Wenwu. Liu Xinjian1994"Cong Tangdai muzhi tang Zhengshi jiazu (A discussionabouttheZheng familyonthebasisof Tangepitaphs)," Zhongyuan wenwu 101-05. Luoyang wenwu gongzuodui ed. 1991Luoyangchutu lidai muzhijishen(Selective collectionof theepitaphsoverthetimeexcavated fromLuoyang). Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe McMullen, David. 1973"HistoricalandLiteraryTheoryintheMid-EighthCentury,"in PerspectivesontheTang(EditedbyArthurF.WrightandDenis Twitchett, New Haven:Yale University Press), pp. 307-42. McRae, John R. 1986 1987 1993-94 TheNorthernSchooland theFormationof EarlyCh'anBuddhism. Kuroda Institute,Studiesin East Asian Buddhism,no.3.Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. "Shen-hui and the Teachings of Sudden Enlightenment in Early Ch' an Buddhism," in Sudden and Gradual: Approaches toEnlightenment in ChineseThought(editedbyPeterN.Gregory,KurodaInstitute Studiesin East Asian Buddhism 5.Honolulu:Universityof Hawaii Press), pp. 227-78. "Yanagida Seizan'sLandmark WorksonChineseCh'an,"Cahiers d'Etreme-Asie 2:51-104. Michihata Ry6shu miilffi a* 1967Ti5daibukkyi5shinokenkyii(Study of Buddhism under the Tang).Kyoto. nABS 22.188 Otagi Gen1987"Todai Banyo rojikenkyii- kon'in kankeiwo chushin ni(StudyoftheLuclanin Fanyang: Witha focus on its marriage relationship [with other chills])," inCha-goku kizokusei shakai no(A study of thearistocraticsocietyin China, edited by Kawakatsu Y oshio J' I tl andTonamiMamoruKyoto:Kyoto daigaku linbumka-guku kenkyusho), pp.151-242. Penkower, Linda L. 1993Tien-t'ai during theTang Dynasty:Chan-jan and theSinification of Buddhism. Ph.D dissertation, Columbia University, New York. 1997"MakingandRemakingTradition:Chan-jan'sStrategiestowarda T'angT'ien-t'aiAgenda,"TendaiDaishikenkyil (Studyof GreatMasterTiantai,editedbyTendaiDaishikenkyu henshuiinkai Kyoto:Kahoku kabu-shiki gaisha),1138-1289. Pulleyblank, Edwin G. 1960"Neo-Confucianism and Neo-Legalism in Tang futellectual Life. 755-805,"inTheConfucianPersuasion(editedbyArthurWright, Stanford: Stanford University Press), pp. 77-114. Reischauer, Edwin O. 1955Ennin's Diary:TheRecord of a Pilgrimage toChinainSearch of the Law. 2 vols. New York:The Ronald Press Company. Sekiguchi, Shindai1957DarumaDaishinokenkyilJlm*gijjO)Wf%(AStudyofGreat Master Bodhidharma). Tokyo: Shokokusha. 1959"GyokusenTendainitsuite(AbouttheTiantai group at the Yuquansi temple)," Tendai gakuhO1:10-17. 1964Zenshushisoshi:fli!* JjS!.J'.]\;t:(A history of the thoughts of Zen/Chan Buddhism). Tokyo:Sankibo busshorin. 1967DarumanokenkyilJlmO)Wfji; (A Study of Bodhidharma). Tokyo: Iwanami shoten. Soothill, William Edward. 1981ADictionaryof ChineseBuddhist Terms.Reprint.Taibei:Dongrong yinshuju. Suzuki Tetsuo 1985ToGodaizenshilshi{-t;;1lI!*;t:(History of Chan Buddhism in the Tang and Five-dynasties periods). Tokyo:Sankibo. Tajima Tokuon B3 1937"Shikangireichosakuko (fuquiryof theauthorship of the Zhiguan yili)," Sange gakuhO!1J11:1-22. CHEN89 Tang Y ongtong ffl m 1983"SheshanzhiSanlunzongluekao (ABrief investigation of theSanlun tradition at Mount She)," in TangYong-tongxueshu lunwenji ffl(A collection ofarticles by TangYongtong;editedbyTang YijieBeijing:Zhonghua shujupp.17-28. Tokuda Myohon 1969Risshu gairon(Anoutlineof theVinaya School). Kyoto: Hyakkaen. Tonami Mamoru1990The Shaolin Monastery Stele on Mount Song.Translated