JIABS 13-1

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THE JOURNAL

Of THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION Of

BUDDHIST STUDIES

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF

Roger Jackson

Dept. ofReligion

Carleton College

Northfield, MN 55057

EDITORS

Peter N. Gregory

University of Illinois

Urbana-Champaign, Illinois, USA

Alexander W Macdonald

Universitrf de Paris XNanterre, France

Steven Collins

Concordia University

Montreal, Canada

Volume 13 1990

Ernst Steinkellner

University of Vienna

Wi en, Austria

Jikido Takasaki

University of Tokyo

Tokyo, Japan

Robert Thurman

Columbia University

New York, New York, USA

Number I

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THE JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATIONOF BUDDHIST STUDIES, INC.

This Journal is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studi ..

Inc. I t is governed by the objectives of the Association and accepts scholarly es,

tributions pertaIning to Buddhist Studies in all the various disciplines s u c ~ o n -philosophy, history, religion, sociology, anthropology, art; archaeology, p S Y C h ~ ~ ogy, textual studies, etc. The JIABS is published twice yearly in the summer and

wInter. .

Manuscripts for publication (we must have two copies) and correspondence

cerning articles should be submitted to the JIABS editorial office at the addressgiven below. Please refer to the guidelines for contributors to theJIABS printed

on the inside back cover of every issue. Books for review should also be sent to tlie

address below. The Editors cannot guarantee to publish reviews of unsolicited',

books nor to return those books to the senders.

The Association and the Editors assume no responsibility for the views expressed

by the authors in the Association's Journal and other related publications.

NOTE:

Editor's Address

Roger Jackson

JIABS

c/o Dept. of Religion

Carleton College

Northfield, MN 55057USA

EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD

Andre Bareau (France) Joseph M. Kitagawa (USA)

M.N. Deshpande (India) Jacques May (Switzerland)

R. Card (USA) Hajime Nakamura (Japan)

B. C. Cokhale (USA) John Rosenfield (USA)

John C. Huntington (USA) David Snellgrove (UK)

P.S. Jaini (USA) E. Zurcher (Netherlands)

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Both the Editor and Association would like to thank Carleton C o l l e g ~ for its financial support in the production of the Journal.

Copyright © The International Association of Buddhist Studies 1989

ISSN: 0l93-600X

Indexed in Religion Index One: Periodicals, American Theological Library

Association, Chicago, available online through BRS (Bibliographic

Retrieval Services), Latham, New York, and DIALOG Information

Services, Palo Alto, California.

Composition by Ann Flanagan Typography, Berkeley, CA 94710.

Printing by Thomson-Shore, Inc., Dexter, MI 48130.

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CONTENTS

I. ARTICLES

1. Tibetan Materials in the Asia Rare Book Collection of

the Library of Congress by John B. Buescher 1

2. The Religious Standing of Burmese Buddhist Nuns

" (thila-shin) : The Ten Precepts and Religious

Respect Words by Hiroko Kawanami 17

3. A Possible Citation of Candragomin's Lost. *Kayatrayavatara by Peter Skilling 41

4. Meditation and Cosmology: The Physical Basis of

the Concentrations and Formless Absorptions

According to dGe-lugs Tibetan Presentations

by Leah Zahler 53

II. CONFERENCE REPORT

iiI. "Buddhist Soteriology: The Marga and Other

Approaches to Liberation": A Conference Report

by Robert E. Buswell) Jr. and Robert M. Gimello 79

III. REVIEWS

Mahamudra: The Quintessence i fMind and Meditation,

by Tashi Namgyal [tr. Lobsang LhalungpaJ

(Matthew Kapstein) 101

2. Les Tamang du Nepal: Usages et religion) religion de l)usage,

by Brigitte Steinmann(David Holmberg) 114

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IV. NOTES AND NEWS

I. Notice ofStudies in Central and EastAsian Religions

(Per Kvaerne) 117

LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS 119

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Tibetan Materials in the Asia Rare Book

:collection of the Library of Congress

by John B. Buescher

The United States Library of Congress houses an immense col

lection of Tibetan books. Most of these are editions published

or acquired in India and the Himalayan states as a result of the

Public Law 480 program. Most of the other Tibetan books in

modern editions were published in China or the West. All of

these materials have been catalogued and are kept in the

Library's main collection. The China Section of the Library'sAsian Division, however, also maintains a "rare book collec

tion" which includes some other Tibetan materials, mostly

'Tibetan hand blocked books and a few artifacts acquired by the

Library prior to the establishment of the PL 480 program. A

note at the Library lists the artifacts in the following way:

"Bonpo Charms. These charms are used by priests with Tibetanmanuscript books. Obtained by Dr. J,F. Rock in Yunnan in

1923."

"Tibetan Prayer-Wheel with Manuscript Inside. Gift John

Davis Batchelder, 1936."

}\lso within the "rare book collection" is a catalog of the collection of Tibetan books in Leiden's Rijkmuseum voor Volken

kunde and a partial index ofTibetan materials in the Beinecke

Rare Book and Manuscript Library ofYale University.

As for the Tibetan books in the collection, much of the bulk

of these consists of four editions of the Tripitaka: one copy of

the Peking Edition published by the Suzuki Research Founda-

tion, and three other editions, all handblocked.. The rest of the collection consists of a variety of old hand-

blocked books. Efforts at cataloging these materials have been

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2 JIABS VOL. 13 NO.1

erratic, reflected in the ad hoc classification system presentl

in use. The collection is divided into the following sections: y

1-62T1-T106.

AA-PPaa-zz

A-Za-a

Miscellaneous unclassified texts

The first section (items 1-62) consists of books partially

described by William W. Rockhill in a handwritten booklet of

notes (kept with the collection), "Catalogue of the Tibetan

books in the Library of Congress," dated November 28, 1902.

Rockhill's notes include a small amount of bibliographic infor

mation on the books, which, however, is often incorrect. Those

sections of the collection in the groups, "T1-T106, AA-Pp,

aa-zz, A-Z, a-z," were labelled as such by Walter Maurer in

his handwritten, sparsely annotated and sometimes inaccurate

"List ofTibetan Materials with Identification Numbers," also

kept with the collection.

The handlist that follows, therefore, is the only complete

one that exists for this collection. Still, the list merely records

the information on each text's "title page," even if this is liter

ally the heading for a text's table of contents, e.g., entry 1, or, if

this is actually the first entry of a larger collection, e.g., the

mantra in entry D. I f here is no separate "title page," this hand

list records the title of the book when it is recorded at the begin

ning or end of the work. In this list entries have been left blank:

l) when the title page of the work is missing or illegible, and

the title is not repeated in full or abbreviated form in the bodyof the text or in the book's colophon at the end; 2) when there

is neither a text on the shelfnor a corresponding entry in Rock-

hill's or Maurer's lists in an otherwise strictly-ordered classifi

cation series; or 3) when the entry consists of single leaves of

various unidentified works collected in a single slipcover. In

addition, some entries here are two or more complete works

printed together and assembled under the same cover. In thesecases, only the title or the title page of the first work is repro

duced here.

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TIBETAN MATERIALS IN THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 3

The list uses the Library of Congress transliteration

cheme for Tibetan. Retained here are unusual spellings or

~ i s s p e l l i n g s in the original, e.g., btson kha pa (instead of tson

kha pa) inentry T95.

Quite plainly, the bare handlist that follows represents

only a first pass through the collection and lacks the col-

ophonal material and descriptions of the works that would

make it a real catalog. This list, however, can serve as a pre-

liminary sketch of the Library's collection and will help those

who wish to see the books.

I thank the staff of the China Section of the Library's

Asia Division, especially Mr. Robert Dunn, for their kind

assistance and for allowing me extended access into the

Library'S collection.

lao chos skyon ba'i rgyal po sron btsan sgam po'i bka' 'bum las

bla rna brgyud pa'i gsol 'debs 10 rgyus dkar chag1b. rna J!.i bka' 'bum glegs bam dan po thugs rje chen po sans

rgyas ston rtsa'i 10 rgyus chen rnalc. chos skyon ba'i rgyal po sron btsan sgam po'i bka'i 'bum las

smad kyi cha ial gdams kyi bskor

2. rna J!.i bka' 'bum

3. gnas brtan chen po bcu drug gi mchod pa rgyal bstan 'dzad

med norbu4. rmi lam gyi don legs par bsad pa'i sel dkar me Ion

5. nag yig chud du gdul bya'i sfiin mun sel byed fii rna stod gi

'od zer

6. min gi rgya mtsho'i rgyab gnon nag yig chen po skad kyi

rgya mtsho 'am skad rigs gsal byed fii rna chen po7. min gi rgya mtsho 'am tshig gi rgya mtsho

8. mfiam med tson kha pa chen pos mdzad pa'i byan chub lam

rim chen po

9. mal 'byor gyi dban phyug dam pa rje btsun mi la ras pa'i

mam thar thar pa dan thams cad mkhyen pa'i lam ston10. rje btsun mi Ia ras pa'i mam thar rgyas par phye ba mgur

'bum

II. gso ba rik pa'i bstan bcos sman bla'i dgons rgyan rgyud

bii'i gsaI byed bai dii rya snon po'i phren ba las dum bu

gsum pa man nag yon tan rgyud kyi mam bsad12. bdud rtsi sfiin poyan lag brgyad pa gsan ba man nag gi

rgyud las dum bu gfiis pa bsad pa'i rgyud

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4

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

IS.

19.

20a.

20b.21a.

21b.

21e.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

2S.

29.30.

3l.

32.

33.34.35.

36.

37.3S.

JIABS VOL. 13 NO.1

bla rna mehod pa'i eho ga bka' drin gsol 'debs phyag chengsol 'debs rnams

beom Idan 'das kun rig gi bsgrub thabs dkyil 'khor gyi ch. 'd0ga nag on

'dul ha'i mdo

'phags pa snan brgyad

'phags pa bzan po spyod pa'i smon lam gyi rgyal po

bsags pa smon lam rnams

dpal gsan ba 'dus pa'i bsgrub thabs

klu 'bum dkar po

klu gdol pa'i rigs nag po 'dzin pa lak med

gso ba rig pa'i bstan beos sman bla'i dgons rgyan rgyud biigsal byed bai du rya snon po'i rna Hi ka

bai durya snon po'i 'phren ba las dum bu bii pa rna rgyud~ ~ ~ h l ~ .

bai du rya snon po'i 'phren ba las dum bu gnis pa bsad pa'i

rgyud kyi ~ a m bsad ••.•

dge ldan khri rin po ehe ache thu no min han gyi rnam thar

mkha' spyod 'grub pa'i gtam snan lha'i rna bo ehethugs rje chen po beu geig ial dpal mo lugs kyi dban gi blarna brgud ba'i gsol 'debs

brjod thog yan ti'i za rna tog

tsan danjo bo'i 10 rgyus skor tsher phan yon mdor bsdus rin

po ehe'i phren ba

slob dpon chen po padma 'byun gnas kyis gsun ba'i gso!

'debs le'u bdun

thos grol bde legs kun ster

ja mehod bkra sis char 'bebs rna

'phags pa kha mehu nag po ii bar byed pa'i mdo

'phags pa thugs rje chen po ial beu geig pa dbal mo lugskyi

sgrub thabs smyun bar gnas pa'i eho ga dan beas pa pharrbde'i snan ba gsar dnom .

myur mdzad ye ses kyi mgon po phyag drug ba'i gtorga bskan gso eha gso lag mna' gsol

bka' drin dan rje 'dzin gsol 'debs don gnis lhun grub .••••

bstan bsrun rgyal po chen po bkwan 10 yi'i gsoI mehod 'dog>don kun snol .

sans rgyas su grub par ~ a m par bkod pa ies bya ba t h e ~ pa chen po'i mao

o yen pad mas mdzad pa'i bka' than bsdus pa

ri bo dwans bsil gyi kar chan mjug rna tshad ba ywod

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39. rna ni ril bsgrub kyi cho ga 'khyer bde

40. dpal rdo rje 'jigs byed l h ~ bcu gsum ma'i sgrub pa'i thabs

rin po che'i za rna tog

41. bdl.id rtsi sfiin po yan lag brgyad pa gsan pa man nag girgyud las bsad pa'i rgyud

42. rgyal po chen po rnam thos sras la mchod gtor 'bul ba'i rim

pa dnos grub kyi ban mdzod

43. 'dod khams dban phyug rna 'khor rgyal mo'i sgrub thabs

gtor cho ga

44. dam can chos gyi rgyal po'i gtor chog bskan gso bstod bskalmna' gsol bcas

45. dpal 'khor 10 sdom pa nag po pa'i sa chog sta gon 'dod pa'jo ba'i nag 'don 'khrig changs su bkod pa

46. dpal 'khor 10 sdom pa nag po pa'i spyin sren gi cho ga'i nag

'don khrin chags su bkod pa 'dod pa 'jo ba'i bum bzan

47. dpal 'khor 10 sdom pa nag po zabs lugs kyi sgrub thabs 'dod

pa 'jo ba'i nag 'don 'khrin chags su bkod pa

48. dpal 'khor 10 sdom pa nag po zabs lugs kyi bum bskyedmdun bskyed sgrub cin mchod pa 'dod pa 'jo ba'i nag 'don

'khrigs chags su bkod pa

49. dpal 'khor 10 sdom pa nag po zabs lugs kyi bla brgyud nag

'don 'khrin chags su bkod pa

50. dpal 'khor 10 sdom pa nag po zabs lugs kyi dban chog smonlam sis brjod bcas 'dod pa 'jo ba'i nag 'don khrigs chags su

bkod pa

51.

52. thod pa bzan nan brtags thabs dan ka pa la bzan po mchodnas dnos grub len tshul 'dod dgu'i 'byun gnas

53. rje btsun rna rna ku ru ku lle'i sgrub thabs u tpa la gsar ba'imali kka

54. dbal rdo rje 'jigs byed kyis zi ba dan rgyas pa'i spyin bsrags

kyi cho ga lag len 'don gyi rim pa mdor sdus pa mams55.

56. tshe lha mam gsum gyi sgrub thabs mdor bsdus 'chi bdag

sde 'joms57. 'dzed hor phyogs kyi gzi bdag mams kyi bsan mchod

58. Iho slob tshe ... 'dod

59. rtsa rgyud60. sgroI rna dkar mo'i bstod pa

61. snags gzuns

62. dpalldan sman brgyud grwa tshan gi dbyans yig rin chenphren ba mkha' pa'i lin

T1. byan chub sems dpa'i sbyod pa la 'jug paT2.

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6

T3.

T4.

TS.

T6.

T7.

T8.

T9.TlO.

TIL

T12.

TI3.

T14.TIS.

T16.

TI7.

T18.

TI9.

T20.

T2l.

T22.

T23.

T24.

JIABS VOL. 13 NO. 1

'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa rdo rje gcod pa z .bya ba chen po'i mdo . es

bcom Idan 'das nan son thams -cad yons su sbyod pa g .

brjid kyi rgyal bo'i bdag bskyad sin tu rgyas pa 21

dbu rna la 'jug pa'i rtsa 'grel rig pa'i gru gzinsdpal khrag 'thun gi rgyal bo 'khor 10 snom par brjod pa rnal

'byor rna bla na med pa rgyu thams cad kyi bla rna bde

mchog bsdus pases rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa'i man nag gi bstan beos

mnon par rtogs pa'i rgyan

ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa sden grag brgya bamfiam med tson kha pa chen pos mdzad pa'l byan chub lamrim chen mo

'dus pa chen po rin po che tog gi gzuns ses bya ba theg pachen po'i mdo .

ri bo dwans bsil gyi 'jam dbal mtshan Idan glin gi rntshar

sdug sku brfian gyi 10 rgyu bskor tshad dan bcas pa danIdan skye bo'i sbro bskyea me tog 'phren mdzes

'phags pa tshigs su bead pa

'phags pa bskal pa bzan po'phags pa bskal pa bzan po

dga' Idan bkra sis chos 'phel glin gi chos spyod rab gsal

'jam mgon rgyal ba gfiis pa la bstan pa'i sfiin po gsal barmdzad pa'i tshullas brtsams te bstod pa don dan Idan pa'i

rgya cher 'grel ba bstan pa'i di fiid snan ba

bdergsegs

bdungyi

mchod pa'i chogsgrigs

yid Mindbanrgyal

dbus 'gyur chos sde che chun rnams su gsun ba btshos su·

'od kyi rim bkal 'bab rna yin rgyan

bslab pa yons su sbyad pa'i gzi gsum gyi cho ga la sogs pa

so sor thar ba'i blan dor gyi gnas rnams mdor bsdus pa

dpal gsan ba 'dus pa'i bla rgyud gsol 'debs byin rlabs chan

'bebs .

dran ba nes pa'i don rnam par phye ba'i bstan beos legsbsad sfiin po

bstan beos chen po dbu rna Ia 'jug pa'i mtha' dpyod lun rigs

sgron me zes bya ba kun mkhyen bla rna 'jam dbyans bzad

pa'i rdo rje'i gsun rgyun

byin brlabs dnos grub bkra sis char 'bebs ba'i bstan 'gros

phan bde'i dga' tshal rgyas ba'i phyir no mtshar 'dzam glinssted dkon pa'i mchog gzun mdo brgya dan drug bcu rtsa ..

bdun bsugs sho

T2S. byan chub sems dba'i spyod pa la 'jug pa

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T26.

T27.

T28.

T29.

T30.

T31.

T32.T33.

T34.. T35.

T36.

T37.

T38.

T39.

T40.

T41.

T42.

T43.

T.44

T45.

T46.

ri bo dge rgyas dga' ldan bsad sgrub glin gi chos spyod rab

gsal dges bsdusbder gsegs bdun gyi mchod ba'i chog sgrigs yid Min dban

rgyalbka' drin dan rjes 'dzin gsol 'debs don gfiis lhun grub

ston chen mo rab tu 'noms pa ies bya ba'i mdo

'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa yon tanrin po chesdud pa

dag yig mkhas pa'i 'byun gnas ies bya ba las phar phyin gyi

skordballdan sa gsum 'grol ba'i mig gcig burgyud thams cad kyl rgyal po dpal gsan ba 'dus pa'i bskyed

rim gyi rnam Mag rdo rje 'chan dban bla ma'i sun rgyun

'dir rgyud thams cad kyi rgyal bo dbal gsan ba 'dus pa'irdzegs rim rim Ina gsal pa'i sgron me mkhas pa'i yid 'phrog

rdo rje 'chan dban nam mkha' grags pa'i gsun rgyun

rnam 'dren bskal bzan sans rgyas ston gi mchod chog phan

bde'i dnos grub stsol ba'i 'dod 'jo'i bum bzan

rdo rje sems dba'i bsgom bzlas bya chu la sdig sgrib fies ltun

gtshig du bsel bar byed pa'i zla ba'i 'od zerrje tsun 'jam dbyans Mad pa'i phar phyin gyi mchan 'grel

Mad pa'i dgons rgyan las skabs dan po'i mchan

dge sIon gi khrims fiis brgya Ina bcu rtsa gsum gyi blan dor

phyin cim log par fiams su len tshul gyi bslab bya gnam rtse

lded mar grags pases rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa'i man nag gi bstan bcos

mnon par rtogs pa'i rgyan gyi 'grel pa yum don gsal ba

rgyas pa'i bstan bcos tshad rna rnam 'grel gyi don 'grel

rgyaI tshab nes pa rab gsal ies bya ba le'u dan po'i dka' ba'i

gnad la dogs pa gcod pa 'di ni rje btsun chos kyi rgyal

mtshan dpal bzan po'i gsun rgyun lags

bcom ldan 'das dpal 'khor 10 bde mchog 10 i ba'i lugs kyi

dkyil 'khor gyi cho ga bde chen rol mtsho ies bya ba mkhas

grub dge legs dpal bzan pos mdzad pa

dpal gsan ba 'dus pa'i dkyil 'khor gyi cho ga bga' don gyi

rim par bsgrigs pa

byan chub sems dpa'i tshul khrims kyi rnam bsad byan

chub giun lam

gso ba rig pa'i bstan bcos sman bla'i dgons rgyan rgyud

bii'i gsal byed bai dii ra snon po'i rna lli kari po dag gyas dgan ldan Mad thab blin gi chos thon dbans

bnad pa bsdus

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8

T47.

T48.

T49.T50.

T51.

T52.

T.53

T.54.

T55.

T56.T57.

T58.

T59.

T60.

T61.

T62.

T63.T64.

T65.

T65 2 •

T66.

T67.

T68.

T69.T70.

]IABS VOL. 13 NO.1

'phags pa gser 'od dam pa mdo sde'i dban po'i. rgyal po 'b h ,. d Zesya ba theg pa c en po 1mo·je btsun bla rna nag dban chos kyi grags pa'i gsun 'burn 1. .

h h. b . as

fier mkho sna ts ogs p yogs gClg tu sgngs pagsol 'debs thugs rje myur 'jug

dpal rdo rje'i 'jigs byed kyi sgrub thabs zam tog nag 'do

bya tshul go bde bar bsgrigs pa 'jam dbal dgons rgyan n

dpal rdo rje 'jigs byed chen po lha bcu gsum pa'i dkyil 'khosgrub mchod bdag 'dug dan bcas pa ryid dan kun gzi'idka' gnas mam par bsad pa mkhas pa'i'jug nogs .

'dul ba sde bzi'i don gsal bar byed pa'i legs bsad nor bu'i

'phren mdzed skal bzan mgrin rgyan las zu ba spyir bstanpa

rtags rigs kyi mam Mag fiun gsal legs bsad gser gyi phrenmdzes

mfiam med tson kha pa chen pos mdzad pa'i byan chub lam

rim chen mo

'jam dbyans dkar po'i sgrub thabs ses rab gsal byeddga' ldan bkra sis chos 'phel glin gi chos spyod rab gsalbde ba can smon lam

bde ba can du skye ba'i smon lam zin mchog sgo 'byed kyi

'don bsgrigs mam dag zin du bgrod pa'i bde lam

rje btsun mi pham mgon bgrol ston mchod sogs phul te

bsag sbyan bya tshul gyi chog sgrigs byams mgon dgyes pa'imchod sprinbla rna dan 'jam dbyans zun 'breI gyi bla ma'i mal 'byor

byin rlabs myur 'jug

don bdun bcu'i rnam bzag

dpal gsan ba 'dus pa'i rtsa rgyud

bcom ldan 'das kun rig gi bsgrubs thabs dkyil 'khor gyi cho

ganag'don

'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa sdus pa chags subead pa

dge slon gi phyir bcos byed tshulbyan chub lam gyi rim pa'i dmar khrid thams cad mkhen

par bgrod pa'i bde lam

rgyud thams cad kyi rgyal po dpaI gsan ba 'dus pa'i rgyud

rgyud phyi rna dan bcas pa

mi rgon rnam par 'dzoms pabyan chub lam gyi rim pa

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. TIBETAN MATERIALS IN THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 9

171.

172.

T73.

T74.

T75.

T76.

T77.

T78.

T79.

T80.

T8l.

T82.

T83.

T84.

T85.

T86.

T87.

T88.

T89.

T90.

T91.

T92.

T93.

rgyal ba khyab bdag rdo rje 'chad chen po'i lam gyi rim pa

gsan ba kun gyi gnad rnam par phye ba

byan chub lam gyi rim pa'i 'khrid yig 'jam ba'i dbyans kyi

zallunbyan chub lam gyi rim pa la blo sbyon bal thog mar blo

sbyon bchos kyi sgo 'byed

byan chub lam gyi rim pa'i dmar khrid thams cad mkhyen

par bgrod pa'i bde lam

skyes bu gsum gyi fiams su blan ba'i byan chub lam gyi rim

pa

lam rim gyi khrid kyi zin bris

gzuns mdo brgya dan drug cu rtsa bdun gyi bo ti gfiis byaspa'i gfiis pa'o

'phags pa 'dus pa chen po rin po che tog gi gzuns ses bya ba

theg pa chen po'i mdo

'phags pa 'jam dpal gyi don dam pa'i mtshan yan dag par

brjod pa

ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa ston phrag fii su Ina ba las

dum bu dan po'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa brgyad ston pa

'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa brgyad ston pa

rnal 'byor gyi dban phyug dam pa rje btsun mi la ras pa'i

mam thar thar pa dan thams cad mkhyen pa'i lam ston

mi dge ba bcu'i nes 'dzin 'phros dan bcas pa

ljun bsags

bsam gzugs chen mo las mdor bsdus te bkod pa bsam gzugskyi rnam Mag legs bsad bam bzan zes bya ba Mugs pa dge

legs 'phel

'phags pa 'jam dpal gyi mtshan yan dag par brjod pa

ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa'i man nag gi bstan bcosmnon par rtogs pa'i brgyan gyi 'grel ba don gsal ba'i rnam

bsad sfiin po'i brgyan

ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa'i man nag gi bstan bcosmnon par rtogs pa'i rgyan ces bya ba'i 'grel pa

rten 'brel gyi rnam bsad rin po che'i phren ba zes bya ba

mkhas mchog chos 'byun gnas kyi gsun rgyun

byan chub sems dpa'i bslab bya mdor bsdus pa gzan phan

bdud rtsi'i 'od phren

bder gsegs bdun gyi mchod pa'i chog sgrigs yid Min dban

rgyal

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1



T94. beom Idan 'das dpal rdo rje 'jigs byed ehen po dpa' bo gci

pa bdud thams ead las rnam par rgyal ba'i dkyil 'khor '

eho ga'i nag 'don gyi rim pa bdud dbun phye mar 'thag p ~ ~ . al

'khrul 'khorT95. rgyal ba kun gyi mkhyen brtse nus gsum gyi bdag fiid r·

btsun btson kha pa ehen po la dmigs brtse ma'i gsol ' d e ~ e dan 'brel ba'i bla ma'i rnal 'byor dga' ldan Iha brgya m a ' ~ 'khrid yig dnnos grub kun 'byun 1

T96. mdo sems thun mon ba'i bsdus gra'i rnam biag legs pa gcig

T97. bstan beos dbu ma la 'jug pa'i rnam bsad dgons pa rab gsal

gyi dka' gnas gsal bar byed pa'i spyi don legs bsad skal bzanmgul rgyan

T98. geug tor rnam par rgyal ma'i sgrub thabs ston mehod rjesnan gi eho ga dan beas pa bdud rtsi'i ehu rgyun .

T99. bsam gzugs kyi rnam biag sems kyi bdud rtsi

T100. ye ses kyi mkha' 'gro ma sen ge gdod pa ean gyi mdon rtogs

TlO1. slob dpon ehen po padma 'byun gnas byas gsuns pa'i gsol

'debs le'u bdun pa .

T102. ston ehen mo rab tu 'jams pa ies bya ba'i mdoT103. rtsis kyi man nag fiin mar byed pa'i snan ba

T104. thig Ie beu drug gi eho ga la pha ehos nas kha 'gens dgos

pa'i nor bu'i phren ba ran rgyud bskul 'debs ma bu bsilO

smon sis brjod

T105. bstan beos mnor rtogs rgyan gyi skabs bii pa'i spyi don legs

bsad rnam 'pyod lun gi ban mdzad bio gsal yid 'phrog

T106.

AA. beom Idan 'das kun rig gi ehog rgyud don gsal ba'i sfiin po

bsdus pa yid biin gyi nor bu

BB. gso ba rig ba'i bstan beos sman bla'i dgons rgyan rgyud

bii'i gsal byed bai du ra snon po'i mallika

CC. beam Idan 'das rdo rje 'jigs byed Ita beu gsum ma'i bsgrub

thabs nag grigs ma biug sho . .

DD. sa gsum mnon dge rdo rje sgra dbyans glin gi ial 'don dbal

rdo rje 'jigs byed ehen po'i eho ga'i rim pa bia brgyud gsol'debs bdag bskyed bum pa dban dan beas pa

EE. reis giun yan gsal sgron me

FF.

GG. 'phags pa gser 'od dam pa mdo sde'i dban po rgyal bo zes<

bya ba theg pa ehen po'i mdo

HH. bdud rtsi sfiin po yan lag brgyad ba gsan ba man nag gi

rgyud ees bya baII. 'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa sdus pa tshigs su

bead pa

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1



JJ. tshe dpag med kyi dkyil 'khor bZugsho

KK. bstan bcos chen po bai dur dkar por blo rmons 'jug pa bde

ba'i phyir dkar chags thor bur bkod pa

LL. phug lugs rcis kyi legs bsed mkhas pa'i mgul rgyan bai durdkar po'i do sal dpyod ldan siiin nor

MM. grub pa'i mtha' rnam par bZag pa'i thub bstan Ihun po'i

, mdzes brgyan zes bya ba bzugs so

NN. sman min bod dan rgya'i skad san spyar ba

00. gon ma chen po'i zabs brtan gsol 'debs

PP. rnal 'byor gyi dban phyug dam pa rje btsun mi la ras pa'i

rnam thar ba dan thams cad mkhyen pa'i lam ston

aa. ces sprul sku bsod nams ye ses dban pos mdzad pa'i bsan

rnam dag ma la gser skyems kyi 'don cha sogs 'ga' zig dpon

slob lean skya rin po che'i gsun ltar gian

bb. bcom ldan 'das kun rig rnam par snan mdzad kyi sgo nas

gsi po rj es 'dzin lho

cc. bcom ldan nan son thams cad yons su sbyon ba gzi brjid

rgyal po'i mdun bskyed kyi nag 'don

dd. gso ba rig ba'i bstan bcas sman bla'i dgons brgyan rgyudbzi'i gsal byed bi dur snon po'i 'phren ba las dum bu bzi ba

phyi ma rgyud gyi rnam bsad

ee. dbus 'gyur chos sde che chun rnams su gsun ba'i chos sbyod

kyi rim pa skal bzan mgrin rgyan

if. gso rig bstan bcas mthar nag gi siiin po rnams phyogs gcig

tu bsdus pa man nag rin chen 'byun gnas

gg. khams gsum chos gyi rgyal po tson kha pa chen pos mdzad

pa'i byan chub lam gyi rim pa chen mo

hh. ye ses kyi mgon po phyag drug pa'i mdon rdogs bskad

bsdod rnams

11. ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa ston phrag brgya ba dum bu

bju gjig pa bam po iiis brgya bcwa Ina ba

lJ. 'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol phyin pa brgyad ston pa

kk. rab tu gnas pa'i cho ga lag len du dri ba dge legs rgya

mtsho'i char 'bebs11. beam ldan 'das kun rig rnam par snan mdzad kyi gtar rag

smon lam sis brjod

mm. 'phags pa 'jam dpal gyi mtshan yan dag par brjod pa

nn.

00. rnam rgyal ma yi sgrub thabs nam mkha'i nor bu

pp. gso ba rig pa'i bstan bcos sman bla'i dgons rgyan rgyud

bZi'i gsal byed bai du rya snon po'i phren ba las dum bugsum pa man nag yon tan rgyudkyi rnam bsad

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1


12

qq.

rr.

ss.

tt.

uu.

VV.

ww.xx.

yy.

zz.

A.

B.

C.D.

JIABS VOL. 13 NO.1

gu ru padma 'bymi. gnas kyi skyes rabs rnam par tharpa'b bya a

bde bar gsegs pa'i bstan pa'i gs?-l byed ehos kyi 'byuit gn. b' h ,. d as

gsun ra nn poeel

meobdud rtsi sfiin po yan lag brgyad ba gsan ba man itag .

rgyud las dum bu dan po rtsa ba'i rgyud gl

sman bla'i mdo eho ga mehod phren dan beas pa ,

bder gsegs bdun gyi mehod pa'i ehog sgrigs yid Min dban

.ehos kyi rgyal po nor bu bzan po'i mam thar phyogs bSgrigs

byas pa thos ehun yid kyi dpa' ston zes bya ba

ehos rjes sbya paI).c;li ta'i bka' 'bum las legs bsad rin chen gter'rje btsun mi la ras pa'i rnam thar rgyas bar phye ba rngur'bum "

rdzogs pa chen po klon chen sfiin thig gi snon 'gro'i khrid

yig kun bzan bla ma'i zallun

beom ldan 'das rdo rje 'jigs byed lha beu gsum ma'i bsgrub

thabs dag grigs rna

min gi rgya mtsho'i rgyab gnon dag yig chen po skad kyi rgyamtsho 'am skad rigs gsal byed i rna chenpo'

'phags pa ses rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa brgyad ston pa

klog thabs dnos grub kun 'byun .

dkar ehag dgos 'dod kun 'byun

orp. a}; hurp. orp. dzam bha la dza Ian dra ye swa ha

orp. intra ni mu kharp. bhra rna hri swa ha

orp. padma kro ta arya dzarp. bha la hri da ye hurp. phat

orp. dzam bha la dza lentra dha na me dhi hrih swa ha

orp. ba sundha ri swa ha

orp. ye dha rarp. swa he tu pra bha wa he tun te !?an ta tha gato hya ba te !?a fitsa yo ni ro dha i barp. bha te rna ha sra

mana}; ye swa ha

E. beom ldan 'das kun rig rnam par snan mdzad kyi bum chog

F. hum 'jigs byed bans brgyud '

G. beom ldan 'das thams cad rig pa'i bum ehog lhalna rnaH. bdud rtsi sin po yan lag brgyad ba gsan ba man nag yon tan

rgyud kyi lhan thabs zug rdu'i tshag du sel ba' gtur nus man 'che

ags geod ba'i nal gre

1. rna ni bka' 'bum

J. 'phags pa dum bu ze gis pa zes bya ba'i mdo

K. theg pa chen po'i mdo snin rje chen po pad mad kar po mam',

pagsum

L.

M. dpal mgon learn dral dan dur bdag la gser skyes 'bul tshul

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1


:5..T.~ u . (V

.. w.X."y..z.

.e.f.

g.

h.

...Jk.1.


gan sus tum po Mugs su

smon lam de ltar phul byun bzan po'i mead pa yis

mam rgyal rna biugshosans rgyas chos dan 'grob bar sog ran id skad cig gis 'phags

pa sbyan ras gzigs dban phyug tu gyur pa'i thugs ka'i hrh yig

gi 'od zer gyis bsgoms pa dan 'dra pa'i ye ses pa dban lha

dan bcas pa sbyan drans

ldan Mugs

rje btsun sgroI rnaMug

so'phags pa bsan 'dus smon lam

brjed thog yan ti'i za rna tog gi dkar chags

lhagnan

bcom ldan 'das rgyal po'i bdag bskyed sin tu rgyus bab iugs so

'phags pa thar pa chen po phyogs su rgyas pa 'gyod tshans kyis

sdig sbyan te sans rgyas su 'grub par mam par bkod pa ies bya

ba theg pa chen po'i mclo

rje btsun mi la ras pa'i mam thar rgyas par phye pa mgur'bum

rje byun blo bzan dpalldan bstan pa'i i rna byogs las mam

rgyal dpal bzan po la dad ldan mams kyi sna phyir ba'i rje

ran id kyi brdan Mugs gsol 'debs dan smon cig rjes 'jin gyirim pa mams chabs gcig dir bsdebs pa biugs so

blo bzan ye ses

rje thams cad mkhyen pa tson kha pa chen po blo bzan grags pa'idpal gyi bka' 'bum ca ba'i dkar chag Mugs so

rje btsun mi la ras pa'i mam thar rgyas par phye pa mgur 'bum

dpal dus kyi 'khor lo'i rcis kyi man nag mkhas pa mams dga' bar

byedpa

mkhas grub thams cad mkhyen pa dge legs dpal bzan po'i gsun

'bum ja pa'i dkar chag

mal 'byor gyi dban phyug dam pa rje btsun rni 1a ras pa'i mam

thar thar pa dan thams cad mkhyen pa'i lam ston pa

ye ses kyi mkha' 'gro rna sen ge'i gdod pa can gyi sgrub thabs

gans ljons yi gi'i phyi mo b10 gsa1 dga' bskyed dan snags klogs un

du bcas pa

khams gsum chos kyi rgyal po tson kha pa chen po'i nan thugs

kyi sras gcig zla med pa mkhas grub smra ba'i i rna dge legs

dpal bzan po 1a phyi nan gsan gsum gyi mam par thar pa'i sgonas gsol ba 'debs pa dad pa'i ro1 mtsho spel ba'i zla 'od

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1


14

m.

n.

o.

p.

q.

r.s.

