Introduction - Springer LINK

Notes

Introduction

1. E. Balibar, “Racism as Universalism,” Masses, Classes, Ideas: Studies in Politics and Philosophy Before and After Marx. Trans. James Swenson. New York: Routledge, 1994, pp. 191–204; p. 193.

2. J. Derrida, Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning and the New International. Trans. Peggy Kamuf. New York and London: Routledge, 1994; “On Faith and Knowledge: The Two Sources of ‘Religion’ at the Limits of Reason Alone.” Acts of Religion. Trans. Samuel Weber. New York and London: Routledge, 2010, pp. 40–101.

3. S. Žižek, Welcome to the Desert of the Real: Five Essays on September 11 and Related Dates. London and New York: Verso, 2002.

4. In The Coming Community, Agamben draws out an association between the “halo” and the messianic by introducing Benjamin’s retelling of Gershom Scholem’s story of the cabalistic idea of the messiah that will have an effect on the world as making everything “just a little different” (52,3). This change, Agamben claims, “takes place at their periphery,” or “the glow at its edges,” indicative of the aura of the halo, which is “a zone in which possibility and reality, potentiality and actuality, become indistinguishable . . . The imper-ceptable trembling of the finite that makes its limits indeterminate and allows it to blend, to make itself whatever, is the tiny displacement that every thing must accomplish in the messianic world” (55,6).

5. In Remnants of Auschwitz, Agamben associates the Muselmann and the sur-vivors of Auschwitz with the remnant, wherein the “remnant is a theologico-messianic concept” (162). The problematic implications with the association of the messiah with victims of the holocaust is discussed by Robert Eaglestone in “The Holocaust and the Messianic,” in The Politics to Come.

6. Arthur Bradley and Paul Fletcher, “Introduction: On a Newly Arisen Messianic Tone in Philosophy.” Journal of Cultural Research, Vol. 13, Issues 3–4 (2009): 183–189.

7. This is a reference to Agamben’s The Coming Community.8. The messianic trope is evident in both the micro and macro scale. Russell

Brand’s creative engagement with our political fascination with the s aviour figure in his tour “The Messiah Complex” (February, March 2013) was inspired

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by a condition found among tourists in Jerusalem who come to believe they are the messiah returned. In science fiction culture, Hugh Ruppersberg outlines the variety of messianic figures in science fiction film in “Alien Messiah in Recent Science Fiction Films.” Journal of Popular Film and Television, Vol. 14, Issue 4 (1987): 158–166.

9. “In its basic dimension [ideology] is a fantasy-construction which serves as a support for our ‘reality’ itself: an ‘illusion’ which structures our effective, real social relations and thereby masks some insupportable, real, impossible kernel.” (45).

10. Dylan Evans, An Introductory Dictionary of Lacanian Psychoanalysis. London and New York: Routledge, 1996, p. 159.

11. Tom Eyers, Lacan and the Concept of the Real. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, p. 8.

12. Slavoj Žižek, The Sublime Object of Ideology. London and New York: Verso, 1989, p. 195.

13. Žižek articulates the same paradoxical relation this way: “As Jacques-Alain Miller has already pointed out (in his unpublished seminar), the status of the Real is at the same time that of corporeal contingency and that of logical consistence. In a first approach, the Real is a shock of a contingent encounter which disrupts the automatic circulation of the symbolic mechanism; a grain of sand preventing its smooth functioning; a traumatic encounter which ruins the balance of the symbolic universe of the subject. But, as we have seen with regard to trauma . . . only afterwards can it be logically constructed as a point which escapes symbolization” (The Sublime Object of Ideology, 192).

14. Several projects on Paul in relation to philosophy, theology and history have been published in the last few years of which I will note only a few here. Blanton’s recent publication A Materialism for the Masses: Saint Paul and the Philosophy of Undying Life (2013) is particularly significant for this project in that it aims to deconstruct the Pauline narrative of “Christian origins” (14) in contemporary philosophy. Unfortunately, it was published a year after the research for this project was completed and so does not have more of a role in this project as it stands now. Blanton’s other project, a collection of articles he edited with Hent de Vries, Paul and the Philosophers, (New York: Fordham University Press) came out in 2013. In that anthology, an article by Itzhak Benyamini reflects a portion of his book-length project recently translated into English, Narcissist Universalism (T&T Clark, 2012), in which he takes a psychoanalytic approach to seeing Paul’s impact on Christianity in promoting a “narcissitic community of sons”. Badiou’s The Incident at Antioch: A Tragedy in Three Acts (Trans. Susan Spitzer: Columbia University Press) came out in 2013. There is also Douglas Harink’s edited collection Paul, Philosophy and the Theopolitical Vision: Critical Engagements with Badiou, Žižek and Others (Eugene, Oregon: Cascade Books, 2010) and Paul’s New Moment: Continental Philosophy and the Future of Christian Theology, edited by John Millbank, Slavoj Žižek, and Creston Davis (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos, 2010).

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15. In the clinic, psychoanalysts insist that taking a psychoanalytic approach to social phenomenon is impossible because what is missing is the primary ele-ment for therapy: transference. It is only in the relation between the analyst and the analysand that the analyst can play her/his part in representing the “one supposed to know,” the figure of the Master discourse, which draws out behavior and speech patterns from the patient, which the analyst analyzes. Lacan followed Freud’s use of artifacts, the memoir of Schreber, for example, for analysis, and took it up in his Seminar XXIII in which he analyzes James Joyce’s Finnegan’s Wake. As Colette Soler puts it in her introduction to her analysis of Rousseau, James Joyce, and also Pesoa’s work in L’Aventure litteraire: ou la psychose inspire (17), the psychotic can be analyzed from the artifacts of his psychosis in a way the neurotic cannot be. This project is less interested in the subject as author than the artifact as indicative of politics or culture: this is what drives Žižek’s analysis of ideology. While clinical therapists tend not to lend credence to his work, there are some who do because they recognize the value of psychoanalysis “in extension,” or its application as theory by which to consider social phenomenon.