and annotat-ed by P.A.Herbert. Kyoto:Istituto Italiano di Cultura. Ui Hakuju f#1Sa 1935-43Zenshushikenkyu (StudyofthehistoryofChan Buddhism), 3 vols.Tokyo. Vita, Silvio 1988"LiHuaandBuddhism,"inTangChinaandBeyond(editedby Antonino Forte, Kyoto: Istituto Italiano di Cultura), pp. 97-124. Weinstein, Stanley 1987BuddhismUnder the Tang. London:Cambridge University. Wen Yucheng1984"Ii xin chutu de Heze Dashi Shenhui taming(A note on the newly excavated stupa-epitaph dedicated to the GreatMaster HezeShenhui),"Shijiezongjiaoyanjiu2:78-79. 1988"TodaiRyiimonjujinokosatsu (An Investiga-tion of the Ten Temples in Longmen of the Tang Dynasty)" Chugoku setsukutsu'Ryumonsetsukutsu . (Grottoesin China.Grottoes in Longmen, edited by Longmeng wenwu baoguan-suonF5x!fftJ1:lf:tgJiff[Institute for the Protection of Relics in Long-men]andBeijingDaxuekaoguxi[Department of Arch:rologyat Beijing University],Tokyo:Heibonsha, vol.2):223-44. Wu Ruyu 1993TangWudaiTenjiaowangshisuoyinm1i (Con-cordance tothepoemsabout theassociationsbetween people in the Tang and Five-dynastiesperiods).Shanghai:Shanghai gujichuban-she. Xie Shouchang I!!r,et al. 1970Zhongguogujin diming dacidian (A complete dictionaryof thenamesof places,both oldand present,inChina). Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguannABS 22.190 Xu Boyong *{s Il3 1994"XingyangZhengshijiazusanlun (Occasional discussion about the Zheng family in Xingyang)," Zhongyul:znwenwu I=j:l )Jit)Cto/./2:106-10.' Xu Mingxia and Wang Guizhen collated and annotated 1992TangShangshushenglangguanshimutimingkao(An inquiry into the[officials] whose names were inscribed on thestone-pillar forthedirectorsof [variousministries,bureaus] under the Department of State Affairs in the Tang Dynasty). Compiled byLaoGe andZhaoYue (ofQingDynasty).Beijing: Zhonghuashuju. Yamazaki HiroshiLlJJlIijf$;: 1967Zuito bukkyoshi no kenkyii(A study in the history of Buddhism in the Sui and Tang Dynasties). Kyoto: Hozokan. Yampolsky, Philip B., tr. 1967ThePlatformSutraof theSixthPatriarch.NewYork:Columbia University Press. Yanagida Seizan 1967Shokizenshiishishono kenkyii (Studyof the texts of the early Chan). Kyoto: Hozokan. 1971Shokinozhenshi I- Ryogashiji ki - Den 'h6b6kiWWl 1- m - l.$r:tJUa, Zen no gorokuno.2.Tokyo: Chi-kumashobo. 1974"Hokushiizennoshiso(Thoughtsof theNorthern Chan Buddhism)," Zen bunka kenkyii kiyo6:67-104. 1976ShokinozhenshiIT - Rekidaihoboki WWl II - Zen no gorokuno.2. Tokyo: Chikurna shobo. Yang Hongfei1966"ZuigoKyochiZenshihirneiheijoni hagensaretazenshiishino ;.;issetsu (A problem inthehistoryof ChanBuddhism asfoundinthe"Suigu Jingzhi Chanshi beiming bing xu [Epitaph, with a preface, for the late MeditationMaster Jingzhi(Le.,Sengcan)of theSui])",Indogaku bukkyogaku kenkyii 29:350-53. Zhang Naizhuand Ye Wangsong1991"Chanzong qizu Heze Dashi Shenhui taming yinlun ItRlJ (A Further discussion of the epitaph dedicated to the Great Master Heze, Shenhui, the seventh Chan patriarch)," Zhongyuan wenwu1=j:lJ!i::>208.Plusgeneralement,PASconsidere qu'il n'y avait alorspasdereal schooldela Terre PureenChine:It would be more correct tocall it a movement(p. 58) 209, Sansdoute,ShandaoetDaochuon' appartenaient-ilspasa uneecole dans Iesens precis que ce terme prendra plus tard au J apon. Par contre, la pensee de Shandao se fondesur une doctrine et un canon homogenes, qui 205.ShishuI I 9 f ~ :pratique reverentielle,pratique exclusive, pratique ininterrompue, pratique it long terme.V.Shandao, T. 47,1980, p.439a7-23 (SSZ 1, p. 650-651); Honen, SCS, ch. 9.Cf.ANDREWS1973:68-69. 