JIABS VOL. 13 NO.1

bcom ldan 'das non son thams cad yons su sbyod pa gzi brjid kyfrgyal bo'i mdun bsgyed kyi nag 'don ;

bla rna mchod pa'i choga bka' drio gsol 'debs phyag chen gs t

'debs mams.0<i

dam can chos kyi rgyal po'i mdun rtogs bskad bstod zon las g s ~ ~ sgyems trag bskal rtlams ..••~ . ~ gso ba pa'i bstan b c ~ ~ sman bla'i dgons rgyan rgyud bZi'i gsa:C,

byed bm.turya sn?n·po 1 phren ba las dum bu dan po bsad pilrgyud kyi mam bsad . ; ; ~ 'phags pa ses rab kyi pha ral tu phyin pa rdo rje gcod pa ies b y l l . ~ ba theg pa chen po'i mdo .

t. rdo rje Jigs byed chen po'i bum chog dban

u. bder gsegs bdl,m kyi mchod pa'i cho ga bsgrigs yid biinrgyal

v. mkhas grub thams cad mkhyen pa dge legs dpal bzan po'i'bum

w. rje bla rna srid ii'i gtsug rgyan ban chen thams cad mkhyen

blo bzan dpalldan ye ses dpal bzan bo'i ial sna nas kyithar pa i ma'i 'od zer ies bya ba'i smad cha biugs so

x. khams gsum chos kyi rgyal po tson kha pa chen po

pa'i byan chub lam gyi rim pa chen mo

y. dpal gsan ba 'dus pa'i bsgrub thabs rdo rje gcod pa lam brtsi

mdo snig bsags gser chos

z. tshe dan ye ses dpag tu med pa'i mdo ies bya ba dan tshe

med kyi sin po dan tshe dpag med kyi sin po tshe'i dban

ba ies bya ba dan tshe dpag med thams cad kyi sin po

Miscellaneous Unclassified Texts

bder gsegs bdun gyi mchod pa'i chog bsgrigs yid Min dban rgyal

byan chub ltun bsags

'phags pa tshe dan ye ses dpag tu med pa ies bya ba theg pa

po'imdo

bcom ldan 'das rna ses rab kyi pha ral tu phyin pa'i sfiin po

bla rna 10 tswa ba chen po'i mam par thar pa dri rna med pa sel

'phrenba

brjod thog yan ti'i za rna tog gi dkar chags

sman min bod ,dan rgya'i skad san sbyar ba

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1



trial 'byor gyi dban phyug dam pa rje btsun mi la ras pa'i rnam thar

dbUS 'gyur chos sde che chun rnams su gsun ba

'f(ldzans blun zes bya ba'i mdo

rje btsun tson kha pa chen po'i gsol 'debs mchog sbyin nor bu

·..J·e thams cad mkhyen pa tson kha pa chen po blo bzan grags pa'iJ "bdpal gyi bka urn

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1


ltfhe Religious Standing of

c ~ u r r n e s e Buddhist Nuns (thila-shin):

!fhe Ten Precepts and Religious Respect Words

i/;y.Hiroko Kawanami

:.[his paper l seeks to illuminate the socio-religious place

'gccupied by contemporary Buddhist nuns 2 (known as thilri-

iJhin) in Burmese society and within the Buddhist community .

~ t l a r g e . ' ~ < A c c o r d i n g to the textual Buddhist tradition, frequently

'Eited by monks and laity alike, contemporary Buddhist nuns~ ~ r e not bhikkhunf, and therefore not invested with any formal

freligious significance; they are considered merely as pious lay

ftvoinen. However, these "religious women" who have their

:heads shaven and live by receiving alms, playa much more

; ~ r n p o r t a n t role in the Buddhist community than might be

: ~ * p e c t e d from "official" explanations. Their true status is

i ~ l l 1 b i g u o u s ; however, it is this very "ambiguity" that allows

ithem to play an indispensable role in the maintenance of pres

; ~ p . t - d a y Burmese Buddhism.

(. The major focus of this paper is on two areas: the taking of

.the ten precepts and the usage of religious honorifics in Burma

:toaddress monks, novices and nuns. An investigation of these,

I . believe, will help to illuminate the religious standing of thila

'Wnin Burma.

'f.The Status rif «Religious Women)) in Buddhism{/\','

Y,

./. The "official version" of Buddhist texts in the Theravada

tfadition may serve as the starting point for understanding the

.:eligiousstatus of contemporary Buddhist

nuns.While doing

f?y fieldwork, I found that stories of bhikkhunfs and "religious

17

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1



women" in the Buddhist texts were frequently referred to b

monks and laity in an attempt to explain the present positi Y

of thila-shin in Burma. The formation -of the Bhikkhunz S a n g h O ~ and the textual account of bhikkhunzs who once existed Wea.impo:-tant c o m p o ~ e n t s the. s t o ~ - y . Tradition also tells us t h ~ ~ the lmeage of bhzkkhunz ordmatlOn has become extinct and

there exists no bhikkhunzwho can confer ordination on Contel11,

porary Buddhist nuns. Therefore, present-day thila-shin are not

bhikkhunfs. The pseudo-ordination ceremony that initiates

laywomen into the Order is considered a ritual that provides

them with ar e ~ i g i o u s s t a t ~ ~

no moret ~ a n

that of pious laywomen who. abIde by a:IdItlOnal sabbatIcal vows. Ironically,

the assumptIOn that theIr predecessors once held a legitimate

religious status seems to stress all the more the "illegitimate"

religious status of present-day Buddhist nuns. These e x p l a n a ~ tions are repeatedly referred to by monks and scholars to

remind the general public of where a contemporary Buddhist.

nun "should stand," in order to perpetuate the ideology thai

"she is not a bhikkhunz and that she can never become one."

According to traditional Buddhist classification, the

Buddhist assembly comprised four kinds of people: bhikkhu

(almsmen), bhikkhunz (almswomen), upiisaka (devout laymen)

and upiisikii (devout laywomen). Both male upiisaka and ferriale

upiisikii were pious layfolk who followed the Buddhist morality

of five precepts (eight on sabbatical days). These people w e r : ~ < above all householders and material benefactors of theSangha, called dayaka (donor) or dayikii (female donor), arid

responsible for the upkeep of both the bhikkhu and bhikkhunf,

communities. The number of precepts taken is usually a majori

index of the religious status of an individual, and from this view<

point, a thila-shin is categorized as an upiisikii (laywoman)

who takes eight precepts. However, strictly speaking, a thila-shirl

does not fi t into the category ofupiisikii, because she is not a p r o ~ ductive householder but an almswoman who is dependentope

the laity. . ./

Historically and socio-culturally, it seems that womyB,

have always been discouraged from spiritual renunciation.Iil c

the Hindu tradition, from which Buddhism arose, married

status was the only acceptable way for women to pursue t h e i ~ . religious goal.4 The institutionalized body of male renouncers:

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1


BURMESE BUDDHIST NUNS 19

~ ? : w a S and still is dependent on lay householders for material sup

;;i'ort as well as for recruitment of celibate monks. Women were

j : j ~ j { ' p e c t e d to look a ~ t e r the family a n ~ chil.dren, and be responsible

\j'for the perpetuatIOn of the Bud.dhlst faIth t h ~ future genera

:\j'iion. As N. Falk observes,s stones c o n c e ~ m n g pIOUS laywomen

i ~ ; w e r e far more numerous and elaborated m the texts than those

: ; ~ t e l a t i n g to Buddhist nuns. This implies that the role of female

: s { ~ a y householders was far more .acknowledge.d and ~ r : c o u r a g e d ~ ' f : ) f h a n that of female renouncers m the BuddhIst tradItIOn.

\> . Present-day Buddhist nuns in Burmc;t are called thila-shin.

':h'he Burmese term thila derives from the Pali word sfla,6 which~ ~ d e s i g n a t e s that virtuous behaviour, ethical conduct and moral

}practice which Buddhist texts list as the initial point of depar

(;ture towards higher spirituality. The precepts Buddhists

; ~ : ( ) b ~ e r v e are also called thila. The Burmese word shin means the

i"holder" or "one who possesses." Therefore, thila-shin means a

' ~ ; p e r s o n who o b s e r v e ~ the Buddhist :ode of morality, one who is

~ 1 ' Y i r t u o u s and moral m every way thIS word would apply.IfY; The legal position of a thila-shin in Burmese Buddhist law

~ ; ! r i a k e s it clear that she is still a member of the secular world:

; , s ~ e i s not deprived of social rights to inherit estate and prop

f ~ r t y / whereas monks and novices are governed by monastic

; ~ r u l e s that oblige them to renounce all secular rights. Neverthe-

01ess, in most cases a woman, should she become a thila-shin, vol

,1tiiltarily hands over her property to her family or donates her

,;Wealth to the nunnery, considering it incompatible with the

;Ip\lrsuit of a religious life; alternatively, she may use her inheri

~ t £ a i l c e to build her own accommodation inside the nunnery

: ~ ; p r e m i s e s ; after her death, it becomes communal property of

,!'the institution.

f:,With regard to civil status, a thila-shin is put in the same

: < ~ a t e g o r y as a monk. The Constitution of Burma (No. 180,q974) stipulates that "any religious persons" or "any member

~ q f the religious Orders," whether Buddhist, Christian, Mus

film, etc., whether male or female, may not vote in elections.

li'Jieligious persons" are denied certain civil rights so that they1M not engage in political activities. This reflects fear on the

jPq.rt of political authorities in Burma that "religious persons"

ff!Jiay exert their power in secular forms. The assumption is that

c:!::religious" persons should be confined to the religious realm,

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1



and in this respect, both monks and nuns are considered tobelong to the lokuttara.

In order to understand the present standing of the thila-sh'

in Burma, we have to understand the distinction b e t w e : ~ lokiya, worldly and mundane, and lokuttara, transcendental and

spiritual (law-ki and law-kouk-tara in Burmese pronunciation) 8

In Burma, this distinction is frequently referred to and u n d e ~ _ stood as that between the secular and the religious. Members

of the Buddhist community who have committed themselves tothe "higher ideal" are referred to as those who belong to t h ~ lokuttara, contrasted to those who belong to the lokiya. The lokui2tara person is unproductive, and thus completely dependent art'the productive members of the lokiya for material support. The

Buddhist community provides a field of religious merit for s e c ~ ' ular people. Accordingly, "giving" is encouraged as the most

meritorious and ethically valued activity for those in the l o k ~ a ' while "receiving" is the norm of life for those in the lokuttara:

The difference in ways of life is well recognized and the hound;ary between the two worlds is firmly maintained. They are

dependent on one another, and this complementarity provides

the basis for Burmese Buddhism.

Thila-shin stand in between the lokiya and the lokuttatd.

Their position may be perceived as both lokiya and lokuttara,8r

part of either, depending on the situation and context, ari(1

according to the standing of the speaker in relationshiptoa

thila-shin. Almost all my Burmese lay informants asserted that

thila-shin did not belong to the lokiya. Having said that, sonie,

consider thila-shin as indispensable members of the lokuttara;

vital to the maintenance of the Buddhist community, while

some disregard them as mere burden on the productive p o p u l ~ ~ , tion. Monks, who officially adhere to the doctrine that c o n t e ~ - . porary nuns are "laywoman," tend to discount their i m p o r t a n c ~ in everyday life. The thila-shin themselves strongly identify with

the Buddhist community as far as their lifestyle and affiliati()ri,

are concerned, yet their religious activities tend to centre

around merit-making, entailing the act of "giving" that is t ~ ~ focus of members of the lokiya.J'/[i

A thila-shin seeks to clarify her standing by distinguishing

her status from that of the permanent or s e m i - p e r m a n e n t J a w ~ g i (yogin in Pali) woman. Most Burmese laity, young and61d1

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1



~ ; : a l e and female, married and single, spend a certain time in

i,meditation centres as yaw-gi. They are usually clad in brown,

~ : ~ I 1 o w i n g eight precepts ~ n d meditate r ~ l i g i o u s premises.

ii},1ost permC).nent or semI-permanent yaw-gz are old women·Yelieved of their domestic chores and responsibilities. When

1 ' ~ . 5 k e d why they had not become thila-shin, many of them said

;,Jthat they were too old to pursue a professional life. Further

~ . ~ o r e , in contrast to a thila-shin, whose commitment to a reli-

J)giouscause is demonstrated by her shorn head, the retained

:;Jiair oftheyaw-gi was frequently derided as evidence of the lack

f10fspiritual worth that made it difficult for them to detach7:themselves from the lokiya world. .

V:;;'/.Even though yilw-gi observe the same number of precepts

D i ~ h d lead a stoic lifestyle in religious premises, they are

i c K ~ g a r d e d as basically outside the lokuttara. Still, thila-shin envy

: ~ a 1 f - g i b e : ~ u s e they h ~ v e ~ o r e t i m ~ for m e d i t a ~ i o n . and per

is{)nal relIgIOus pursUIts SInce, unlIke nuns, yaw-gz are not

l l ~ x p e c t e d to provide menial services for the monks or thelp.uddhist community. Also,yilw-gi cannot, nor do they wish to,

Hive on "receiving" alms like the thila-shin. Therefore, in order

~ f 6 1 e a d a religious life as yaw-gi, they have to be materially self-

j ~ U f f i c i e n t and fairly well off, which suggests that they have not

l ~ ~ i v e n up their role as "donors" who are responsible for "giv-

~ ; i p g " to the Buddhist community.

l}E! At one level, the thila-shin claim that they have renounced

lithe lay world to take up a life of stoic discipline and hardship.

1;Ihey say they have symbolically become "daughters of the

j . ~ u d d h a " (Hpayil-thami) and entered the Order of sisterhood

ifot the pursuit of spiritual advancement. The keeping of

: l ~ ! l d d h i s t morality obliges them to abstain from sex, alcohol,

; ~ a : t i n g after midday and from such worldly pleasures as singing

f ~ n d dancing and cosmetics and garlands, which may hinder

iWeir effort to purify the body and soul. Thila-shin say that their

;lifeis cool (ei-thi) and clean (thdn-sin-thi) compared to the hot

i ~ u - t h i ) and filthy (nyik-pak-thi) life of the secular world: This

~ i y e s them a reason to feel spiritually superior to the laity, both

men and women.

; ~ \ ; .. As mentioned before, the daily life of thila-shin is centered

l ~ r o u n d merit-making activities that involve menial services to!the religious community of the monks. Perseverance and

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hardship are e n d u r ~ d . "giving,:' and s a c r i ~ c ~ s ~ r e believedto lead to the acqulSltlOn .of ment. M ~ n y thzla-shm said that

they were enabled to acqUIre more ment than those living i

the secular world, since they could devote themselveu

wholeheartedly to a lifestyle with a religious cause, anotheS

reason for their spiritual superiority to the general laity. rHowever, there is a contradiction between the spiritual

w o ~ t h i n e s s fel.t by thild-shin theI?selves and the mundane degra j

dation to whIch they are subject. In order to cope with the

embedded tension, they distinguish their relationship with the

secular world on two levels: that of spiritual supremacyand<that of economic dependence. .

On an economic level, thild-shin seem to be remindedoftheir worldliness. They feel down-graded, inferior and "bad",

(a-na-thi) , being obliged to be economically dependent on thei;

lay benefactors despite their "illegitimate" religious status.:

Thild-shin are aware that theoretically they are not full mem:}

bers of the Buddhist Order. Therefore, they feel that they art

not fully entitled "to receive" like the monks and novices whose .

legitimate religious status, backed by the Sangha, gives t h e n { ~ ' full rights to receive from the laity. The alms received bytmonks and thild-shin appear to be fundamentally differentl

Thild-shin are given raw rice and money, which indicates that

they can cook and look after themselves, in contrast to t h ~ ~ monks, who are given only cooked food. The degree .of

autonomy maintained by the thild-shin shows that they retainicloser link to the. secular than monks, who are completely'

dependent on thela i ty . j ;

In most big monasteries, there usually are lay helpers t q ) : ~ offer the monks menial services such as cooking and w a s h i n g , ~ ( so it is not necessary for the thild-shin to perform these duties:?

Nonetheless, thild-shin are eager to take part in merit-makirig j,

activities by offering food to the monks. They like to "be inNneed of the monks" and this becomes almost a religious objec"'il(

tive for some of them. However, it must be added that n o t a l l . ~ thild-shin spend their time cooking for and serving the monks;.,

those who are students and teachers ofBuddhist scriptures anq.,'

philosophy devote most of their time to the work of education.!,;

Therefore, there is a division of labour among the nuns, a n q { ~ the basic economic unit within a Burmese nunnery is usuallf,

; : : , ! : 5 : ~ ~

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j;ornprised of a partnership between a nun who teaches and a

? : ~ u n who is in charge of the household. 9 It is wrong to assume

j'jthat most nuns are s e ~ v / a n t . s for the monks, and to my s u ~ p r i s e , I~ f m e t rnany e d u c a ~ e d thzla-shzn : ~ o . w e ~ , e no_t e v e ~ able to bOll water!;:'c In a BuddhIst culture, gIvmg (dana) IS encouraged, but

~ i e c e i v i n g gifts may become problematic. Although it is theoret

i)-cally unnecessary for thila-shin to reciprocate a material gift

; ' , ~ i t h a material countergift, they feel comfortable in "giving,"

i,'but "receiving" makes them feel "indebted." While monks and

! ~ t i o v i c e s enjoy the privilege of receiving to the full on the sup

Hpbsition t ~ a ~ they a r ~ providing the ~ a ~ t y with a. : h a ~ c e to;::aGquire relIgIOus ment, the role of recIpIent for thzla-shzn con-

; j ~ f a n t l y reminds them of their ambiguous religious standing,

i';;Jch that they are not fully exempted from the social rules of

0:ftciprocity.~ ~ , ' " •.. When they receive, thila-shin recite and give out religious

lhIessings in return. They may chant for the donor the "power-

~ f u l " Buddhist protection-formulas called paritta (payeik-kyi in

~ j ~ u r m e s e ) . These are believed to ward off evil spirits and confer

fUpon the recipient prosperity, safety, luck and happiness.

',Thild-shin also show their utmost hospitality and kindness, and

1()ffer whatever humble food they have whenever a lay guest vis-

; i f ~ < t h e i r nunnery. But these acts are not sufficient to convince

~ t h e m that they have paid back their debts in terms of the reli-:'gious merit acquired by their lay benefactors. The feeling of

) h ~ v i n g to receive all the time becomes a psychological burden,

~ ~ p d seems to make them feel inferior. At times, they expressed

lthis as a wish not to descend to the status of a mere beggar who

; j r ~ 2 e i v e s alms with no religious significance.

:;", Officially, "Buddhist nuns" observe eight precepts. Novices

;observe ten precepts and monks abide by the 227 rules of~ t h e Vinaya. Five precepts are considered as fundamental to

;Buddhist morality, so devout lay Buddhists abide by at least

~ y e . On uposatha days, during the vassa lO and on other special

~ a . y s , such as the day of the week when they were born, Burmese

!Byople make special efforts to observe an additional three pre-

,!?!epts and interrupt their ordinary lay life by taking religious

(pisciplines. "Celibacy" and "no solid food after midday": ~ t e important and difficult additional abstinences on theseqccasions.j

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24 ]IABS VOL. 13 NO.1

There are thila-shin who a t ~ e m p t to abide by ten precepts

the same number taken by nOVIces. These precepts may be th'

same in content, but different in context and significance. Th;e

derives from the precept-takers' difference in status. A novi IS.is "on the way to becoming a fully ordained member of t ~ e ! Sangha," : - v h ~ r e a s further religious status for a thila-shinclosed. ThIs dIfference becomes clearer when we examine th' ..

manner in which the basic Buddhist precepts are taken. . e

. Novices and thila-shin r e c i ~ e and take the first six precepts

I I I the same manner. For nOVIces, the seventh and the eighth

precepts are separated and recited as two precepts:7)

absten_.tion from dancing, singing, music and shows, and 8) abstention

from garlands, perfumes, cosmetics and adornment. Thild-shin

and laity take these precepts as two precepts merged into one

which makes one long precept, counted as the seventh. T h ~ ninth precept-abstention from sleeping on luxurious beds, is

ninth for novices only; the same precept slides into the placeof

the eighth for thila-shin and laity. Therefore, it is recited as t h ~ ninth for the novice and the eighth for thila-shin and laity. T e c h ~ . nically speaking, this means that there is no ninth precept fotthila-shin and laity, and the artificial gap created between the

eighth and the tenth precept marks the boundary between

their religious status and that of a novice. I f a thila-shin wishes·

to abide by the ten precepts, the present custom is to fill in the

gap of the ninth position by reciting the phrase which sends

loving kindness (metta or myit-ta) to all sentient beings, e s p e ~ cially to the spirits. This allows her to carryon to the taking of

the tenth precept. However, this so-called "ninth precept" is

not a precept of abstinence, but rather a code of behaviour set

up for instrumental reasons.

It seems that the gapll stands as a reminder that the reli-

gious status of thila-shin is that of upiisikii, and the manner in

which the precepts are taken seems to confine them to thesame level as the laity, or lokiya. In the meanwhile, a novice

confronts no gap which hinders him from following further

precepts and he is led to a higher religious status in the lokuttara.

The tenth precept prohibits the taker from handling gold

and silver, which means, in effect, money. This precept has a

considerable religious significance for contemporary Buddhist

nuns, while it is taken for granted by monks and novices. Most

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jflhitri-shin in Burma. receive .and han?le money, and are rarely in

~ 1 i p o s i t i o n abstam ~ r o m It. ~ h e y .lIve .under the c o n s t ~ n t I?res-Tf'iJre of low mcome, smce theIr daIly lIfe has to be mamtamed

~ ' ~ ~ h u m b l e donations of 1 to 5 kyats, while monks receive 50 to11'lbOkyats for attending a religious function. Threatened by the

; : ' ~ s e c u r i t y of their financia! base, thila-shin canr:o.t abstain ~ r ~ m ill1ssing over money, hagglmg at markets and lIvmg as thnftIly

! ~ K s p o s s i b l e - t h i s seems to result in a general image of nuns as

r ! ~ l " e e d y . ~ J O n the other hand, thila-shin are often indispensable to the

~ ; ; ~ d U l i n i s t r a t i o n of monasteries on behalf of the monks, who are

I:,hbt allowed to handle money. Still, they do not consider this

!fale of treasurer as an important base of power from which to

;iaernand further influence. The negative value attributed to

'itheir capacity "to be able" to handle money, makes them feel

,Worldly and degraded, and it is regarded more or less as a

{ ~ p a c k l e that keeps them away from spiritual advancement.

i;'A.bstinence from handling money comes to be regarded as aI ~ p e c i a l privilege for thila-shin. Not having to deal with it is

0 ~ ~ s p i r e d to as a "cool" state of detachment from "hot" matters,

i ~ n , u n o b t a i n a b l e state of bliss. As one thila-shin expressed it, if

'oIlly she were relieved from worries about money and mainte

' ~ ~ n c e , she would be able to concentrate fully on Buddhist

{,studies and meditation. Such a state was considered to give her

'the physical and spiritual freedom to concentrate wholehear

~ t e d l y on her basic spiritual pursuit.

, i i Only a few thila-shin in Burma are able to follow all ten pre

'cepts. 12 To become a ten-precept thila-shin, a woman has to

have either a wealthy family background or a highly successful

ilcademic career, or both, so as to be able to attract numerous

donors and benefactors who can give her a solid financial

standing. It may sound paradoxical, but to be in a position of

detachment, she must have sufficient resources and backing to

be able to afford it. She also must have a reliable layperson or a

pun serve as a kat-pi-ya, to attend to her needs. A kat-pi-ya will

act as secretary and treasurer and attend to the daily needs of

the ten precept thila-shin. I f money is donated to the thila-shin,

her kat-pi-ya will receive and deal with it on her behalf. The

aCtual difficulty lies in the fact that thila-shin are rarely in a pos-

ition to be looked after like monks, since they usually cannot

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att.ract sufficient respect a t t e n ~ i o n from the laity to r e q u i r ~ bemg attended on a full-tIme basIs. On the contrary, thila-ski;

themselves often act as kat-pi-ya to monks, looking after theh\l

financial interests and, as we have seen, acting as manager a t i ~ j } treasurer for the running o f m o n a s t e r i e s . ; ~

Thild,-shin who have attained the ten precept status a t ~ j regarded as those who have attained a higher stage of detac0\

ment, e n d o w e ~ with spiritual p ~ a c e . They do n ~ t n e C e s s a r i l ~ have to commIt themselves to a lIfestyle of collectmg alms and"

receiving d o n a t ~ o ~ n s , . which reverses the power r e l a t i o n s h l p ~ between the thzla-shzn and her lay donors.

Ingeneral,

t e n ~ i precept thila-shin still maintain close relationships with their;!

lay donors, but give a general impression that they are n c i ~ ; desperately in need. Having a secure backing gives them a f e ~ l ~ ing of assurance so that they do not feel servile or inferior iJ1any way to their lay benefactors. The inner tension felt b e t w e e ~ their spiritual worth and economic dependency g r a d u a i I ~ resolves as the former gains strength. Ten"'precept thila-shin a i ~ well respected, regarded as higher on the spiritual ladder thiifi!

ordinary eight-precept thila-shinand perceived to have a spit

cial quality called gon. 13 Moreover, their status of "not h a v i ~ ~ to receive" gives them more importance, hence reasons for the1laity to give; thus, they become the centre of worship a m o ~ ~ Buddhist nuns. However, the formal religious status of t @ i i ~ precept thila-shin is still considered to be that of upiisikii, s i n 2 ~ they have not been through an "official" ordination c e r e m o I i Y ~ The only implication may be that they have, succeeded IF}renouncing their role of service to the monks and novices, ansl§

achieved a certain state of religious autonomy within t h ~ : l Buddhist community. " ' " ~ , 7 r , i f .

As a current movement in Sri Lanka shows,14 nuns clad i i i ~ - ~ " , : , - ~

yellow who are ten-precept observers aspire to a higher r e l i ~ I ~ 1 ous status than ordinary eight-precept nuns. They are a t t e m p y ~ ing to secure a proper religious status between that of lll:X:fupiisikii and bhikkhunf. The aim of this movement is to raise t h ~ i , f j :eligious. s t ~ t u s into a ~ i f f ~ r e n t category through strict m o ~ ~ } ~ l Ity, medItatIOn and reCItatIOn of the dhamma, so that they c a ~ , ~ approximate the ideal of "sainthood" (arahantship).15 S i m i l a ~ ~ t J in Burma, thila-shin are eager to enhance their spirituality ~ 1 \ ' i spite of many obstacles. The taking of ten precepts is a valr,9:1- · < ~ t ~ ~ ~

'c.'::Aff

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l"CligiouS statement which signifies that a thila-shin has over-

( ~ ~ r n e the "uncomfortable" position of being materially depen

i&ent on the laity. Son:e t h i l a - s h i n t a ~ e the ten ~ r e c e p t s in the

ib "ening, even though It has no practIcal effect, smce they go tot ~ a r k e t s and attend religious functions in the mornings. Some

(!ithi!d-shin keep the ten precepts on uposatha days, on the day of

:Week on which they were born, or during the Vassa. A nun may

: ~ a v e up her whole donation income for the rest of the year to

('cbeable to abide by the ten precepts during the three months

k}jfVassa.

;;. The abstinence enjoined on the ten-precept abider is often

{i'2bInbined with one or two austere Buddhist practices called

'lhutahga l6 (du-tin in Burmese), which also enhance one's

'spiritual stature. Among the most common of the thirteen kinds

['ofdhutaizga are the taking of one meal a day (ekasanikaizga) and

:themixing up of all the food and taking it directly from the

i,h()Wl (pattapirpjikaizga), with no second helpings. To these basic

i!flhutahga, thila-shin may add vegetarianism, eating only beans,

{po sleep, and so on. The observation of these trials is by no

([tieans forced upon them, but a matter strictly of individual

ithoice and decision. I f a thila-shin is healthy and committed

! ~ ~ ~ o u g h to take upon herself this kind of hardship, her efforts

'%d sacrifice are met with respect by the laity. The thila-shin her

;self also believes that she is on the path to a higher spiritual

i1e\lel.

Officially, thila-shin are not obliged to abide by as many

,tules and regulations as monks. However, in practice, their

?aily life is governed by far more rules and minor details than

that of monks and novices. These are either imposed as a

. ~ o r m I 7 oflife or observed as written nunnery rules ls or a com

'Inunal code for thila-shin. Moreover, it is often the case that

ithild-shin explicitly display their seriousness towards their

religious profession and give the impression that their commit

,iilent is stronger than that of the monks. Thila-shin seem to

,know that their religious position depends on their outward

image-on how they are perceived in the society-so they try

a.ll means to keep up their religious stance in good manners,

clean clothes and pious behaviour, etc.I t

can be argued that.the insecurity of their religious position drives them to make

far more efforts in observing the rules and regulations. The

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only way. of keeping their religious position intact is by' , . j ~ ~ stantly working on it and displaying their " s u p e r - d e v o u t n e C O ~ so. that t ~ e i r pious i m ~ ~ e becomes widely acknowledged by

laIty. It IS thIS recogmtIOn and the general approval ofsoc ·,1;l'lthat give thila-shin a secure place in the lokuttara. I e t y j ~

II. Religious Honorifics.

Religious honorifics 19 are special pronouns and verbs;;

which are generally applied in situations of interacHbiflbetween members of the Buddhist community and the l a i t f 1 ~ Burma. Burmese people employ religious honorifics t o W a . r d I ~ monks, novices and nuns to d i f f ~ r e n t i a t : ther.n from the l a i ~ j l and to confirm where they stand I I I relatIOnshIp to members6f;

the Buddhist community. The usage of religious h o n o i i f i t ~ also clarifies the standing of monks, novices and nuns i n f H ~ Buddhist community, marking their internal hierarchy. T h ~ ! ~ are especially useful as an index for understanding the am1)"

ous position held by contemporary Buddhist nuns, who sta.J:i ,!

in b e t w e e ~ the religious and the secular worlds. fllA. Payzng ~ e s pect . . . J ; ~ I Along with the use of .rehgIOus honorifics, respect(uJj

etiquette and deportment are displayed when a layp e r s o . n ; i . ~

dealing with members of the Buddhist community. C h i l d l " r ~ learn to clasp their palms in front of their faces as an a c t ' ~ r : "'II'respect called u-daw. They also learn the proper way ofworshjB;

(shikkho) in the form of "five touchings": clasping of p a l ~ ~ ~ elbows and kn.ees touching the fi?or, palms touching the. fl9ijto make a triangular shape wIth both thumbs and m R ~ i fingers, and the forehead touching this triangular shape o n : ~ ~ , floor. On ceremonial occasions or in monasteries, lay p e ~ p . l i prostrate themselves three times, putting their foreheads t O S ~ i , floor. This is a show of respect and worship towards those ' : f l i 9 ~ are considered to be higher in religious status and s p i r i t u a l i , ~ ~ I t might be assumed t h a ~ lay p e o p ~ e worsh.ip all those W h O , % ~ i I the yellow robe of the Sangha, but I I I practice, they do not P ~ . @ I ~ trate themselves to every monk they come across on the s t m ~ f j

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1



f ~ i f $ e i r worship and show of respect depends on various criteria,

~ ; ~ ; S c h as the monk's position in the Buddhist community, age,

; $ ~ ~ ~ d e m i c achievement, textual knowledge, preaching ability,

~ ~ b o d reputation, and other charismatic qualities. Laywomen; : ~ r ~ ~ d to p r o ~ t ~ a t e . themselves more freqently and eagerly than

{ l ~ I a f i j l e n . Thzla-shzn, however, are the. ~ o s t e ~ g e r to prostrate

~ l f l i e r . n s e l v e s to almost every monk. ThIS IS an Inward as well as

~ t ~ ~ o u t w a r d gesture which demonstrates that they are the most

; f : i p 1 9 ~ s ~ o l l o w e r s of monks and the Sangha.

) ; ' l ! ~ ; ; ; . ' J t IS not compulsory for Burmese people to prostrate them

; t ~ t l v e s to thila-shin. However, lay children are taught to worshipf."b6th monks and nuns. Lay women, in general, prostrate them

f ] ~ a v e s to a thila-shin, especially if she is senior, elderly and

~ , i m p o r t a n t in the religious community. Lay men tend to refrain

f:fi(jm prostrating themselves to a thila-shin unless they are very

l ~ ~ v o u t , though young men these days often ignore both monks

; : ~ n d n u n s and show little respect towards the Sangha. Whether

:;liypersons prostrate themselves also depends on their specific:'It¢lationship to the monk or nun. If they are a diiyaka with a sup

rp6ttive relationship, they will obviously prostrate to the reli-

Jgipus member whom they are supporting, in part as a display

:(8ftheir religious sponsorship.I ~ : ~ , .

$;W'jA'~ ( : ' ; > : :

~ ~ l f B . First-person pronouns .: ~ ~ J : I n general, when a Burmese speaker20 is talking to some-

76'hrin the Buddhist community and therefore superior in

~ f ~ 4 g i o u s status-whether it be a lay person talking to a nun,

i ; ~ b , v i c e and monk, or a nun or novice talking to a monk, or

iuuns, novices and monks talking among themselves to someone

! s ~ n i o r in age and position-the speaker uses the "first-person

f ~ r o n o u n " tabyi-daw. 21 This is a special pronoun signifying

tl:your disciple or pupil," which has the effect of humbling the

( ~ B b k e r in front of the listener. A thila-shin refers to herself as

; \ ~ b y { - d a w not only when talking to monks but also when talking

~ 9 f e l l o w thila-shin. When she is talking to a novice, she may use

~ ~ b y i - d a w or hsaya-lei, depending on the context and relative

;friteria, such as his age or the age difference between herself

; ~ n 9 the novice. However, this pronoun is never used when talk-ingto a lay person.

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30 JIABS VOL. 13 NO. 1

The honorific first-person pronoun is employed in the f o l l o g ~ ~ ing context of relationships: V V - ~ ,

lay personnunnovice

junior monk(disciple)

nun, novice, monknun, novice, monknovice, monksenior monk(teacher)

Those who are lower in religious status usually do not

bally object, and acknowledge whatever has been uttered

those who are superior. Therefore, tabyi-daw is used in the .context as the affirmative expression, "tin-bahpaya"22 (yes,

are right, the venerable one), literally meaning "place your

on my head, my lord, "23 thus manifesting the utmost ---'.u.".

of the speaker. In Thailand, lay people are reported to

monks using the first-person pronouns phom for female,.dichan for male. 24 But in Burma, the term tabyi-daw is used

both sexes and. allows the lay speaker, male or female,··become gender-free in self-address.