16. The critique I reference here is the only strong point in Leys’s chapter-long critique of Caruth’s work in Trauma: A Genealogy (2000), p. 229.

17. In my article, “Crime and Trauma: The Limits of Psychoanalysis,” I also dis-cuss the fact that trauma has no designated perpetrator since the cause always remains “missed.” The trauma is not what has been done to the subject by the agent, but the effect of an unknown experience on the psyche. This is not to say that where there is a trauma there is no perpetrator: but to conflate the two is to misunderstand trauma and also misplace the role of justice in convicting the criminal for what he/she has done and the role of analysis to engage with the subject.

1 The Trauma of Secularism

1. Immanuel Kant, “What is Enlightenment?” (1784).2. G. W. F. Hegel, The Phenomenology of Spirit.3. By way of introducing the notion of the plurality of secularisms in a global

world, Janet Jakobsen and Ann Pellegrini note: “The main points of the tra-ditional secularization narrative—that secularization is central to modernity, that it enables progress toward universalism, and that it represent develop-ment or emancipation—remained strong in Western social theory during much of the twentieth century” (Secularisms 9).

4. Wendy Brown. “Civilizational Delusions: Secularism, Tolerance, Equality,” Theory and Event, Vol. 15, Issue 2 (2012): n. pag. Web. April 2013.

5. In 2011, the French government passed a law banning the niqab, the full head cover, in public.

6. “I would agree with Vijay Prasha that 9–11, as it is being called now, is not just about religion” (Spivak 88).

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7. “. . . secularism is a set of abstract reasonable laws that must be observed to avoid religious violence” (Spivak 107).

8. “. . . the Judeo-Christian is the secular religion, is the prejudice that still rides us . . . ” (Spivak 105). While I acknowledge Spivak’s recognition of the Kantian religion at the root of the founding principles of secularism, I am troubled by her conflation of Judaism with Christianity because it indicates another “blind-spot” encouraged by the Christo-centric ideology of secularism.

9. For a more detailed analysis of this argument, see Principe, “Spivak’s Fantasy of Silence: A Secular look at Suicide,” Journal of Cultural Research, Vol. 17, Issue 3 (2012). Web.

10. The “trouble” de Vries identifies can be seen as performed in the recent issue of Boundary 2 40:1 (2013) in which five scholars address the statement, “Why I am not a Post-Secularist.” In reading all works together, what becomes appar-ent is that their arguments are tied to the problem of defining postsecularism. While it is associated with the religious turn, that direct relation is troubled by the different politics driving postsecular scholars and so complicating the “horizon.” Lambropoulos was the most poetic in his response, in defin-ing all the things he is not from religious affiliation to being “postpoliti-cal” (80), and thereby amplifying what is problematic with the post-secular. Gourgouris takes an equally enigmatic position to the statement, performing that enigma in the paradox of atheism and the trouble with the prefix “post.” Postsecularism cannot mean leaving behind secularism, but describing some-thing new is equally untenable (42), which is why he concludes with the new horizon promised by the vanishing of atheism as equal to the new horizon that is implied but yet unnamed in the idea of the postsecular (54). Cooper troubles postsecularism from the Marxist position signaling that the religious turn is a reactionary move by capitalism to reinvent its attachment to tradi-tion. Mufti concentrates on scholarship that sees secularism’s relationship to the Muslim Other, and thus problematizes who gains from the work done in the name of postsecularism. With the same distrust, Robbins raises issues with those post-secularists, like Mahmood and Asad, who critique secularism for unconsciously enforcing a Christian prejudice against non-Christian cul-tures, which he troubles further as a critique that plays the dangerous game of exploiting religion for its modern cause, as for example, when Gandhi claimed that the earthquake in North India in 1934 was God’s judgment “for tolerat-ing touchability” (75) in order to consolidate his campaign to erase the tradi-tion. The cases made by scholars for not being postsecularists does not mean their work is not postsecular, especially if the postsecular is, like the postmod-ern, reflective of a larger debate whose “horizon” as Gourgouris thoughtfully put it, is not yet defined.

11. Clearly, Brown would disagree with Habermas and Blanton for ignoring how liberal authority manages and subjectifies minorities, and as will become clear, she seems to be in agreement, to an extent, with Mahmood.

12. Gil Anidjar. “Secularism,” Critical Inquiry, Vol. 33 (2006): 60.

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13. Blumenberg emphatically resists the eschatological vision of history repre-sented by Scholem: “No, it is not to be believed that ‘secularized as the belief in progress, Messianism still displayed unbroken and unique vigor’” (34).

14. In Secularization and Cultural Criticism, Vincent Pecora notes the trouble Blumemberg’s neo-Kantian model of the future puts him in; it reflects a vision that was ridiculed by Benjamin in his “Theses of the Philosophy of History” (Pecora 62), and it is a model that seems to deny the reality that Löwith’s thesis accounts for (64). Evident in Blumenberg and Habermas both, there is no vision of how secularism may either exist with other cultural (read religious) input, or with no religious input at all (66).

15. Anidjar’s contention that “Christianity reincarnated itself . . . as secular” (“Secularism” 45) is affirmed by Blumenberg’s historical semantic review. What is also evident is that Blumenberg’s attempt to erase Löwith’s escha-tology from secularism only affirms Löwith’s contention that secularism is overridden by Christian eschatology. As Pecora notes, evident in Blumenberg and Habermas both, there is no vision of how secularism may either exist with other cultural (read religious) input, or with no religious input at all (66).

16. “The fundamental thought that underlies Marcion’s Gnostic dogmatics is, I think, this: A theology that declares its God to be the omnipotent creator of the world and bases its trust in this God on the omnipotence thus exhibited cannot at the same time make the destruction of this world and the salva-tion of men from the world into the central activity of this God. . . . Marcion decided to make a radical incision. He found in Gnostic dualism the schema for the unequivocal character that he thought he could give to the Christian doctrine” (129).

17. A brief overview of the scholarship on Gnostic thought, and arguments for Zoroastrianism, is found in the Introduction to Elaine Pagel’s The Gnostic Gospels (xxx).