206.SSZ4,p.44.Cf.Ryoe,k5;T.83,2611,p.236b28-cl7;SSZ4,p.678-679. COATES, p. 728-729;DUCOR, in The Pure Land 4.2 (Dec.1982): 45-46; KLEINE 1996a: 93sS. 207.Par contre, Honen n' a pas cree un nouvel ordre ecclesiastique, autre sens possible dumotshu*, puisqu'iln'apasamorceunenouvelleligned'ordination independante de l'ecole du Tendai dans laquelle il avait ete ordonne.Cf.HARA, n.4,quidistinguedansIemot shuIesensdeschool of thought and ideaset desect. ANDREWS(1987b:482)enumere quatre sensdansl'evolution de ce mot:scriptural traditioll,doctrinalschooh>,monasticordeD>et sect;cf. ibid.1987a: 25, n.8. V.KLEINE1996a:147 sS.; BLUM1990:52-60; DELUBAC, p.157.Enfin,REPP(n.1)paraittroplargedanssonacceptiondumeme mot lorsqu'il declare que, pour Honen, Jodo-shii ne signifiait que Pure Land Teaching (oshie W:>. 208.Zaijarin, k. 3; Nstk.15, p. 382b18. 209.STEVENSON (p. 362,366) parle aussi de Shanxi Pure Land movementit propos de Shandao et Daochuo.Par contre, ANDREWS(1970,p. 40-44;1973, p. 25ss.) utilisel'expressionSui-T'angPureLandschooh>;CHAPPELL(1977,p.24) evoque aussi une school, dont l'origine remonterait it Daochuo. JIABS22.1150 constituent bien unsysteme.Et Daochuo avait conscience d'appartenir a une ecole au moins dans Ie sens philosophique large du terme,qui implique un ensemble dephilosophes professant une meme doctrine,-ou du moins admettanttousunecertainethesephilosophiqueconsidereecomme capitale21O.Et c'est bien la clef dela demarchedeHonenqued'avoir reuni en une seule perspective,a cinq siec1es de distance,l' oeuvre de ses deux predecesseurs chinois. 210.AndreLALANDE,Vocabulairetechniqueet critiquedelaphilosophie(Paris, PDF,1976), p. 260. DUCOR151 Appendices I. Chronologie des oeuvres deShandao La traditionaconservecinq titresprincipaux composesparShandao211, qui regroupent, en fait,six ouvrages, soit : CommeritaireduSutradescontemplations(Kangyi5-sho;T.37, 1753), - Methodedecontemplation(Kannenbi5mon;T.47,1959,p.22b-24c4), Des cinq conditions souveraines(Goshu-zi5ji5en-gi;indus a la fin du precedent:id.,p. 24c5-30a)212, Hyrnnes de liturgies(Hi5jisan;id.,1979), Hyrnnes de louanges(Raisan;id.,1980), Hyrnnes sur Ie pratyutpanna (Hanjusan;id.,1981). Aucun de ces textes n'est date,et etablir une chronologie de leur redaction respective tient donc de la gageure.Cependant, la critique interne permet d'esquisseruncertainordre,quin'estpassansimportance,puisqu'il traduirait 1'evolutiondela penseedeShandaoaucoursdesavie.PAS (p.105, n.3) adopte,sans commentaire, la theorie formulee par FUJIWARA Ry6setsu, qui donne la chronologie suivante213: Kannenbi5mon>Goshu-Zi5ji5en-gi>Hi5jisan> Hanjusan> Raisan> Kangyi5-sho. Lesarguments deFUJIWARAsont probants,etje ne peux que renvoyer a son ouvrage.Pour l'essentiel, nous retiendronsque troisperiodes princi-pales peuvent etre distinguees dans l' oeuvre deShandao.La premiere est celle du Kannenbi5mon.Elle est suivie par une deuxieme periode compre-nant Ie Goshu-zi5ji5en-gi, les Hi5jisan et lesHanjusan.La troisieme periode, enfin,comprend lesRaisan,suivisduCommentaire.Cestroisperiodes s' agencent, en fait,selon une depratyutpannisation graduelle de la pensee deShandao.Ainsi,Ie Pratyutpanna-samiidhi-sutran'est citequedans Ie 211.Pourles autres ouvrages -perdus, attribuesou fragmentaires,v.PAS, p. 112-116; FUJIWARA, p. 70. 