The first-person pronoun employed is kyamd ( .

kyun-md) by a laywoman and kyun-daw by a layman. 25

pronouns are employed when talking to lay people but

members of the Buddhist community. When a thild-shin is

ing to someone inferior in religious status, that is to say

person, she refers to herself as hsaya-lei, which signifiesteacher." I t may be relevant to add that female lay L\ -" ' \ -U 'vL

addressed as hsaya-md (female teachers), with the . n .. .u . . . " . -..,

ma added to hsaya (teacher), but thild-shin have

exempt from the application of the gender-suffix.

address themselves to thild-shin and lay people as kohin,

"novice," but they use tabyi-daw when talking to monks.in general draw a line between themselves· and the rest, ..

therefore represent the textual view that they are the only

ble members of the lokuttara. They most often refer toselves as hpon-gyi or u bazin, meaning "monk." I f he

much senior in age and position, he may refer to himself

often used by elderly people. If talking to someone muchj

in age and position, he may refer to himself as ngd and

the listener using min, an intimate term of reference,

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ithe closeness of the relationship with young novices or nuns or

lay children whom he knows well.

C. Third-person pronounsFrom the point of view of monks and nuns, the laity in the

secular world are generally dealt with in one category, "those

~ h o give material support." All lay people are addressed as

"donors" or "patrons" (dqyaka) by monks, novices and nuns.

The Burmese term used is taga for a male donor and tagama for

'a female donor. Even if this person is a relative or friend, hel

she will still be known respectively as taga or tagama in relation

to a particular monk or nun.

... In general, monks address a thila-shin as tagama (female

donor)' just as they would any other laywoman. Occasionally,

inonks are heard to call her hsaya-lei (Ii ttle teacher), whi ch

sounds more affectionate, or use her formal thila-shin title

according to the relationship between them (for example, if she

is his disciple).

••••.. However, the mother of a monk or a nun is put into a special

tategory of "motherhood," which may serve to support the

yiew of some scholars26 that the dominant image of women in

popular Buddhist texts is that of "mother nurturer," thus empha

sizing the important position of the mother in Buddhism.27 As

the Burmese word mi-ba (parents) signifies, a mother (mei) isplaced in front of a father (pa), and given more respect. "She

'risks her life for childbirth and gives her blood as milk"; there

fore, the gratitude towards a mother is highly acknowledged.

?1mei is the word for an ordinary mother, but the term me-daw

("enerable mother) or me-daw-gyi (venerable big mother) is

ysed for the mother of a monk or nun. Me-daw is used not only

for the biological mother, but also for bazin me-daw, a monk'ssymbolic mother, who helps him upon his entrance into the

~ u d d h i s t Order. Thila-shin often take up the me-daw role in rela-

tion to a novice and commit themselves to the task of looking

after him throughout his career as monk. A specific thila-shin

will be generally identified as the "me-daw of such-and-such a

irlOnk,"28 and if the monk establishes himself or becomes

famous in the Buddhist community, the respect towardsthe monk will be shared by and added to the credit of his

!j:symbolic mother." The thila-shin's maternal role is confined

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not just to specific relationships with a novice or a monk; he

attitude toward and role in the Buddhist community as a W h o l ~ often are understood as analogous to that of a mother.

In general, the Burmese laity address the monks as ashinhpaya (the venerable one), hpon-gyi hpaya (the venerable monk)

u bazin (monk) or hsaya-daw hpaya (the venerable teacher):

Nevertheless, the affectionate diminutive hpon-hpon (for hpon

gui; monk) seems to be the term most popular and frequently

used. When Burmese people refer to a monk objectively, they

cite the name of the monastery he belongs to and call him hsaya

daw (honourable teacher or abbot) of such-and-such monas-tery. At times, it is the name of the place he comes from or

where the monastery is located, instead of the name of the

monastery. Burmese people never address a monk with his for-

mal religious title except at formal ceremonies and functions.

Thila-shin are addressed as hsaya-lei (small teacher),

hsaya-gyi (big teacher)29 or just hpaya. Formal religious titles

(bwe) are bestowed upon monks and nuns upon entering·

the Order, but these formal names are not used casually. Ineveryday life, nuns address each other in many ways, with a

combination of diminutive kin terminology and the respectful

religious term hpaya. Daw-gj?O hpaya or gyi-gyi hpaya (venerable

big aunt), Daw-lei3 ! hpaya (venerable small aunt), ma-ma hpaya

(venerable big sister), adaw hpaya or daw-daw hpaya (venerable

aunty), ahpawa hpaya or hpawa hpawa hpaya (venerable granny),

and so on, are used according to where the speaker stands in.

relationship to the addressed. If the thila-shin is not a close

acquaintance such as ifshewere a guest, then she may be called

hsaya-lei hpaya (venerable little teacher) out offormal politeness.

D. Honorific verbs . .Honorific verbs are employed to imbue the activities of

members of the Buddhist community with reverence so thattheir mundane activities gain special religious significance.

For ordinary activities such as sleeping, bathing, coming

and going, eating, talking and so on, honorific verbs are

employed for monks in order to signify that their activities are

still in a religious context. These are kywa-la-thi (to come)

kywd-thwa-thi· (to go), kyein-thi (to sleep), yei thon-that-thi (to

bathe), which latter may be expressed as ''yei thon-daw-mu-ba

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npaya" (please take a bath, the venerable one). The speech of

"monks is marked by the use of honorific verbs such as mezn

'"daw-mu-lai-thi (to instruct) or amezn-shi-lai-thi (to speak). In

contrast, the speaker who is a lay person or inferior in religious(ank, uses honorific verbs such as shauk-thi, shauk-tin-thi, shau

ta-thi, which literally means "to ask permission" or "to wait for

jhstruction," in order to represent their humble position in

'communicating with the monks.

For the activities of lay people and nuns, ordinary verbs

su.ch as yei cho-thi (to bathe), eik-thi (to sleep), thwa-thi or la-thi

(to come or to go) , pyaw-thi (to speak) are used.

. In some areas, a complicated mixture of honorific terms

and ordinary verbs is used for thila-shin. For example, in regard

to clothing, monks and nuns wear religious robes that are mar

kedly different from the apparel of the laity. The verbyon-thi (to

put on) is a special verb used to signify the "putting on" of the

religious robe, while lay people use the ordinary verb wut-thi to

"put on" their lay apparel. Monks obviously put on their saf

fron robe, thin-gan, using the expression "thin-ganyon-thi." This

is worn in three different pieces; e-kathi, du-gouk and thin-bain; it

has been suggested 32 that if one wants to be precise, the ordi

nary verb wut-thi is used for wearing the lower garment, thin

bain. However, monks who are secure in their religious status

do not make a fuss over the selection of honorific verbs nor do

they make minute distinctions between the upper or lower

robe, and deal with the religious apparel (thin-gan) symboli

"cally as a whole.Thila-shin, who are eager to promote their religious status

by all means, are keen to employ the religious respect verb

yon-thi for the putting on of their religious apparel. This comprises a long-sleeved blouse (ezn-gyi) , a smock-like garment

(gaik) and a rectangular-shaped wrapping cloth (ko-yon). How

ever, for the lower garment, hka-wut (the term htamein is used

for a lay woman's sarong), only the ordinary verb wut-thi can

be used to signify the putting on, because of the negative value

attributed it. The lower garment of women, whether a lay

woman or thila-shin, symbolically represents the impure and

"inferior" nature of femininity and remains as a reminder ofwhere women actually stand in socio-religious terms. Thus,

the visible demarcation in the nuns' clothing presents the divi-

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sion of their identity, split between the secular and the religious

As for religious words and honorific verbs for eating, they'

is an interesting mixture of religious and lay connotations f o ~ the nuns. The ordinary word for the rice crop is saba, hsan forhusked rice and htamin for cooked rice. Cooked rice as a reli-

gious offering is called hsim, and it is the only categorical food

that monks are allowed to eat. The word is frequently used for

festive, m.eals offered to ,both monks and nuns; ~ h e y are giventhe hsun mstead of htamm. Nevertheless, the eatmg activity of

thila-shin is represented by the ordinary verb sa-thi (to eat), so

that a religious noun (hsun) and an ordinary verb (sa-thi) arecombined so as to represent their act of eating as hsun sa-thi.

~ a y people's eating is e ~ p r e s s e d as h t ~ m i n Sfl-thi: M?nks' eatingIS descnbed by a speCIal phrase, hsun hpon pez-thz,33 which isequivalent to the verb sa-thi for ordinary lay people.

The most important activity for those who belong to the

Buddhist community, collecting alms, is expressed by the term

hsun-hkan-thi. When thila-shin collect alms, they describe the

activity as going for hsun-hkan, which is the same expressionused when monks and novices collect alms. It is generally

known that the literal meaning of hsun is "cooked" rice in a

religious context and hkan means "to receive alms," and it is

only the monks who receive cooked rice (hsun) while nuns are

given uncooked rice (hsan). Strictly speaking, since nuns col-

lect "uncooked rice," their act of alms-collecting should be

referred to as hsan-hkan-thi, and not hsun-hkan-thi. Nowadays,however, all acts of collecting alms, for both monks and nuns,

are referred to as hsun-hkan-thi. I assume that the moment

uncooked rice (hsan) is offered to thila-shins, the religious s i g ~ nificance of "offering food" or "receiving religious alms"

implied by the honorific verb hkan-thi becomes more salient

than the distinction between cooked and uncooked. Moreover,there is a similarity in tone between hsan and hsun. The pointis

that the act of collecting alms referred to as hsun-kan-thi high-

lights the fact that nuns are fully acknowledged members of theBuddhist community who are also dependent on the mercy orlay donors, and though it is understood that the nuns can cook

raw rice (hsan) which they have collected, this has to be played

down so that their dependent position becomes emphasized T!-

the act of alms-collecting, lest the problems of their claim for·

independence be raised.

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Another example is provided by the honorific verbs used in

connection with the residence of monks and nuns who live in

monasteries or nunneries. These religious premises, which are

different from lay people's living quarters, are supposed to be

. a realm where the lifestyle of stoic discipline and morality is

prevalent. In this case, the honorific verb, thadin thon-thi (to

live, to reside, to stay, literally to practise religious life) is used

for both monks and nuns, instead of the nei-thi or te-thi (to live

or to put up) used for lay people. At one point during 17th to

mid-19th century Buddhist nuns were also called thadin thei,34

meaning those who live in religious compounds, rather than

the present-day name thila-shin.

Ill. Conclusion

The honorific pronouns and special verbs employed make

,.it clear that the demarcation line is clearly drawn betweenrnonks, who enjoy supreme religious status, and the rest, who

are considered religiously inferior. The monks are referred towith the highest respect and deference, so that even their daily

activities are not allowed to sound mundane and ordinary but

represented as holy and spiritual.

The categorization and application of religious honorifics

signify that thila-shin in Burma are very much integrated members of the Buddhist community. They may not be part of the

lokuttara from a textual point of view, which often represents

.the view of monks and some intellectuals, but in actual daily

life, thila-shin are treated very much as part of the religious

community.

Senior and important nuns, such as ten-precept thila-shin,

are treated with more respect than ordinary nuns, whichresults in more frequent use of honorific words. Honorific

:words used to address thila-shin are often used with the same

amount of deference as for novices, suggesting that in practice,

thila-shin and novices are almost at the same religious level.

This evidence suggests that seniority, length of service, influ

ence and actual position in the religious community are much

more significant criteria than whether one is categorically "in"or "out" of the lokuttara.

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The reverence shown towards them in the application "''freligious honorifics is one criteria of evaluating where the t h i Y ~ shin stand. I have come to the conclusion that thila-shin a ' ~ ' widely associated with the lokuttara, in spite of efforts i ~ ~ categorize them as pious laywomen (upiisikii). 3 5 : ~

The major difficulty in understanding the place of t h i l a - s h i ~ ~ however, lies in the fact that we have to deal with two l e v e l ~ t i social perception and actual standing. The religious positionaf

c o n t e r n ; p o ~ a r y B ~ d d h i S t nuns relies much on social p e r c e p t i o # ~ The laIty IS ~ b v l O u s l y affected by the monk.s,. who, f o l 1 o w i f i ~

. the textual VIew, tend to play down the posItIon of nuns,bi:ir

social perception also is affected by actual lay interaction willi-the nuns. As the standard o feducation rises and the i m p ~ I " ~ tance of their role in the Buddhist community increases, t h . ~ ~ respect shown toward thiM-shin increasingly seems to o f f s e ~ their official religious status. Still, their lack of secure r e l i g i o ~ s s status means that their position constantly fluctuates betweeB?1

the limitedimportance

giventhem in the

official view andt h ~ !

actual importance they have achieved in the Buddhist commti£!

nity, so their status finally can be defined only in relational a r i a ~ contextual terms, vis a vis-and somewhere in b e t w e e n - t h ~ ~ monks and the laity. .

NOTES- : ' f ,<

1. Fieldwork in Burma was conducted from March 1986 to June 1987,;

and January to March 1988, supported by Central Research Fund, University';

of London and Toytota Foundation, Japan. I would like to thank Dr. Alfred;

Gell, Gustaaf Houtman, Sam Landell-Mills and Jonathan Spencer for t h e i r : ~ useful comments and proof-reading. I am also deeply indebted to my Burmese';

teacher Mr. John Okell, whose method I used for Burmese transliteration, fl?r'

correcting my mistakes and for many useful suggestions. ~ . , 5 2. The Pali terms, bhikkhu for male, bhikkhunffor female, literally r e f e r t o ~

those who live on alms. There are no equivalent terms in English t r a n s l a t i o n · ' i ~ Horner choses "monk" as the nearest equivalent for bhikkhu, and "nun" for;

bhikkhuni (1938: x l ~ l ) , and these terms seem to be the accepted translation. The,':

ancient bhikkhunfs, who abided by 311 Vinqya rules, may have been equivalent t 6 . ~ "female monks," though they are considered extinct today. ,{

In this article, I will refer to these "religious women" as "thilri-shin" in t h ~ ; : Burmese context or "contemporary Buddhist nuns," in contrast to a n c i e r i t ; ~ bhikkhunis. I have also used the term "nuns" for convenience to signifY that they::

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.. . alII1sWomen with heads shorn and live a religious life following eight to ten

~ ~ : c e p t s , though only when the term was considered not confusing for thep. ."discussIOn.

"i. . 3. "A good deal of uncertainty surrounds the actual foundation of the~ u d d h i s t Order of almswomen that its beginnings are wrapped in mists":

gorner, Women in Primitive Buddhisin (London, 1930), p. 102. Perhaps the story

; [the formation of the bhikkhunz Sangha was a myth in itself; its formation dur

fng· the time. of B ~ d d h a and its uncertain exti.nction make the story c ~ m p l e t e inorder to ratlOnahze why present-day BuddhIst nuns can never acqUlre formal

religious status.i . 4. See Khantipalo Bhikkhu, Banner of the Arahants, (Kandy, 1979), pp.

:131-2, and Catherine Ojha, "Feminine Asceticism in Hinduism: Its Tradition

and Present Condition," Man in India, 61:3 (1981), pp. 254-85.

5. "The Case of the Vanishing Nuns: The Fruits of Ambivalence in

Ancient Indian Buddhism," Unspoken Worlds, ed. N. Falk & R. Gross (San

Francisco, 1980), p. 220.. 6. Strictly speaking, eight to ten precepts should not be called "szla" but

"sikkhiipada" in Pali. However, the first five sUa (panca-szla) and the first five sik

khiipada are the same in content, and called panca-dhammii. These five rules of

U10rality provide preliminary conditions for higher spiritual development. The

:eightfold precepts recommended for the Buddhist laity are called atthangasamaniiagata uposatha (i.e., attangika u.). See Pali Dictionary, ed. T. W. Rhys Davids

andW. Stede, (1925), pp. 171-2.

. 7. Mya Sein, Daw, Myan-ma Bok-dd-ba-tha Taya U-padei (Principles of

Burmese Buddhist Law), (Mandalay, 1962), p. 319.

8. The term lokiya is translated as mundane or worldly, thus "secular,"

while lokuttara is translated as transcendental, supra-mundane or spiritual. See

·PaliDictionary, ed. byT. W. Rhys David and W. Stede, (Surrey, 1925), p. 46.

9. One chapter of my thesis, "The Position and Role of Women in Burmese Buddhism" is about this partnership. There are many patterns to be

found in it, but the combination of scholarly nun. and domestic nun was the

most common.

10. The Buddhist Lent is a period of retreat during the rainy season when

religious observances are strictly observed. It usually extends over three

months, from July to October.

II. Ven U. Nyanawara, lecturer at the Madalay Pali University says that

throughout the Buddhist canon, Tipitaka, the seventh and eighth of the ten precepts stand separately for the monks and novices. But they are combined into

one (the seventh precept) for lay followers as a part of the eight precepts. He

adds that nowhere in the Tipitaka could he find a reason why they are divided

for some and fused for others (Private Correspondence, 21 June 1988).

12. Among them are thUd-shin whose names are Daw Mala-yi, Daw

Hei-ma-yi (Thameik-taw Gyatin), Daw Khon-ma-yi (Aye-myo Gyatin), Daw

Nya-ne-ti (Daw Nya-na Sari Kyatin-Daik).

13.Gon (guna

inPali) was translated by my

informantsas

"goodquality"or "virtue, worth, prestige, honour"; it connotes for Burmese Buddhists a

special quality inherited from previous incarnations.

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14. L. W. Bloss, "The Female Renunciants of Sri Lanka: The Dasasila11'l. _

tawa," The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 7:2 (19S:{

pp. 7-29, E. Nissan, "Recovering Practice: Buddhist Nuns in Sri Lanka" So h

Asia Research, 4:1 (1984), pp. 32-49, R. Gombrich and G. Obeyesekereu!

"Buddhism Transformed," (Princeton, 1989). ' In

15. Arahant in . P a l ~ (yahiln-da in Burmese) is one who has attained the finaland absolute emanCIpatIOn. .

16. See Khantipalo Bhikkhu, "With Robes and Bowl," (Ceylon, 1965)

p. lO. '

17. Verbally transmitted rules are primarily about the everYday

behaviour of thila-shin. Sneezing, laughing, talking loudly, big gestures, yawn-

ing, abusive words, big strides in walking, noisiness, laziness and lack ofrespect

towards elders, etc., are all frowned upon as improper behaviour.

18. Every thila-shin in Sagaing Buddhist community is required to

memorize the "Regulations for ThUa-shin" written in 1914 by the influential

abbot of Maha Ganda-yon monastery. The rules stipulate details from the

acceptance of newcomers, and daily routine, duties and obligations, up to'

minor details of everyday behaviour,such as going out for alms, and behaviour

towards monks, senior nuns and towards lay men. Respect, obedience, mindful

ness, moderation and good manners are emphasized. I t is interesting to note

that proper conduct towards a monk is stipulated in every possible situation,which shows the full apprehension of the danger of monks and nuns living side

by-side in a small community. Punishments following the violation of these

rules are also specified in detail.

19. Burmese laity learn how to use religious honorifics from their parents

or learn the usage while staying in monasteries and nunneries, but there are

increasing numbers of lay people who do not know the correct usage. While

these people and children shy away or keep silent in front of monks for fear of

offending them, thila-shin often take up the role of teaching or correcting reli

gious honorifics for the laity.

20. See. J. Bunnag, Buddhist Monk, Buddhist Layman, (Cambridge, 1973),

p.35).

21. It was suggested that a laywoman used to refer to herself as tabyi-daw- .

ma, but I did not hear this said even once during my seventeen months in the

Buddhist community. Theoretically, it is correct to add the female suffix ma, but

custom has allowed the pronoun tabyi-daw to stay free of gender suffix. Nuns, as

well as laywomen, refer to themselves as tabyi-daw (your disciple) in front

of monks.22. The term hpayil is used for God, Buddha, objects of worship, lord,

master, etc. Judson's Burmese-English Dictionary, revised by R.C Stevenson

(Rangoon, 1893),p.802

23. This literal translation was suggested by John Okell.

24. J. Bunnag, ibid., p. 35.

25. Kyun, literally meaning "slave," signified the lowest and humblest

position in the household. The meaning of kyun-ma was literally "your female

slave," which was the humblest of self references for a laywoman. Kyun, combined with an honorific daw to make kyun-daw and kyama, are khin-bya (your

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ster) by a layman and shin (your honour) by a laywoman. See Judson's Bur

English Dictionary, p. 260.

26. C. Keyes, "Mother or Mistress But Never a Monk: Buddhist Notions

Fernale Gender," American Ethnologist, 11:2 (1984), pp. 223-41,T

Kirsch,ex:t and Context: Buddhist Sex Roles," American Ethnologist, 12:2 (1985),

302-20.. 27. Hkame-daw, the honorific term employed for the father ofa king, monk

nun, was heard, but not as frequently nor with as much emphasis as the hon

'fie term for mother (me-daw). This seems to suggest that "fatherhood" is sym-

ically less important in the Buddhist community. .

28. This was so in the case of Daw Dhammasari (1878-1971) who was

ed the TIpifaka medaw, since she was the symbolic mother of the eminent

nk who had memorized the whole of the TIpifaka.29. Notice that female· teachers in the lay world are called hsaya-ma

r n a l ~ teacher), with a female gender sufiL'{ ma added to hsaya (teacher). Lay

ie teachers are simply addressed as hsaya. Nuns, who are part of the asexual

tara, are exempt from the gender distinction in the secular loki;ya. Therefore

are never addressed as hsaya-ma, but as hsaya-lei (small teacher) or hsaya-gyi

I ig teacher) . .30. Gyi-daw or daw-gyi is a kinship term used for the elder sister of both

~ a t e r n a l and paternal sides, and gyi-gyi is the affectionate diminutive for it.t ~ ~ . 31. Daw-lei is used for the younger sister on both maternal and paternal

prj!;~ l d e s . i¥:' 32. J. Okell points out that the difference between the verbs yon-thi and

r ~ u t - t h i simply designates the differences in the kind of "putting-on" involved.

~ . ~ . 33. This term may derive from hpim (glory) in reference to hpon-gyi

f(monk), butJ. Okell considers that it may derive from the Pali word bhufijati (to

~ ~ t ) . ~ , ~ 34. This term could originally be used for both female and male sabbath

'keepers, but it became distinctively used to refer to female sabbath keepers or

~ u n s in the Ava period, according to the accounts of the time. See Va-way Tun,

:'[hilti-shin Thamaing (The History ofBurmese Nuns), (Rangoon, 1965), p. 162.

. 35. The situation for contemporary Buddhist nuns in Thailand seems to

,be different; according to J. Bunnag (ibid., 1973),p. 35, nuns or mae chi are

,treated in these same contexts as ordinary lay people., even with regard to lin

guistic usage between the Buddhist community and Thai laity.

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~ ' P o s s i b ! e C i t ~ t i o ~ of Candragomin's~ Q s t *Kayatrayavatara "

~ J P e t e r Skilling

rlntroduction:;

t 1 ~ n d r a g o m i n is a well-known-and, as is so often the case,

is£inewhat obscure-figure in the history of Indian Buddhist

:terature. As the traditional accounts of his life are readily

~ ~ a i l a b l e and have been much discussed, I will not deal with

;ffiem here. The most recent detailed and scholarly treatment ofi ~ ~ n d r a g o m i n and his works that I know of is given by Michael

: ' " ~ h n in the introduction to his Candragomins Lokanandana(aka

'Wiesbaden"1974, pp. 1-13), which also furnishes comprehen-

sive ,bibliographical references.

11 Since the publication of Hahn's work, Candragomin has

~ ~ r . n e s o m e w h ~ t more i n t ~ the limelight with t h ~ English t r a ~ s -~ , a t I o n of the TIbetan verSIOns of a number of hIS works lost mSthe original Sanskrit. In Dif.ficult Beginnings: Three 14Vrks on the

~ ~ d h i s a t t v a Path (Boston a . n ~ L o n d ~ n , 1985) Mark Tatz t r a ~ s -l l ~ t e s three of Candragomm s most Important and charactens

f ~ c works-the Candragomipra1Jidhana, Bodhisattvasafrwaraviinfaka,

ind Defanastava-and provides some useful introductory and

~ o m m e n t a r i a l material. While Tatz's book focuses more on the

~ t ~ i c a l ?r practical side of C.andr.agomin: another set of traris-~ a t l O n s IS more concerned WIth hIS devotIOnal nature: the four

~ y m n s (stotra) to Tara translated by Martin Willson in his In

rraise i f Tara: Songs to the Saviouress (London, 1986,. pp. 222-

t237). Candragomin was also renowned as a dramatist, and

~ i c h a e l Hahn has now provided an English translation of the

~ o k i i n a n d a n a ( a k a under the title Joy for the 14Vrld (Berkeley, 1987),

J>ased on his edition ofTibetan and Sanskrit sources with Ger-~ i . Plan translation, referred to above.ty,.C:

I. 41

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In addition, A. K. Warder has devoted a section ofh.

Indian Kiivya Literature (vol. 3, Delhi, 1977, pp. 66-77) to C IS

d r a ~ o m i n , in p a r t i c u 1 ~ r to the Lokiinanda, and A . G ~ ~ · Kanyawasam has contnbuted an entry on Candragornin t ·

the Encyclopaedia qfBuddhism (vol. iii, fascicle 4, Colornbo 197i

pp. 646-648). '

Michael Hahn (1974, pp. 9-12) lists 63 works attributed (

Candragomin in the Peking edition ofthe.bs.Tan )gyur. The b u l ~ ' of these are short siidhanas and stotras, and It IS by no means ce;.

tain that all of them are correctly attributed, or that they are

all by one and the same author. Taranatha reports a traditionthat Candragomin composed a total of 432 separate works: 108

"hymns" (bstod pa, stotra) , 108 treatises on "inner science"

(nang rig pa)i bstan beos, adhyiitma-vidyii-fiistra), 108 treatises on

"outer science" (phyi rol gyi bstan beos, bahirdhii-fiistra), and 108

on "fine arts" (bzo gnas, filpa-sthiina).1

The present paper hopes to throw further light on C a n ~ dragomin's literary career by investigating the possibility thathe composed a work on the three "bodies" (trikaya, kiiyatraya)

of a Buddha, and that this work is partially preserved in Ti.'

betan translation. The evidence for this will be presented in.

two sections:

(I) the attribution to Candragomin of a text entitled *Kiiya

trayiivatiira by the Tibetan historians Bu ston and Taranatha:Although this evidence is based on Tibetan tradition, I assume

that the two authors base their statements on Indian sources.

(II) a citation of seven verses on the trikiiya by Dasabala-

srlmitra in his Samskrtiisamskrta-vinifeaya,· a Northern Indian

source preserved only in Tibetan translation. Although

Dasabalasrlmitra does not give the title of the text from whichhe has drawn the verses, he ascribes then to a *Mahii-upiisakaCandra.

The presentation of evidence is followed by (III), an attempt to

reconcile the evidence of the Tibetan historians with that of the

Indian Dasabalasrlmitra, in the form of a discussion ofwhether

*Mahii-upiisaka Candra is Candragomin, and whether theverses

cited by Dasabalasrimitra could be from the *Kayatrayiivatara.

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CANDRAGOMIN'S LOST *KAYATRAYAVATARA 43

iJ.Eu stan and Tiiraniitha on Candragomin's *Kayatrayavatara

In their well-known historiesof Buddhism, Bu ston (1290-

i(1364 ) and T a r a ~ ~ t h a (born 1575)2 ?escribe the life., . 1 e g e n d ~ , i ~ I l d literary actIvIty o! Candragomm. Both authontles attn-

16ute to him a work entItled sKu gsum la' jug pa, *Kii;yatrayiivatiira.

'i.rhe references are as follows: .

~ ( i ) B U ston3

rje btsun 'jig rten dbang phyug gi zhal nas I theg chen gyi bstanbcos mang du rtsoms shig gsungs nas zla ba sgron ma'i 'grel pa

dang/ sku gsum la 'jug pa la sogs pa mang du mdzad I

When holy LokeSvara had commanded [Candragomin] to

"compose many treatises on the Great Vehicle!" (mahiiyiina

fiistra), he wrote many works such as the Commentary on the

Candraprad1:pa[-sutra] , the *Kiiyatrqyiivatiira, etc.

?iii) n.ranatha (120.22 I 1207)

sdom nyi shu pa dangl sku gsum la 'jug pa nil theg chen

pal).<;lita phyis byon pa thams cad kyis slob par byed pa byung

ngol

All the later authorities (pa'l}r/ita) of the Great Vehicle studied andtaught the [Bodhisattva-]samvaravimfaka and the *Kiiyatrayiivatiira.

The first work mentioned by Bu ston, acommentary on the

well-known Candrapradzpa- or Samiidhiroja-sutra, has not been

preserved. Taranatha (120.12f/ /206-207) also implies that

'such a work was composed by Candragomin, since he includes

the Candrapradzpa- (Zla ba sgron me) in a list offive "marvelous"

(rmad du byung ba, adbhuta) sutras which Candragomin, at the

behest ofArya Tara, "expounded constantly and without inter

ruption to others, and recited daily," and states that he com

posed treatises that summarized the essential meaning (don

bsdu'i bstan beos) of such sutras.

The first work mentioned by Taranatha, the Bodhisattvasamvaravimfaka, is extant in Tibetan and has been translated

into English by M. Tatz (see above). Taranatha's estimation of

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the import;mce and popularity of this text in India is corrob::

orated by the fact that at least two Indian commentaries, bothavailable, in Tibetan translation, are known: one by the great

par!,q,ita S a n t a r a k ~ i t a , and another by Bodhibhadra.4 T h ~ i Bodhisattvasafnvaravifnfaka played a significant role in the history of

Tibetan Buddhism as a manual of bodhisattva practice; a commen:J

tary on it was composed by the Sa skya scholar Grags pa rGya.t

mtshan, and it is frequently referred to in Tibetan literature.5 'J:

Despite the fact that it was singled out for attention by b o t h ~ Bu ston and Taranatha, the second text mentioned by the two

authorities, the*Kifyatrayiivatiira, does not seem ever to

h a v ~ : been translated into Tibetan; nor is it extant in the originalSanskrit or in Chinese translation. While the bsTan 'gyur does'

contain a number of short texts devoted to the subject dr.trikifya, none of them are attributed to Candragomin.6 ' ~ ' { f

In the citations given above Bu ston and Taranatha m e ~ J tion the *Kifyatrayiivatiira in quite different contexts and c o u p i ~ ~ it

withdifferent works.

Furthermore, their treatment of Carl.:;'

dragomin's life and works differs in that each deals with e v e n t ~ ( ' ignored by the other, Taranatha's account being m u c h . l o n g ~ r ~ and in that even events common to both accounts differ iilldetails. From this I conclude that the two authors derived t h e i ~ knowledge of the *Kifyatrayiivatiira from different sources:ston from a hagiographical tradition, andraranatha f r o m ~ ' J ; scholastic tradition that perhaps reflects the curriculum of t h ~ ; universities ofNorthern India. " J J ~

} , ~ : ; ~ , ; r ~ ~ ' ~ ~ l ~ } ) { / ; I

II. Dafabalafrfmitra and the ~ r s e s qf*Maha-upasaka C a n d r a d ~ ~ A possible citation of the lost *Kifyatrayiivatiira is given b Y ; ~ ~

Dasabalasrimitra in his Samskrtiisamskrtavinifcaya.7 In an e a r l i ~ ~ i paper I have attempted to demonstrate that the author of t h j ~ ; ~ text most probably lived in North-eastern India during t ~ ~ t l Sena period, in about the second half of the 12th century A . q : ~ ~ In the 27th chapter, the *B o d h i s a t t v a n a y a - p r a j i i i i p i i r a m i t i i f i ~ thabhiivanii-vinifcaya, 9 Dasabalasrimitra cites seven verses§H

seven syllables per line on the subject of the trikifya, w h i c h B ~ l attributes to a *Mahii-upiisaka Candra. A transcription of the. J ~ i ! verses (1) follows, along with (2) a translation of verses 1 t9

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CANDRAGOMIN'S LOST *KAYATRAyAVATARA 45

'on the dharmakaya and verse 7 on the nirmiir;akaya. In the

~ b s e n c e of a commentary or a wider context, I have been

unable to understand verses 5 and 6 or to relate them to the

:safnbhogakiiya, and therefore leave them untranslated.

:(1) Text

dge bsnyen chen po zla ba'i zhal nasi chos kyi sku'i dbang du

byas nas gsungs pa I1. 'di yi chos sku de bzhin nyid I

mam rtog mams kyi spyod yul min Isems can rnams dang don rnams kyil

rang bzhin de dag gnyis su med I2. sna tshogs ngo bo'i sku rnams dang I

'gro rnams de nyid ngo bo rnamsl

gang du ro gcig 'gro 'gyur bal

rgya mtshor 'bab pa'i chu bo bzhinl

3. mam pa 'di 'dra'i sku de nil

skyob pa mams kyi chos sku stel

rnam pa thams cad mam dag pal

rdzogs byang chub kyi spyod yul nyidl

4. de yi 10 nus pa rang ngang gis Idus rnams kun tu ll 'jig rten dul

mtha' yas don mams byed pa nil

nyi ma'i 'od zer Ita bu'o I Ilongs spyod rdzogs pa'i dbang du byas pa nil

5. dmus long Ita bus bdag spangs nasirang nyid bsod nams bsags can gyis Ide ni gcig pu gcig 12 car du Inyi rna Ita bur kun gyis mthong I

6. 'on pa Ita bu bdag spangs nas Ibsod nams nor bsags snyan rnamskyis Idam chos bdud rtsi'i bcud len ni Ide la de ring yang Idan 3 nyid Ices 14 so I I

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spruIpa'i sku'i dbang du byas pa nil

7. mtha' yas phyogs su mtha' med pa'il

sems can theg pa gsum gyis 'dir Iyang dang yang du mam dag byed Isa bon ci bzhin bsam ji 5 bzhin I zhes so I /

(2) Translation ofverses 1,2,3,4, and 7

With reference to the dharmakiiya, the Great Upiisaka Candra has

taught:

1. His [the Buddha's] dharmakiiya is Suchness (tathatii) ,

beyond the sphere of discrimination (avikalpa-gocara) ,

not separate (advrrya) from the true nature (svabhiiva)

of sentient beings (sattva) and phenomena (artha).

2. The manifold "essential bodies" (svabhiivakiiya)

and all realms of existence (gati) are precisely itwherein all phenomena take on a single taste (ekarasa)

like the rivers that merge with the sea.

3. A body of such a nature

is the dharmakiiya of the Protectors:

perfectly pure (vifuddha) in every respect,

the very sphere of perfect awakening (sambodhi).

4. Quite naturally (svarasena) it has the ability

to effect limitless benefits (artha)

throughout all time, throughout the world,

just like the rays of the sun.

With reference to the nirmii'f}akiiya:

7. Here [in this world], by means ofthe three vehicles (yiina)

again and again it purifies

limitless sentient beings in limitless directions

according to their potential (bzja) and aspirations (Maya).