18. The attention paid to messianic promise and the negative effect of Paul as priest in Nietzsche’s The Anti-Christ is a case in point.

19. In Voice, Dolar quotes from Lacan’s Seminar XI (22) with the phrase, “There is only a cause in something that doesn’t work” (10).

20. This vision of Althusser’s subject as nondynamic would suggest the absence of the dialectic of the unconscious within the oedipalized subject in Althusser’s work, except the oedipalized subject is present throughout his project, but notably subordinate to the imaginary of the ego: “. . . the human subject is decentered, constituted by a structure which has no centre, either, except in the imaginary misrecognition of the “ego,” that is, in the ideological formations in which it “recognizes’ itself” (“Freud and Lacan” 62). Althusser’s emphasis on the imaginary of the ego in interpellation points to a distortion equivalent to Dolar’s ‘shifting lines’, or that margin between meaning and chaos, or madness and sanity; I would suggest that, in light of Althusser’s psychosis at the end of his life, a marginal psychotic incoherence may account for the critics’ assess-ment of his theory as being riddled with inconsistencies or confusion.

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21. In Canada, for example, the Charter of Rights, which gives citizens the right to demonstrate peacefully at the G-20 Toronto Summit in 2010 and that gave citizens not participating in demonstrations the freedom to walk the streets, were erased by police measures that claimed the citizens were “not in Canada” that weekend (Toronto Star June 6, 2012); they had no rights with which to protect themselves from unlawful arrest. Efforts to make the police accountable for taking away these rights have been thwarted generally, but not entirely, as witnessed in Mr. Nobody’s charges against a Toronto police officer of assault.

22. “Death” is introduced by the “signifier,” which kills the thing “. . . because the signifier as such, whose first purpose is to bar the subject, has brought into [the subject] the meaning of death,” and barely veils a representation of the biblical narrative of original sin based on Paul’s sin and the law (VII, 83). That is, the procedure described in Lacan’s Oedipal event of the subject’s acceptance of the master signifier, the NOF, is fundamentally a seculariza-tion of the biblical narrative of the fall of Adam and Eve, the event of the first prohibition leading to mortality.

23. Lacan uses Sophocle’s Antigone as an example of this singularity. Antigone is faced with two issues: the civil law carried out by Creon that stated that her brother as traitor could not be buried and her desire to bury her brother because the law of the gods demanded it. Creon would only agree to her brother’s burial on condition that she die for it. By following through on her desire, Antigone’s suicide can be seen as ethical: “the laws that come to us from heaven [are] the same laws as Antigone’s . . . the laws of heaven in ques-tion are the laws of desire” (325); this is to say that while the laws of desire remain ambiguous, particular to the individual, and in some cases ambivalent to social mores.

24. In “The Foreword to the Second Edition” of They Know Not What They Do (2008), Žižek references his erroneous reliance in SOI (1989) on Antigone’s suicide (“Caught in the Ethics of Pure Desire” xvii) as the ethical act for political change. Since Antigone’s act takes as its premise the failure in its effort to change anything (xii), it is an act “dangerously tied to bourgeois ideology,” which Žižek recognizes in retrospect he must unbind (xviii). The ideology represented in Antigone’s act is idealism, which is apolitical and con-trasts the politics underpinning materialism. By way of explaining the differ-ence between the idealist and the materialist philosophers, Žižek looks at the representation of Lacan’s real. The idealist endorses “a quasi-transcendental reading of Lacan” where the real is the “impossible thing-in-itself” (xii). For the “materialists,” the “Real is not the inaccessible Beyond of phenomenon” as it would be in idealist discourses, but is the gap reflected in “the multiple perspectival inconsistences between phenomena” (xxix); the real is simply the void which is apprehended in “the effect . . . of gaps and inconsistences” (xxx). The idealist’s concession to failure perpetuates the bourgeois status quo while the materialist’s perspective can make change possible: “True materialists,

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then, consist precisely in accepting the chanciness without the implication of the horizon of hidden meaning—the name of this chance is contingency” (lii). Without relying on some tradition for the significance of the event, the materialist is able to seize the opportunity for the “new.” It is striking of course, that Žižek’s embracing of Jesus Christ as the horizon for emancipa-tion in The Puppet (2003) exemplifies the very bourgeois ideology he wants to unbind later in For They Know Not (2008). For the reason that Žižek’s take on Paul of Tarsus is already dated by Žižek’s own work, it remains significant for reflecting the unconscious influence of the ancient theologist in our pres-ent time. In the context of understanding this influence, Žižek’s SOI remains a benchmark for seeing how the subject’s particular relation to ideology, the social fantasy, and her desire, has bearing on ethical action.

25. In “Miracles Happen: Benjamin, Rosenzweig, Freud, and the Matter of the Neighbor,” Santner references Zizek’s consideration of Paul’s experience in The Puppet and the Dwarf, as an “interpellation beyond ideological interpella-tion” and Badiou’s “truth-event” to articulate Rosenzweig’s revelation of love (131–132). Mari Ruti picks up on Santer’s idea of “being summoned beyond ideological interpellation,” for her project on the potential in all of us to be creative agents of our own life in her project, The Singularity of Being: Lacan and the Immortal within (117).

26. In Sublime Object of Ideology, Žižek makes the very simplistic assessment that the Jewish people live with an ideology based on being chosen, which means that they practice “a religion of anxiety [while] Christianity is a religion of love” (129). Polarizing anxiety and love, Žižek entirely overlooks how love has its own series of anxieties that are played out daily in our modern world so obsessed with love that transcends life.

27. In Moses the Egyptian, Jan Assmann argues that Freud’s focus on anti-Semitism revealed that the root of this Jewish hatred is not inspired by Judaism or Christianity but the universalist revolution of Aknhenaten’s monotheism (167). Barbara Johnson’s more literary approach in Moses and Multiculturalism traces Moses as a multicultural trope in literature, film, philosophy, and religious texts. In this multiplicity, she argues, Freud’s radical thesis that Moses was not a Jew, but an African (57), introduces the instability of ethnic identity.