212.Les commentateurs designent parfois ces deux derniers titres sous les appelations respectivesdeSammai gyosobun=.a;R1TtI3:51etGoenkudokubun:51.Contrairement a PAS(p.106),je ne vois pas de raison de douter de l'authenticite desCinqconditions. 213.FUJIWARA, p. 70-91. JIABS22.1152 Kannenbomon etle Goshu-zoJoen-gi, tandis que Ie nom meme du recueille-mentdeIapresenceimmediate(hanJu-zammai ::::P*)n' apparait plusnidanslesRaisannidansIeCommentaire(plushaut,p.48-52), alors qu'il figure encore dans Ies trois ouvrages de Ia periode intermediaire. Laquestion la plusdelicatedemeureneanmoinscelle del' ordredela composition destrois livres constituant cette deuxieme periode.FUJIWARA lui-meme est tres prudent dansson argumentation qui place Ies HanJusan apres les Hojisan214Cependant, on ne peut exdure que IeGoshu-zoJoen-gi doiveetreplaceplustarddanscetteperiode,enraisonnotammentde deuxelementsparIesquelsi1prefigureladoctrinedesRaisanetdu Commentaire.Lepremier deceselementsest celuidesparaphrasespar Shandaodu18evoeud' Amida,lesqueIlesn'apparaissentquedansIe Goshu-zoJoen-gi,lesRaisanetIeCommentaire.Lesecondelementest constitueparsoninterpretationducoeurprofondduSutrades contemplations comme etant Ie coeur defoi.EIleapparait deja dansIe Goshu-zojoen-gi, avant que les Raisan ne la detaillent dans une glose,qui trouvera elle-meme son achevement dans IeCommentaire215 II.Transmission des oeuvres deShandao La premiere mention d'une oeuvre de Shandao semble remonter au grand bibliographechinoisZhisheng (jap.ChisM,668-740),quicite l'integralite des Raisan dansson li-zhujing-lizhan-yi(jap. Shu-shokyo-raisan-gi);bien que ce derniernesoit pasdate,Zhisheng Ie mentionnelui-memeen730danssonfameuxcatalogue216En799,Ie Shii-shokyo-raisan-gi sera indus officiellement dans Ie canon bouddhique chinois,ce qui fait desRaisan la seule oeuvre de Shandao a avoir re.=f.(MiaoShou,whichactuallyrendersSubahu inthe Mahiivyutpatti,Sakakiedition,No.3242)byaChinesescribe.But the Chinese version cannot be the original, because there are too many obvious Tibetanisms in it. TheSkt.word satasiihasrika(Otanicat.,page230,line3)appearsas TB (=1.100,insteadof BT =100.000)intheChineseDkarchag (comp.theflHfpetc.,vol.I,page1049a, line 25). This isevidently due to a misinterpretation of thewordsstong phragbrgya(=100.000),which wefindintheTibetanDkarchag(page13 a,line6).TheSkt.name Sumati (Otani cat.,page 248,line15)appearsas(mati + su)in the ChineseDkarchag(comp.theflHfpetc.,vol.I,page1049b,line26). Thisisevidently duetoa misinterpretation of thewordsblo gros bzang mas,whichwefindin theTib.Dkar chag(page14a,line1).The Skt. nameSusthitamati(Otanicat.,page250,line18)appearsas (mati+ susthita)in theChineseDkar chag(comp.theflHfpetc.,vol.J, page1049c,line3).Thisisevidentlyduetoa misinterpretationof the bLMarcelle LALOU:"La version tibetaine duRatnakiita:Contribution a la biblio-graphie du Kanjur," Journal Asiatique 211. 