The Samskrtiisamskrtavinifcaya is an erudite and eclectic

work that draws on a wide range of sources of both the friivaka

and bodhisattva- yiinas. All named sources that I have been able

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CANDRAGOMIN'S LOST *K.A.YATRAy.A.VAT.A.RA 47

i'fotrace are correctly. attributed; furthermore, the translation

if(bY unkno'::r: hands) IS s.mooth and c l e ~ r , and, when c o m p a r ~ d f;'With the ongmal Sansknt of the texts cIted when such are avall-

t;::ble, is up to the best standards of Tibetan translation. Thus: ' . : ~ e r e cannot be much doubt that in the original Sanskrit text

f6(the Samskrtiisainskrtavinifcaya Dasabalasrlmitra cited the ver-

; i ~ e s a c c u r a t e l y and correctly attributed them to *Mahii-upiisaka\ ) ' ¢ ~ n d r a , according to the tradition that he had received, or

Hhat the verses were accurately rendered into Tibetan.y ' , , "

~ 1 j l . D i s c u s s i o n ojSources

The question that I now wish to consider is whether

;,'*Mahii-upiisaka Candra can be identified with Candragomin,

;Ihhd whether the source of the verses can be the latter's lost

~ ! : j ( i j y a t r a y i i v a t i i r a . ;!I(r In Tibetan texts, the name Candragomin is generallyifiansliterated rather than translated; such is the case with

lm()st of the colophons of the works' attributed to him, and with

l'theTibetan historians Bu ston and Taranatha, who preface the

:'hame with iiciirya (slob dpon). Three of the bsTan 'gyur texts listed

; ' ~ y H a h n (1974, p. 12) are ascribed to btsun pa Zla ba, which is

j i ~ y e n in the Mahiivyutpatti l6 as equivalent to Candragomin. Zla

~ M i s the standard Tibetan equivalent of candra, while btsun pa,

ll.ormally representing bhadanta,17 would seem here to represent

~ g o m i n . Tibetan tradition is unanimous in asserting that Can

:aragomin was a layman; I-Ching (in English translation) sim-

iWy calls him "Mahasattva Candra, a learned man."IB

iIaranatha (117.6/ /202) explains the name as follows: ''At the

.;ihstance of Arya AvalokiteSvara, he became a gomi-upiisaka (go

tizCi dge bsnyen); since his name was Candra, he was known· . t ~ e r e a f t e r as Candragomin (Tsandra go mi)." Further on

;(204.l7/ /337) Taranatha uses the phrase go miJi dge bsnyen to

~ e s c r i b e Kumarananda, who taught the Prajiiiipiiramitii in

; ~ o u t h India at an unknown date. An Amaragomin (Go mi 'chi

;Wed) collaborated with bLo ldan shes rab on the translation

$fMaitreya's Abhisamayiilanakiira l9 ' and Arya Vimuktisena's

!!q,ficaviinfatisiihasrikiiprajiiiipiiramitopadefafiistra-abhisamayiilahkiira\ ~ r t t i 2 0 around 1100; according to Bu ston, he was a resident

9[Kashmir. 21

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Instances of the use of g o ~ i n in the s.ame ser:se as describedby Taranatha also occur outsIde of IndIa. In TIbet, 'Gos 10 t

ba gZhon nu dpal (1392-1481), writing in his Blue A n n a ~ a states that the_ A b ~ ? t Rinpoche g L ~ n g lung pa '.'took up t h ~ vows of an upasaka at the age of eIghteen. Roench gives th

Tibetan for "vows of an upiisaka" as go mi)i sdom pa [ g o m ~ smiwara] , and explains the phrase thus: ' ' 'vows of Gomi'· ab.

staining from sexual life. Some say that the term mean; the

'vows taken by Candragomin."'22 .

In Sri Lanka, an important literary figure of the latter partof the 12th century was GurulugomI [Garu<;la-gomin], whose

name is explained by C. E. Godakumbura as follows: "In the

name Gurulu-gomin the latter part -gamin means a Buddhistlay-follower [footnote: gamin = b a u d d h a - b h i k ~ u s i . f y a ~ , with no

source given]. The same title was suffixed t9 the name of

Candra, the grammarian and author of the Siualekha. Both

these names GurulugomI and SandagomI [= Candragomin)

are cited as examples ofnipiitana by the author of the Sinhalese

Grammar, the Sidatsangarii, which was composed somewhere in

the thirteenth century."23

I may note here that CaI}dragomin's Sisyalekha and h i ' ~ i grammar were well-known in Sri Lanka and exerted a consid

erable influence upon its literature. 24 Taranatha (117.811202),reports that Candragomin visited that country, where he'

spread the knowledge of secular subjects, taught the

Mahayana as appropriate, and built many dharma-centres.,'

In standard Sanskrit gomin literally means "lord or owner

of cattle." This definition is given, for example, by two SouthIndian commentaries on the Amarakofa, explaining the v e r s ~ dvau gavzfvare gomiin gomz of the root-text: gaviim-zsvare sviimini

gavzsvare) g i i v a ~ santy-asya gomiin gomz ca gosviimi-niimanz, and

g a v i i d h y a k ~ a - n i i m a n f . 25 Monier-Williams adds the definition "i-.layman adhering to the Buddha's faith," which he ascribes to"lexicographers" without giving an exact reference.26i

From "owner of cattle" to "Buddhist layman" is something

of a quantum leap, and it is obvious that the meaning oft4e,

Buddhist usage ofgomin is not to be sought in orthodox etymohogy. I have not come across any other examples of the technical.

usage ofgomin for a type of upiisaka, or been able to find a m o r ~ . ; specific definition of the term. Thus I am unable to state!exactly what type of upiisaka vows gomin implies. But the a g r e ~ ~

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CANDRAGOMIN'S LOST *KAYATRAyAVATARA 49

~ 1 ; ( e n t ofTibetan and Sinhalese sources is quite remarkable, and

, ~ r t a i n l y establishes the definition of gomin as an unspecified

~ f y p e ofupiisaka. .

~ l c > This brings us to the first of the questions I raised earlier,;{$hether D ~ s a b a l a s r i m i t r a ' ~ * l v ! a h i i - u p i i s ~ ~ a Candra can be

'aentified wIth Candragomm. Smce tradItIOn avers that Can

!Jragomin was upiisaka, and since his name is interpreted in

~ b 6 t h Tibet and Sri Lanka as "Candra the upiisaka," I feel that

c.itis certain that he and *Mahii-upiisaka Candra are one and the

;§atne. Very few of the Buddhist writers about whom we have

' ~ h y knowledge .were

l a y ~ e n : the g r e ~ t mastersof b?th

~ h e 'Jfiivaka and bodhzsattva vehIcles were bhzk!jus. Thus, consIdenng

the fame and influence of Candragomin, the epithet Mahii

:ljpiisaka, "the Great Layman," would ~ a v e been quite fitting.27The second questIOn I have raIsed, whether the verses

ibited by Dasabalasrimitra are taken from the *Kiiyatrayiivatiira

;i:'annot, in the absence of that text, be resolved with finality. Iitin only say that, on the basis of the points listed below, there

1s.a strong likelihood that such was the case:;."

the subject of the verses is clearly the trikiiya, and they are

cited by Dasabalasrimitra as authoritative in the context of

that subject;Taranatha states that" all the later authorities of the Great

Vehicle studied and taught . . . the *Kiiyatrayiivatiira";

Dasabalasrimitra was one such authority;since the *Kiiyatrayiivatiira was still known to Tibetan schol-

ars some centuries after the time of Dasabalasrimitra (if my

dating of the latter is correct), it could still have been extant

in India at the time ofDasabalasrimitra;

it is unlikely that Candragomin would have composed two

authoritative texts on the subject of trikiiya.

In conclusion, I must confess that I have not been able to

. : ~ ~ o u r the extensive opus attributed to Candragomin in the

:RsTan 'gyur for these verses. However, since the titles of these; ~ o r k s indicate that they are siidhanas or stotras dedicated to vari

,Ous bodhisattvas or tantric "deities," none of them are likely can

gidates. A more promising source for further evidence is the

> y ~ s t corpus of Mahayana fiistra literature preserved in '

Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese; considering the alleged popu-

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50 JIABS VOL. 13 NO. I

larity of the work, it is possible that citations of it exist wh':h<d· h . . Ie

may prove or Isprove my t eSIS. .

NOTES

1. Tibetan text ed. A. Schiefner, Tiiraniithae de Doctrinae Buddhicae in indo

Propagatione, rep. Tokyo, n.d., p. 120.17. English translation ed. D. Ch

topadhyaya, T i i r a n i i t h a ' ~ History if B u d d h i ~ m in !ndia, Calcutta, 1980, p. 207. Ref:!}

ences to Taranatha WIll hereafter be gIven m parentheses by Schiefner, page

and line, followed by Chattopadhyaya, page, i.e. 00.00/ /00.

2. Dates as given by Hahn, 1974, p. 6.

3. Tibetan text ed. Lokesh Chandra, Bu-ston's History i f Buddhism, NewDelhi, 1971, p. 836.1. English translation by E. Obermiller, History ifBuddhism

by Bu-ston, part ii, Heidelberg, 1932, p. 133.

4. For these commentaries, cf. Hahn, 1974, p. 12, and Tat:,;, op. cit.,pp:

13-16. Tatz incorporates material from both in his own commentary, p. 3 0 f f . H ~ ; also refers (p. 15) to "a fragment of what constitutes the beginning of a cori-'

mentary to the Twenty verses which is otherwise unknown" from Tun Huang,which, considering its relatively early date, is more likely to be a translation

from Sanskrit than an original Tibetan commentary, and thus may represent athird Indian commentary.

5. Tatz, op. cit., pp. 13-16.

6. These include the following (references here and in the following.

notes are to the Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka reprinted by the Tibetan

Tripitaka Research Institute, Tokyo-Kyoto, 1958):

Kiiyatrayiivatiiramukha ofNagamitra, P 5290, pp. 118.1.1-121.4.7.

This text, composed entirely in verse, does not contain the verses

discussed in this article or appear to be related to them in

arrangement, or in any other way.

Kiiyatrayav!tti ofJfianacandra, P 5291, pp. 121.4.8-136.1.1. This isa

prose commentary on the preceding; although it makes a number

of citations from Mahayana siitras, a cursory examination does not,'

reveal any citation of the verses in question, or any reference to

Candragomin and his *Kiiyatrayiivatiira.

Kiiyatrayastotra, attributed to Nagarjuna, P 2015. Christian

Lindtner, in his Niigii7juniana: Studies in the Writings and Philosophfof

Niigii7juna (Copenhagen, 1982, pp. 15-16) lists this with the texts

he considers "most probably not genuine." Cf. p. 16, note 35, for

bibliographical references, to which may be added "Trikayastava

in an Inscription at Mahintale," Epigraphia Zeylanica, vol. i v ~ pp. 242-246. Cf. also D. Ruegg, The Literature i f he Madhyamakq

School i fPhilosophy in India, Wiesbaden, 1981, p. 56 and note 163."

The Sanskrit titles given in the Tibetan Tripitaka are in some cases recon.-structed by its editors. To the best of my knowledge, the original titles of the

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CANDRAGOMIN'S LOST *KA.YATRAyA.VATA.RA 51

above and of Candragomin's sKu gsum la 'jug pa are not attested in

' ' ' ' ~ l n ' ' .."U" text. A possible alternative for Kiiyatraya- is Trikiiya-; I have

Kiiyatraya- since it has been preferred by most scholars to date.

7.

sTobs"bcu dpal

bshes gnyen, 'Dusbyas dang 'dus ma byas roam

parnges

vol. 146 .

. 8. P. Skilling, "The SainskrJiisainskrta- Vinifcaya of Dasabalasnmitra,"

. Studies Review, London, vol. 4 no. 1, 1987, pp. 3-23.

9. Pp. 90.1.2-99.2.4, Byang chub sems dpa'i tshullugs la shes rab pha rol phyin

sgom pa roam par nges pa. The citation is found at ngo mtshar bstan bcos, no,

7b1 (p. 97.1.3fl). I have also consulted the Sde-dge Bstan-'gyur Series:

108, "published as a part of the dgons-rdzogs of H.H. the Sixteenth

V ' < l - u u ~ ' . · . Karma-pa," dbu ma, ha, 290b4-291a1 (p. 580.4ff). The few minor

are given in the following notes.10. Sde dge:yis.

11. Sde dge: duo

12. Sde dge: cig.

13. Here the Peking edition adds an unnecessary pa, which does not fit

rlfefuetre.!ilii., 14. Peking: zhes .

. 15. Sde dge: ci. "

16. Mahiivyutpatti, ed. R. Sakaki, Kyoto, 1926, item 3493.17. Mahiivyutpatti 8702, 9220.

18. Translated J Takakusu, A Record qf he Buddhist Religion as Practised in

and the Malay Archipelago, rep. new Delhi, 1982, p. 164.

1 9 ~ E. Conze, The Prajniipiiramitii Literature, Tokyo, 1978, p. 39; A. Chat

yaya, Catalogue qf Indian Buddhist Texts in Tibetan Translation: Tanjur (bsTan

), Calcutta, 1983, p. 17.

" 20. E. Conze, op. cit., p.1l2; A. Chattopadhyaya, op. cit., p. 211; C.

sa, L'Abhisamayiilainkiiravrtti di Arya-Vimuktisena, Rome, 1967, p. 3.

21. E. Obermiller, op. cit., ii 215.

22. G. N. Roerich, The Blue Annals, rep. Delhi, 1976, vol. i, p. 297. Addi-

's in square brackets in this and the following citation are my own.

23. C.E Godakumbura, Sinhalese Literature, Colombo, 1955, p. 49.

24. Cf. A.G.S. Kariyawasam, op. cit., p. 648. "

25. A. A. Ramanathan, Amarakofa with the Unpublished South Indian Commen

"es, vol. i, Madras, 1971, pp. 588-589 (Dvifiyakiirp!a, Vai.{yavarga, v. 58).

. 26. Sanskrit-English Dictionary, rep. Delhi, 1976, p. 366.

27. Throughout this paper, I have rendered Dasabalasrlmitra's dge bsnyenpo Zla ba as Mahii-upiisaka Candra. Based on the Tibetan and Sinhalese

~ ; . t e r p r e t a t i o n s that dge bsnyen = upiisaka = gomin, it would also be possible to

t ~ d e r it as Candra-mahagomin or Mahacandragomin. Neither of these seemslIJ.'" •, ~ ~ Y h k e l y .

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~ ~ e d i t a t i ~ n and ~ o s m o l o g y : .rifhe PhysIcal BasIs of the ConcentratIons

; ~ g r i d Formless Absorptions According to

; , ~ y e - l u g s Tibetan Presentations

: > ~ J L e a h Zahler.'L-",o

;'!'he concentrations (bsam gtan, dhyiina) J and formless absorp-

t'tfbilS (gzugs med kyi snyoms Jug, iirupyasamiipatti) are important

~ ~ 8 t o n l y as a system of meditation but also because of their

I & : ~ f a t i o n s h i p to traditional Buddhist cosmology. Buddhist

!istholars have studied this relationship from two points ofview,,:bbth concerned with action (las), or karma. The first places

ffth6se rebirth states in the structure of the cosmology, which, in

;;iUrn, provides a general map of cyclic existence ('khor ba,

Ml1Psara) and of the physical and mental states possible within

~ l { ~ T h i s is the approach of chapter 3 ofVasubandhu's Treasury i f::Yanifest Knowledge (Abhidharmakofa, Chos mngon paJi mdzod) and

! ~ { s A u t o c o m m e n t a r y (Abhidharmakofabhii,rya, Chos mngon pa'i mdzodfki- bshad pa)-for Tibetans of all schools, the major Indian

' ~ ? w c e for the map of cyclic existence. Chapter 4, a detailed

Yqi$cussion of the topic of karma, amplifies the general map in

; ~ ~ a p t e r 3 by applying many of its technical points to specific

~ t ~ a l m s and levels of cyclic existence. 2

~ ~ : Vasubandhu's Treasury i fManifest Knowledge and its Autocom-

' ~ ~ e n t a r y lists only five transmigrations, whereas Tibetan cos!'piologies include a sixth, that of demigods (lha ma yin, asura).

iRemigods are also included in Theravada cosmologies,3 which

: ~ ~ r e not transmitted to Tibet. For Tibetan descriptions of

(1emigods, the main source seems to be stanza 102 of Nagar-

: ~ a n a ' s Friendly Letter (Suhrllekha, bShes paJi spring yig) , which

. ~ e s c r i b e s them in the context of a vivid depiction of the suffer

} i ~ g s o f cyclic existence; Nagarjuna's Friendly Letter influencedS ~ e dGe-lugs (Ge-luk4 ) stages-of-the-path (lam rim) tradition,5

53

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as well as the more technical discussions of cosmology in dGlugs monastic textbooks (yig cha). e:

The second point of view, which presupposes the firf

examines the qualities of the sentient beings (sems can, s a t t v a ) ~ ' the various realms and levels of cyclic existence in order t o d . : ~ t i n g ~ i ~ h between those ~ h o are capable of cultivating and

attammg the concentratIOns and formless absorptions and

those who are not. It is from this second point of view that

dGe-Iugs monastic textbooks set forth the topic of the physical

basis (lus rten) of the concentrations and formless absorptions.&

1. Cyclic Existence

I t may be useful to set the topic of the physical basis of the con-

centrations and formless absorptions against the backgroun(1

of a dGe-Iugs presentation of cyclic existence. The contempQ:

rary dGe-Iugs scholar Lati Rinbochay explains cyclic e x i s ~ ~ tence as consisting of the three realms and the nine l e v e l ~ ; . (khams gsum sa dgu). The three realms are the Desire Realrri'

('dod khams, kiimadhiitu), the Form Realm (gzugs khams, riipadhiitu),"

and the Formless Realm (gzug med khams, iiriipyadhiitu). The'

nine levels are the Desire Realm, the four main divisions of t h ~ ; Form Realm, and the four divisions of the Formless Realm;

Since these divisions of the Form and Formless Realms corres

pond to the actual absorptions (dngos gzhi'i snyoms 'jug,maulasamiipatti) that cause rebirth in those realms, the fout:"

main levels of the Form Realm are called the First Concentni>

tion (bsam gtan dang po, prathamadhyiina), the Second Concentra.-:

tion (bsam gtan gnyis pa, dvitfyadhyiina), the Third C o n c e n t r a t i o ~ (bsam gtan gsum pa, tritfyadhyiina) , and the Fourth Concentration'

(bsam gtan bzhi pa, caturthadhyiina). The divisions of the F o r m l e s ~ i ) Realm also have the same names as the actual absorptionsthaf,cause rebirth in them; they are called Limitless Space (nain

mkha' mtha' yas, iikiifiinantya) , Limitless Consciousness (rnam:,f

shes mtha' yas, vijiiiiniinantya) , Nothingness (ci yang med,

iikir[lcanya) , and the Peak of Cyclic Existence (srid rtse,'

bhaviigra).7 (For a chart of cyclic existence showing the thr(':(':}

realms and the nine levels, see page 72.) ••:

Rebirth in all these levels is held to be caused by previous:.

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MEDITATION AND COSMOLOGY: IN DGE-LUGS 55

.;itctions . Rebirth in the bad transmigrations (ngan 'gro, dur-

~ g a t i ) - those of hell ~ e i n g s (dmyalba, ~ i i r a ~ a ) , ~ u n g r y ghosts (yi;dvags, preta), and ammals (dud 'gro, tzryanc)-ls caused by non

;virtuOUS (mi dge ba, akufala) actions, whereas rebirth in the

:happy transmigrations (bde 'gro, sugati) -those of humans (mi,

'rtzanuva), demigods (lha mayin, asura), and gods (lhaj deva)-is

~ a u s e d by virtuous (dge ba, kufala) actions. Thus, one purpose

[of such presentations is ethical: it is assumed that if listeners

%know what types of action cause the various types of rebirth,

:they will try to modify their conduct accordingly so that, at the

;Very least, they may avoid rebirth in bad transmigrations and

attain rebirth in happy transmigrations. According to presen

;tations of the topic of Grounds and Paths (sa lam, bhiimimiirga),

this is the level of the special being of small capacity (skyes bu

(chung ngu khyad par can), the lowest of the three types of religious

;practitioner. It is assumed to be the level of most people who

'.listen to Buddhist teachings, whereas those of middling capac

'ity (skye bu 'bring) and, especially, those of great capacity (skye[bu chen po) -respectively, those who wish to attain freedom

Trom cyclic existence for their own sakes and those who wish

:tp attain Buddhahood for the sake of all sentient beings-are

held to be few. 8 Therefore, Lati Rinbochay describes the Desire

.Realm, especially the bad transmigrations, in far greater detail

;than is strictly necessary for a presentation of the concentra

:tions and formless absorptions.

Virtuous actions are said to be of two types-meritorious

(bsod nams, pU'fJya) and unfiuctuating (mi gyo ba, iinifijya).

Meritorious actions are those that cause rebirth as a human or

as a god of the Desire Realm. Unfiuctuating actions are those

that cause rebirth in the Form and Formless Realms-the

~ c t u a l absorptions of the concentrations and formless absorp

tions. "Thus," Lati Rinbochay comments,

from the point of view of taking rebirth in cyclic existence,

these eight concentrations and formless absorptions are the

best possible actions. 9

But his comment raises the question of motivation: does the

practitioner seek rebirth in cyclic existence or liberation

from it?

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From this point of view,. t ~ e p r e s ~ n t a ~ i o n of the Form and

Formless Realms as . s t a t ~ s wIthm c ? , c h ~ e X I s t e n ~ e sug/?ests that,'.

for dGe-lugs-pas, duectmg the mmd'mward IS not m itself

guarantee of liberation; even if extremely subtle states arareached, they may lead, not to liberation, but only to SUbtl\

states of suffering-that is, to rebirth in high levels withiR

cyclicexis tence . ;

Not all beings are capable of attaining those states, how-

ever. The limitations of those who are not capable of attaining'

them, as well as the capacities of those who are, depend toa.

great extent on those beings' previous actions. The topic of the ,physical basis of the concentrations and formless absorptions

deals with the question of who-that is, what types of person

(gang zag, pudgala)-can achieve the concentrations and form?

less absorptions. From the practitioner'S point of view, t h ~ topic answers the question, "Am I included among those whd

can do it?"

II. The Meaning qf"Physical Basis"

The meaning of "basis" (rten, iifraya) in the term "physical'

basis" (lus rten) requires some explanation. Tibetan writers and

scholars often refer to persons "in," or "having," a basis ofthe"

Desire, Form, or Formless Realm. In this somewhat awkwardphrase, "basis" is a technical term referring to the collection

of aggregates (phung po, skandha) in dependence upon w h i c ~ ' the person is designated-that is, the basis of designatioh

(gdags gzhi) of the person, since, according to Prasangikaj

Madhyamika tenets (grub mtha', siddhiinta) , the person is q()t \

any of the aggregates and is not the collection of aggregate§

but, rather, is designated in dependence upon the collectionof

aggregates. Thus, beings of the Desire and Form Realms.'

technically, persons "in" or "having" Desire or Form Realm.

bases-have all five aggregates, so that person is designated in.

dependence upon the collection of the form aggregate (gzugs

kyi phungpo, rupaskandha) and the four mental aggregates, or the

body and mind. This is the basis of the person.'y;In the topic of the physical basis, the term "physical b a s i s ' ~ r

is used loosely, since it refers to beings of all three realms;',

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l i . ~ .'.-t.riCtly spe.akin. g, . o n l ~ those of the Desire and Form Realms" ' ~ a v e a physzcal basIs, SInce only they have a form aggregate-a

~ 9 d y - a s well as the four mental aggregates. Beings of the

I'()rrnless Realm have only the mental aggregates and, thereIfore, have no bodies. Nevertheless, they are also discussed

Itjhder this heading, since the term "mental basis" (sems rten) is

tsed technically in a completely different context. The topic of

_frital bases. deals w i t ~ r e l a t i o n s h i ~ s bet;-veen c o n . s c i o u s n ~ s s e s ; ~ ~ ' e c i f i c a l l y , It deals wIth the ways In whIch certaIn conscIOUS

lIesses do do not support (that is, act as b a s ~ s of) ~ e r t a i n lither conscIOusnesses-for example, the way In whIch an~ . : , . · f . t , . , u a l absorption of a ~ o n c e n t r a t i o n becomes the mental basislIthe path of preparatIOn (sbyor lam, prayogamarga), the second

!',Afthe five paths leading to liberation from cyclic existence and,

f i ~ t h e M a h a y a n ~ , B u ~ d h a h o o d ; the person cultivating the

, ~ a t h of preparatIOn In thIS way would be s o m ~ o n e on the first~ f , the five paths, the path of accumulatIOn (tshogs lam,

lo/bhiiramarga), who has attained an actual concentration.

III Classes i f Beings Who Cannot Achieve the Concentrations and'fPormless Absorptions.,,,

dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po (Gon-chok-jik-may-wang

lEg) begins his exposition of his own system by enumeratingI ~ d eliminating those persons who cannot achieve the concen

~ . r ~ ~ a t i ~ ~ s and formless ~ b s o r p t i o n s : Lati ~ i n b o c h a y and ~ e d i i n ID,ldro both follow thIs method In theIr oral presentatIOns. lO

~ ! 6 m a m o n g the six transmigrations of cyclic existence, the

imain groups of those who cannot are beings in the three bad

~ a n s m i g r a t i o n s ; demigods; humans of the northern continent,

t1gnpleasant Sound (sgra mi nyan, kuru); the higher types of gods~ f t h e Desire Realm, and the gods ofno discrimination ('du shes

fled pa'i sems can, asamjiiisattva) in the Great Fruit Land ('bras bu

(he, vrhatphala) of the Fourth Concentration. l I All these are said

~ ~ ~ h a v e "strong fruitional obstructions" (rnam smin gyi sgrib pa,fp,ipakavarar;a), which Gediin Lodro explains as meaning "that

I ~ e actions (las), or karmas, that caused such persons to be

I ~ p o r n " as beings of any of those transmigrations "preventsltich persons from engaging in virtuous activity"- a t any rate,

_,li.·..••'.f-, '

' ~ ; "";':;,

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the type of virtuous activity required for generation of the c ' ~ ; r x ; .. d r: lb · 12 On·:centratlOns an lorm ess a s o r p t l O n s . ; : £ ~

Additional reasons are given fOF the inability of sut '

beings achieve ~ h e . c o n c e n t r a t i o ~ s an.d formless a b s o r p t i o ~ ~ Accordll1.g to LatI Rll1.bochay, bemgs m the three bad t r a n ' i ~ m i ~ r a t i o n s cannot b e c ~ u s e t h e i ~ s u f f e r ~ n g gives t h e ~ no O p P ( ) } ~ tumty to do SO.13 Gedun Lodro explams the suffenngs oft1';;1

bad transmigrations in great detail in this context: "Heir:beings notonly have physical suffering but are particularly t 6 i ~ mented mental suffering"; h ~ n g ~ ' y ghosts "are t r o u b l e d b ~ the sufferIngs of hunger and thIrst and, therefore, "are t r ~ ~ mendously afflicted with jealousy of those who have food a n d ~ drink," and animals, although they have less physical aria'

mental suffering than hell beings and hungry ghosts, are t6(r

stupid to focus on an object of observation (dmigs pa, iilambanaj"I

Gediin Lodro notes that "the faculties of hell beings and h u f i ~ l gry ghosts are sharper than those of animals." 14 In addition t6l

stupidity, animals also have the sufferings enumerated by L a ~ Rinbochay in his description of cyclic existence: they eat o n ~ l another or constantly have to search for food or are used f()f;

humanpurposes.15 i ¥ ~ The fruitional obstruction of demigods is such that theo/

"are strongly afflicted by jealousy."16 As Gediin Lodro e x p ~ : lains, this o c c u r s ~ \ ~

~ 1 5 . ~

because their rebirths as demigods are impelled by an actioAI

(las, karma) conjoined with a mind of jealousy regarding t h ~ ; wealth and resources of the gods. 17 r ~ l

.According to Lati Rinbochay, humans of the northern cort5

tinent, Unpleasant Sound, and the higher types of gods of t h ~ ; Desire

Realmcannot achieve the

concentrations and f o r m l e s ~ J absorptions because they are unable to analyze. They cannot

analyze becausethey/f

experience a continuous wonderful fruition of past a c t i o n ~ ~ Thus, they do not have untimely death; things go well for theIIl,:and they experience the fruition of good past actions .s8;

strongly that they do not have much to think about and, t h e ~ n ; i fore, do not have strong power of thought. S

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~ G e d i i n Lodro cites commentaries on. V a s ~ b a n d h u ' s Treasury i f~ M a n i f e s t Knowlege a.s the sources f ~ r thIS pomt. He a:so suggests

~ i ~ a t the pleasant lIves of such beings are mostly gIVen over to

~ ! ~ e t h i c a l l y neutral (lung du rna bstan pa, avyiikrta) activity, since; ~ I ' t h e y d.o not have ~ n y s : ~ o n g force of thought to engage in

"'either vIrtue or nonvIrtue. 19

~ . ; , Lati Rinbochay and Gedun Lodro differ as to which of the

"lh:io-her Desire Realm gods cannot achieve the concentrations

;:l1ri'd formless absorptions and, to some extent, with regard to

';ihe reason. According to Lati Rinbochay, the three higher

; ; t ) ~ p e s cannot-mainly because, like humans of the northern2continent, they cannot analyze. According to Gedun Lodro,

Vhowever, the four higher types of gods of the Desire Realm can

';l1ot do so. He divides the six types of Desire Realm gods into

'F!those who depend on the earth and those who are in the sky

n.rid holds that only the two lowest types, which depend on the

~ ' ~ a r t h , can generate the concentrations and formless absorp

:{dons; the four higher types, those who are in the sky, cannot'because they cannot see the faults of the Desire Realm. 20 dKon

;fnchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, however, gives a somewhat differ

' ~ n t presentation; according to him, all six types of gods of the

/;pesire Realm can newly generate the concentrations and form

less absorptions because all "have new generation of concentra

tive discipline" (bsarn gtan gyi sdorn pa, dhyiinasa'T(luara;21 for a

discussion of the topic of concentrative discipline, see pages64-68) .. Because of their fruitional obstruction, gods of no discrimi

;hation in the Great Fruit Land of the Fourth Concentration are

also prevented from achieving the concentrations and formless

absorptions by inability to analyze-in their case, according to

Lati Rinbochay, because they are born into a meditative

absorption without discrimination as a result of having cultiVated such an absorption in the previous lifetime. 22 dKon

mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po also includes gods of no discrimi

nation among those having a strong fruitional obstruction. 23

Gedun Lodro, however, includes these gods in a "secondary

group" of gods and humans unable to achieve the concentra

tions and formless absorptions-a group consisting of "hu

mansor gods at

atime of sleeping,

fainting,the meditative

absorption of cessation ('gog pa'i snyorns 'jug, nirodhasarniiPatti) ,

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or the m . : ~ i t ~ t i v e abso:ption of n ~ n - d i s c r ~ : m i n a t i o n (du shesrArJJ

pa, asarrt)na). '24 Accordmg to Gedun Lodro, those who are b ; : ? ! i ~ as ?"od.s of no d i s ~ r i ~ i n ~ t i o ~ have . 8 u l t i v a t ~ d a m e d i t a t i ~ eqUIpoIse of non-dIscnmmatIOn because of mtense c o n c t ~ \ { ~ . h ." f . d" h . r n ~ WIt overcommg coarse states 0 mm ; t ey have a ( Y ~ achieved an actual concentration. They . ~ O .

mistake the factor which is pacification of coarse minds f o r ' 1 i B ~ eration; thus, they view the meditative absorption of n O d l J ~ crimination as being a path to liberation and see birth in t h l t ~ level

asliberation.

2 5 h . % ! ~ IV Exceptions Among Beings Otherwise Qualified to Generate the

Concentrations and Formless Absorptions

The remaining types of sentient beings-that is,huinans o f t h ~ l three continents other than Unpleasant Sound, the lower t y p ~ ~ ! of Desire Realm gods, and Form Realm gods other than t h o § ~ 1 . of non-discrimination-can achieve the concentrations a r f d ~ formkss absorptions. Even among them, however, t h e r e a ' ; e ~ exceptions based on inability to analyze, disqualification d ~ ~ to genital abnormality, and the presence of strong k a r m l a ~ obstructions. . .

Inability to analyze. Gediin Lodro lists as "the main h u m a : ~ ; exceptions . .. those who are insane, those whose elements a r : ~ ~ physically disturbed, and beings emanated by anothei:!

being." 26 He explains that beings of the last type cannot g e n e r , ~ , ~ ate calm abiding (zhi gnas, famatha) or the concentrations a n ( t ~ formless absorptions because they do not have minds of t h e i i ~ own: they "are incapable of deciding to generate calm a b i d i n ~ ~ because they depend on the mind of the emanator."27 He alsQ'i

includes among the rriain exceptions those humans who a f ~ ' ; "overpowered by poison"; such persons are suffering f r o m ~ X type of craziness, but not the natural insanity referred to a b o v ~ ; ~ rather, their minds are temporarily "affected by certain s u ~ ~ ~ stances," including drugs such as marijuana and datura, as wenl!as manufactured drugs (in both the Tibetan and Western s y s ~ terns) .2 8 "These," he notes, "are the main cases of the m i n d ' ~ , } j

t ~ " i ~ i ~ , ~ , ~ Y i :

ll

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,

, abiding in a normal state."29 Of humans in this main type,

that "not only can these people not generate calm abid

.... or an actual concentration; they also cannot generate a vow

.emancipation, a bodhisattva vow, or a tantric vow." 30

abnormality. Among the humans of the three continents

than Unpleasant Sound who cannot generate the concen

and formless absorptions are those disqualified

of genital abnormality. It is important for modern

to bear in mind that the abnormalities referred to

are anatomical abnormalities and the mental distortionsto accompany them; there is no mention of sexual

According to dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, persons

IIn.IIIICU are neuter persons (za ma, ~ a r p j h a ) , eunuchs (ma

parpjaka) , and androgynes (mtshan gnyis pa, ubhayavyafi-

; Lati Rinbochay gives the second category as "the impo

and appears to include what we generally think of asamong the neuter-those who "have neither male nor

organs or .. . lose their organs through sickness, through

application of medicine, or through the organs' being cut

a weapon." He explains impotent persons as those who

male or female organs but lack the sexual capacity of

and females: Androgynous humans, according to both

Rinbochay and Gediin Lodr6, are those who have bothand female organs.3

.. According to dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, the reason

with genital abnormalities cannot newly generate the

fCb]ncc::ntlratl' and formless absorptions is that they have

afflictive obstructions (nyon mongs kyi sgrib pa, klefiiva-.32 Lati Rinbochay explains that

their minds are continuously held by such afflictions as desire,

anger, and jealousy. Because there is no time at which they are

free of these afflictions, they have no opportunity to cultivate

paths

therefore, cannot newly attain the concentrations and

absorptions. 33

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Gedun Lodro distinguishes between the incapacity £

such meditation of the neuter and the androgynous. Accord'h. lng

W 1m .,

Neuter beings, like those in the northern continent, are Un hI

to carry anything to a conclusion. They do not h a v ~ •.sufficiently strong force of thought. 34 .•

The androgynous, however, are prevented from attaining calm

abiding or the concentrations and formless absorpti()n

because they have too many afflictions: . S

Androgynous humans, those who have both male and femalesigns, have the affiictions of both male and female and thus

have too many affiictions to be able to generate calm abiding[or the concentrations and formless absorptions]. 35

With regard to the afflictions of male and female, GediinLodro explains:

In general, we refer to the three poisons, the six root affiictions

(rtsa ba Ji nyon mongsJ miilaklesa), and the twenty secondary affiicctions (nye baJi nyon mongsJupaklefa). Both males and females h a v ~ all these. The male and female affiictions that I was referringto are the desire each has for the other. Males have an attrac

tion to females and females, to males. A person who had bothtypes ofdesire would have a great deal. 36

I t is important to note that people with genital abnorc

malities cannot newly attain calm abiding and the c o n c e n t ~ a ~ tions and formless absorptions. d K o n - m c h o g - ' j i g s - m e d ~ dbang-po does not say of them, as he does of those with strong

karmic obstructions, that they "can neither newly generateabsorptions nor keep what has already been generated"; he

says only that those with genital abnormalities "do not have

generation of these [absorptions]." 37 According to Gediin·

Lodro, those who had previously attained calm abiding or any

of the concentrations and formless absorptions and later fell

into one of the categories of genital abnormality through acci-.

dent or illness would not necessarily lose their attainments;

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'oI1le people would be able to use their previous understanding

~ . ~ b hold on to th.eir attainments, but the case of a strong acci-

!'dent, the. attamment would deterIorate. 38 Thus, although

fhurnans capable of generating the concentrations and formless: ~ b s o r p t i o n s must be genitally normal males and females,

"Gediin Lodro's qualification shows that the criterion of genital

rtorrnality is not applied mechanically.

jStrang karmic obstructions. Some humans are prevented from.