28. It seems to me that to see the Holocaust as a trauma means that it could only be understood as a Badiouian Event. The denial of fidelity to the truth of this event is evidence of evil.

29. Mari Ruti translated this as a call “beyond ideological interpellation.”30. Taubes, The Political Theology of Paul; Žižek, The Puppet and the Dwarf and

The Fragile Absolute: Or Why Christianity is Worth Fighting For; Agamben, The Time That Remains; Badiou, St. Paul: The Foundation of Universalism.

31. Alan Segal addresses this issue in Paul: The Convert (1992).32. Interestingly, this point suggests that Paul was seen by philosophers as the

indivisible remainder of the first century. The question of course is: is the

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trauma that Paul stands for of the first-century event of Jesus’s crucifixion or some other trauma? That is a question I will continue asking throughout this project.

33. See John Joseph Collins’s Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls (1997) and also James H. Charlesworth’s edited collection, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, Vols. 1 and 2 (1983).

34. Quoted by Santner in “Miracles Happen” from Agamben’s book cover (128).35. Sanders introduces a new word into scholarship to express Paul’s Greek term

for one who is made righteous: “righteoused.”36. Paul’s Thessalonians, his first letter, dates to around 40 CE (Mason Early

Christian Reader 37); 1 Corinthians dates to the 40s CE but may have been written as late as 53–55 CE (45); 2 Corinthians sometime after 1 Cor; Galatians, sometime in the 50s (“Late in his career,” p. 108); and Romans 54–57, before his death in 58 CE (Early Christian Reader 125).

37. Historical records attest to considerable interest in the Judean faith during the time of Paul; that is, Josephus (War 2.559; Ant. 20.17–96; Ag. Ap 2.282–86) and Tacitus (Hist 5.4) (291); current scholarship on the point can be found in Shaye Cohen’s The Beginnings of Jewishness (1999).

38. Mason provides a more comprehensive analysis of the composition of the audience of Letters to the Romans in “‘For I am not Ashamed of the Gospel’ (Rom 1:16): The Gospel and the First Readers of Romans” ( Josephus, Judea and Christian Origins 303–328).

39. Paul preached his evangelion to Judeans first, and then to Gentiles; the major-ity of Judeans gave him a hard time finding his ideas to be heretical.

40. Provenance was a big issue in archaeology, reflecting the new anxiety with fakes raised by various archaeological hoaxes, the earliest and most famous being Heinrich Schliemann’s putative discovery of Troy.

41. Josephus, The Wars, pp. 133–147.42. The term “Judean” is used by many contemporary historians; for example,

Mason identifies Flavius Josephus as a Judean.43. Mason reviews the particular uses of “Judaismus/os” in early Christian texts

from early second century with Ignatius of Antioch to Epiphaneus to fourth century Eusebius in “Jew, Judeans, Judaizing, Judaism” (151–155). I find inter-esting the fact that “Judaism” is a term that distinguished those who practiced circumcision in contrast to the non-circumcised followers of Jesus. Did the invention of the name Judaism take root in the formation of Christianity?

44. Morray-Jones argues that there is too little evidence in the letters to determine how many experiences Paul had; though he does point out that the event of his first encounter is different from his ascension to the third heaven 2 Corinthians 12:2.

45. This delinking strategy is carried out by a small group of biblical studies scholars through a philological investigation of the meaning of messiah in first-century Judea. The modern discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls and other archaeological finds of the twentieth century have troubled the definition of

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the signifier Christos to designate Jesus as messiah. Novenson considers the semantic exchange between “Christ” and mesiach in Christ among the Messiahs: Christ Language in Paul and Messiah Language in Ancient Judaism (2012), by outlining the scholarship that has gone a long way to delinking the orthodox Christian principle of Jesus Christ as messiah from the Judean concept of the messiah/christos used by Paul. My research contributes to Novenson’s project from a psychoanalytic perspective.

2 Messianic Roads and Highways: From Paul’s Weakness to Benjamin’s Weak

1. In “The Jewish Messiahs, the Pauline Christ, and the Gentile Question” ( Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 128 (2009): 357–373), Matthew V. Novenson reviews the possibility that when Paul was identifying Jesus as Christos he was not identifying him as a “messiah,” though he affirms that a connection between the Greek Christos and the Hebrew mesiach exists. In his book-length project, Christ among the Messiahs, he brings more evidence to current scholarship that troubles the orthodox understanding of Paul’s term “Christos.” He argues that in Paul’s time, the concept of “messiah” was a f luid one referencing biblical literature about the “anointed one,” who would be a political leader. As an example of the trouble in apprehending semantic values in the obscure historical period of the first century, Novenson points out that “anointing” people was a practice that stopped in the second century BCE, but as a practice of sanctification, it continued as a practice in places (51). Therefore, the term was not understood to be literal but figurative. Borrowing Loren Stuckenbruch’s idea that use of the term in that time was “creatively biblical,” Novenson concludes: “It follows that all such [messiah] texts should be taken into consideration as evidence of this interpretive prac-tice and, second, that no one messiah text has a claim to represent ‘the mes-sianic idea’ in its pristine form over against other messiah texts that do so less adequately” (62–63).

2. “The possibility that the figure in question was a messianic leader was briefly considered, among other possibility, in E. Puech, ‘La croyance des Esseniens en la vie future: Immortalité, résurrection, et éternelle?’ Ebib 22 (Paris, 1993): 392–395” (Knohl 110).

3. So much of the Scrolls remain a mystery so that claiming a connection between the Teacher of Righteousness and the author of the Hodayot Scrolls remains in the area of speculation.

4. Martin Hengel and Daniel P. Bailey. “The Effective History of Isaiah 53 in the Pre-Christian Period.” In The Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 in Jewish and Christian Sources. Edited by Bernd Janowski and Peter Stuhlmacher. Grand Rapids, MI and Cambridge, UK: Eerdmans, 2004, p. 118.