2 (1927):233-59. JIABS22.1242 words blo grosrabgnas kyis,which we'find in the Tib. Dkar chag (page 14a, line 3). In a similar way the curious name 18 [DattavimaHi., instead of Vimaladatta],which we find in the Chinese Dkar chag {compo theRBfrletc.,vol.I,page1049b,line29)canbeexplained.TheSkt. nameGangottara (Otanicat.,page 248,line25)appearsasiliIi,,*in the ChineseDkar chag(comp.theRBflJetc.,vol.I,page1049b,line27)., This is evidently due toa misinterpretation of the words gang ga 'i mchog, which we find in the Tib. Dkar chag (page 14a, line 2).The Tibeto-Chinese translator hasnot recognized thenameof the Indian river (Gan ga,sic) and faithfullytranslatedthesyllable gari(which isIndian,not Tibetan) into Chinese (iliIitoo means "full") as if it had been Tibetan. On thehand,theTibeto-Chinesetranslatorof theDkat chag transliterated the Tibetansyllable gang(po)in atitle where it should have been rendered byiliIi(orIlilili etc.) or by a transliteration of the Skt. name PfuJ;la.To the Skt.title Purr;.apramukh,a-avadiinasataka(Otanicat.,page390,line9) thewordsgang polasogs pa'i rtogs pa brjod pa brgya pa (Tib.Dkar chag,page20a,lines7-8)and(comp.theRBflJetc., vol. I, page 1052c, line 19) correspond in our Dkar chags. Note 23. The A.D.1692 volumes ZA (285leaves, A.D.1700:3321.), zm (331 1.,A. D.1700:3501.), and 'I (288 1.,A. D.1700: 3111.) are the only ones whichdifferfromtheA.D.1700volumes(bearingthesameTibetan ordinals) in the number of their leaves. The difference between the A.D. 1692 volume ZA and the A.D.1700 volume ZA is, of course, due to the fact that Bu ston's collection of dhiiranfs,which filled volume ZA in the .\ A.D.1692 edition, was transferred to the newly added volume OM in A. D.1700, andthat the Ral pa gyen brdzes kyirgyud occupied the vacated by Bu ston's compilation. Comp.above pages 2 and 13. Note 24. Page 'I 50b of the A.D.1700 edition seems tohave been printed with a newly prepared block (not with an A.D.1692 block corrected by the A. D.1700 editors).Nearlyall theother blocksof theA.D.1692 edition haveevidentlybeenusedbytheA.D.1700editors(whoamendeda considerablepartof themandaddedtheblocksfortheRal pagyen brdzeskyirgyud,theVidyutpriiptaparip!cchiiandtheBhadrapiilapari-P!cchii to their number) for the A.D.1700 Kanjur.Compoabove pages 2 and13.Owingtotheinsertionof theBhadrapiilaparip!cchiiintothe ST AEL-HOLSTE1N243 middle of volume 'I the great majority of its leaves had to be renumbered, and the KiiSyapaparivarta,for instance, is foundon pageslOOb- 138a in the A.D.1700 edition (in the A.D.1692 edition:on pages 77b - lISa). The insertion of theVidyutpriiptaparipTcchii caused less trouble, because the 19 proper place of that work isafter theUgrapariPTcchii,which is the last sutra in the A.D.1692 edition of volume ZHI. Note 25. Anumberof irregularities,whichBeckhhasdiscoveredintheBerlin manuscriptKanjur,arefoundequallyintheA.D.1692edition.Both collections have vepuUya (instead of vaipulya) in the Skt.title of the first volume of the Buddhiivatarhsaka.Compopage14 of Beckh's Verzeichnis and the first page of volume YI of the A.D.1692 edition. Both collections designate the VyiisaparipTcchiiasthe 48th le'u of the Ratnakiita,and both add a note tothe effect that it is the 49th Ie 'u.CompoBeckh's Verzeichnis, page25.Onpage288a of volume'I of theA.D.1692editionweread thefollowingwords:'Phags pa dkonmchogbrtsegs pa chen po'i chos kyis[sic]rnam grangs le'u stong phrag brgya pa las /drang srongrgyas pa'i zhus pa 'i Ie 'u zhes bya stebzhi bcurtsabrgyad pa rdzogs sho /Ie 'u bzhi bcu dgu pa.The VyiisaparipTcchaisthe 4ih Ie 'uof the Ratnakiita (neither