:.generating the concentrations and formless absorptions by

i.sh:ong karmic obstructions (las sgrib, karmiivaralJa). 39 These kar,'tnic obstructions are the actions of abandoning the doctrine

'(chas spong) and the five heinous crimes (mtshams med pa, iinan-

tarya). Abandoning the doctrine, in the narrowest technical

sense, involves partisanship among Buddhists; it is a Bud

:i:lhist's disparagement of another Buddhist position. The five

'heinouscrimes, which bring immediate retribution at death,

'are those of killing one's father, killing one's mother, killing aFoe Destroyer (dgra bcom pa, arhan) , maliciously causing the

'body of a tathiigata to bleed, and causing division in the

'spiritual community (dge 'dun, san:tgha) .

. According to 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa Uam-yang-shay

ba), the reason karmic obstructions prevent attainment of the

.concentrations and formless absorptions is that they "obstruct

the Superior (,phags pa, iirya) paths and the special faith, andso forth, that are the virtuous roots for training in them."40 .

Obviously, if even the virtuous roots necessary for training in

the Superior paths are obstructed, it will be impossible to

attain the Superior paths themselves. 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad

pa's reason is based on a passage concerning the Superior

paths in Vasubandhu's Autocommentary on the "Treasury qfManifest

Knowledge";41

in this context, 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa is treating the concentrations and formless absorptions as analogous

to the Superior paths. Thus, the virtuous roots necessary for

training in the concentrations and formless absorptions are

also obstructed. By his mention of virtuous roots, 'Jam

dbyangs-bzhad-pa seems to imply that even to train in the

Superior paths and the concentrations and formless absorp

tions one needs to accumulate a certain amount of merit; thisposition, based on the above-mentioned passage in Vasuban-

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dhu's Autocommentary on the "Treasury i fManifist Knowledae J ) Id . h h - . fT·b '" J a So

accor s w ~ t t e assu.mptlOns 0 1 etan prac:ice generally.

KarmIc obstructlOns are not held to be Irreversible h<"

T ·b . f h ' ow-ever; 1 etan presentatlOns 0 t e concentrations and formlb · h ess

a s ? r p t ~ o n s ag:-ee t at persons who have committedthe<

actlOns I I I questlOn can become capable of generating the Co ..

centrations and formless absorptions if they engage in a mea:

of purifying those actions. This position, too, accords with th s

assumptions of Tibetan practice. As Hopkins points ou::

"purificationm here probably refers· to the four power'

explained in the context of confession of misdeeds."42 The f o u ~ are: (1) the object, or base; (2) contrition; (3) "an aspiration

toward restraint"; (4) application of an antidote; this last

according to the rNying-ma scholar Khetsun Sangpo R i n ~ bochay, "can be any virtuous practice."43

V Concentrative Discipline

'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa says of several types of beings

that they cannot generate the concentrations and formless

absorptions because they cannot generate concentrative d i s c i ~ pline (bsam gtan gyi sdom paJ dhyiinasarrwara) .44 He uses this line

of reasoning in relation to. humans of the northern continent,

Unpleasant Sound, who "do not have either the discipline ofindividual emancipation (so mthar gyi sdom paJ priitimok-iasarrwara),

concentrative discipline (bsam gtan gyi sdom pa) dhyiinasan:wara),or bad discipline (sdom min) asaT(lvara) " ;45 he also uses it in rela

tion to humans with genital abnormalities and beings of the

three bad transmigrations. 46 He concludes from Vasubandhu's

silence concerning demigods that they, too, are unable to gen

erate the concentrations and formless absorptions becausethey lack concentrative discipline, although he also mentions

their "obstructions of jealousy."47 Similarly, he gives ability to

generate concentrative discipline as the reason that humans of

the three continents other than Unpleasant Sound and "the six

types of gods of the Desire Realm and transmigrators of the

Form Realm" can generate the concentrations and formless

.absorptions.48

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dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, in his condensation of

f§Jain-dbyangs-bzhad-pa's text, follows 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-

I"':f c l o s e l y ~ although he does not mention concentrative disci

~ l i n e in relation to demigods; apparently, he considers their\ ~ ~ e r y strong obstructions of jealousy and of [being that kind

.61J transmigrator': sufficient reason for thei: inability to generIfiethe concentratIOns and formless absorptIOns. 49

I ~ / ; > A s the source for this discussion of concentrative disci'iIne, 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa cites chapter 4 ofVasubandhu's

lP.w.;. ..(f.a.sury ofManifest K n o w l e ~ g e a ~ d ~ t s ~ u t ~ c o m m e n t a r y . 50 According

J3the Treasury, concentratIve discIplme IS one of the three types\5fdiscipline (sdom pa, sa7[lvara); the other two are the discipline6findividual emancipation (so sor mthar pa, p r i i t i m o k ~ a ) and

".~ r t c o n t a m i n a t e d (zag med, aniisrava) discipline.51 'Jam-dbyangs-

I ~ . * h a d - p a ' s r e a s o ~ cited above ( ~ a g e 64) also m e x : t i ? n ~ bad disrCipline (sdom mzn, asa7[lvara)-hterally, "non-discIplme." All

~ b e s e , according to both the V a i b h a ~ i k a and Prasangika

~ . , ..lf•..~ o O l S o.f tenets, are .types of f o r ~ - s ~ e c i f i c a l l y , . ~ o n - : ~ v e l a t ~ f Y form (rnam par rzg byed ma yzn pa'z gzugs, aVZJnaptzrupa). 52

I.ccording to Hopkins, non-revelatory forms are so called

I ~ e c a u s e they

±if>

are continuations of virtue or sin and arise from revelatory

actions of body or speech or arise from cultivating meditative

stabilization [ting nge 'dzin, samiidhiJ. Since the motivations ofthese actions are not knowable by others, they are called 'non

revelatory forms. 53

~ a s u b a n d h u ' s Treasury ofManifest Knowledge lists three types of

~ o n - r e v e l a t o r y form: discipline, bad discipline, and something

:that is neither. 54

~ ' ; q Although the word "discipline" is used by Hopkins as a:translation of 'dul va (vinaya), I am following La Vallee Pous

~ j ~ ' s translation ofVasubandhu's Treasury in using "discipline"

~ ( ) translate sdom pa (sa7[lvara) in this context, since it is proba

ply the only English (and French) word that conveys both

~ ~ n s e s of sa7[lvara-"vow" and "restraint."55 In the case of indi

~ d u a l emanicpation (so sor thar pa, p r i i t i m o k ~ a ) , the meaning is

~ l o s e r to that of "vow," whereas, for the other two types of

~ ~ T [ l v a r a , the meaning is closer to that of "restraint."~ { ,

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The discipline of individual emancipation is a vow take

from someone else. Thus, ' J ~ m - d b y a n g s - b z h a d - p a .states t h a ~ humans of the northern contment do not have the dIscipline of

individual emancipation because "they [can] not take SOille_

thing supreme [that is, a vow] from another [person, who is

giving it] . "56 The last two, obviously, are not mentioned in Vasu_

bandhu's Treasury, but it is worth nothing that Gedun LOdro

remarks of humans whose minds are not in a normal state that

they "cannot generate a vow of individual emancipation,a

Bodhisattva vow, or a tantric VOw."58 A sGo-mang (Go-mang)

scholar and, therefore, a follower of 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pahe implicitly extends 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa's line of r e a s o n ~ ing, based on Vasubandhu's Treasury, to the other two types of

saT(l.vara used in contemporary Tibetan practice.

Concentrative and uncontaminated discplines are'

restraints rather than vows. They are induced by the illere

attainment of certain minds-the former, by the mere a t t a i n ~ ment ofa mind of the Form Realm (that is, by the initial attainment of calm abiding59 ) and the latter, by the mere attainment;

of an uncontaminated path. The mere attainment of such a

mind leads the practitioner to refrain from certain actions.

Thus, he or she acquires a restraint, or discipline. 60 Since con

centrative discipline is form-non-revelatory form-beings of

the Formless Realm, although able to generate the concentra

tions and formless absorptions, are not said to have concentrative discipline. 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa cites Vasubandhu's

Treasury qf Manifest Knowledge (4.44a-b) and its Autocommentary

to establish this point but do not discuss it. 61

Bad discipline is an absence of restraint, a non-revelatory

form produced by non-virtue-for example, the action ofa

butcher in killing animals. 52

According to 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, then, many of thebeings who cannot generate calm abiding and the concentra

tions and formless absorptions cannot do so because they caIl-."

not generate concentrative discipline; of some, he adds t h ~ ! they also cannot generate the other two types ofdiscipline. The

problem with this line of reasoning is its apparent circularity .

'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa is saying that such beings cannot gen

erate calm abiding and the concentrations and formless.absorptions because they cannot generate something-',.::a

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'trorrn-that is induced by the mere attainment of calm abiding.hIe seems to be saying that such beings cannot achieve the

~ t a u s e because they cannot achieve the effect; as Hopkins

~ f e r n a r k s , this, "ir: gene:-al, nO.t very suita?le r:asoning." It isiialso somewhat mIsleadIng In thIs context, SInce It suggests that

~ ' ~ c o n c e n t r a t i v e discipline must be something beyqnd the disci

j p ' ~ n e that. t ~ k e s ~ ~ ~ c e when one attains a [level of] concentra! l ~ l O n , and It IS not.l ~ i : ' Georges Dreyfus holds that it is best not to emphasize the

,fact that concentrative discipline comes only with the attain- .

~ f u e n t of a level of concentration. Rather, the argument shouldlbe based on the inability of such beings to generate any disci

flJline at all. According to him, suchbeings . l a ~ k :thical c o ~ m i ~ ~ i h e n t . Therefore, they cannot have the dISCIplIne of the IndI

Itidual emancipation and, for the same reason, cannot attain

' ~ n y type of meditative stabilization. Thus, they do not have(concentrative discipline. 54

t ~ , Hopkins, perhaps more plausibly, takes the circularity ofifJam-:dbyangs-bzhad-pa's reasoning into account and argues

Fthat it comes from the way the topic is presented in 'Jam

' ~ b y a n g s - b z h a d - p a ' s sources. I t is as though 'Jam-dbyangs

[bzhad-pa were saying, ''Although there are no direct statements

lthat such beings cannot attain the concentrations, we know

I t ~ a t they cannot because there are explanations that they can

~ ; i i o t have concentrative discipline."65~ ; ~ 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa's source is Vasubandhu's Treasury

~ % j Manifest Knowledge and its Autocommentary. Vasubandhu's dis

~ ~ u s s i o n of calm abiding and the concentrations and formless

~ ~ b s o r p t i o n s is divided among chapter 6, which includes a!fjjresentation of calm abiding; chapter 8, which presents the

~ F o n c e n t r a t i o n s and formless absorptions as meditative states

S ~ t h o u t stating what types of beings cannot and can attain,them; chapter 3, which lists and describes the Form and Form

~ ~ ~ s s Realm rebirth states; and chapter 4, which deals with the~ t o p i c of karma. In the context of karma, Vasubandhu discusses

I ~ o n c e n t r a t i v e discipline not in relation to the attainment of

fliweditative states but in relation to the non-revelatory forms

~ ! p a t carry continuations of virtuous and non-virtuous actions.

~ ! t is from this discussion of non-revelatory forms that 'Jam~ ~ b y a n g s - b z h a d - p a , whose concern is meditative states, must

~ f : mL:

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extrapolate his presentation of the types of beings that cann " ' t ' ~ ~ d . h 0 "an can attam t oses ta tes . '

VI. A ~ ~ i t i o n a l .. Points Discussed by dKon-mchog- 'jigs-med-dbang;"

po and Gedun Lodro . ...~ . ~

dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po and Gediin Lodro, who fofflow 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, discuss several other p o i n t i ~ concerning the physical basis. One of the most i m p o r t a n t c o i i ~ i cerns the capacity of beings in the bad transmigrations for ad3

ing virtuously and the difference between the type of v i r t u o ~ ~ C i action involved in generating the concentrations and formless":

absorptions, on the one hand, and the altruistic mind J i ~ enlightenment (byang chub kyi sems, bodhicitta) , on the otheI':;l

dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po establishes, in a debate, t h a t ~ beings in the three bad transmigrations can attain great l o v € ~ (byams pa chen po, mahamaitri), great compassion (snying rje c h e n ~ po, mahiikarurja), and the altruistic mind of enlightenment b l l t ~ cannot attain the four immeasurables (tshad med bzhi, catviirj]

apramarjani. 66 They can attain the altruistic mind of e n l i g h t e r i ~ ! ment, as well as great love and great compassion, because t h e y ~ can newly generate the seven cause-and-effect q u i n t e s s e n t i a 1 ~ instructions (rgyu 'bras man ngag bdun) for attaining the altruistit]

mind of enlightenment-great love and great compassioll'l;being the fourth and fifth of these. 67 However, they cannot g e n J ~ erate the four immeasurables because the four i m m e a s u r a b l e S ~ ~ are actual absorptions of concentrations, which cannot b e ~ ~ attained in the bad t r a n s m i g r a t i o n s · . ; ; ~

Gediin Lodro, following 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa's m o r ~ ! i detailed version of this debate in the Great Exposition of the C o n ~ . ~ centrations and Formless Absorptions,68 discusses the problem p r ~ . ~ ~ sented by a sutra statement that "there are cases of hell b e i n g ~ J f : who newly saw the truth." The problem is that " i ~

; 1 ~ "newly seeing the truth" means that one is achieving the patl;,;i

ofseeing (mthong lam, darfanamiirga), and in order to achieve t h a ~ ~ t path it is necessary to achieve the path ofpreparation (sbyor l a r n , ? : ~ prayogamiirga), the sign ofwhich is the attainment of the m e d i ~ ~ ~ i l tive stabilization which is a union of calm abiding and s p e C l a ~ 0 1

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insight (lhag mthong, vipafyanii). Thus, before that path, oneIllust have achieved a full-fledged calm abiding. 69

.There are. two answers. One is that, in this statement, "theword 'truth' does not refer to the path of seeing but to the gen

; ~ r a t i o n of the altruistic mind of enlightenment"; Gedun Lodro

adds, "lnded, many sutras say that there are cases of hell

beings, hungry ghosts, and nagas (klu) who newly generate the

altruistic mind of enlightenment during that lifetime and

'become Bodhisattvas."7o The other is that 'seeing the truth'

i"eally does mean achieving the path of seeing, and the momentsuch a person attains the path of seeing, he or she ceases to be

ihungry ghost or a hell being."71The first answer, which Gedun Lodro appears to favor,

raises the question of how someone who cannot achieve calm

abiding can nevertheless generate the altruistic mind of

~ n l i g h t e n m e n L Gedun Lodro's answer turns on the difference

between wisdom analyzing an object and great faithful interest'in and aspiration toward it. For calm abiding, a strong factor

ofwisdom is necessary:

Although one does not engage in a great deal of analysis during[the cultivation of] calm abiding, being told about an object bysomeone else is not sufficient to cause that object to appear to

your own mind; you yourself must investigate it carefully. Forthe generation of an altruistic mind of enlightenment, however,it is enough to be told that there is such a thing as Buddhahood,and if you come to believe that and can thereby generate greateffort, the altruistic mind of enlightenment can be attained. 72

According to Gedun Lodro, it is better if one engages in

analysis even in the generation of the altruistic mind of enlight

enme.nt, but analysis is not necessary; "non-artificial, spon

taneous experience" of the altruistic mind of enlightenment

that is, the arising of the altruistic mind of enlightenment as

strongly outside meditation as in a strong meditation session

is possible even without analysis. 73 Thus, beings such as hell

beings and hungry ghosts, who are incapable of analysis

because of their intense sufferings and therefore cannot gener

ate the concentrations and formless absorptions, can neverthe

less generate the altruistic mind of enlightenment.

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dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po also discusses wheth ...•

absorptions attained in a former rebirt,h can be retained_

particular, whether beings of the three bad transmigrations In

humans of the northern continent, Unpleasant Sound, w ~ ~ . cannot newly generate the concentrations and formless a b s o r p ~ " tions, can retain "possession of actual absorptions alread

attained" in a previous lifetime in the Form or Formles}

Realm. 74 He establishes that they cannot, since the a b s o r p ~ tion-or, one might say, the mind-of a being of the Form or

Formless Realm who is about to die and who will definitely be

reborn in the next lifetime in a bad transmigration or as a

human of the northern continent degenerates before death.

Such a being, just before death, has manifest afflictions of the

Desire Realm such as gross craving and, since it is impossible'

to manifest such afflictions and an actual absorption simul-·

taneously, the absorption is necessarily lost-not at the point of

rebirth, as we might think, but just before death from the Form

or Formless Realm. 75

He makes several other points about beings in transition

beings of various types who are about to be reborn. Some of·

these points seem merely to involve verbal faults in debate.

Others emphasize the changes such beings undergo-especially,

that they become intermediate-state (bar do, antariibhiiva) beings

between their death at the end of one lifetime and their birth in

the next; these points about such changes counteract the t e n ~ dency to think of the status of the beings in question as fixed,

even for the duration of a lifetime. For example, it is wrong to

say that beings in the bad transmigrations necessarily have

strong karmic obstructions in their mental continua (rgyud,

sar[ltiina). To someone who takes this position, he cites as a

counterexample "someone in a bad transmigration who, hav

ing used up his [or her] strong karmic obstructions, is about to

die and is definite to attain a [human] basis of leisure and for-

tune in the next life."76 The point seems to be that one cannot

make such generalizations about the entire lifetime of a being'

in a bad transmigration; beings change during the course ora

life in one of the bad transmigrations and have other predispos

itions in their continua; therefore, although they have strong

karmic obstructions in their continua at the time of their birth

in a bad transmigration, the karmic obstructions that caused

them to be born there can be used up in that lifetime.

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rtJonclusionlit",

The topic of the physical basis of the concentrations and

rrnless absorptions is more than a mere list of types ofperson.ementary though the topic seems, it presupposes essentiiilddhist doctrines. The doctrine of selflessness (bdag med,

iratmya), for instance, is implied by the very term "physical

'sis," with its reference to the basis ofdesignation of the person, e collection of aggregates in dependence upon which the

son is designated.

'Of more obvious importance is the doctrine of actions and/eir effects. The classes of beings who cannot and can achieve

econcentrations and formless absorptions are first'lineated in terms of the six transmigrations of cyclic exis.ce-the traditional Buddhist, cosmology, which is produced

karma. Then, within the broad categories of beings who can

hieve the concentrations and formless absorptions, excep

os are set forth-being whose obstructions, like the six transigrations themselves, are also produced by karma. What

sults from this method of delineation is a hierarchical rank

gof present capacity, changeable in the long run by actions

ut often fixed for the duration of any given lifetime if a physi

\1 manifestation limits the mind based on it. Over many

fetimes, however, all beings are considered capable of attain

'" g not only the concentrations and formless absorptions but'so liberation from cyclic existence and Buddahood. Given an

~ ; a l l d i e n c e of humans capable of cultivating and attaining calm

I ~ l ; ) i d i n g and the concentrations and formless absorptions, the

~ h i e r a r c h i c a l ranking presented in the topic of the physical1"''basis of concentrations and formless absorptions serves both to

~ ~ s s u r e the members of the audience of their present capacity

l ' ~ n d to spur them to effort.

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CYCLIC EXISTENCE

The Three Realms and Nine Levels

(Read from bottom to top)

3. Formless Realm(gzugs med khams,

arupyadhiitu)

2. Form Realm(gzugs khams,

. riipadhiitu)

1. Desire Realm

('dods khams,

kiimadhiitu)

9. Peak of Cyclic Existence

(srid rtse,

bhavagra)

8. Nothingness

(ciyang med,

, aki'f(lcanya)

7. Limitless Consciousness

(rnam shes mtha'yas,

vijitiiniinantya)

6. Limitless Space

(nam mkha'mtha'yas,

iikiifiinantya)

5. Fourth Concentration

(bsam gtan bzhi pa)

caturthadhyiina)

4. Third Concentration

(bsam gtan gsum pa,

tritfYadhyiina)

3. Second Concentration

(bsam gtan grryis pa,

divitfYadhyiina)

2. First Concentration

(bsam gtan dang po,

prathamadhyiina)

gods'(lha, deva)

demigods (lha mayin, asura)

humans (mi, manuva)

animals (dud 'gro, tiryak)

hungry ghosts (yi dvags, preta)

hell beings (dmyal ba, niiraka)

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P = Tibetan Tripi[aka, Peking edition (Tokyo-Kyoto: Tibetan Tripitaka

Research Foundation, 1956).1. When both Tibetan and Sanskrit forms of technical terms are given,

tibetan is given before the Sanskrit, since Tibetan is the language of the

'discussed here and since even Sanskrit works, such as Vasubandhu's Treas

Manifest Knowledge (Abhidharmokofa, Chos mngon pa'i mdzod), are cited by

tan writers in Tibetan. However, an ex<;eption is made for the titles of

:, such as Vasubandhu's Treasury qfManifest Knowledge, since those works are

rally known to Western scholars by their Sanskrit titles.

2. Vasubandhu, Treasury qf Manifest Knowledge and Autocommentary on the

sury qfManifest Knowledge," P 5590 and 5591, vol. 115; Abhidharmakofa &

a qf Achiirya .Vasubandhu, ed. by Dwarikadas Shastri, part 2 (Varanasi:

dha Bharati, 1971), cited hereafter as Shastri; Louis de La Vallee Poussin,

, s: and ed., L'abhidharmokofa de Vasubandhu, Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques

' ~ 3 (reprinted 1971), cited hereafter as La Vallee Poussin.

<: :3. La Vallee Poussin cites Buddhaghosa, Atthasiilinf 62 (La Vallee Pous

/16:2, p. 1).4. To make the pronunciation of Tibetan names accessible to readers,

~ l i t e r a t e d Tibetan names are phoneticized, at their first occurrence in the, according to a system developed by Jeffrey Hopkins. However, the names

()ntemporary Tibetans are given in the phoneticized forms they prefer to use

lie West and are not transliterated.

5. Niigiirjuna, Friendly Letter (Suhr:llekha, bShes pa'i springyig) , P 5409, vol.

; Lozang Jamspal, Ven. Ngawang Samten Chophel, and Peter Della San

a., Nagarjuna's Letter to King Gautamiputra (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1978),

';xv, 53, 105 (Tibetan text).

. 6. The sources for this discussion of the topic are the relevant sections ofo dGe-lugs monastic textbooks, both from sGo-mang College of Bras-spung

onastic University, and two oral presentations. The two monastic textbooks

re:

dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po (1728-91), Condensed Statement qf('Jam-

.dbyangs-bzhad-pa's) "Great Exposition qf he Concentrations and Formless Absorp

tions" (bsam gzugs chen mo las mdor bsdus te bkod pa); cited hereafter as dKon

mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed Statement

'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa (1648-1721), Great Exposition qfthe Concentrations

and Formless Absorptions (bsam gzugs chen mo), the extensive work on which

it is based; cited hereafter as 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations.

bibliographical details, see the bibliography.

The two oral presentations, by Lati Rinbochay (rin po che) and Geshe (dge

Gediin L o d r ~ ; are found in:

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74 JIABS VOL. 13 NO. I

Lati Rinbochay, Denma Locho Rinbochay, Leah Zahler,Jeffrey BOPkin

Meditative States in Tibetan Buddhism (London: Wisdom Publications, 1983):

cited hereafter as Med. States '

Geshe Gedun Lodro in Geshe Gedun Lodro and Jeffrey Hopkins, "CalAbiding and Special Insight" (edited transcripts of lectures given at

University ofVirginia, 1979); cited hereafter as Gedun Lodro. e

The transliteration ofTibetan follows the system ofTurrell Wylie (,'A Stan_

dard System ofTibetan Transcription," Harvard Journal rifAsiatic Studies, vol. 22[1959J, 261-67), except that, in text-titles and proper names, the root letter

rather than the first is capitalized. vVith regard to phorreticization, see note 2.

7.Med. States, pp. 41, 45.

8. "Grounds and Paths: Lectures by Denma Locho Rinbochay on

dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po's 'Presentation of the Grounds and Paths: An

Ornament Beautifying the Three Vehicles'" (unpublished transcript oflectures

given at the University of Virginia, 1977), pp. 4-12. dKon-mchog-'jigs-med_

dbang-po, Presentation rifthe Grounds and Paths, 422.1-424.3. Jules Brooks Levin:

son, II, "The Process of Liberation and Enlightenment in the Buddhism of

Tibet" (unpublished thesis: University ofVirginia, 1983), pp. 12-17.

This differentiation of the three types of religious practitioner according to

motivation is derived from AtIsa's Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment (Bodhipatha

pradrpa, byang chub lam gyi sgron ma), stanzas 2-5 (A Lamp for the Path and Commen-

tary rifAtria, trans. and ann. by Richard Sherburne, S.]. [London: GeorgeAllen

& Unwin, 1983J, p. 5; P 5344,20.4.3-6). .

9. Med. States, p. 47.

lO. Ibid., pp. 48-50; Gedun Lodro, pp. 44-55.

11. Med. States, pp. 48-49.

12. Gedun Lodro, p. 47;dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed

Statement, 543.2.13. Med. States, p. 48.

14. Gedun Lodro, p. 44, 45.

15. Med. States, pp. 35-36.

16. Ibid., p. 48; Gedun Lodro, p. 45; dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po,

Condensed Statement, 543.4.

17. Gedun Lodro, p. 45.


19. Gedun Lodro, p. 46.20. Ibid., p. 54; Med. States, p. 223, n. 1

21. dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed Statement, 543.5-6.

22. Med. States, pp. 43, 49.

23. dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed Statement, 543.2.

24. Gedun Lodro, p. 48.

25. Ibid., p. 54. This absorption, which is a Form Realm absorption, dif-

fers from the formless absorption of nothingness because "in the level -of

Nothingness there is no appearance of form, and one does not have the mista

ken discrimination that the absorption of no discrimination is a path to 1iberac.

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'ion and that birth at that level is liberation" (idem). Georges Dreyfus (Geshe

~ a n g s - r g y a s - b s a m - s g r u b ) points out that the formless absorption of nothing-

ess is achieved through contemplation ofthe faults ofform, whereas an absorp

~ o n of no discrimination is not achieved in this way. l\iIoreover, since gods of no

discrimination are born in the Form Realm, they perceive form at the times of

birth and death there, although probably not at other times (Georges Dreyfus

in conversation).

26. Gediin Lodro, p. 46.

27. Idem.

28. Ibid., pp. 46, 52.

29. Ibid., p. 46.

30. Idem.

31. dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed Statement, 543.1; ivIed.States, pp. 49, 38; Gediin Lodro, p. 47.




35. Idem.

36. Ibid., p. 52.

37. dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed Statement, 543.1. Cf.

ibid., 542.7.38. Gediin Lodro, p. 53, and Med. States" p. 233, n. 2.

39. dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed Statement, 542.7-543.1;

,Med. States, p. 49; 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 21.2 fT.

. 40. 'Jamcdbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 21.5.

41. Vasubandhu, Autocommentary of the "Treasury of Manifest Knowledge,"

commentary to 4.96 (P 5591, vol. 115, 216.4.5; Shastri, p. 723; La Vallee Pous

sin, 16:3, p. 203).

42. JefTrey Hopkins in conversation.

43. Khetsun Sangpo Rinbochay, Tantric Practice in Nying-ma (Ithaca, NY:Gabriel/Snow Lion, 1982), p. 142, where the four powers are explained in rela

tion to the Vajrasattva meditation. They are also explained in relation to taking

;refuge, pp. 121-22.

44. The usual term for concentrative discipline in Vasubandhu's Treasury

of Manifest Knowledge (4.13d) and its Autocommentary is dhyiinaja (bsam gtan skyes),

:'horn of concentration," although dhyiinasan:zvara also occurs (P 5591, vol. 115,

197.2.7; Shastri, p. 605; La Vallee Poussin, 16:3, p. 43).

. 45. 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 23.1.46. Ibid., 23.5-24.2.

47. Ibid., 24.3-5; "the bases of concentrative discipline are definitive as

'only [those of] gods and humans, and Vasubandhu's Treasury ofManifest Knowl

edge here does not explain demigods as gods." To support his description of the

demigods, 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa cites Nagarjuna, Friendly Letter, stanza 102.

48. Ibid., 24.5-7, 25.1.

49. dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po, Condensed Statement, 543.4; dKon

mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po paraphrases Nagarjuna, Friendly Letter, stanza 102,but does not cite it.

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50.'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 24.3, 24.5 ff. . ...•

5.1. Vasu.bandhu: Treasury,q/ Manif:st K ~ o w l e ~ g e , 4.l3c-d (P 5591, vol. ui;i197.2.7, Shastn, p. 605, La Vallee Poussm, 16.3, p. 43)'< •" i ~

52. Jeffrey Hopkins in conversation. ••.

53. Jeffrey Hopkins, Meditation on Emptiness (London: Wisdom P u b l ' ( ~ ~ . lCa_.;!

tions, 1983), p. 234. . ..

54. Vasubandhu, Treasury q/Manifest Knowledge, 4.l3a':'b (P 5591, vol. 1 1 ~ ~ ~ 197.2.6; Shastri, p. 605; La Vallee Poussin, 16:3, p. 43) . : ~ l

55. Hopkins, Meditationon Emptiness, p. 532. Vasubandhu, Treasury i f M a ~ : ! ~ ifest Knowledge, 4.13; La Vallee Poussin, 16:3, p. 4 3 . ~ ; ! r i

56. 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 2 3 . 3 . + ~ ! ; 57. Jeffrey Hopkins in conversation, citing Geshe Bel-den-drak-pa.·!158. Gedun Lodr6, p. 46 (see above, page 1 2 ) . ; 1 } ~ 59. According to dGe-lugs monastic textbooks, calm abiding is the f i r ~ ~ t ~

Form Realm mind but does not cause rebirth in the Form Realm; it is also c o n ~ i 5 ' ~ dered to be the first preparation for a concentration or formless a b s o r p t i o l l : r ~ 'Jam-dbyangs-bihad-pa cites Vasubandhu's Autocommentary on the " T r e a s u f £ ; ~ ~ 4.26a-b-"Those who possess concentration unquestionably possess c o n c e r l ~ ~ trative discipline. Here the preparations (nyer bsdogs, samantaka) are also i n d l f i ~ cated within the mention of concentrations"-to establish that those who h a v l ~ attained even a preparation for a concentration have concentrative d i s c i p l i I l ~ 1 . 1 (,Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 23.5; see P 5591, vol. 115, 1 9 8 . 2 . 2 . : c 3 : f ~ Shastri, p. 618; La Vallee Poussin, 16:3, p. 5 9 . ) , ~ ,

In t h e i ~ presentation of the preparation.s for the c ~ n c e n t r a t i o n s and f o r ~ ~ i less absorptIOns, the dGe-lugs textbook wnters combme Vasubandhu's m e r ~ } mention ofa preparation-that is, a period of preparation-for each of the c o ~ ~ ~ centrations and formless absorptions with Asariga's subtler presentation, in hiliGrounds q/Hearers (fravakabhumi, Nyan sa) and Compendium qfManifest K n o w l e d g ~ i : (Abhidharmasamuccaya, mNgon pa kun btus),of the stages through which:';

meditator pass must during that period. Asariga lists seven mental c o n t e m p l ~ : ' l tions (yid la byed pa, manaskara), the first six of which he explicitly calls p r e p a r a . j ~ tions. (The last of the seven is not a preparation but an actual a b s o r p t i o n . ) . ; ~ ~ ~

Although Asanga does not include calm abiding among the seven m e n t ~ 1 contemplations and does not explicitly call it a preparation, the textbook w r i t ~ ers demonstrate, by a close reading of Asanga's Grounds qfHearers, that he r e f e ~ s ) ! to it as a mental contemplation in another passage; he also explains that i t i ~ : attained before the first of the seven. Therefore, the dGe-lugs textbook w r i t e i ~ ~ conclude that calm abiding must precede the first of the preparatory mentat;:

contemplations mentioned by Asanga and that it is the first of the p r e p a r a t i o n i ~ for a concentration or formless absorption. (Gedun Lodr6, pp. 336-37, 3 4 1 ~ ; 3 4 2 . ) ; ; j ) ~

60. Georges Dreyfus in conversation. -{:$:

61. 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 25.2. P 5591, vol. US, 2 0 4 . 7 ~ 205.1.1; Shastri, p. 651; La Vallee Poussin, 16:3, p. 105. La Vallee Poussin n O ~ ~ ~ i

that the Tibetan version he used skips part of this verse; it is also misingi n : ~ ~

but the version cited by 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa agrees with Shastri a n d r ~ Vallee Poussin and not withP .· i l1 t !

, ; \ , ; ~ " , -, li'"

hi;,

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62. Hopkins, Meditation on Emptiness, p. 234. Vasubandhu, Autocommentary,

.4.36c-d. (P 5591, vol. 115, 202.5.6-203.l.4; Shastri, pp. 640-42; La Vallee

'pollssin, 16:3,p. 9l.)

63. Jeffrey Hopkins in conversation.64. Georges Dreyfus in conversation.

65. Jeffrey Hopkins in conversation.

66'. The four immeasurables are love (byams pa, maitri), compassion (snying

kiiruTja) ,joy (dga' ba, muditii) , and equanimity (btang snyoms, u p e k ~ i i ) . 67. The seven cause-and-effect quintessential instructions are (I) recog

of all sentient beings as having been one's mother, (2) mindfulness of

their kindness, (3) the wish to repay their kindness, (4) great love, (5) great

tornpassion, (6) the high resolve to free all beings from suffering, (7) the deci

';ion to achieve Buddhahood for the sake ofall sentient beings. Donald S. Lopez,

Jr.; notes, "These seven were derived by Tsong-kha-pa in his Lam rim chen mo

frOrn a statement by Ansa in the Bodhimiirgapradfpapaiijikii, in commentary on

'thetenth stanza of his Bodhipathapradfpa." (Donald S. Lopez, Jr., The Heart Sutra

Explained: Indian and Tibetan Commentaries [Albany, NY: State University of New

York Press, 1988J, p. 212, n. 5.)