5. The central paradigm of this project is that Jesus is not the author of his mes-sianic status; it was conferred postmortem.

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6. For a useful reference with some commentary of the use of the Hebrew mesiach in Old Testament texts and in pseudepipgraphical material, see Gerben S. Oemega’s The Anointed and His People: Messianic Expectations from the Maccabees to Bar Kokhba (1998).

7. Seeing Jesus as the messianic fulfillment of a long-standing Jewish tradition in the Old Testament was central to approaches taken by biblical scholars such as Sigumund Mowinkel in his He That Cometh (1956). As a result of the widespread access to the Dead Sea Scrolls, some scholars have raised questions about this research because the rare use of mesiach in the docu-ments suggest that messianism was not central to the Judean cult or its eschatological hopes. Therefore, there is no direct correlation between the messianism of Jesus Christ and Judean cult practices of the time. James H. Charlesworth’s edited collection of articles, The Messiah: Developments in Earliest Judaism and Christianity (1992) is indicative of this critical schol-arship. In his article, “From Messianology to Christology: Problems and Prospects,” Charlesworth points out that Jesus was not identified by Paul, or most of the other early texts, as having messianic attributes (i.e., son of David) (8), thus leading to questions about whether Jesus was in fact a saviour figure before his crucifixion, and raising questions about when his messianic status was determined after his death. If the DSS are any proof of messianic thinking of the time, Charlesworth argues, then “statistically we must admit that messianology was not a major concern of the commu-nity” of Qumran (25). N. A. Dahl takes a semantic approach to the relation between the Hebrew mesiach and the Greek “Christos,” highlighting the selective use of “Christ” which suggests the existence of conflicting agendas within the Christian movements (398). That is, texts that represent Jesus a messiah of the crucifixion rarely use “Christ” to define Jesus; whereas texts that distinguish Jesus as resurrected use Christ often (primarily Paul). J. M. Roberts provides a brief review of the etymological/social development of the Hebrew mesiach in “The Old Testament’s Contributions to Messianic Expectations.” In light of Freud’s theory of the Egyptian origin of Moses teachings, Roberts makes a very interesting point that Egyptian royal proto-col may be the foundation for “much of the mythological dimension in the later messianic expectations” (43). I believe there is enough tension in this idea to warrant an expanded study.

8. For more reflection on the role of the Son of God in Pauline letters, see Shantz, Segal, Tabor, Morray-Jones, or chapter five.

9. The name Damascus Document applied to texts found at Qumran is meant to recognize that it is a copy of a scroll found in a Geneza in Egypt in the first half of the twentieth century.

10. Florentino García Martínez and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar (eds.). “The Damascus Document.” In The Dead Sea Scrolls: Study Edition, Volumes 1. Leiden: Brill; Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000, 561. All subse-quent Dead Sea Scrolls excerpts cited are from this translation.

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11. “And a star is the Interpreter of the Law, who will come to Damascus, as is written: Num 24:13 [sic] ‘A star moves out of Jacob, and a scepter arises out of Israel.’ The scepter is the prince of the whole congregation and when he rises he will destroy all the sons of Seth” (CD VII.19).

12. The long-standing belief that the community at Qumran were Essenes, comes from the earliest archaeological finds on the Dead Sea Shores where the scrolls were found at a site that had buildings that suggested a community lived there, evidence that seemed to affirm Josephus’s claim that the Essenes lived on the shore. Steve Mason critiques this thesis in his “What Josephus says about the Essenes in the Judean War.” Stephen G. Wilson and Michel Desjardins (eds.). Text and Artifact in the Religions of Mediterranean Antiquity: Essays in Honour of Peter Richardson. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2000, pp. 434–467.

13. As well as the scholars outlined forthwith, James Tabor is a name I add to the list of those who believe that Paul self-identifies as a suffering servant (Things Unutterable 41).

14. Terence Donaldson, Paul and the Gentiles, p. 254.15. William L. Lane, “Covenant: The Key to Paul’s Conflict with Corinth,” p. 7.16. As a Jesus follower, Paul was persecuted by the very Pharisees he once asso-

ciated with, but as a Jesus follower with a mission for the Gentiles, he was also attacked, as 2 Corinthians and Galatians suggest, by fellow Judean Jesus followers.

17. Paul’s thinking tends to be circular; he claims he has died in Christ and now, it is not him who lives, but Christ who lives in him. The future he promotes for the followers of Jesus is that, if they believe in Jesus Christ, then they will also be like Paul, who is like Jesus: they will die in Christ and, reborn, will have Christ live in them. If we take this “christos” concept through Paul’s thought to its logical conclusion, Paul’s letters suggest that not only are believ-ers in Jesus saved at the end of time but they become Christos, or, in other terms, messiahs before that end time. That is not as revolutionary an idea as it sounds for us today, considering that, in Isaiah’s terms, all of Israel was anointed: messiah.

18. Novenson, “The Jewish Messiahs, the Pauline Christ, and the Gentile Question,” p. 358.

19. J. Edward Walters, “How Beautiful Are My Feet: The Structure and Function of Second Isaiah References in Paul’s Letter to the Romans,” p. 39.

20. Richard B. Hays, The Conversion of the Imagination: Paul as Interpreter of Israel’s Scripture, p. 49.

21. I had always found fault with Foucault’s article about the death of the author because the idea of the author’s irrelevance erased the author’s political con-text. In this specific incident of Paul’s use of Isaiah as part of the narrative developed around the historical Jesus, I become sensitive to the salient ele-ment of Foucault’s argument: no author writes in isolation but borrows and represents the climate of thinking around her/him. Paul was not thinking

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alone, and for this reason, the Isaianic concept was probably reflecting senti-ments of his contemporaries at least about the idea of a political messiah being identified as a “suffering servant.”

22. Jostein Adna, “The Servant of Isaiah 53 as Triumphant and Interceding Messiah: The Reception of Isaiah 52:13–53:12 in the Targum of Isaiah with Special Attention to the Concept of the Messiah,” p. 224.