the 48th nor the 49th le'u) in the Berlin manuscript Kanjur aswell asintheA.D.1692edition,bothof whichomittwole'uoutof the regular49Ie'u. Compoabove pages 3 and18. Note 26. Beckh(Verzeichnis,page VI)regardstheBerlin manuscript Kanjur asa copy of the Derge xylograph, and Pelliot (Journal Asiatique, Iuillet-Aout 1914,page115)says:Sionserappelleenoutrequecet exemplaire de Berlin a ete acquis a Pekin, il apparaitra comme vraisemblable, malgre sa division en108volumesquiest celIedel'edition duDerge,qu'il derive en realite, non pas de l'edition du Derge, mais d'une recension apparentee auxrecensionspekinoiseset que je suismalheureusement horsd'etat de determiner.bm TheredParisKanjurquotedbyMileLalouintheJournal Asiatique containsthetwopartsof the Ratnakiita,whicharemissingin the A.D. bm.It may just be noted herethat of course PELLIOTis correct;the real originsof the Berlin manuscript Kanjur were pointed out also in 1914 by Berthold LAUFER in hisreviewof Beckh'sVerzeichnis(seenotek,above),inJournalof the Royal Asiatic Society for1914:1128-1130. nABS 22.1244 1692edition(comp ..abovepage3),andPelliot(op.cit.,page114)is evidentlyrightinregardingthered ParisKanjurasan[incomplete?] copy of the same (A.D.1700) edition, which Laufer saw at Hsi An, Iamnot inapositiontoexaminethe"Imperial"Kanjur,whichthe AsiaticMuseum of St.Petersburg possesses,but I tooka manuscript of theTibetantranslationof theKiiSyapaparivartawithmetoPekingin 1917.Thismanuscriptwascopiedfromthe"Imperial"Kanjurof St. Petersburg,and I have compared it with the version,which the Yung Ho Kungcopyof theA.D.1700editioncontains.Thetwotextsarein complete agreement, and I believe that the "Imperial" Kanjur of St. Peters-. burgtooisacopyof theA.D.1700edition.CompopageXXof my edition of the KiiSyapaparivarta.20 At thelastmomentIlearnt fromMr.T.L.Yuan,thedirectorof the Peking National Library,thata considerable number of Tibetan Kanjur volumes were still stored in the Forbidden City of Peking, and I examined some of them.All the volumes Isawthereshowed the characteristics of the A.D.1692 edition, except the volume containing Bu ston's collection of dharaI),ls,which had evidently been printed with the A. D.1692 blocks ascorrected by the A.D.1700 editors (comp.above page 3). In addition tothese volumesI haveyearsagoseen threeevidently complete copies of the Tibetan Kanjur in the Forbidden City, but they were all hand-written. The beautifully written manuscripts(golden lettersonblue paper)have sharedthefateof mostof thePekingPalacetreasures,andreposeat present in the vaults of a Shanghai bank.bn Peking, Januy 14th1934. bn.It is possible that this is a reference to the so-called Taipei manuscript Kanjur (1 donotknowif thereismorethanoneintheNationalPalaceMuseum,and apparently large partsof thecollection still remain uncatalogued).Asfaras1 know,the only listing for thisKanjur is that in Select Chinese Rare Books and Historical Documents intheNational Palace Museum(Taipei:National Palace Museum,1971):#24(Lung-tsang-chingftMm). Adescriptionisfoundon page 70(Chinese),p.89(Japanese),p.108(English).The descriptions in the three languages differ slightly. illustrated with one plate. According toa letter from Dr. Eimer (2 Dec.,1998), a catalogue of this Kan-jur is in preparation, and he himself plans to publish some remarks on it soon. \ SILK245 I