68. 'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa, Concentrations, 9.1-10.2.


70. Ibid., pp. 48-49.

71. Ibid., p. 49.

72. Idem.

73. Ibid., p. 50.


75. Ibid., 539.3-5.

76. Ibid., 540.7-541.1.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

,'Asanga. Compendium ofManifest Knowledge (Abhidharmasamuccaya, mNgon pa kun

. . btus). P 5550, vol. 112. Translation: Walpola Rahula. Le Compendium de la

super-doctrine (philosophie) (Abhidharmasamuccaya) d'Asanga. Paris: Ecole fran

q.ise d'extreme-orient, 1971.

'---__ ---,. Grounds ofHearers (Sriivakabhumi, Nyan sa). P 5537, vol. 110. Sanskrit

. text: Sriivakabhumi. Ed. by Karunesha Shukla. Tibetan Sanskrit Works

Series, voL 14. Patna: K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute, 1973.

;Atisa. Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment (Bodhipathapradfpa, Byang chub lam gyi

sgron ma). P 5344, vol. 103. Translation: RiChard Sherburne, S.]., A Lamp

for the Path and Commentary ofAtfsa. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983.

Denrna Locho Rinbochay. "Grounds and Paths: Lectures on dKon-mchog

'jigs-med-dbang-po's Presentation of the Grounds and Paths: An Ornament

BeautifYing the Three Vehicles." Unpublished transcript oflectures given at the

University ofVirginia, 1977.

Lodro and Jeffrey Hopkins. "Calm Abiding and Special Insight."Edited transcripts oflectures given at the University ofVirginia, 1979.

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Hopkins,Jeffrey. Meditation on Emptiness. London: Wisdom Publications, 1983

'Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa (1648-1721). Great Exposition i f the Concentrations a ~ d Formless Absorptions / Treatise on the Presentations·if the Concentrative and FOrmles

Absorptions, Adornment Beautifying the Subduer's Teaching, Ocean i f SCripturea n ~

Reasoning, Delighting the Fortunate (bSam gzugs chen mo / bsam gzugs kyi snyorns

'jug rnams gyi rnam par bzhag pa'i bstan bcos thub bstan mdzes rgyan lung dan

rigs pa'i rgya mtsho skal bzang dga' byed). Folio printing in India; no publicI

tion data. Also in The Collected Works i f jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa'i-rdo-rje: Reproc

duced from Prints from the Bkra-sis-'khyil Blocks. Vol. 12:3-379. New Delhi:

Ngawang Gelek Demo, 1974.

Khetsun Sangpo Rinbochay. Tantric Practice in Nying-ma. Ithaca, NY: Gabriel!

Snow Lion, 1982. .

dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbang-po (1728-91). Condensed Statement oj ('Jam-

dbyangs-bzhad-pa's) "Great Exposition i f he Concentrations and Formless Absorp_

tions" / An Excellent Vase i f Good Explanation Presenting the Concentrations and

Formless Absorptions (bSam gzugs chen mo las mdor bsdus te Mod pa bsam gzugs kyi

rnam bzhag legs bshad bum bzang), in The Collected Works i f Dkon-mchog-'jigs_

med-dban-po, the Second 'jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa i fLa-bran Bkra-fis- 'khyil; Repro-

duced from Prints from the Bkra-fis-'khyil Blocks. Vol. 6:537-605. New Delhi:

Ngawang Gelek Demo, 1972.

-'--____

Presentation i f he Grounds and Paths, Beautifol Ornament i f he Three Viihi-

. cles(Sa lam gyi rnam bzhag theg gsum mdzes rgyan). Buxaduor, 1965.

Lati Rinbochay, Denma Locho Rinbochay, Leah Zahler, Jeffrey Hopkins.

Jl;Jeditative States in Tibetan Buddhism. London: Wisdom Publications, 1983.

Levinson, Jules Brooks, II. "The Process of Liberation and Enlightenment in

the Buddhism ofTibet." Unpublished thesis: University ofVirginia, 1983.

Lopez, Donald S., Jr. The Heart Sutra Explained: Indian and Tibetan Commentaries.

Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1988.

Nagarjuna. Friendly Letter (Suhrllekha, bShes pa'i spring yig). P 5409, vol. 103.Translations: (1) Leslie Kawamura in Golden Zephyr. Emeryville, CA:

Dharma Publishing, 1975. (2) Yen. Lozang Jamspal, Yen. Ngawang

Sam ten Chophel, and Peter Della Santina, Nagarjuna's Letter to King

Gautamiputra. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1978. (3) Geshe. L. Tharchin

and A. B. Engle, Nagarjuna's Letter. Dharmsala: LTWA, 1979.

Vasubandhu. Treasury i fManifest Knowledge (Abhidharmakofakiirikii, Chos mngon pa'i

mdzod kyi tshig le'ur byas pa). P 5590, vol. ll5. Sanskrit text: Abhidharmakofd

& Bhiisya i f Achiirya Vasubandhu. Ed. by Dwarikadas Shastri. Part 2. Yare

anasi: Bauddha Bharati, 1971. Translation: Louis de La Vallee Poussin:.

L'abhidharmakofa de Vasubandhu. First pub. 1923-31. Rpt. Milanges Chino is et

Bouddhiques, vol. 16 (1971). Translation of La Vallee Poussin: Leo M.

Pruden. Abhidharmakofabhiisyam by Louis de La Vallee Poussin. Vols. 2 and

Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1988.

Vasubandhu. Autocommentary on the "Treasury i f Manifest Knowledge" (Abhidhar- i

makofabhiisya, Chos mngon pa'i mdzod kyi bshad pa). P 5591, vol. 115. For. iSanskrit text and translation, see previous entry. .

Wylie, Turrell. "A Standard System ofTibetan Transcription." HarvardJournalAsiatic Studies, vol. 22 (1959), 261-67.

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II. CONFERENCE REPORT

! : ; ~ B u d d h i s t Soteriology: The Miirga and Other Approaches to

Liberation"

lA-Conference Report, by Robert E. Buswell) Jr. and

JRobert M. Gimello{,,':

, . Religious Studies, particularly the cross-cultural version thereof

~ 0 h i c h is often known as Comparative Religion, has long promised

f'toJiberate scholars from culture-bound categories, perspectives, and\nethods. This promise has regularly taken the form of an exhorta

"cion combined with an invitation-an exhortation to cease relying

¢xclusively on Western (viz., Judeo-Christian) traditions in estab

'lishing the major features of religious experience or in determining

i : h ~ general terms in which religion can or should be studied, and an

'invitation to draw freely upon other traditions for themes and

' ~ p p r o a c h e s that may be usefully employed in the study of religions

generally. This promise, unfortunately, has seldom been fulfilled. It

is still all too common to find non-Western religious traditions like

v'faoism, Hinduism, and Buddhism treated only in terms drawn from

the European heritage, such as prayer, theodicy, transcendence,

; ~ y t h , ritual, eschatology, deity, and so forth. Some such concepts

\ a ~ e useful in the study of traditions other than those in which they

;Were generated; others prove often to be quite inappropriate if not

'utterly untransferable. But this examination has typically been one.sided: where are the Hindu categories used to illumine Christianity,

!the Taoist concepts employed in analyzing Judaism, the shamanic

'tlitmes applied to Islam? No doubt such truly cross-cultural studies

\of religions have been occasionally essayed, but only rarely in a sys

tematic fashion.

This conference on "Buddhist Soteriology" was, among other

;things an effort, albeit an admittedly modest and limited one, to

h ~ g i n to rectify this situation. The conference was held at the University of California, Los Angeles between the 25th and 30th of June,

1988, under the sponsorship of the Joint Committee on Chinese

Studies of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social

§cience Research Council, and the University of California System

wide Grant Program in Pacific Rim Studies. An international group

~ f t w e n t y scholars, who together covered the entire span of Budd

chism's history and geographical extension, gathered for a wide-rang

ing series of discussions on the problem of soteriology in many of its

79

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most important dimensions. The participants sought to utilize b h'

Buddhism's emphasis on soteriology as the bedrock of its Own idot. d h . , f h £ "h en·tlty an t e potentIal use 0 t e concept 0,marga, or pat ," as a fu t

d a . ~ e n t a l category in t h e f i e ~ d of Religious Stud.ies. ~ l l p r e s e n t e J ~ ongmal research on the theones and methods of lIberatIOn in BUdd}

hism and the general question of the role of soteriology in the arr .....••

of things that comprise ~ u d d ~ i s m ; abstracts. of t ~ e papers p r e s e n t ~ at the c o r ~ J e r e ~ c e follow I I I thIs r ~ p o r t . C l a n f i ~ ~ t I O n of the nature of

the relatIOnshIp between doctnne and relIgIOus experience""'i .

Buddhism and in religions generally-was among the dominan{

theoretical goals of the conference. The participants were joined byseveral discussants versed in. othe.r religious traditions,. including.

Bernard Faure (Stanford UmversIty), Karl Potter (UmversityQf

Washington), Lee Yearley (Stanford University), and Yoshihide

Yoshizu (Komazawa University), who provided a valuable comparai

tive perspective and deepened our appreciation. of the potentiaF

implications of this topic. . ' •

Hoping to address an audience especially of scholars in Relii

gious Studies, the conference sought to undertake a manifold investi,.;gation of the primary Buddhist concept or category of marga-"the'path" - in order both to clarify the range of that category's meaniIlg

in the Buddhist tradition and to suggest its utility in the cross-cultural

study of religion. It was our contention not only that marga is a theme]

central to the whole of Buddhism, but also that it has range and

theoretical potential sufficient to allow our speaking usefully of a

Christian marga, Jewish marga, Islamic marga, etc. The focus on

Buddhism made sense, we felt, because, as a potentially cross-culturafcategory fot the study ofreligions, marga has been given its m o s t s l . l ~ - . tained, comprehensive, and subtle explication in Buddhism. ..' ','

The Western concept to which the Buddhist category ofmargais

most close related is "soteriology." The equivalence, to be sure,if

hardly exact, given, for example, the English term's etymological

implication of "savior," but no other more fitting term has s u g ~ gested itself to us. What we mean by "marga" or "soteriology" is, gen-

erally speaking, the transformative dimension of religion, whichis:

often manifest as an explicit pattern of religious behavior leadi?g

necessarily to a specific religious goal. While it is certainly true that

transformative power-the capacity to alter character, values, and.

world-views-is implicit in all religions, nowhere is this more clearly

the case than in Buddhism. That tradition, throughout the two-and-.

a-half millenia of its pan-Asiatic career, has been relentlessly e x p l ~ c i t in declaring itself to be a soteriology above all else. Its unflaggmgconcentration on "the path" has led not only to the careful and

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CONFERENCE REPORT 81

' , i ~ a i 1 e d delineatian af numeraus curricula af religiaus practice and

' J ~ ' t h e precedence af such delineatian amang the variaus mades af

f £ ~ ' d d h i s t discourse, but alsO' to' the adaptian af ust thase principles

,r:iliaught aJ:?d discaurse that wauld best s ~ c u r e the prima.cy afiJ£'terialagy. Thus we have the recurrent matIf af the, BuddhIst as

~ ~ ! a p i s t rat.her than t ~ ~ a r i s t , the repeated a s s e r t ~ a n af the ,superi.or:"

'tr,of analYTIcal and c n t I c ~ 1 t ~ a ~ g h t av:r synthetIc a n ~ can.stn:ctIve,peculatian, the charactenstIc mvacatIOn af pragmatIc cntena far

I ' ~ e v a l u a t i a n af dactrines and practices, the pervasive influence af

r ' i ~ ~ i n e t a - t h e a r y afupqya (expedience), the tendency to' chaase discip

"1+{'ed experience (e.g., meditatian) aver reasan as the final arbiter af

;dth ar efficacy, and sa an

. ' i ~ E T h e centrality within Buddhism af miirga, and af systematic dis

' t ~ u r s e on "the path," suggests to' us the passibility af approaches to'I l i ~ s t u d y af bath Buddhism and ather religians that may be truly

I ~ J v e l . It has lang been a daminant canventian af Religiaus Studies

'JYocus principally an certain cardinal cancepts ar archetypal

I ~ p e r i e n c e s in its effarts to' understand particular religiaus tradi

!t6IlS. This approach has had its uses, but it is fraught with perils.~ f i 'toO' easily can it lead to' purely abstract, reified, and fragmented

filceptians af religian in which excessive emphasis is given to' the

6 Y t ~ and ~ i ~ e m b a d i e d religian af the s c h ? l a r - a ~ thaugh the identity~ f a : n y relIgIOn can be reduced salely to' Its cardmal tenets. As much

ff!(being systems af dactrine, hawever, religians are alsO' axialagies

IIidways aflife, and thase facets are mare immediately familiar and

~ b r n p e l l i n g to' the ardinary adherents af a religian than wauld be any

~ f t h e schalastic discussians afthe elite theareticians. This is becauserfue truths af a religian are revealed to' mast adherents nat as much

~ o u g h its dac:rines as by the s t r u c t u r e ~ lifestyle af the manastery

[ ' 6 ~ J a y cammumty. In the case af BuddhIsm, for example, even the

;'Ii?st unsaphisticated af manks unable to' list the twelve links af the

~ t ~ ~ n ?f d ~ p e n d e n t ari9"inati?n-ar anf af the ather interminab.leltil1mencal lIsts aftenets m whIch BuddhIst texts abaund-wauld stIll~ o w the manastic regimen he fallaws each day, and it wauld be that

~ e g i m e n which mast directly infarms his religiaus understanding.

iWhile the experiences fastered by the manastic discipline and life

ifYIe may be anly implicit in the dactrines af the religian, they are

~ ~ ~ p l i c i t in the miirga itself. As the living cantext within which all that

~ ~ } 3 u d d h i s t is defined, the miirga creates a cammanality af cancern

~ ~ a t reticulates all the variaus strands af its' religiaus endeavar

!woral values, ritual abservances, dactrinal teachings, and cantemp

i l ~ t i v e exercises-intO' a unified netwark af practices facused an liber

(fion. The miirga thus incarparates everything from the simplest act

~ ~ ,

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of charity to the most refined meditative experience; it c o n c e n t r a { ; ~ attention not on the isolate.d ~ f f ~ c t s of specific religious practices b ~ H on the whole pattern of dIscIplme that encompasses the life of t l ? ~ individual a d h e r e n t . ~ l ~ A specific example ofmiirga as the ordering mechanism or " d e e ~ ~ ~ structure" of religion might well be in order at this point. C o n s i d ~ f ~ one of the earliest and simplest statements of the Buddhist path t h ~ ; j so-called "three trainings" ( t r i f i k ~ i i ) . In this scheme, the p r a c t i t i ~ n e ~ : i is instructed to begin his pursuit of liberation by cultivating o b e d i ~ ~ ence to basic moral rules (non-\fiolence, avoidance of false speechc)J

. etc.) so as to delimit strictly the range of appropriate human a c t i 6 ~ 1 in the physical, verbal, and mental spheres. The rationale provided'.!

for such ethical discipline (ffla) at the outset of the path is that m o r ~ i ~ ~ ity minimizes present mental anguish, guilt, and uncertainty, lead:)1

ing in turn to more rudimentary forms of tranquility and peace t h ~ { f : result from control ofthe mind. But rather than tranquility b e i n g - a n i ~ abstract ideal divorced from the preceding practice of morality, i t i ~ ; ! actually embodied in the ethical observances of the student. T h g ~ control over his response to external stimuli that the student t h u ~ ~ gains through moral observance and tranquility leads to the d e v e l ( ) ~ j l ment of an introspective focus, which allows him to begin to w i e l d ~ control over the impulses that initiate action in the first place. T h l ~ l internal control regulates in turn the processes of the mind, p e r m i l ~ ~

~ - . , ~ " , I f ting the student to become still more concentrated and focused. Thatlli

concentration (samiidhi) can then be put to use in investigating t h e ~ student's world with insight. The wisdom (prajfiii) achieved t h r o u g ~ ! ~ such investigation finally reveals the nature of the world as b e i n ~ : ~ impermanent (anitya), unsatisfactory (dulJkha), and impersonal ( a r i i i t ~ ; man)-the fundamental Buddhist dogma of the "three marks o f e x i s ~ ~ tence" ( t r i l a k ~ a r ; a ) . This insight ultimately brings a permanent eng]to the impulses that sustain one's ties with the phenomenal w o r l d § f ~ suffering, engendering the radical renunciation that is nirviir;a. WeJthus see that the program of practice outlined in the three m o d e s o f ~ training finally corroborates the most basic doctrinal t e a c h i n g s Z p t \ ~ Buddhism by bringing them into the whole pattern of discipline t ~ . ~ ! J defines the spiritual career of the individual. The path thus w e a v e ~ J . all these different facets and stages of Buddhist spiritual e n d e a v o ~ ~ into an organic whole, in which each part incorporates all o t h ~ t ; ~ parts: morality is the premonition of both concentration and wisriJ

dom, concentration the resonance ofmorality and the a n t i c i p a t i o n o f ~ wisdom, and wisdom the consumation of both morality and conC''§¥

tration and the initiation into liberation.

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The value of this approach is especially evident when one con

'iders the goal of the Buddhist path, nirvii1Ja, and the notorious diffi-

,s1.l1ty of characterizing, let alone defining, that goal. How better to

~ ' ~ n d e r s t a n d it than by appreciating the sense in which nirvii1Jais~ I I 1 p l i c i t and shaped in the very path leading to it? Ninian Smart has

')offered the useful analogy of the relationship between the goal of a

'garne a.nd t?e rules of that game. An.y effort to define a "home run"

{,would lllevltably lead to a systematIc statement of the rules of the

l ~ a r n e of baseball. Similarly, virtually the only feasible description of

aI1 ineffable religious goal like nirvii1Ja is an outline of the path leading

tb it. In both cases, the goal is implicit in, and accessible only

through, the rules of behavior leading to its attainment. Conversely,the meaning of anyone element in the path consists principally in

the contribution it makes to the achievement of that goal.

The miirga proves therefore to be that factor which insinuates

itself into everything that is Buddhist, uniting not only its various

'practices and strata of adherents, but also the disparate branches of

'its diffuse tradition. This is by no means to advocate that there was

'but a single soteriology accepted by all the schools of Buddhism.

While soteriology may be what brings continuity to the Buddhist

,religion, many permutations occurred as that concept was dissemi

nated and interpreted in different regions of Asia. Thus miirga may

also provide a key that will help unlock the distinctive contributions

wade to Buddhism by its various indigenous traditions.

But we also believe that the potential "revisioning" of religion

~ u g g e s t e d by Buddhism's emphasis on the path offers the possibility

ofa more holistic

assessmentnot only of Buddhism, but indeed of'any given religious tradition. Miirga provides a more integrative way

of nterpreting religion, in which all elements of a religious tradition

,can be seen to collaborate in the service of the common goal of liber

iation. Thus a religion's doctrines can be seen to correspond to its

,concrete practices and to flow from them; its worldviews and

axiologies can be seen as implicit in its regimens of practice; the

popular piety of its common adherents can be seen to resonate

deeply with the insights that inform the conceptual systems of itselite philosophers. More than cardinal doctrines, then, we believe it

to be the miirga that creates within a religion a sense of communal

ity-the Buddhist ideal of sa1!lgha-among the various strata of adhe

rents with all their variant concerns and needs. It is this emphasis

on miirga that serves to keep religion accessible to all, not simply a

small elite. The emphasis on a practical spirituality brings even the

highest reaches of religious achievement within the purview of the

most humble of adherents. It also demands that even the more basic

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of practices be directly preparatory to, if not actually refle .. '. h· h d d B k· 1 ·· h· etedWIt m, t e most a vance. y rna mg re IglOUS ac Ievement q . .

tifiable in terms relevant to daily life, all the activities of o r d i ~ a n -adherents are made to serve the soteriological process. The st

a

0~ e n t the lay .Ch'an p r a c t i t ~ o n e r , P:ang Yun, m ~ y be a p r o p ~ ~ ~ MystIcal experIence and actIve servIce are carrymg water ad

gathering kindling." n

The Meaning ifSIla in the Magga if he Theraviida Tradition o

George D. Bond, Northwestern University

The Theravada tradition since at least the time of Buddhaghosahas regarded sUa as an integral component of the path to liberation.

I t has alluded to the significance of sUa by refe·rring to it as "a stair

that leads to heaven" and a "door that leads to nibbiina." This paper

examines the meaning and function of sUa in relation to the path and

the goals ofthe tradition.

Szla means behavior or character, and more specifically, good

character or virtue. Theravada defined the content of szla t h r o u g h ~ c number of formulations of precepts. The essential formulation was.

that of dasa szla, although the tradition actually had two lists often.

precepts: the sikkhiipadas, or training precepts for the monks; and

another list termed the dasa kusala kammapathii. This second list

analyzes sUa into three categories: body, speech, and mind. I t

appears that over time the tradition opted for the sikkhiipadas as the

primary definition for dasa szla. Another formulation of the preceptsconstituting szla divided szla into the three divisions of culla, majjhima

and mahii. This formulation combined both of the lists ofdasa szla and.

included other virtues to indicate the ethical perfection of the arahant.;

To understand the meaning of sUa for the path and its goal, we

must recognize that Theravada affirms a gradual path that repre-'

sents a series of soteriological strategies adapted to persons ofdiffer2,

ing levels of wisdom and spiritual perfection. This path has lokiyg

and lokuttara levels that fit the three general types of persons: puthuj-janas, sekhas, and asekhas. For the puthujjanas, there are mundane f o f ~ mulations (abhisamiiciirika szla) and for the sekhtis, su p r a m u n d a n ~ (iidibrahmacariyaka). Lay persons on the mundane level follow the·

refuges and the five precepts, except on uposatha days, when they are.

expected to observe eight of the sikkhiipadas out ofveneration for, and

in imitation of, the arahants. Before being fully admitted to the ordet,

novice monks on the mundane level observe the ten sikkhiipadas; after.

ordination they follow a fourfold szla. The tradition also specified t h ~

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;c0nds of sfla to be followed by those on the lokuttara or ariya maggas.

::This formulation of .s ~ a involves t ~ ~ comprehensive formulation

idescribed as culla, m a ) ) ~ z m a , and maha szla. .

:> Just as the meanmg of sfla as a component of the 'path vanes~ i c c o r d i n g to the level ofthe person, so also does the relatIOn of sfla to

the. goal of the path. For those on the mundane level, the

i'bhisamiiciirika sfla leads to attainments within the round of sarrzsiira,

lauch as faith, learning, generosity and a heavenly rebirth. On the

Jiokuttara path, however, sfla is integral to the process of mental purifi

; ' ~ a t i o n , restraining the akusala impulses and eradicating the unwhole

'some roots and volitions.

1'10-Mind and Sudden Awakening:

"Thoughts on the Soteriology qfa Kamakura Zen Text

"Cail Bielefeldt, Stanford Universityr "

Zen Buddhism is often depicted as a religion that seeks to bring

)libout direct, intuitive experience of ultimate reality through thepsychological technique of meditation. This paper questions the

'adequacy of such a soteriological model when applied across the

range ofhistorical forms of Zen; it does so by examining the example

'bra thirteenth-century Japanese text, popularly known as the Zazen

fon, that appears to favor a rather different religious style.

;t, The paper begins with distinctions between explicit and

Jrriplicit systems of Buddhist soteriology and between ultimate and

proximate soteriological goals. The argument then attempts to show

that the religion of the Zazen ron seeks to mediate between the explicit

:Jlorms and ultimate ends of the Mahayana theology and the implicit

'values and proximate goals of its Japanese audience; thus the

Mahayana goal ofliberation from the world through the attainment

8r buddhahood is redefined as consolation in the world through

belief in the immanence of the Buddha mind. Under this reading,

the key salvific experience is identified not with the mystical awakening of the Zen meditator but with the leap of faith of the Zen convert;

similarly, the soteriological role of meditation is less that of cause of

awakening than of expression of faith. The paper ends with the sug

gestion that such a "soteriology of conversion" may be seen as a

reflex of the apologetic purposes ofthe Zazen ron itself.

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Theraviida Buddhist Soteriology and the Paradox qfDesire

Grace G. Burford, Georgetown University

Despiteits

ownclaims to

the contrary, TheravadaBUddhi<;developed the teachings and practices it now considers ortho;l11,

over a considerable period of time. Its literature reflects both thX:

early b e g i n ~ i n g s of this t r a d i t i o ~ and its later formulations. T h i ~ study exammes the nature of the Ideal goal and the path to it accord_"

ing to the Atthakavagga of the Suttanipiita and in both a late canonicaland post-canonical commentary on it. ........

Careful analysis of the Atthakavagga indicates that it represents

two different approaches to the highest goal. One of the twosoteriologies in the text describes a path that involves developing

various specific ethical habits and virtues. The primary virtue

within this path scheme is desirelessness. Through seeing and know,

ing things as they really are, one eradicates desire, selfishness, and

attachment. The other path the Atthakavagga recommends takes this

notion of desirelessness to its logical conclusion, denying the valueof

preferring any particular view (ditthi) over any other, eventually

expressing disapproval of any preferences for a particular teacher,;path or even goal. This latter soteriological view challenges the'

former with the paradox of desire: how can preference (i.e., desire)

for a p,articular teaching, teacher, path, or goal help one to cultivate

desirelessness?!ince these two approaches are in practical terms incompatible

(should one cultivate specific virtues, in accordance with a specific

teacher's view, or not?), the Atthakavagga poses a soteriological p r ( ) q ~ ; lem for the Theravada tradition. The second part of this study.examines the two major Pali commentaries on the Atthakavagga, iI1

order to see how the Theravada tradition has interpreted this potenc

tially problematic text. .These commentaries clearly reflect the Theravada tradition's'

decision to opt for the path that follows a particular teacher's teach

ing. They interpret the A(thakavagga verses th'at present the anti-diNk?

view as referring only to views and teachers other than the Buddha "

and his view (the right ditthi) , effectively undermining t ~ e . Atthakavagga's ditthi polemic with a "present company excepted";

interpretation. In the process, the commentaries also resolved the

inherent challenge of the Atthakavagga's raising of the paradox of

desire: it may be paradoxical, or perhaps more accurately ironic, b ~ t it is in practical fact necessary to desire the ideal in order finallYN

attain it. The desire to be desireless is what distinguishes the Bu&:S

dhistadherents

fromthose religious

who do not striveto better them-.selves at all.

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The Wholesome Roots and their Eradication:

ADescent to the Bedrock i fBuddhist Soteriology

. Robert E. Buswell, Jr., University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles

• Buddhism has generally conceived that the "taste ofliberation"

'jthat pervades its scriptures was something that was accessible to all

: beings, provided they fulfilled the necessary preconditions to its

<achievement. This universalistic tendency in Buddhism is perhaps

':best exemplified in the famous refrain of the Nirvana Siitra that all

beings are endowed with the capacity to achieve buddahood. 'While

~ s p o u s ~ n g t h ~ s ultimate goal of enlightenment f?r .all, h o ~ e v e r , some

; BuddhIst sCrIptures made the apparently conflIctmg claIm that cer-

. 'lain persons could be forever barred from salvation-a claim some

; times found even in the same text, as in our example of the Nirvana

,.Sutra. Such individuals, who had engaged in the most heinous of evil

"actions, were called "those whose wholesome roots are eradicted"

'(samucchinnakufalamiila), and in the vast majority of cases, were con

demned to subsequent rebirth in hell. This paper uses the notion of

samucchinnakufalamiila to explore two related questions in Buddhist:soteriology: 1) what could cause salvation to become forever out of

~ e a c h ? ; and 2) what factor is absolutely essential if people are to

'retain their capacities for religious cultivation? _

.' U sing sources ranging from the Chinese Agamas and Pali

'Nikiiyas, to the Abhidharmamahavibha-ia of the V a i b h a ~ i k a s (now avail-

:.ilble only in Chinese translation), and even to Chinese San-chieh

;.chiao and Ch'an materials, this paper seeks to prove that niggard

liness is the quality that leads to the eradication of the wholesome

'roots while giving sustains and, if need be, regenerates, them. Our

.,examination of the wholesome roots will reveal their association with

.the concept of merit-making, or pur;ya, and take us down to the bed

.rock of Buddhist soteriology. With the plethora of qualities that

Buddhists emphasize in their writings, it is difficult to determine

;which is most fundamental-which is the "lowest common

denominator," as it were, ofthe Buddhist spiritual equation. We willfind in this material that the essential catalyst to cultivation will

'prove to be not one of the several important philosophical concepts

for which Buddhism is often renowned; instead it will be the simple

practice of giving (dana).

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. Attainment through Abandonment:

The Sarviistiviida Path qfRemoving Defilements

Collett Cox, University ofWashington

~ c c o r d i n g the e ~ r l i e s t accounts, the Buddha's enlightenment

expenence culmmates m the knowledge of the destruction of th

fluxes (iisravakJayajfi.iina), resulting in an end to rebirth, an end to s u ~ fering. The Sarvastivada, a northern Indian school ofAbhidharma

developed a complex and intricate path of religious praxis als6

directed exclusively toward this ultimate goal: the complete cessa-

tion of defilement. Theirs is a path of attainment through a b a n d o n ~ ment, in which freedom from suffering is reached in progressivestages through the removal of defilements. Though knowledge and

insight are integral to this religious process, they do not, in them-

selves, constitute the final goal; instead, they serve as tools to be used.

in effecting the abandonment of specific defilements.

The singular importance of the abandonment of defilements in

the Sarvastivada Abhidharma path structure is indicated first by the

detail with which the defilements affiicting unenlightened beings are.

enumerated (e.g., the six or ten basic defilements associated with.

various states of mind in various meditative and rebirth states

resulting in a total of 98). Further, religious aspirants are differen1tiated according to their level of attainment, that is, by the number of

defilements abandoned and the degree of completeness of this aban:

donment. The complete abandonment of a particular defilement is

designated cessation through application (pratisa1!lkhyiinirodha); that

is, religious aspirants require disconnection (visa1!lyoga) from particu-lar defilements through the application of vision (darfana) or cultiva"

tion (bhiivanii). The Sarvastivada equate this complete cessation of

each defilement with nirvii7J.a. This cessation, disconnection, or nirvii7J.tl

is then acquired repeatedly in progressing along the path; and once

all defilements are abandoned, the final goal is attained.

This paper examines the Sarvastivada Abhidharma path struc-

ture using both early Sarvastivada texts (e.g., the Prakara7J.apiida,

Dharmaskandha, and Sa1!lg'ltiparyiiya) , and texts representing the

developed S a r v a s t i v a d a - V a i b h a ~ i k a perspective (e.g., the V i b h a ~ a literature, Abhidharmakofabhiiija, and Nyiiyiinusiira). I seek to clarify

the following questions:

1) What is the nature of defilements (i.e., anufoya, klefa), and

what is the mechanism by which they affect unenlightened sentient

beings (e.g., bija, priipti)?

2) What is the specific method by which defilements are to be

abandoned (e.g., apriipti, visa1!lyogapriipti, and miirga)?

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3) What are the relations between this interpretation of defile-

inents and o t ~ e r ~ o c t ~ i n a l p o s i t i o ~ s accepted by the Sarvastivada

~ : s t h o o l ? How dId dIffenng assumptIOns held by other sects alter their

:,'clescriptions of the path?

< ~ , ' ~ ',"

; ~ e n - t z u ChJan: Learning) Letters) and Meditation

;flobertM. Gimello) University qfArizona

; ( ~ ' In terms of rhetoric, Ch'an Buddhism eschews verbal formula

'lions or expressions of truth in favor of direct, unmediated experi

'ence. Despite this, there have been periods throughout its history

~ W h e n , recoiling from spasms of antinomianism, Ch'an proved itself

,:to be rather more hospitable to textual study and more appreciative

of literary expression than its typical rhetoric would have led one

\0 expect.One such period was that of the Northern Sung dynasty, when

'the predominant strains of Ch'an advocated the systematic integra

tion of learning and meditation practice. This advocacy not only'included a repetition of older calls to "unify Ch'an and the scriptural

'teachings," but also the novel contention that the Buddhist contemp

lative career could even be combined with secular learning and the

practice of humane letters. Under the banner of "lettered Ch'an,"

many Ch'an figures sought to incorporate Ch'an into the literary

and academic culture of the intelligentsia. This effort to harmonize

Ch'an with learning and literature was not simply a device for reli-

gious propagation, but was seen also as having intrinsic religious

merit in the minds of those who fostered it. It was viewed as a way of

,protecting the tradition from antinomian corruption and as a means

9f enriching Ch'an spirituality by putting the resources of the liter

ary and learned traditions at Ch'an's disposal.

The topic of "lettered (wen-tzu) Ch'an" may also serve as a "case

~ t u d y " of the broader issue of the relationship between intellectual

disciplines like study and literary composition, on the one hand, andthe meditative disciplines of the interior or contemplative life, on the

other-i.e., to what Jean Leclercq has called in Christian terms

"The love oflearning and the desire for God." It may be especially

profitable to raise such questions in respect to China, for there we see

Buddhism developing within a cultural context in which literary sen

sitivity and accomplishment, together with scholarship, were pri

mary measures of piety itself. It is not surprising, therefore, that the

question of the soteriological value of learning and letters should

have been put especially acutely by Chinese Buddhists.

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My discussion of this topic is based especially on the writings fthree major figures of the Lin-chi lineage of Northern Sung Ch'a0

They are Chueh-fan Hui-hung (1071-1128) of the Huang_lu n .

branch of Lin-chi, and Yuan-wu K'o-ch'in (1063-1135) and T a _ h n ~ Tsung-kao (1091-1157), both of the Yang-ch'i branch. The writinUI

of t ~ e s e men a b ~ u n d both explicit. and .imp1icit references to t ~ ~ , tOpIC of the relatlOnshlp among learnmg, hterature, and meditation;

and their views of those relationships greatly influenced later Easf

Asian religious thought and practice.

The Cosmogonic Basis ifTsung-mi's Theory i f he PathPeter N. Gregory, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

This paper examines how Tsung-mi derives a cosmogony from

the Awakening i fFaith to serve as a map for Buddhist practice. Just

understanding of the twelve-linked chain of dependent origination

provided a map for earlier Buddhists, so Tsung-mi's understandingof'

the process of phenomenal evolution according to his interpretation

of the Awakening i fFaith provided a structured pattern from which he.

derived his ten-staged process of religious practice and realizatiop.

The paper explores Tsung-mi's account of the stages of practice and

realization in his Ch'an-yuan chu-ch'uan-chi tu-hsu, where his theorYlS

expressed in its most developed form. It also traces the evolution ofhis

ten-staged theory by looking at its "primitive" expression in earlier

works, such as his commentary and sub commentary to the Yuan-chueh'

ching and his commentary to the Awakening i f Faith. These earlier

works clarify the centrality of the Awakening i f Faith in Tsung-mi's

understanding of the Buddhist path. The paper uses its discussion, of

Tsung-mi's thought as a way of exploring the larger comparative

issues of the relationship of cosmogony to ethics and of ontology

soteriology.