23. For information about the full collection of the letters, including those found by Yagil Yadine, see The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1963. For detailed discussion on the coinage, see Leo Mildenberg, The Coinage of the Bar Kokhba War. Frankfurt am Main and Salzburg: Verlag Sauerländer, 1984.

24. The significance of Isaiah’s suffering servant only becomes concretized after Paul’s mission, exemplified in Justin’s work, which never contained a direct quote according to Werline (“Transformation of Pauline Arguments in Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho” 80). In order to prove to the Jewish refugee from the Bar Kokhba War that Jesus was indeed the messiah, Justin cites Old Testament prophecies to prove that Jesus Christ was the messiah antici-pated and that his mission was to speak to the Gentiles. As Bates notes, “The significance of Isaiah is that he, like all of the other Hebrew prophets, was a faithful vehicle of the divine logos. The prophecies which the logos spoke through Isaiah announce that the ‘true Israel’ is the Christ and those who follow him” (540.) The scholarly review of Isaiah in Justin emphasizes a key issue of absence. Bingham notes, “The cross, though not explicit in Isaiah 53, is inherently there by means of the theme of shameful, innocent suffering” (251) evident in Dialogue 36.6; 49.2; 85.1; 110.2. It is a strange argument to say that Christ’s suffering on the cross is “implicit” in Isaiah, when, as the record shows, it was not written about Jesus, and as the review of Paul’s work shows, Isaiah was used rhetorically to support his mission to the Gentiles as integral to the tradition of the faith in Israel’s role as a suffering servant to be a light to the nations.

25. Scholem asserts that the ideology justifying Sabbatai’s apostasy utilized Pauline “faith” to accommodate the paradox of following a messiah who was a convert to Islam: “Both Christianity and the Sabbatian movement took as their point of departure the ancient Jewish paradox of the Suffering Servant which, however, they stressed with such radicalism that they practi-cally stood it on its head” (“Sabbatai Zevi, The Mystical Messiah” 1992, p. 321).

26. Current scholarship argues that there is no substantial proof that Rabbi Akiva named Bar Kosiba the messiah. In “Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis,” Schäfer argues that, based on the few documents in which the story of the revolt is mentioned, we can only understand that R. Akiva was attributed to having identified Bar Kosiba as the messianic hope in the star of Num 24:17 (4); the reason why this story was important to the rabbinic community is a mystery (21); Novenseon iterates Schäfer’s conclusion, arguing that “the tradition that

notes / 207

has in fact come down to us bears several telltale marks of inauthenticity” (“Why Does R. Akiba Claim Bar Kokhba as Messiah?” 556); Adele Reinhartz emphasizes that Bar Kokhba probably was considered a messiah during his military campaign because the famous R. Akiva is used in rabbinic litera-ture to authorize his distinction, which is immediately refuted by Ben Torta who calls the leader the “Bar Kosiba,” the Hebrew word for liar (“Rabbinic Perceptions of Simeon Bar Kosiba” 181).

27. Agamben quotes Scholem’s identification of the “Angel Satan” and Paul’s “thorn in the flesh” in 2 Corinthians 12:7 in Benjamin’s Agesilaus Santander, which leads Agamben to conclude that “Scholem is implying an identification with Paul on the part of Benjamin” (Time That Remains 145).

28. In his article “Benjamin’s Ambivalence” (Telos, 11:1 No. 35, 1978), John Fekete claims “his work embodies ambivalence and tension rather than coherence and identity” (192). McBride cites the scholarship criticizing Benjamin’s effort to bring together Jewish mystical thinking and Marxist ideas in “Marooned in the Realm of the Profane: Walter Benjamin’s Synthesis of Kabbalah and Communism” (Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 57, No. 2 (Summer 1989): 241–266.)

29. This “all” was one of the few positive things Britt had to say about Agamben’s analysis of Paul’s letters (Britt 55) as the “pan” evident in 1 Corinthians and Romans and was equal to the quality of Taubes’s work.

30. “Between Enlightenment and Apocalypse: Benjamin, Bloch and Modern German. Jewish Messianism,” New German Critique, #34 (Winter 1985): 78–124. Web. Accessed 03/23/2013.

31. I think this is a valuable way of thinking about trauma, which in no way is meant to make any kind of judgment of an individual’s experience of trauma. Lacan implies the same idea in his concept of the value of the “synthome.” The “synthome” is that psychic knot of pathological behavior that is recog-nized as giving the subject a reason to live. More on the “synthome” can be found in Livres XXII: Le Sinthome. Editions de Seuil, 2005.

32. de la Durantaye, Giorgio Agamben: A Critical Introduction. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009, p. 342.

33. Agamben’s quotes Levi Strauss from If This Is a Man: “. . . those who saw the Gorgon, have not returned to tell about it or have returned mute, but they are the Muslims, the submerged, the complete witnesses . . . ” (Remnants of Auschwitz 33).

3 Paul and the Law: Love, Circumcision, and the Death of Sin

1. E. P. Sanders. Paul, the Law, and the Jewish People, p. 104.2. Räisänen, Paul and the Law, p. 69.3. Wright, The Climax and the Covenant: Christ and the Law in Pauline Theology,

p. 13.

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4. The question as to whether laws were distinguishable in Paul’s time shall be raised in the last movement of this chapter, taking into account the scholar-ship that troubles an anachronistic understanding of Paul’s “law.”

5. Todd Wilson’s article (Currents in Biblical Research) is the most recent review of the scholarship on the topic, and shall be considered later in this chapter.

6. St. Paul: The Foundation of Universalism, p. 53.7. In Lacanian terms, sinning, going against the law, becomes a desire for death;

the relation between sin and law therefore defines the cycle of desire and death.

8. Badiou’s phrase here echoes that found in Sarah Kofman’s consideration of the Nazi death camps: “. . . as Empedocles taught, the affinity of the same for the same is governed by hatred, while love consists in the union of the hetero-geneous, the lack of relation, the infinite separation” (Smothered Words 28).