Plate ITa: This proves that an edition of the Kanjur was completed at Peking in A. D. 1692. Plate fib: The page reproduced here contains a Mongolian translation of the Tibetan lines found on ITa. The Mongolian tranlsation ignores the Chinese line. ::::: >-t:d C/.l tv !'J ...... ~

0\ SILK247 ."';:: ~

(I:l N ~

..... ~

00 Plate IVa: The first page of the Ral pa gyen brdzes kyi rgyud (A. D. 1700 Kanjur). -;-y;w== -... .....,.. ~

Plate IVb: The last page of the Ral pa gyen brdzes kyi rgyud (A. D. 1700 Kanjur). [plates V & VI: Missing.] Plate VITa: A page of the Tibetan translation of the Saddharmapur:zarfkasutra as it appears in the A. D. 1692 edition. [plate VITb: Missing.] r :.,-1,' ., .', -." I ' ,

';.

' \' 11 t.

I' I'

I

" ""

' , ' , " ; : , ' /I

,

",:.

',:, .. -

_ H .. _:::::. '---'---... _-."---.......

"".- - - -".--;':-Z:;;:q;l'iii-...

__ ... . --.. : : . Plate VITIa: Page 50b of volume '1 as it appears in the A. D. 1692 edition. [plate VllIb: Missing.] Vl