The Development i fEarly Japanese Tendai Views on

the Rapid Realization i fBuddhahood

Paul Groner, University ofVirginia, Charlottesville

The definition of buddhahood, the amount of time required torealize it, and the number of people who can hope to attain it have,

often been topics of bitter controversy among Buddhist schools . .1:t

certain points in Buddhist history, these issues have been subjectso[

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yt-tense scrutiny, resulting in substantial revisions in the definition of

j ~ d d h a h o o d and the path to it. At the beginning o ~ t ? e ninth century

!rnostJapanese monks would have accepted the posItIOn that buddha-

./hbod was t ~ e result of eons .of : p r a c ~ i c e that f e ~ could attain. By theend bf the nmth century, thIs sItuatIOn had radIcally changed due to

:l'the establishment of two new schools, Tendai and Shingon. Large

,'groups of monks arid lay believers had come to believe that buddha-

./lood could be attained by everyone in a single lifetime.

/./ This paper focuses on the emergence and early development of

'bhe of the key concepts employed in the redefinition of these issues

. b y J a p ~ n e s e Tendai monks:. narr:ely, .the teaching c ~ n ~ e r n i n g "the

t'realizatlOn of buddhahood m thIs eXIstence" (sokushzn )obutsu). The

&stlldy will be divided into two parts. In the first, the Chinese origins

and the first Japanese usages of the concept will be considered.

Saicha, the Tendai monk who introduced the concept to Japan, died

before he could define it exactly. The second part of the study will

focus on the efforts of his disciples to do so. Their concerns will be

examined through a series of letters on doctrinal issues that they

exchanged with Chinese monks. Eventually, the Japanese monks forruulated their own innovative positions rather than adopt the more

cbnservative positions of their Chinese counterparts. The questions

ra.ised by Tendai monks reveal the key issues and concerns that led

them to formulate their views on enlightenment in new and distinc-

tive ways.

Japanese Tendai views on the realization of buddhahood in this

~ x i s t e n c e profoundly affected subsequent Japanese Buddhist history

fnboth positive and negative ways. On the negative side, the teach-

ing eventually led to a decline in serious practice within the Japanese

Tendai school because the final goal was said to be so easy to realize.

Qn the positive side, :Yendai arguments that buddhahood was possi-

pIe for everyone contributed to the spread of Buddhism to all seg

!pents ofsociety. Although later Japanese schools eventually rej ected

much of the Tendai teaching on the rapid realization of buddhahood,

~ l l nevertheless had to compete with it and to formulate their respec-

tive doctrines and practices in response to it. This paper, which

traces the early history ofthe Tendai view on the rapid realization of

enlightenment, thus helps to clarify many aspects oflater Japanese

;Buddhist history.

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The Concept ofSudden Awakening in Bodhidharma's Teaching oj he /t,,1i'rtlG r o u n d : : ~ Ki Doo Han,Won'gwang University

To propagate the f u n d a ~ e n t a l s of sudden awakening, such ernI!

nent Ch'an teachers as HUl-neng, Ma-tsu, Po-chang, H u a n g _ p " ' ~ and Lin-chi all used Bodhidharma's teaching of the mind g r o u n ~ (hsin-ti). The Platform S i i ~ r a . of the Six.th Patriarch provides a discipHs

nary platform for transmlttmg the mmd ground, through the notion!

of the nonabiding mind. This teaching, however, was not e x c l u s i ~ ~ to the Ch'an schools, and this paper seeks to trace the pedigree6f

this term in both Ch'an and doctrinalliterature.C:'':' h " ~

The characteristics of the teaching of the mind ground in C h ' ~ ~ were clarified by Shen-hui as f o l l o w s : ~ ' :

1) Bodhidharma's teaching of the mind ground was transmitt;ci

to successive Ch'an teachers from Hui-neng to Lin-chi. ' ~ i ~ ' A ~

2) The Northern s c ~ o o l of C h ' a ~ Buddhism pursued a c o n c e p ~ tval form of Ch'an, as IS expressed m such concepts as solidifyirig

m i n ~ , abiding mind, and collecting the mind, while the Southern'

'school ofCh'an pursued a non conceptual form through its t e a c h i n ~ of "no-thought." '. , : , , ~ ~

3) Northern Ch'an Buddhism advocated measures to counteria

defilements, while Southern Ch'an Buddhism promoted i n s t e a d ! ~ ~ natural knowledge and an awakening to one's own m i n d . > : ~ t l

4) Northern Ch'an Buddhism sought to develop prajiia t h r o u g ~ samadhi while Southern Ch'an Buddhism sought samadhi from p r a j i i a , ~

Shen-hui believed that Bodhidharma's teaching of the miria

ground could be obtained through knowledge, and also argued for:r

soteriological program of sudden awakening / gradual c u l t i v a t i o ~ : l Because ,of this, he was criticized as a master of intellectual k n o w r ~ edge. The National Master Nan-yang Hui-ch'ung criticized S h ~ n : l hui for his opinion that "only sentient beings can become a b u d d h a ; : ; ~ 1 and claimed that insentient beings could also realize buddhahoogf]

This notion was the source of the shift from the moderate subitisirl!

of sudden awakenip.g / gradual cultivation to the radical subitismq[sudden awakening / sudden cultivation. The evidence marshalled i ~ j this paper, however, suggests that the mind ground requires a p r ~ ~ cess of gradual cultivation in order for the sprout of enlightenment

to grow, blossom, and bear fruit. The differing treatments of t h ~ ~ l seminal concept provide important information for explaining t h , ~ ; transformation from early to later Ch'an thought. . <.,<{1}

~ : ; ; ~ ~ 1 ; : ' - ' : J ? ~ ~ ' . : ; ' ; : ~ ~

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CONFERENCE REPORT

Tibetan Perspective on the Nature ofSpiritual Experience

Hopkins, University ofVirginia, Charlottesville

93

In this paper I utilize written and oral Tibetan sources from arenre called "grounds and paths" (sa lam, bhiimi-marga) in consider

~ ~ g 1) Atisa's threefold typology of practitioners and paths, 2) the

';'irofound experience of the mind of clear light in Highest Yoga

\ ~ ~ a n t r a , and 3) the meaning of "path," or spiritual experience in the

:,J,tnbre general sense. I make use ofTibetan dGe-lugs-pa literature on

: ~ t h e Buddhist path to provide a view of what constitutes religious

,'{bkperience in this t ~ a d i t i o n as ,::11 as to sugges.t a basis for compari

;son and contrast wIth nontradItIOnal formulatIOns of aspects of the

h $ ~ c r e d by Rudolph Otto, Carl Jung, and Wilfred Cantwell Smith.

~ ' + : ' _ . , Due to its exclusionary agenda, this threefold Indo-Tibetan

,'b'pology is clearly inadequate for categorizing all religious persons

Sand religious experience; nevertheless, it provides an avenue for

i'exploring forms of Buddhist religious experience in general, from

';which hints about religious experience in general may be gleaned. A

: ' ~ e n t r a l theme of the paper is that three phases of experience of theI ' ~ a c r e d - i n s p i r i n g dread, overcoming obstacles, and being totally "at

!;home"-need to be emphasized in order to convey even a minimally

;;tounded picture of the path. Through this, the enormity and

Ymomentousness of the religious enterprise can be appreciated.

On the Ignorance of he Arhat

,Padmanabh S. Jaini, University of California, Berkeley

: Vasubandhu, while commenting in the first verse bfhisAbhidhar

'Trlakofa on the words sarvatha s a r v a h a t i i n d h a k a r a ~ , speaks of two kinds

iqf ignorance (ajiiana). The first one is called k l i ~ t a - s a m m o h a , or impas

sioned ignorance, which seems to be the ignorance of the Four Noble

.Truths. The second variety is called a k l i ~ t a - a j i i i i n a , the ignorance, not

bfthe Truths, but of things, such as of the infinite variety of objectsdistant in space and time. The V a i b h a ~ i k a s maintain that whereas

the Buddha destroys both kinds of ignorance, the arhats, even when

they destroy the klefas, are not free from the second variety, the

a k l i ~ t a - a j i i a n a . Yasomitra, in his Sphutartha-vyakha, i!lustrates this

point by the examples of such eminent fravakas as Sariputra and

Maudgalyayana, and seeks to explain the apparent contradiction

between the arhat's freedom from all forms of d u ~ k h a and the pres

ence of this "ignorance." The paper aims to examine the nature of

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t h ~ Buddhis.t arhat's alleged i g ~ o r a n c e in the c o n t ~ x ~ of the Yoga ~ ~ ~ 1 Jama matenals on the completIOn of the path to n z r v a r J a . c : , ; ; ~ ~ ,

P a r ~ l l e l s to this s ~ t u a t i o ~ of the arhats G ~ n be found in ~ h e caseg11the yogms approachmg kazvalya as descnbed by PatanJali inhi'41!!gasii!ra: Its commentary, the Vyiisa-bhiifya, states t h ~ t the so-call€£l

ommsClence," and partIcularly the knowledge ofobJects d i s t a n f \ ~ t } ~ place and time, are results of yogic practices (not dissimilar to

practice ofsamiipattis in Buddhism), and are not a prerequisite f o r t h ~ yogin's attainment of k a i v ( l l y a . < f ~ ~

The. J aina position on this issue differs c o n s ~ d e r a b l y , a p p a r e ~ t i ~ demandmg that persons who overcome the klesas (as the BuddhlM

ar:hat does) must proceed further in higher trances (called s l i k ~ ladhyiinas) to remove the ignorance of objects (jfiiiniivararJa-karma)aWJ

well. Only then may they become an omniscient (kevala-jiiiinin) a r i d J ~ as in the case of the Buddha, attain nirviirJa.\;;jil4:

Beyond Cultural Construction?: Concentration and Indo-Tibetan Claims f l ~ ! Unmediated Cognition ' ...,;ili!

Anne C. Klein, Rice University

Buddhist and contemporary Western intellectual t r a d i t i o r t ~ 1 share a general emphasis on the c ~ n s t r u c . t e d nature o ~ h u m a r i e x ~ e ~ ~ ence. Nevertheless, they reach dlametncally OpposIte c o n c l u s I O I l ~ ' l regarding the possibility of either an unmediated cognition or a c o g ~ nized object that lies outside cultural particularity. This paper 1 0 6 ~ ' at Indo-Tibetan, and especially dGe-Iugs-pa, premises by w h i t ~ such claims are supported. I focus on the role of mental c o n c e n t r t ~ ~ tion in the purportedly unmediated cognitions of u n c o n s t r u c i e ~ ~ emptiness on the first and sixth bodhisattva grounds. T h e s e i ~ e 1 junctures where traditional texts examine the interplay between c i ~ ~ centration and wisdom, that is, between withdrawing the mindig'1

one sense and expanding its horizons in a n o t h e r . ; ' ~ 1 Since the initial direct cognition of emptiness occurs on the f i r ~ ! l , l

ground, it might seem that whatever reconciliation between calmiIJ,g1and insight might be required should take place there. However,

relationship of these functions again becomes an issue on the siXW:Jground with the development of a new form of concentration, knowfl:

as the uncommon absorption of cessation ( * a s i i d h i i r a r J a - n i r o d h 1 ~ samiipatti, thung mong ma yin pa'i gog snyoms). This is a category uniqu(t,ol

Prasangika and in Tibet is discussed mainly in dGe-Iugs-pa c o m m ¢ t i l ~ taries on Candrakirti's Entrance to the Middle Wtry (Madhyamakiivatiira, d ~ ' 4 l ma la 'jug pa), especially Tsong-kha-pa's Clarification if ( C a n d r a k ' i r t i ; ~ 1

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Thought (db U ma dgongs pa rab gsal) and in works by Pan-chen

So_nam-drak-ba, Jetsun Chos-kyi-gyal-tsen, and Jam-yang-shay-ba.

This uncommon absorption is described as quite distinct from the

' ~ u n k n o w i n g " cessation discussed by Vasubandhu and Buddhaghosa. Vnlike those, this is a wisdom consciousness regarded as crucial to

qualities that characterize the higher grounds; it is a major catalyst

of the seventh ground's special mental agility and freedom from con

ceptuallimitations, as well as a contributing factor to the ability to

.combine universal insight with particular response (wisdom and

method) that is associated with the eighth ground and above.

The paper argues that the role of calming and concentration is

crucial to understanding the underpinnings of Indo-Tibetan Bud

dhist claims about unmediated cognition. I also suggest that the

mediated/unmediated dichotomy, important as it is, is not the most

useful paradigm by which to engage this Buddhist material, and that

the role of concentration, which has no clear analogue in most West

ern thought, is part of the challenge to this model.

Paths Terminable and Interminable

Donald S. Lopez,Jr., University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

The second of the eight topics covered in Maitreyanatha's com-

.. mentary on the prajfiiipiiramitii, the AbhisamayiilaT(lkiira, is the knowl

edge of the paths (miirgajfiatii), the bodhisattvds understanding of the

minute structure of the paths of friivakas, pratyekabuddhas, andbodhisattvas, conjoined with the realization that all these paths are

ympty. This paper uses Tsong-kha-pa's (1357-1419) commentary on

the topics of the knowledge of the paths in his Legs bshad gser phreng to

consider three problems arising from the Indian Mahayana and

Tibetan expositions of the paths to enlightenment. The first is the

.persistence of the complex of defilements, derived by the

Abhidharma, after the antidote to those defilements (knowledge of

the sixteen aspects of the four truths) had been effectively replaced

by the panacea of emptiness. The paper considers several arguments

that might account for the continuation of a highly structured system

of defilements, including the possibility that they represent Buddhist

.categories ofpollution, analogous to those in the caste system.

The second topic dealt witp in the paper is the controversy

within the Mahayana over the number of vehicles. The arguments

for three vehicles and for one vehicle are presented at some length,

focussing especially on how the proponents of one position sought to

account for statements in the sutras that seemed to support the other

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position. This leads into a consideration of the strategy of c o r n r n · " ' ' Y ' ' ~ . h· M h . 11 . h e n ~ tary m tea ayana, especla y as It soug t to account both f o d h ~

prior tradition, labelled the Hinayana, and for those who h a d f ~ ~ o w e d its path, the ~ r h a t s . The e ~ r l y .tradition had. to be s , : b o r d i n a t ~ m m or_de! to estabhsh_ a n ~ mamtam the supenor posItion. o f i : h ~ Mahayana, but the Hmayana could not be rejected c o m p l e t e l y . ) : , ~ ~

The final question taken up in the paper is one that f o l l o ~ t , ~ , naturally from the assertion that there is but one final vehicle thata'l11

sentient beings will ride to buddhahood: the question of w h e t h ~ ~ saT(lsiira will ever end. Positions on both sides of the issue are c l i ~ l ' cussed at some length, and the doctrinal agendas that underlie t h o ~ ~ positions are analyzed. Tsong-kha-pa finds a reason to argue t h ~ t saT(lsiira is endless in the doctrine of emptiness, a position that hig

most important commentators vigorously reject. The paper c o n ~ cludes by considering several models by means ofwhich the e x t r a o i ~ dinarily long bodhisattva path might be understood, including th€

model ofnarrative. "

The Encounter and Marga Paradigms in Classical Ch) an:

Analysis and Implications

John McRae, Case Western Reserve/Cornell University

This paper states a set of hypotheses and tentative conclUSIOns

regarding the creation ofa new paradigm for religious practice in the'Hung-chou school of classical Ch'an Buddhism. ..

One important aspect of recent research on early and classicalCh'an is the devaluation of the sudden/gradual and Northern!

Southern dichotomies as primary indicators of the development and

transformation of the school. The first section of the presentation:

will reconsider apparent discontinuity between early Ch'an and the,

classical Ch'an of Ma-tsu Tao-i (709-88) and the Hung-chou

school. After describing the unique characteristics of the Hung-chou

school ofCh'an, in particular its apparently single-minded devotionto "encounter dialogue," or spontaneous religious repartee, the

paper gives brief details regarding the biographical, doctrinal, and

practical continuities between early and classical Ch'an.

The next section analyzes the "encounter paradigm" for reli

gious practice implied in classical Ch'an in terms of its extremely

personalist and anti-ritualist internalization of the norms ofspiritual

teaching. This is followed by a description of the highly rationalized

(i.e., hierarchical and progressive) "miirgaparadigm" attributed totraditional Chinese Buddhism and rejected by classical Ch'an.

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.The conclusion offers a hypothesis regarding the implications of

fhe e m e r g e ~ c e of ~ h e e n c o u n t ~ r paradign: within the context of

fchinese socIal.and mtellectual hlstor;.:. SpecIfically, the paper argues .

fffiat the theones of the anthropologIst Mary Douglas (as argued

ftspeciallY in N a t u r a ~ Symbols) r e g a r d i n ~ r e l i g ~ o u s cosmology ~ n d JJ()cial structure proVIde an excellent startmg pomt for·understandmg

ttbe role ofCh'an Buddhism in the T'ang / Sung transition.

ff'fhe Sudden and Complete Path ojT'ien-t'ai Chih-i

Ibaniel B. Stevenson, Butler University

1':1';'

The sixth and seventh century in China have traditionally been

~ r e g a r d e d as a watershed in the history of East Asian Buddhism, a

~ ' p e r i o d of great systematic change out of which emerged the basic

~ p a t t e r n s of thought and practice that have stood as a hallmark of

~ c : p a s t Asian Buddhism down to the present day. One of the most sig

~ n i f i c a n t trends to take· shape during this era was a shift. towards a

~ ~ \ i s p e e d y " (chi) or "sudden" (tun) model of the bodhisattva course. Far1Trom being solely a matter of doctrinal interest, of concern only to

~ ' t h e scholastic elite, the vision of a "sudden" enlightenment was

: ~ b o v e all a vision of a religious path. As such, it initiated responses

:throughout all aspects of the Buddhist tradition-practical and

:Jnstitutional, as well as intellectual-and became a pivotal structure

;around which entire programs of religious culture were forged. This

paper will discuss one such program-that described in the writings

of Chih-i (538-597), the great architect of T'ien-t'ai Buddhist

thought and practice.

, Chih-i is the author of one of the most comprehensive and

widely read statements of the "sudden" approach to Buddhist prac

tice ever produced in Asia-the Mo-ho chih-kuan ([Treatise on] the great

calming and discerning). This work delves into all areas of religious life,

and thus offers priceless insights into both the conceptual models

that informed T'ien-t'ai practice and the network of spiritual disciplines through which these models were actualized in the T'ien

t'ai community.

Relying primarily upon the Mo-ho chih-kuan, the paper sketches

a holistic picture of Chih-i's "sudden" program of spiritual develop

ment, which above aU strives to convey the ways in which this model

resonated with, and helped to integrate, all dimensions ofT'ien-t'ai

religious life.

The paper begins with a discussion of Chih-i's views regardingthe enlightened mind and its relation to the ordinary human condi-

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98 JIABS VOL; 13 NO.1

. tion. Having elicited the basic framework upon which his vision fthe sudden approach is structured, it then takes up his subitist p a ~ itself. The various stages of spiritual development on that path ar

outlined and junctures considered to be crucial are pinpointed. B;working into the discussion such basic formula as the TwentY-flv

Preliminary Expedients and the Ten Modes of Meditative D i s c e r n ~ ment (shih kuan-fa), the paper treats in detail the integrated program'

of spiritual disciplines designed to affect these transformations. The

paper concludes with observations on the various ways in which

these models of religious practice were reflected in the institutional

structure and patterns of religious life seen in the early T'ien-t'ai

community.

Vision and Cultivation on the Path to Liberation in Early Buddhism

Alan Sponberg, Stanford University

One of the most innovative contributions to systematization ofBuddhist soteriology was the introduction of the distinction between

a path of vision (darfanamrga) and, following it ,a path of cultivation

(bhiivaniimiirga). This bipartite model of the path to liberation o r i g i ~ nated with the Vaibha:;;ika-Sarvastivada school and was sub

sequently expanded by the Yogacarins to become the core of the

mature five-stage path theory of Mahayana Buddhism. Louis dela

Vallee Poussin was perhaps the earliest Western scholar to note the

peculiarity of this development, discussing it in the context of abroader survey of documents reflecting the tension between what he

interpreted as a "rationalist" faction and a "mystical" faction among

earlier Buddhist soteriologists. Following Poussin's lead, Erich

Frauwallner, for example, took a much stronger position on the ques:

tion, asserting that the division represents the Vaibha:;;ika commit

ment to a rationalist soteriology in juxtaposition to the "mystical"

tendency he sees to prevail in the Pali Abhidhamma.

In examining the Vaibha:;;ika theory, this paper suggests that the

inclusion of the path of cultivation is more significant and innovative

than the notion of a specific moment of cognitive insight (iiiiiJa-das c

sana), the latter having clear precedent in important canonical v e r ~ sions not considered by Frauwallner. This, in turn, suggests that the'

real question to be raised here is what led the later Abhidharmikas

to insist on a path of cultivation subsequent to the moment of insight'

into the Four Noble Truths that had been the culmination of the standard early accounts of the path, a question all the more intriguing .•.

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given the fact that the V a i b h a ~ i k a s do indeed demonstrate a marked

tendency towards rationalism in many other respects.

This issue becomes less problematic if seen not in terms of

"rationalism" versus "mysticism," but as a Buddhist attempt tomediate a long-standing dispute between those South Asian wander

ers (parivrajakas) who sought deliverance in a moment ofliberating

cognitive insight and those who pursued instead a process of re-

demptive purification. Historically, it is this division between vision

and purification that reemerges throughout early Buddhist soteriol-

ogy, a process independent of movement towards rationalism. In this

context, the V a i b h a ~ i k a innovation of cultivation after liberating

insight indicates the strength of the purification theme in Buddhism,

despite injunctions against extreme psychological asceticism. It also

reflects the increasingly psychological turn in which the liberating

value of insight required a period of deeper cultivation to fully extir

pate greed, hatred, and delusion. Even more striking then than the

appreciation of rationalism evident in this phase of Buddhist soteriol

ogy is the appreciation of the unconscious levels of affiiction not

immediately accessible by even the most direct insight into reality.

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III. REVIEWS

ahiimudrii: The Quintessance ofMind and Meditation.

anslated and annotated by Lobsang P. Lhalungpa, with a", word by Chogyam Trungpa. Boston/London: Shambhala, 1986.+ 488 pp. $25,00 (paper).

Among the many exceptional achievements of Tibetan scholaswriting, a position of special distinction has long been accordedhin the Bka'-brgyud 1 traditions to the Nges don phyag rgya chen po'i

rim gsal bar byed pa'i legs bshad zla ba'i 'od zer, the Moonlight of

ahiimudrii, by the master Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal.

nowned as an encyclopedic summation of the theoretical and

ctical dimensions of the mahiimudrii ("Great Seal") teaching stem-

fig from the mahiisiddhas of Buddhist India and their Tibetan adhets, the Phyag chen zla zer, as it is called for short, enjoys authority

tting across the various lines of Bka'-brgyud-pa sub-sectarian difence, and thus exceeds in its influence even such revered

.hiimudrii texts as the Phyag chen gan mdzod of 'Brug-chen Padma

ar-po (1527-92), which is studied in the.schools of the 'Brug-pa

a'-brgyud order,2 or the Phyag-chen nges-don rgya-mtsho, of Karma

IX Dbang-phyug rdo-rje (1554-1603), a primary meditational

atise of the Karma Bka'-brgyud. 3 Lobsang P. Lhalungpa's superb'. 'nslation of Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal's masterwork, then,I ~ ' " t o be celebrated by all students of Indo-Tibetan thought and con~ e r n p l a t i o n . Indeed, the richness of this book recommends it to allfgaders who are seriously engaged in inquiry concerning systematici ~ e d i t a t i 0 r : - , whether. from a . Buddhological, philosophical,*psychologIcal or practIcal standpomt.

~ ~ ' The text is broadly divided into two books: a preliminary disser; ! ~ t i o n on the fundamental categories employed in the discussion of

:P,llddhist meditation, namely, famatha and vipafyana (pp. 15-88); fol!!pwed by a fully detailed exegesis of the system of the mahiimudrii in

fj5articular (pp. 92-414). The first of these clearly seeks to relate the

~ o r k as a whole to the tradition of meditational theory stemming

[rom Kamalaslla, and represented in the three Bhiivaniikrama and the

r t l ~ i i v a n i i y o g i i v a t i i r a , texts that are well-known to contemporary Bud

@hologists.4 The association is further reinforced by Bkra-shis rnam~ g y a l ' s use of the phrase sgom-rim (= Bhiivaniikrama) in the full title of

~ ~ " $1 lOl

" ~ L

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his work. It is in the second book that the polemical significance of'.

his appropriation of K ~ m a l a s l l a is f u l ~ y felt, for here he directly

attacks the charges, vOIced most prommently by Sa-skya PaI).<;iita

Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan(1182-1251),

that the mahiimudrii of the Bka'_c

brgyud schools is to be identified with the antinomian subitism attri_

buted to Ho-shang Mahayana (pp. 104-9).

The polemical dimension of the work, however; is not its dorni:'

nant trait. Its real interest derives from' the thoroughness of its

delineation of the theory and practice of the mahiimudrii as a distinc_ ' .

tive system standing in a unique relationship to the major traditions'

of sutra and tantra in Indo-Tibetan Buddhism. Thus mahiimudrii, in a

way reminiscent of the Rdzogs-chen as treated by many Rnying-rna_pa writers, is spoken ()f as "a separate path and independent of the

sutras and tantras" (p. 112). At the same time, mahiimudrii may skill

fully employ practices taught in the sutras and tantras, so that "it is'

not contradictory to regard mahiimudrii as identical to the common"

and profound path of the sutras and tantras." And theoretically, too/

the "thatness" (de-kho--na-nyid) to be realized as the final intention o (

both finds its culmination in the mahiimudrii (pp. 112-16). The s e p a ~ ~ l rateness of the mahiimudrii is thus tentatively posited, in a dialectical;.motion that seeks ultimately to determine not what is most d i s t i n c ~ . ~ tive but what is most universal within the varied scriptural tradi{.;'

tions of Buddhist meditation. In effect Bkra-shis-rnam-rgyal c r e a t e s ~ i an on-going discussion among the traditions of sutra, tantra, andj

mahiimudrii proper, in which the dialectical pattern just outlined is;t

recapitulated with respect to the numerous particular t o p i c s , ; ~ ; he details. (To exemplifY this procedure with respect to practice, we mal;:,

point to his treatment of the role of breathing in meditation (pp. 154-;.1,

7): the point of departure is a passage from the mahiisiddha T i 1 o p a ; ~ Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal's exposition ofwhich involves consideration o£:";;

the discussions of breathing found in the Abhidharmakofa, the)\1

Mahayana sutras, and several tantras. Similarly,' but in a m o r e I ' ~ theoretical vein, the investigation of vipafyanii in Chapter Four o(S

Book Two (pp. 175ft) finds its conclusion in remarks on "The B 1 e n d ~ : , ' , : ing ofInsight with that of Other Systems" (pp. 209-12), where the,::Fl

main concern is to indicate the manner in which normative d o c t r i ~ : ~ ~ nal presentation of the two sorts of selflessness (nairiitmya) b d a g - m e t l ) : ' c ~ j is to be understood in connection with the mahiimudrii t e ach ing . : : ' •

Lobsang P. Lhalungpa's outstanding translation of the abundant,}:}

feast of dharma that we find here is both accurate and highly readable}14

throughout, a formidable achievement when one considers t h ( ~ J 4 extreme difficulty of the text in question. The overall excellence ofj:

, } ~ : ~ ~

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REVIEWS 103

(his work leaves this reviewer with few b o n ~ s t? pick, a ~ d small o n ~ s f ~ t that: clear and accurate use of Sansknt tItles of cIted works m

1 ~ 6 m e cases, for instance, alternates in others with altogether confus

ffug u s ~ v ~ r y r o u ~ ~ ~ ~ o ~ e t i ~ , ~ z a t i o n of Tibetan. t r a n s l a t i ~ n ~ of~ S a n s k n t tItles: e.g., mgoshl (p. 33) f o ~ ~ a - y z dngos-g;:;hz; I.e.,

rJ3hilmivastu. And the entIre treatment of the bIblIography and mdex

tbf citations (pp. 463-88) will not be regarded as meeting the stan

~ a a r d s ofcontemporary academic usage. Also, I would like to encour

r ~ g e readers of ~ h i s ~ , e v i e ~ ~ ~ do everything in t h ~ i r power to stamp

'!6ut the neologIsm sutnc, used throughout thIS and many other

~ ~ e c e n t books on Tibetan Buddhism. 5 None of this, however, distracts

~ f r o m this reviewer's admiration for an exemplary and extremely~ f r i i p o r t a n t addition to the volume of Tibetan doctrinal literature now

f ~ v a i l a b l e in English translation. .

There remains, however, one rather puzzling aspect of the book,

~ f h e striking lack of information we find there about its author,

Wwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal. The issues that may be raised in

~ h i s connection take us beyond any questions explicitly raised in the

fbook under review, and so will be addressed separately.f ~ £ , ' ,~ i ~ ._:(11. The Enigma ifDwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal

~ f r , ' Given the clear importance of the Phyag-chen ;:;la-;:;er, the enor-

[fuity ofits achievement, and the fact that its popularity as an instruc

~ ' l i o n a l text within the Bka'-brgyud traditions demonstrates the high

~ r e g a r d in which it was traditionally held, we should expect that, as

t ~ e e m s often to be the' case

withthe great

namesin Tibetan

Buddhist

~ p p c t r i n a l history, a great deal would be known of its author, Dwags

lPo Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal. Wrong. Next to nothing seems known of

!Rim, and, though I cannot claim to have turned every stone yet, the

~ [ e s u l t s of my search for reliable information about him have so far

~ ~ e e n remarkably disappointing. This presents something of a puz

r ~ ] e , but because that puzzle is itself in some sense illuminating, an

l ~ c c o u n t of it seems in place here.

:0, Mr. Lhalungpa's introduction (p. xxi) tells us that; ' - : ~

In writing this work the great Tibetan teacher Tashi Namgyal (1512-87)

made known many of the ancient secret oral teachings and published

them as xylographic prints. Among other well-known treatises by the

author are The Resplendent Jewel: An Elucidation qf he Buddhist Tantra and The

Sunlight: An Elucidation qf Hevajra-tantra. In the course of his extensive

studies and training Tashi Namgyal studied with some Sakyapa teachers

and even acted as the abbot of Nalanda Sakyapa Monastery, north of

Lhasa. During his later years he functioned as Gampopa's regent and aschief abbot of the monastery ofDakla Gampo, in South Tibet.

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The text itself contains little information regarding its author: eve';(

the opening praise-verses, for instance, omit specific reference to

personal teachers. It is only in the colophon that he situates hirnsei}

for us (p. 411): , ~

... I, Campopa Tashi Namgyal, started composing this text at an ausp;2

cious time and completeq it on an auspicious day of the third month of

the Ox year, at the Nagakota retreat, bel.ow the glorious monastery ot.,

Taklha Campo. The founding of this monastery was prophesied by t h ~ : Buddha. The scribe was Thupden Palbar, who is himselfa dedicated m a s ~ ~ ter of the Mantrayana system. - , S ~

""

.

A translator's note (p. 461) tells us that "[ ]he Ox year could bteither the Wood Ox year, 1566 C.E., or the Fire Ox year, 1578 C . E . " ! ~

We have before us, then, a number of substantive a s s e r t i o n ~ ~ regarding Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal, a few ofwhich find sornlt

confirmation in the text's own colophon, the remainder being p r e ~ ~ seilted without textual support. In the absence of an a v a i l a b l e ~ (auto) biography, or even of a substantial historical note in a s y n : ~ ~ thetic history of Tibetan Buddhism or of one of its p a r t i c u l a i ~ schools, it may be worthwhile to examine the assertions madehere::j

with some care. The absence of extensive written evidence i s , 6 f ~ course, part of the puzzle, and I shall return to this question belovJ.t

Let's first, however, examine the positive assertions in t u r n : ; . , i ; f

. 1. Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal was affiliated with Dwags5:

l(h)a sgam-po Monastery. . ' I ~ >J;

2. He lived from 1512 to 1587, had some connection with t h ~ J Sa-skya-pa school, and "even acted as abbot Of Nalanda S a k y a p ~ : , Monastery." ' ..

~ ~ , ' ~ ~ ~

3. He composed "other well-known treatises," including thlJ

Phyag-chen z!a-zer, which was written in an Ox year equivalent t ~ : ~ either 1566 or 1578. Moreover, he was responsible for the x y l o g ~ i ! raphic publication ofhis own work. . ~ ~

1.This is, of course, supported by the author's colophon. Confir-i:;

mation ofhis monastic affiliation may be found elsewhere as well, f o r i ~ ~ instance in the notes on Tibetan monastic institutions compiled bX:::the patron of 19th century Tibetan Buddhist eclecticism, 'JaIJl<f:l

dbyangs Mkhyen-brtse'i dbang-po (1820-92):('11: : ~ ~ 1 ~ ~

1

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REVIEWS 105

As for Dwags-la sgam-po: It was founded by Dwags-po Rin-po-che

Bsod-nams rin-chen [a.k.a. Sgam-po-paJ-the heart-like spiritual son of

Mi-la Bzhad-pa'i rdo-rje, the great pillar of the lineage ofattainment fol

lowing Lord Mar-pa-when he was in his forties. It became the source of

all the Bka'-brgyud-s [i.e., of the four great and eight lesser lineages stem

ming from Sgam-po-pa, Bka'-brgyud che-bzhi chung-brgyadJ, and was later

preserved by Sgom-tshul Tshul-khrims snying-po and [Sgam-po-pa'sJ

other nephews, and by the all-knowing Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal and other ema

national rebirths, who came successively.6

'Sgam-po-pa's monastic seat, then, appears to have been maintained

by a familial line and by a line of sprul-sku-s, Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal

!having figured among the latter.

Histories of the Bka' -brgyud schools sometimes include a brief

discussion of Dwags-l(h)a sgam-po's beginnings and early succes

sion immediately following the life of the founder: as the English ver

,'sian of The Blue Annals provides a readily available example, there is

no need to repeat this material here. 7 But the distinction of its foun

,'der notwithstanding, Dwags-l(h)a sgam-po and its traditions had

,'lapsed into some obscurity within four centuries of its foundation .•This is well-indicated by no less a Bka'-brgyud historian than

;Dpa'-bo Gtsug-lag phreng-ba, writing during the period 1545-65,who expresses uncertainty as to whether those in the line of Dwags

l(h)a sgam-po's hierarchs have formed a continuous master-disciple

·succession. 8

2.

The dates, 1512-87, assigned to Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal'by Mr. Lhalungpa are those that have been adopted by the US.

Library of Congress, and are found in recent Tibetan chronologies

as welP However, the reader who undertakes the tedious task of

'reading Tshe-tan Zhabs-drung's recent compendium of Tibetan

chronologies in its entirety will find Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal

entered with two conflicting sets ofdates, the alternative being 1398-

,)458, the name given with the birth-year further qualified with the

phrase rong-ston-gyi slob-rna, "disciple of Rong-ston."w Rong-ston is,of course, the famous Sa-skya-pa scholar Rong-ston Shes-bya kun

gzigsl -rig (1367-1449), who founded the "Nalanda" (actually

Nalendra) monastery in 1435-6. In the light ofthe assertion that the

author of the Phyag chen zla zer had been abbot of this Sa-skya-pa

establishment, this matter clearly demands careful consideration.

Were there two Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal-s, or just one?

And if one, did he belong to the mid-sixteenth century or to theYearly fifteenth?

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106 j IABS VOL. 13 NO. 1

. A summary of the life of Rong-ston may be found on pp. 1080

82 of the Roerich translation of The Blue Annals. On p. 1082 We fi dthe following: ' n

Before his passing into Nirval).a, he appointed to the Abbot's chair hDharmasvamin bKra-sis rnam-rgyal. This one also laboured extensiv:l e

for the benefit of the Doctrine, preached, erected large images, etc. R:

was born in the Earth-Male-Tiger (sa-pho-stag-l398 A.D.) and passed

away at the age of 6l.