9. “Though shalt not be: upon that ludicrous wish an enormous machine has been built. They have burned men, and tons of ashes exist, they can weigh out the neutral substance by the ton. Thou shall not be: but, in the man’s stead who shall soon be ashes, they cannot decide he not be.” Robert Antelme in The Human Race (74).

10. In the Fragile Absolute, Žižek equates anti-Semitism with fundamentalism (120).

11. Possession cults reflected pagan practices, which, Eileen Shantz notes, served the community: “Possession tends to relieve the social pressure that is present in the group and thereby facilitates the survival of the status quo” (161). In Shantz’s understanding, Paul’s use of glossolalia was a means of harnessing this activity for his congregation not to encourage possession, but to bind the community together in the spirit of the cult of Christ (163).

12. The term “unplug” comes from Eric Santner’s On the Psychotheology of Everyday life: “Freud’s error was to equate [divine violence] with a specifically Jewish cultivation of the superego. Rosenzweig, for his part, makes a compel-ling case that it must rather be understood as a conversion or unplugging from the ‘normal’ ways of succumbing to superego pressure, of remaining addicted to the repetition of compulsions—the “Egyptomaniacal” labors—that sustain idolatrous attachments” (115).

13. Justin Martyr’s writing points to a reaction by early Christians to formative rabbinic Judaism, but the power dynamic between the cults does not translate into the persecution central to the anti-Semitism we know today; persecution, as a power dynamic between the strong and weak, can only have taken root once Christianity had affirmed its place of supreme power globally, pointing to a period beyond my research.

14. “Paul concludes that, since God is the God of all nations—that is, he is equally gracious to all . . . God sent his Christ to free all men . . . So that no longer would they act righteously from the law’s command but from the unwavering resolution of the heart. Thus, Paul’s teaching coincides with ours” (Political-Theological Treatise 44).

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15. See Marcus Pound’s Žižek: A (Very) Critical Introduction and Erin Labbie’s Lacan’s Medievalism.

16. Pound quotes Žižek: “Deep down I am very conservative; I just play with the subversive stuff” (16). Žižek in an interview with Robert Boynton “Enjoy Your Žižek: An Excitable Slovenian Philosopher Examines the Obscene Practices of Everyday Life, Including His Own,” Linguafranca (March 2001): www.lacan.com.

17. Ward Blanton does not argue as I do that this return signals a trauma, but he does call attention to the fact that repetition is central to Žižek’s final words in Puppet, in “Disturbing Politics: Neo-Paulinism and the Scrambling of Religious and Secular Identities.” Dialog: A Journal of Theology Vol. 46, Issue 1 (Spring 2007): 1.

18. The idea of fidelity to the truth event in regards to ethics is outlined in more detail in Badiou’s Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil.

19. Muselmann was a term used for the male inmate in Auschwitz; therefore, Muselmann remains a masculine signifier in my work.

20. I would add that this behavior by the Jewish people is not limited to the diaspora period; it also existed in the period of the Roman occupation of Judea prior to the destruction of the Second Temple that ended the Jewish uprising in 70 CE. Žižek reconfigures Santner’s idea to codify the Christian concept of love as an unplugging or a ‘suspension’ of the Judean law by which the ‘work of love’ forms an “alternative community” in which difference is accounted for through distance (Fragile Absolute 120).

21. Santner adds his own interpretation of “deanimation and undeadness,” which leads into territory my work does not go but which I find problematic with respect to Paul, in that the result of death is not a movement to undeadness, but, he emphatically stresses, new life as expressive of “eternal life.”

22. The psychoanalytic equivalent to this “symbolic code of association” is the Oedipal event, or NOF. I want to emphasize that we have no reason to believe they experienced the initial socializing trauma with the same cultural signifi-cance (Oedipal) that we have given it.

23. I note that Žižek misses an opportunity to reference Moses’s Leviticus 19:17–18 as the original source of the command to love and so perhaps does not develop fully the differences between Christian and Jewish love. That is, as one of the many laws in the Books of Moses, Paul’s interpretation of the law of love as the only law that represented all laws was a new idea inspired by his apoca-lypse that eventually came to define the Christian faith. I would suggest that what is difficult to navigate about the Christian version of the law of love is less about love and to whom and how it should be given but rather what is meant by that command if it encompasses all the laws at once.

24. Issues of incest could support Žižek’s notion of carnivalesque paganism among the Gentile converts to the movement of Jesus followers.

25. In My Own Private German: Daniel Paul Schreber’s Secret History of Modernity, Santner’s book-length work on the first diagnosed schizophrenic, Daniel Paul

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Schreber, who believed he had endured a sex change in order to serve God as his wife, Santner describes Germany’s prejudice against Jews for being effemi-nate; he goes on to parallel that social reputation with the rabbis justification of circumcision as a necessary feminization of the male Jews; circumcision makes the Jew ready and receptive to God.

26. Helen of Adiabene was one of the most famous of these rich widowed Gentile converts to the Judean faith.

27. For an analysis of the changing dynamic in the Judean faith because of Gentiles’ desire to convert to the faith, see Cohen’s The Beginnings of Jewishness.

28. In “Observations on the theme ‘Paul and Philo’,” Borgen argues that what Paul had to say about circumcision in Galatians reflected thinking by philos-ophers and scholars of his time, with a slight difference. Philo promoted that the moral law grounded the rites, which meant that circumcision applied to both the body and to the heart/mind (90). This concept of circumcision, Borgen argues, is adapted by Paul and then transformed; for Paul, the cruci-fixion of Jesus represented the spiritual circumcision experienced/endured by the new convert to Christ, and that was enough to fulfill the conversion ritual (91).

29. Räisänen footnotes a contradiction in Paul cited by Turcke (145) between verses 13 and 14, as if to cite a confirmation of his point that what we read as incomprehensible is not our fault, but Paul’s fault, but does not elaborate on his point.

30. Snodgrass makes the point that both Räisänen and Sanders are harsher critics than Paul deserves (96).

31. Wilson claims: “It should be kept in mind that while Sanders denies that Paul knew a distinction between ‘the whole law’ (5:14) and the Law of Christ (6:2), he ends up having to admit that he does not find Paul entirely coherent on the issue” (137).