ID JEROME DUCOR Shandao and Honen.Aproposof Julian F.Pas's book Visionsof Sukhtlvatf* JulianPAS'sVisionsof Sukhavatfistobewelcomedasanimportant contribution toour knowledge of Shandao's life and mainwork.Hisuse oforiginalChinesesourcesfillsamajorgapinWesternstudiesof ChineseBuddhism.However,thebookadvocatesanunprecedented thesis:that Shandao's interpretation of nembutsu asthe oral pronouncia-tionofAmidaBuddha'snameisamisunderstandingonthepartof JapaneseJodo-ShinshUscholarsgoingbacktoShinranhimself.Never-theless,thisinterpretationwasfirstadvancednot byShinran but byhis teacher Honen,whohimself considered hisfoundingof thePureLand school(Jodo-shu)tobethemerecontinuationinJapanof Shandao's originaldoctrine.The realquestionthen is:wasHonen'sinterpretation legitimate?Thecoreof hisreasoningisthedefinitionbyShandaoof thenembutsuastherightdeterminingaction"becauseit isin keeping with[Amida]Buddha'svow".But themain point discoveredby Honen isthatShandaodoesnotrefertothevowasitappearsin theLarger SiUra,whereAroida'snameisnot even mentioned.Shandao'soriginal-ity lies in hisownrewording of thevowas"If ...beings pronouncemy name (shOga myogo 1. Theweaknessof PAS'sargumentationispartlyduetohisfailureto refer totheoriginal Japanesesources,even to thosewritten inChinese, suchasHonen'sSenchaku-shu.In hisrareuseof Western-language sourcesPASisalsomisled:onewondershowit ispossibletomistake YAMAMOTOKoshO'sEnglish translationof Honen'sSansen-monwith Shandao'sdefinitionof practices(PAS,p.271).Still themain flawlies in PAS'ssystematicmisreadingofShandao'srealintention:thatthe Contemplations'Sutra is to be read in the light of the Larger Sutra.It is noteworthythatinthisfashionShandaoremovedtheContemplations' Sutrafromthegroupof theso-called"meditationsutras"- likethe PratyutpannaSatra- toincludeit inthegroupof the"birth-in-the-* English Summary, see article on p. 93. 1.T.37,1753, k.l, p.250bI4-17;cf T.47,1959, p.27aI6-19;id.1980,p.447c 23-25. Journal of theInternational Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 22. Number 1 .1999 JIABS22.1252 Pure-Land siltras,"together withtheLarger Sutraand the Amida Satra. PAS'smisreadingof Shantao'sintentionalsoexplainswhyhe(p.242) cannot understand Shandao's interpretation of "deepmind"(jinshin)as "faith"(shinjin).Nor doeshe see that Shandaointerpretsthe meditative partsof theContemplations'Sutraasmere"skilfullmeans"(hoben), provided by Sakyamuni only at the request of VaidehI.Onthecontrary, Honen foundaclear confirmation of hisinterpretation in thetreatment byShandaoof theconcluding partof theContemplations'Sutrawhere Amida'snameisentrustedtoAnanda2 - oneof thepartsof Shandao's Commentary used by Honen but ignored by PAS.Also neglected byPAS. aresomeoriginalviewsof Shandaoclearlyemphasized byHonen,i.e., that thevocalnembutsuisboth easyandquickandstillexcellent,thus allowing rebirth in thePure Land forallordinary beings,even theworst criminals on the verge of death.. WhilePAS'stranslationsfromShandaoaregenerallycorrect,some need amendments,suchasthe passages related toVaidehI(p.290-291) ortothelengthof practice(p.295-296).Whenquotingfromthesiltra passage concerning the lower rank of thelower beingstobeborn in the PureLand,PAS(p.264)referstothe Taish6edition of theContempla-tions'Sutra instead of itsvulgate used byShandao - thisisnot without consequences for PAS's interpretation. 2.T. 37,1753, k.4, p. 278a23-26. nABS 22.1253 Guidelines for Contributors to JIAB S Twopaper copiesof articlesfor publication should be submitted tothe editors.MaterialinEnglish,French andGerman willbeconsidered for publication,with theprovisothatasummary inEnglishshouldaccom-pany manuscripts written in French or German. For Sanskrit and Pali,use the standard system of transcription asgiven in,forexample,A.L.Basham,TheWonderthat was India,Appendix X. Transcription of Chineseshould preferablybeaccording to pinyin,and Tibetanshould bein thesystem of the American Library Association -Verein Deutscher Bibliothekare,using Ii, ii,Z,s,rather than theng,ny, zhandshof theWyliesystem.HyphenationmaybeusedforTibetan propernames,if wished,butshouldnotbeusedelsewhere.Japanese should be transcribed according thesystem tobefoundin KenkyUsha's New Japanese-English Dictionary. Inadditiontothemandatorytwopapercopies,thenABSrequests contributorsalsotosend their articleson computer disks.Please clearly labelthediskwithformat,name(s) of relevantfiles,andtheword-processing program used tocreatethefiles.In addition,please translate thearticletoASCIIcodeonthesamedisk if possible.For moreinfor-mation on computer matters,contact theeditors.