According to the Tibetan manner of calculating one's age, thatwould have been 1458.

We have therefore a Chos-rje Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal: he is not

explicitly identified in The Blue Annals as Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam

rgyal. l l However, a recent account of Rongcston's life and work does

refer to him as "Dags-po-dbon Pal).-chen Bkra-shis-rnam-rgyal" and as

"Dwags-po pal).-chen Bkra-shis-rnam-rgyal."12 The primary Source

cited is Gser-mdog Pal).-chen Shakya-mchog-Idan's (1428-1507)biography of Rong-ston/3 where on plate 336, lines 5-6, we find one

Dags-po dbon-por grags-pa Pan[sic!J-chen Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal, "Pan"

chen Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal famed as the Dags-po nephews." N ~ t only does Rong-ston's disciple have the same name and titles similar

to those of the author ofthe Phyag chen zla zer, but the addition here of

the title dbon-po immediately calls to mind the dbon-brgyud, "nephews'

line," among Sgam-po-pa's successors, referred to above, where it

was distinguished from the line of sprul-sku-s to which our subject

belonged.

There are, however, better reasons to doubt the identification of

the two, and to argue that the mahiimudrii master indeed belonged to

the sixteenth century. To begin with, it seems odd that 'Gos Lo-tsa"

ba, author of The Blue Annals and a scholar with powerful Bka'

brgyud affiliations, would have failed to mention that Rong-ston's

successor had been the author of important and influential Bka'

brgyud treatises if that had indeed been the case. Less circumstan

tially, we have a record of the mahiimudrii master Bkra-shis rnam

rgyal's lineage, known from two independent sources: KaJ:l-thog Rig'dzin Tshe-dbang nor-bu (1698-1755)/4 and 'Jam-mgon Kong-sprul

Blo-gros mtha' -yas (1813-99), who takes this up in the dkar-chag of

his encyclopedic anthology of Tibetan Buddhist meditational tradic

tions, the Gdams ngag mdzod. I5 The former may, I believe, be consi

dered particularly good testimony in this instance: Tshe-dbang nor-bu

was a noted historian with strong Bka'-brgyud connections; coming,

as he does, during the early eighteenth century it seems unlikely that

he would place a mid-sixteenth century figure in the early fifteenth;and, significantly, Pal).-chen Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal appears to have

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REVIEWS 107

1. been a figure of special interest to him, for he concludes his summa

.tion of the lineage w i t ~ t ~ e d e c l a ~ a t i o n . that he has made great efforts:to receive the t r a " ? s ~ m s s l O n of hIS en.tIre Collected Works (Gsung 'bum

.yongs rdzogs), Omlttmg here the IndIan predecessors of Mar-pa, a~ c o r n p o s i t e of the lineage according to both sources (with dates.supplied as reported in recent Tibetan chronologies) runsas follows:

1. Mar-pa (1012-97)2. Mi-la ras-pa (1040-1123)3. Sgam-po Lha-rje Bsod-nams rin-chen (1079-1153)

4. Dbon-sgom Tshul-khrims snying-po (1116-69)

5. La-yag-pa Byang-chub dngos-grub6. Mkhan-chen Bye(d)-dkar-ba

7. Snyi-sgom chen-po8. 'Bri-gung gling-pamched

9. Dpal-ldan Lha-lung-pa

10. Mkhan-chen Lha-btsun-pa

11. Jo-sras Rdo-rje blo-gros [Tshe-dbang nor-bu runs this name

together with the preceding.]

12. Spyan-snga Chos-kyi rgyal-mtshan13. Chos-kyi seng-ge

14. Chos-kyi dbang-phyug

15. Mkhan-chen RgyaI-mtshan bzang-po

16. Spyan-snga Bsod-nams rgya-mtsho [Kong-sprul reads:

rgyal-mtshan]

17. Rje Bsod-nams lhun-grub

18. Sgam-po PaI).-chen Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal

(1398-1458 or 15l2/3-87?)

19. Spyan-snga B s o d ~ n a m s mtshan-can

20. Sprul-sku Nor-bu rgyan-pa (1588 or 1599-1633)

21. Spyan-snga Rin-chen rdo-rje

22. (Spru1-pa'i sku-mchog) Bzang-po rdo-rje

[23a-24a complete Tshe-dbang nor-bu's version:]23a. Grub-mchog 'Od-gsal dbang-po

24a. Tshe-dbang nor-bu (1698-1755)[23b-30 complete Kong-sprul's list:]

23b. Lhun-grub nges-don dbang-po

24b. Grub-chen Dam-chos dbang-phyug

25. Bstan-pa dar-rgyas

26. Grub-dbang Byang-chub rdo-rje

27. Byang-sems Kun-dga' snying-po

28. Rgyal-sras Gzhan-phan mtha'-yas (b. 1800)

29. Rdo-rje-'chang Mkhyen-brste'i dbang-po (1820-92)30. Kong-sprul B1o-gros m tha' -yas (1813-99)

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I t will be immediately apparent that the absence of more prec'

information on the dates of most of these persons presents SOIne Itcstacles to the use ofthese lists as evidence to decide the case ofB t -

shis rnam-rgyal. Given that five generations of teachers are reportrdas intervening between him and Tshe-dbangnor-bu, whose dates ae

quite well established, however, it does seem more plausible to assi;e

Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal to the sixteenth century, assuming an averat

of roughly thirty years per generation, a figure nearly consistent W i t ~ the distribution of the list overall. And certainly, the dates assigned

to Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal's grand-disciple Nor-bu rgyan-pa appearclinch the matter.

About this last point, however, we must exercise some caution·for Nor-bu rgyan-pa's dates are known from just the same ver;

recent sources as Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal's, and, because he belongs to

the same lineage, may be subject to similar possibilities of error.

What we must do, then, is determine just what sources the recent

chronologists have utilized. Earlier chronological documents, COIn-

bined with the evidence ofthe lineage lists, would do much tei bolsterthe argument. .

Fortunately, we can be fairly certain regarding the i d e n t i t y ~ f the immediate sources of contemporary Tibetan chronologies in t h ~ ; case with which we are here concerned: the chronology of T s h e ~ dbang nor-bu himself; 16 and that ofSum-pa Mkhan-po Ye-shes dpal

'byor (1704-87) 17 Both concur in assigning the birth of Bkra-shis

rnam-rgyal to 1513 (Water Bird, Ninth Rab-byung), and Sum-pa

gives the year ofhis death as 1587 (Fire Pig, Tenth Rab-byung). Both"

concur in assigning the birth of Sgam-po-pa Nor-bu rgyan-pa to1588 (Earth Rat, Tenth Rab-byung), and Sum-pa specifies 1633·

(Water Bird, Eleventh Rab-byung) as the year of decease. I t seems

very unlikely that both of these eighteenth century historians, writ

ing in different parts of Tibet and adhering to different traditions,

would be similarly wrong about all ofthis. Moreover, the occurrence'

of the name of Sgam-po-pa Nor-bu rgyan-pa among the Circle of

Rnying-ma-pa and Bka'-brgyud-pa luminaries gathering around

Rig-'dzin 'la' -tshon-snying-po (1585-1656) offers further confirma

tion of the general accuracy of these dates. We must, I believe, accept

the conclusion that there were two Dwags-po PaIf-chen Bkra-shis

rnam-rgyal-s, one a fifteenth century Sa-skya-pa, the other a six"

teenth century Bka'-brgyud-pa.

One further puzzle must be raised in this connection: Sman7

sdong mtshams-pa Rin-po-che, in his history of the successive

Karma-pas, mentions as a disciple of Karma-paIX

Dbang-phyug·rdo-rje (1554-1603) a certain "Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal-gyi

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REVIEWS 109

J ~ r u l - s k u , " an "incarnation" of Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal. lB

~ W a s this Sgam-po-pa Nor-bu rgyan-pa, who, if born in 1588, the~ ~ a r following Bkra-shis. rnam-rgyal's passing, was p ~ s s i b l y recog-

liUied as thy latter's rebIrth? Or was there an otherwIse unknown~ } ~ c a r n a t i o n ? Or does it refer to Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal

riliiIIlself, as an incarnation of Rong-ston's successor? (His seniority

& l ! 1 ~ i t h respect to the Karma-pa would not have precluded his being

..· . ~ . · · . Q . · · .n.. sidered the l.atter's disciple) Regrettably, the. a v a i l a b ~ e e v i d ~ n c e .ff§,we noW know It does not contnbute to the resolutIOn of thIS questIOn.

I ~ ~ . 3., ~ . Among contemporary Bka'-brgyud-pa scholars, the Phyag chen

t.lld zcr is often spoken of as one of three texts by Dwags-po Bkra-shis

fJpd-zer, together referred to as the "Trilogy of Light Rays," 'Od zer~ # o r gsum. As noted above, Mr. Lhalungpa has mentioned these

IVorks briefly in his introduction. Also attributed to the same author

f ~ r e several short texts found in the section on the Dwags-po tradi

tR6n in the Mar-pa Bka'-brgyud volume(s) of the Gdams ngag mdzod.

~ ~ e . a u t h o r ~ s coloph?ns ir: all ?fthese works

~ r e s i m i l ~ r , and

I s u ~ l W a n ~ e ~ h e mformatIOn gIVen m them here wIth the tItles and bnef

~ ~ ~ c n p t I v e notes:

1. Nges don phyag rgya chen po'i sgom rim gsal bar byed pa'i legs bshad <.la ba'i 'od

zer. Recent (circa 1940s or 1950s) xylographic edition from SrI Sne'u

steng, Rtsib-ri, near Ding-ri. 379 folios. This is the edition used for the

Lhalungpa translation. I t has been reproduced under the full title in

Delhi: Karma chos 'phel, 1974.

2. Sngags kyi spyi don nor bu'i 'od zer. An old xylographic edition apparently

from Dwags-l(h)a sgam-po itself [see below]. 74 folios. The left-hand

margin recto ofeach folio bears the letter tsa, indicating this to be the 17th

text of a series. Reproduced by DKC, 1974. A general dissertation on

Mantrayana Buddhism, emphasizing the anuttarqyogatantras of the "new

translation" (gsar-ma) schools in the tradition of Sgam-po-pa. The

author's colophon (73b) indicates it to have been composed at Dags-lha

sgam-po during the first half of the fifth month of a Bird year by "one

named Sgam-po-pa Mam-ga-la [= Bkra-shis]."

3. Dpal kye'i rdo de zhes bya ba'i rgyud kyi rgyal po'i 'grel pa legs bshad nyi ma'i

'od zer. An old xylographic edition apparently from Dwags-l(h) a sgam-po

itself [see below]. 284 folios. Reproduced by DKC, 1974. This is a very

thorough commentary on the Heuajratantra. The author's colophon (283a)

tells us that it was written, with many disciples providing scribal assis

tance, at the Nagakota retreat below Dwags-lha sgam-po during the third

month of a Dragon year by "one named Sgam-po-pa Mam-ga-la." This

work and the tWo preceding comprise the so-called "Trilogy of Light

Rays" ('od zer skor gsum) .

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4. Sngon 'gro'i khridyig thun bzhi'i rnal 'byor du bya ba. Xylograph included; ",

the Dpal-spungs (Sde-dge) edition of the Gdams ngag mdzod. 6 f o 1 i l ~ ! R e p : o ~ u c e d in G d ~ m s nag mdzod, vol. V, platts 547-58. An aCCOunt o d 6 ~ ~ p r e h m m a r ~ practl:es .to be u ~ d e r t a k e ~ at th.e commencement of e a c h ; ; ~ : the four dally meditatIOn ~ e s s I O n s ~ u n n g stnct retreat. The author's c6tlophon (558) tells us that It was wntten, as requested by his disciples ",I

. . , at;the ~ g a m - p o ' l sgrub-sde ("retreat center") by "one named Sgam-po-pi!'lMam-ga-la." "V

5. Zab lam chos drug gi khridyig chen mo gsang chen gyi de nyid gsal ba. X Y I 6 i ~ ~ raph i n c l u d e ~ in the D p a l - s ~ u n g s (Sd<;:-dge) edition of the Gdams n g ~ ~ mdzod. 46 fohos. Reproduced m Gdams nag mdzod, vol. V, plates 559-650::

Detailed guidance on the practice of the "six doctrines" of Naropa. T h ~ 1 author's colophon (650) tells us that it was written, with Dge-slong B i d c ~ gros-mchog providing scribal assistance, at the retreat of Dwags-Iha'

sgam-po during the fourth month of a Bird year by "one named S g a m . : : ~ po-pa Mam-ga-Ia." The work had been requested by Rgya-ston Naiiit:i

mkha' rdo-rje and Slob-dpon Nyi-ma-grags. . :,;)

6. Phyag rgya chen po'i khridyig chen mo gnyug ma'i de nyid gsal ba. X y l o g r a b h ~ included in the Dpal-spungs (Sde-dge) edition of the Gdams ngag m d z o d . ~

26 folios. Reproduced in Gdams nag mdzod, vol. V, plates 651-702. PracH:lcal guidance on meditation according to the traditions of the m a h i i m u d ; a . ~ ~ The author's colophon (702) tells us that it was written, with Bkra-shfii

don-grub providing scribal assistance, at the retreat ofDwags-lha sganl2}

po during the fourth month of a Sheep year by "one named S g a m - p o - p ~ } M a m - g a - I a . " : ~ ~ /J"'?

7. Sgam po pa bkra shis rnam rgyal gyis mdzad pa sgrub pa'i zhal bskos: X y l o ~ 5 1 raph included in the Dpal-spungs (Sde-dge) edition of the Gdams ngagA

mdzod. 3 folios. Reproduced in Gdams nag mdzod, vol. V, plates 707-12. A ; ~ discussion ofgeneral principles and regulations that are to be adhered to,!by retreatants. There is no author's colophon, but simply the ascription {

ofauthorship on the title-page (707). firi ~ j ' ~

Besides these works, Tshe-dbang nor-bu, as reported above, h a ~ ; i mentioned a set of Complete Works, and has specifically referred in theji

same breath to a tradition at Dwags-l(h)a sgam-po of nstruction O I l } ~ CakrasaqlVara. The fact that the second work listed above a p p e a r ~ · . l to have been the seventeenth of a series further suggests that t h ~ : ~ available texts represent only a portion of Dwags-po B k r a - s h i ~ ; , j rnam-rgyal's erudition. . ' ; ; ~ : l

The colophonic information summarized above seems to i n d i ~ : l c a t ~ that Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal's preferred and p o s s i b l f ; ' ~ sole place of residence was Dwags-l(h)a sgam-po, where his s c h { ) j ~ larly activity was undertaken on behalf of the disciples who h a ~ i ~ gathered there for intensive practice of the main Bka' -brgyud m e d i : ; } ~ tational and yogic traditions, i.e., the "six yogas" and the m a h a m u d r a , t ~

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REVIEWS I I I

>"prolonged retreat. Because he had the unfortunate habit of noting

it rs only by animal sign, without reference to element or cycle, we

{{tnnot take Mr. Lhalungpa's attempt to identify the Oxyear in ques-",ca . ITh . . b b~ ; H o n

above too senous y. esea ~ e

maturew n t l ~ g s ,

to e sure, ut'they could have been composed m a n ~ appropnate years after the

t!lithor was, say, roughly twenty, and pnor to hIS death.

~ . a F i n a l l y , there is the fascinating question raised by the assertion

/that Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal undertook to xylographically

J'ublish his own writings. The only materials I have seen that might

~ ~ r o v i d e any evidence about this are the s e ~ o n d and third t ~ t l e s list:d

['above. These are reproduced from old prmts; that much IS certam.

'[IvIy superficial i m p r e s s i o ~ is that ~ h e style of the c ~ r v i n g is .conson:tant with other southern TIbetan pnnts executed dunng the sIxteenth

,'century, e.g., the Lho-brag edition ofDpa'-bo Gtsug-Iag phreng-ba's

'Chos-byung mkhas-pa'i dga'-ston. The printer's colophon of no. 2 (folios

1:73b-74a) clearly states that publication has been undertaken by the

, ; i ~ u t h o r ' s disciples. Indeed, it is Nyi-ma-grags, who requested the

' ; . ~ ? m p o s i t i o n of this text and of both nos. 3 and 5 above, who is

:lnamed as correcting the final version ofthe blocks. The case of no. 3,

'h()wever, is much less clear. The long printer's colophon (283a

! ~ 2 8 4 a ) , while specifying the donors, carvers, etc., never clearly iden

;):lfies itself, as does the printer's colophon of no. 2, as the w o r ~ of

. ~ i s c i p l e s : it could be the work of Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal

fhimself. The sole indication is a verse of homage to Sgam-po-pa

'(283a7-283bl), which, if addressed to Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal and not

to Mi-Ia ras-pa's famous disciple, would resolve the matter. Indeed,

:irt the printer's colophon of no. 2, Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal is addressed!mambiguously as "Sgam-po-pa," and 1 believe that to be the case

here as well. It would appear, then, that we can securely attribute the

',?Cylographic publication of Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal's writ

.ings not to the author, but to his immediate disciples.

\ The foregoing observations establish both that Dwags-po Bkra

~ s h i s rnam-rgyal was an eminent sixteenth century Bka'-brgyud

scholar and that precious little else is known of him, besides what we

c,lm gather from his erudition. How could it have come to pass that

Tibetan Buddhist historians let this one fall through the cracks? The

fsituation would be quite different, of course, if his complete works

\<Vere now available-they might, after all, include a biography-or if

'there were a gdan-rabs of Dwags-l(h)a sgam-po to which we had

! ~ c c e s s . But that is the point exactly: Tibetan religious history was

;!argely a matter of lineage records, and Dwags-l(h)a sgam-po,

though a hallowed Bka'-brgyud

shrine, played littlemajor

rolein the

transmission of the dominant Bka'-brgyud lineages. Notable scholar

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112 ]IABS VOL. 13 NO. 1

though he may have been, Dwags-po Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal s w a l l l i ~ l a backwater. . ; i ~ &

There is, I think, a moral here for those involved in T i b e i ~ ~ ~ u d d ~ i s t d o c t r i ~ a l and r ~ l i g i o u s studies, at least as presently p r ~ J tIced m the E ~ g l I ~ h - s p . e a k m g worl.d. I.t has become too often the ca;el1that we permIt e p I t h e t l ~ c h a r a c t e r l Z a ~ l O n S - "great scholar, " " e n l i g h t f ~ ened master," and the lIke-to stand m place ofsubstantive h i s t o r i c ~ l ~ ~ research. By themselves, such descriptions are hollow and u n i n f o ~ j mative; they are a .lazy way. to ~ v o i d f i ~ d i n g out who. these p e o p l ~ l really were. SometImes the mqUIry, as m the present Instance, wilnyield less than we might have hoped for, even throwing aspects of t i l J ~ record into doubt. No matter. In gaining a clear sense of the a r e a s ~ f ~ darkness, we perceive more distinctly the pockets oflight. Given t h ~ l present tenuous conditions for the preservation of Tibetan c u l t u t ~ i l l and learning, the small gains won in this fashion seem not to be with.'outvalue. ' · :>!

NOTES

1. Throughout the present review, "Bka'-brgyud" will be u s e d a S ) ~ often the case, to refer collectively to the Mar-pa Bka'-brgyud t r a d i t i o ~ s · ' t h ~

. , - '-'."f,j

lineages stemming from the translator Mar-pa Chos-kyi blo-gros ( 1 0 1 2 - 9 7 J ~ and not to such traditions as the Shangs-pa Bka'-brgyud that, despite the' c ( ) ~ mon name, must be historically distinguished. · · . · ~ i

· • ··112. See Collected WOrks (Gsun[sic!]-'bum) qf Kun-mkhyen P a d m a . d k a r - p ~

(Darjee1ing: Kargyud Sungrab Nyamso Khang, 1973), vol. 21, pp. 7-370 .4 ,

3. The text is available in a modern xylographic edition from Rum-bteg§J

Sikkim. It is not without interest to note that the two. works just m e n t i o I l ~ [ belong to the same historical period as the text whose translation is h S ~ reviewed.·'c;!jf!

4. This is not the place to repeat the now extensive b i b l i o g r a p h y : ~ ~ KamalasIla, the "Bsam-yas debate," and related topics. The 1987 Louis H . J o ~ i

; ,,:)1'1}if,&

dan Lectures (University ofLondon) by David S. Ruegg represent the most receR!!

and thorough attempt at synthesis. The BhiivaniiyogiilJatiira does not appear to J : ) ~ directly referred to by Bkra-shis rnam-rgyal; its relationship with the t l l r ~ ~ ; i l;3hiivaniikrama has been rightly insisted upon by Luis O. Gomez, " ~ E , t i Bhavanayogavatara de KamalasIla," Estudios de Asia y Africa XIV (1979), p p ~

." d ~ ~ 110-37. . i j ~ ? e I ! l

5. This verbal monstrosity is, of course, formed on analogy to " t a n t r i c J ~ l which is itself an Anglicization of Sanskrit tiintrika, "pertaining to the t a n t r a ~ z l a term perhaps not used in Buddhist texts, but sufficiently well-knownfr " ~ \ , other Sanskrit traditions to warrant its adoption. But there can be no such ."

in Sanskrit as *sutrika; the grammatically correct form would be sautnka, a teo,.

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REVIEWS 113

Cited, so far as I know, to refer only to weavers and textures, i.e., persons and

gs "pertaining to thread." So please, dear reader, don't suture the sutras

ess you're a binder. .

6. Mkhjen-brtse on the Historyi f

he Dharma, Smanrtsis Shesrig Spendzod,39 (Leh: S. W. Tashigangpa, 1972), plate 121: de la dwags la sgam po nil mnga'

. mar pa'i sgrub brgyud kyi ka chen mi la bzhad pa'i rdo rje'i thugs sras nyi ma lta bu

'S po Tin po che bsod nams Tin chen gyis dgung lo bzhi bclt grangs dus btab;' bka' brgyud

cad kyi 'byung khungs su gyur phyis sgom tshul tshul khrims snying po sogs dbon

I kun mkhyen bkra shis rnam rgyal sogs skye sprul rim byon gyis skyongI I7. George N. Roerich, The Blue Annals, 2nd ed. (Delhi: Motilal Banar

"asS, 1976), pp. 462-8. For Padma dkar-po's account, see Lokesh Chandra,

., TIbetan Chronicle i f Padma-dkar-po (New Delhi: International Academy of

ian Culture, 1968), plates 518-25. Dpa'-bo Gtsug-Iag phreng-ba's will be

" d in his Chos-byung mkhas-pa'i dga'-ston (Delhi: Delhi Karmapae Chodhey

lwa Sungrab Partun Khang [DKC hereinafter], n.d.), vol. 1, plates 813-7.

8. Chos-byung mkhas-pa'i dga'-ston, vol. 1, plate 820: 'di thams cad phyi mas

. ma la ehos gsan par ma nges so. Cf also his remarks on Mkhan-chen Shakya

ng-po (vol. 2, p. 363), who was invited to Dwags-lha sgam-po "when the

hing had declined there." Though undated, this is reported immediately

re the life of Karma-pa Vln Mi-bskyod rdo-rje (1507-54), and so would

to refer to circumstances obtaining in the late fifteenth or early sixteenthturies. Is this Mkhan-chen Shakya bzang-po to be identified with the

han-chen Rgyal-mtshan bzang-po listed in the lineages given below?

9. E.g., T. G. Dhongthog Rinpoche, Important Events in TIbetan History

elhi: T. G. Dhongthog, 1968), p. 31; Dudjom Rinpoche, Jikdrel Yeshe Dorje,

e Nyingma School i f Tibetan Buddhism: Its Fundamentals and History, trans. by

;yurme Dorje and Matthew Kapstein (London: Wisdom Publications, 1990),

1. 1, p. 955; Tshe-tan Zhabs-drung, Bstan rtsis kun las btus pa (Xining, Qinghai:

'tsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1982), pp. 228, 238. The first two cited. " ~ 1512 (Water Monkey of the Ninth Rab-byung) as the year of birth, without

oviding a death-date. The latter gives 1513 (Water Bird)-1587 (Fire Pig of the

nth Rab-byung). .

lO. Tshe-tan Zhabs-drung, op. cit., p. 210, 221.

11. The accuracy of Roe rich's rendering is cOhfirmed by reference to the

betan text: Deb ther sngon po (Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang;

84), vol. 2, p. 1260.

12. David P. Jackson, in collaboration with Shunzo Onoda, eds., Rong

non the Prajiiiipiiramitii Philosophy i f he Abhisamayiila11Jkiira (Kyoto: Nagata Bun

odo, 1988), pp. vii & xi.

. 13. Rje btsun thams cad mkhyen pa bshes gnyen shiikya rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar

mtshar dad pa'i rol mtsho, in The Complete U'Orks (Gsun 'Bum) oJGser-mdog PaTf.-

Siikya-mchog-ldan (Thimphu, Bhutan: Kunzang Tobgey, 1975), vol. 16,

tes 299-378.

14. Lha rje Mnyam med Zla 'od gzhon nu'i bka' brgyud Phyag chen gdams pa j i

nod pa'i rtogs brjod legs bshad Tin chen 'byung khungs, in The Collected U'Orks ( G s u ~ , ) if K a ~ - t h o g Rig-'dzin chen-po Tshe-dban-nor-bu (Dalhousie, H. P., 1976), vol.;plates 155-243. The lineage reproduced here is given on plates 195-6.

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114 jIABS VOL. 13 NO.1

15. Gdams nag mdzod (Delhi: N. Lungtok and N. Gyaltsan, 1971) vol. XIIplates736-7.'

6. Sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa rin po che ji ltar gnas gyur dus kyi nges pa rjes su dran

pabskyed

pa legsbshad sa

bontsam smos

panyung ngu don gsal

nnpo che'i

sgronm

..

The Collected Works (Gsun 'bum) i f K a ~ - t h o g Rig-'dzin chen-po T s h e - d b a n - n : ; _ ~ ~ (Dalhousie, H. P, 1977), vol. IV; plates 103-161. Plates 157-8 are those that

concern us here.

17. Lokesh Chandra, ed., Dpag-bsam-ijon-bzan, part III (New Delhi: Inter_

national Academy of Indian Culture, 1959). The data relevant here will be

found on pp. 55-68.

18. The Collected Works i f Sman-sdon lVItshams-pa Rin-po-che Karma-nes-don_

bstan-rgyas (Bir, H.P: D. Tsondu Senghe, 1976), plate 331. This work was written

in 1897.

Les Tamang du Nepal: Usages et religion, religion de l'usage

by Brigitte Steinmann

Paris: Editions Recherche sur les civilisations, 1987. 310 pp., photo

graphs, maps, index, references, glossaries, appendix. 159 francs(paper).

Les Tamang du Nepal: Usages et religion, religion de l'usage is focusedon

the customary practices of everyday life among a group of eastefn

Tamang, the largest Tibeto-Burman speaking ethnic group ofNepaL

Although Tamang have historically been in communication with

greater Tibetan Buddhist culture, Brigitte Steinmann avoids a com-.

mon inclination in studies of religion in the Himalayas to reconstruct,cultures, like that of the Tamang, as pale or degraded expressions of.

putatively purer forms, forms generally abstracted from textuitl

sources. She grounds her study in the immediate world of village

Tamang whom she sees as "steeped in a magico-religious ambiance"

(227) and reconstructs their religious world in local idiom. She pro

vides the most detailed ethnographic accounting of everyday life we .

have of an eastern Tamang community, and the book is a major corJ.-

tribution to our knowledge ofTamang, Nepal, and Tibet. Each chap

ter contains a wealth of finely grained and fascinating ethnography,

We learn of everything from the details of house construction and

notions of space to Tamang theories of souls and shamanic cures.·

This detail is not only intriguing in its own right; it is of extensive

comparative interest to other specialists of Nepal and Tibet. . ..•.••..•..

Her primary concern is to situate Tamang ritual practices a I 1 ~ . : religious consciousness in the everyday exigencies of a harsh lifeiJ.Ithe midhills of the Himalayas . For Steinmann, villagers are tied inex.:'

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REVIEWS 115

; ~ i c a b l y to a world of things that must be produced and transformed

"trnd it is in relation to these things and their customary usage that

l\ual life must be understood. Religiosity, at least in what she sees

( \ a primary level, is not defined by ethical precepts derived from{high religion but by rules or taboos related to the world of things in

\vhich villagers are inextricably enveloped. She writes, for instance,

,that "the interdictions against women to plow, to kill animals, the

5iecornmendations to avoid cremation grounds and the altar of clan

:gods, the prescription to serve nourishment with the right hand, are

ascribable to [an] ensemble of non-written rules which condense

;consciousness in a certain type of religiosity. I t is not defined by the

"observance of grand ethical codes, but by an ensemble of taboos andi()f mechanisms which have their profound reasons, but which the

rcomrnunity itself most of the time ignores" (153). Tied to this orien

;tation is an attempt on Steinmann's part to delineate the particular

of Tarnang culture. She is concerned with the distinctiveness of

';tamang and how this distinctiveness is related ultimately to the

'specificity of their material and historical circumstances. The book

proceeds on two levels. First of all, it is a detailed ethnography of

'famang practices and secondly, a theoretical argument about

'levels of religiosity an argument developed in direct reference to

;these practices.

The first of three sections of the book is devoted to clinical

~ d e s c r i p t i o n s of what Tamang eat and who eats what, how they clothe

themselves, how they construct and inhabit their dwellings, how

they order, use, and furnish space within the house, how they light.

; ~ l 1 d heat their dwellings, how they cleanse and purify objects andpersons, and how they transport things. She concludes the first sec-

,tion with an overview oflocal economy, including the play of money.

Each of the chapters of the first part includes a detailed table of the

,'materials and the methods oflocal production.

The second section deals with what she calls "the magico-

religious" dimensions ofTamang practice. Here the major emphasis

is on rituals of the life cycle, collective rituals related to social struc

iure, and the production and manipulation of ritual objects. She pro

yides detailed accountings of specific rituals and the theories on

which they are based. In the process she introduces us to the array of

~ x t r a h u m a n beings who inhabit the local cosmos, theories of souls

.and bodies, and the main specialists of the local field of practice:

,Buddhist lama, bombo (shaman), tamba and dhami, loban lama, and

labon.

The third section begins with an overview of the roles and attri

,butes of these specialists and moves into a focused discussion of the

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116 jIABS VOL. 13 NO. 1

tamba, a specialist who appears to be unique to the eastern .J.ctLI[l:lnj;!

The tainba is simultaneously an expert in oral recitations, a

a village headman, and a sage. The tamba .occupies a central rV"Uln,n

in Steinmann's study because he articulates what she .as a religion ()f the "earth" and a religion of the "sky." The

responds to an order of worldly things and the latter to the

of Buddhist lamas and bombos. In reference to these specialists

a primary level ofsystem of taboos and precautions, Steinmann'

tifies her levels of religiosity. The tamba takes form in .

scheme as a master of ceremonies who generates and p

specifically Tamang "rationalization" of practice, a

that is meaningful to villagers in their immediate experienceworld. "Our tamba . . . occupies a stable position rooted in the

of religion. Nevertheless, and without having much to exercise

a theological point of view, he edges easily in the milieux which

the meteorology of the sky of religion" (23). The tamba, for

mann, is less a practitioner than a sage who takes what is g i v e ~ " confers it with meaning. In support of this explanation, .

provides us with the translation of many of the chants of the

many of which are recited on ritual occasions. Eastern

more so than other sectors ofTamang, however, have for the

decades been increasingly circulating outside of the closed U V " U C L J l U ~ j of village subsistence and the tamba, whose validity is linked to

domq.in, is under assault. The traditions for which he speaks

demise and subject to the transformations motivated by the

experiences of those who move beyond the confines of the

Tamang in the Timal area where Steinmann worked have inlar been engaged as porters in an external and cosmopolitan

of tourism that transforms their relation to and

their traditions. The book is framed in this overall context

Her insights into thes'e transformations are especially

because the conversion of Tamang of Timal into a

letariat presages changes now occurring throughout the

world in Nepal.

Steinmann has provided us not only with a precise eUmcIgr,al

true to local realities and a theoretical argument about the

"usage" to "religion" but a work of significant comparative

Her marvelous control over the practices of a local Tamang

woven into a dialogue with greater Tibetan traditions and

Tibetological study of those traditions, Her engaging

local elaborations of Buddhism and shamanism will speak to

interested in the Himalayas and with the religious practicestraditions found there.

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1


IV NOTES AND NEWS

[Studies in Central and East Asian Religions. Vol. 1,

tcopenhagen and Aarhus, 1988. 122pp.

lrhis is a new journal edited and published as the "Journal of the

Seminar for Buddhist Studies," based in Copenhagen and Aarhus,

$ythree Danish scholars-Ian Astley-Kristensen, Henrik H. Soren

:sen, and Per K. Sorensen.! . Although the result of a Danish effort, and reflecting the remarkibIe upsurge of Buddhist studies currently taking place in Denmark,

{he journal is an international publication, as evidenced by the con

;tfibutors to the first volume, which contains the following articles:

;t)lle Qvarnstrom, "Space and Substance. A Theme in

,:Madhyamaka-Vedanta Polemics"; Jeffrey D. Schoening and Per K.:Sorensen, "Two Minor Works by Sa-skya PaI).<;lita"; Ian Reader,

("Miniaturization and Proliferation: A Study of Small-Scale Pilgrim

: ~ g e s in Japan"; Ian Astley-Kristensen, ''An Example ofVajrasattva

inthe Sino-Japanese Tantric Buddhist Tradition"; Sun Wenjing,

,1'Remarks on the Cataloguing and Classification ofTibetan Classics

lnd Literary Texts: A Preliminary Survey of the Tibetan Collection

Jrithe China Library of Nationalities in Beijing." The journal also

has a Review section.f The appearance of Studies in Central and East Asian Religions is to

be warmly welcomed. After this promising start, one awaits the;ttppearance ofvol. 2 with impatience.

Per Kvaerne

117

8/3/2019 JIABS 13-1


CONTRIBUTORS

1brJohn B. Buescher

!Program Officer .!Division ofEducatlOn

! N ~ t i o n a I E n d ~ ~ m e n t for~ i , t h e HumamtIes .nioo Pennsylvania Ave., N.W.Washington, D.C. 20506I,,;

~ r o £ Robert E. Buswell,]r.

Dept. ofEastAsian Languagesi ~ ( and CulturesD]O 1, 290 Royce Hall

D.C.L.A.Ins Angeles, CA 90024

:1'ro£ Robert M. Gimello

.pept. ofReligious Studies

;University ofArizonatucson, AZ 85721

Prof David Holmberg

Dept. ofAnthropologyMcGraw Hall

Cornell University

ithaca, NY 14853

Dr. Hiroko Kawanami

Dept. ofAnthropologyLondon School ofEconomics

and Political ScienceUniversity ofLondonLondon, England

Prof. Per K vaerneUniversitet i Oslo

Institutt for Religionshistorieog Kristendomkundkap

Postboks 1010

Blindern, 0315

Oslo 3, Norway

Mr. Peter Skilling

49/20 Soi Ruam Rudee 3

Ploenchit, Bangkok 10500Thailand

Ms. Leah Zahler

Dept. ofReligious StudiesCocke HallUniversity ofVirginia

Charlottesville, VA 22903

JIABS 13-1

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