32. Wilson references Louis J. Martyn’s argument in Galatians: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (New York: Doubleday, 1997: 555), that the sheer repetition of a term affirms its definition: “Nartyn himself has recently underscored this point with some vigor. The appearance of nomos in Gal 6:2 is the thirty-first in the epistle and in each previous instance it is a reference to the Law of Moses (Martyn 555),” (135).

33. “(Rom 1:19–20) For what can be known about God is plain to them, for God has shown it to them. Ever since the creation of the world his eternal power and divine nature, invisible though they are, have been understood and seen through the things he has made . . . ”

34. See Stephen Westerholm’s “Sinai as Viewed from Damascus: Paul’s Re-evaluation of the Mosaic Law” (152).

35. See Westerholm’s “St. Paul and the Knowledge of the Natural Law,” p. 442.36. For more information, see Gregory E. Sterling’s “ ‘Wisdom Among the Perfect’:

Creation Traditions in the Alexandrian Judaism and Corinthian Christianity.” Novum Testamentum Vol. 27, Issue 4 (October 1995): 355–384.

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37. Research on the connection between Paul and Philo is limited: Paul Hollway, “Paul as a Hellenistic Philosopher,” Paul and the Philosoophers (2013), pp. 52–68; Craig Keene discusses how early Christianity and Philo borrowed from another source in The Gospel of John: A Commentary, pp. 343–347.

38. The following quote by Brian Rosner explains how a discussion with the phi-losophers would have introduced Paul to the principle of human mortality as the basis of universalism in his idea of sin: “Paul conceives of the law as a letter that kills, as a book that brings a curse, as decrees that stand against us, and as commandments to be obeyed. In every case, according to Paul, this is not how the law relates to Christians” (“Paul and the Law,” JSNT, 418.)

39. N. T. Wright aims to address apparent contradictions by focusing on reading Paul’s ideas not as fixed concepts, but as elements of a narrative: “To require of Paul that he should always say exactly the same thing about Torah all the time would be like criticizing the story of Jack and the Beanstalk on the grounds that it was internally inconsistent, because Jack was sometimes going up the beanstalk and sometimes coming down” (The Climax of the Covenant 215). Wright’s sensitivity to the spatial/temporal structure of implied narratives serves my analysis of Romans 7 ahead.

40. Archaeological finds in Israel over the last several decades have uncovered nails from the Roman occupation of Israel, which supplement the most important archaeological proof of the practice of crucifixion: in 1968, archaeologists found in a bone box (an ossuary) at a burial site outside of Jerusalem, a heel bone with a nail through it. Israeli, Yael, and Mevorach, David, Cradle of Christianity, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel, 2000, English/Hebrew The Israel Museum, Publisher: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 2005.

41. Emma Wasserman analyzes this very passage in “Paul Among the Ancient Philosophers” (St. Paul and the Philosophers), based on the premise that the Letter of the Romans is addressing the Gentiles especially because of the phrase “apart from the Law” (81). This thesis collapses if one follows, as my research does, that the audience at Rome were predominantly Judeans.

42. W. D. Davies’s analysis of Romans 7 in Paul and Rabbinic Judaism is very similar to mine, sans a recognition that Jesus’s contribution to a new religion involves a break with natural law, or the law of mortality. Davies argues that the sin, which Paul is referencing here in Romans, can only be the one associated with death, which is the one we inherit from Adam because of original sin. Davies references 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch as examples of this idea in Paul’s time (32–33).

43. “For through the law I died to the law, so that I might live to God. I have been crucified with Christ; and it is no longer I who live, but it is Christ who lives in me . . . for if justification comes through the law, then Christ died for noth-ing” (Gal 2:19–21).

44. In research continuing a Marcion dilemma, Jerome Hall notes the trouble with understanding Paul’s demonic angels in Gal 3:19, which, according to Hall, Hubner tried to resolve by separating Gal 3:19 “into two parts—the first being ascribed to demonic angels, the second obviously to God” (375).

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Where Marcion reached for a gnostic solution, contemporary scholars have remained stumped. I argue that the demon, which gave mankind natural law clearly does not signify God, but Satan in the guise of the serpent who tempts Adam and Eve to eat of the fruit. The demon is the temptation that causes the law of mortality.

45. Santner traces a confluence of shared interest amongst Jewish German phi-losophers in the shift involved in “unplugging,” stressing that it need not be a radical break but does reflect a messianic awakening that, according to Bloom, is “the freedom yet that can be our time” (Psycho 64). Stéphane Mosès iden-tification of Benjamin’s vision of the revolution and messianic time offers an equivalent to unplugging as unknotting: “If, for Benjamin, the idea of happiness reflects that of Redemption, it may be said to be precisely as the term (Er-lösung) must be understood as the ‘unknotting’ of the paradoxes of the present.” According to Santner in his concluding thoughts in “Miracles Happen,” “Saint Paul was the first great German-Jewish thinker, equal in stature to Rosenzweig, Freud and Benjamin”; furthermore, he suggests, Paul may be thought of as such because he was the source for these great German Jewish scholars (132), and that influence is reflected in the suspension of the law (of time, of society, of class systems, etc.), and especially in the concept of “fantasies of exception” in secular thought (133).

46. I chose to use Žižek’s concept of the imaginary aspect of love, for two reasons; it reflects the role of love to protect what is being hidden; it also reverber-ates between psychoanalytic and mystical texts on the issue of the feminine principle. Žižek’s adaptation modifies the essential issue Lacan raises about the “mask” or “veil” in “The Subversion of the Subject and the Dialectic of Desire”: “Such is woman concealed behind her veil: it is the absence of the penis that makes her the phallus, the object of desire. Evoke this absence in a more precise way by having her wear a cute fake one under her fancy dress: the effect is 100 percent guaranteed, for men who don’t beat around the bush, that is” (Écrits 699).

47. Rosenzweig introduces “Revelation” with the idea of love: “For love is not attribute, but event, and there is no place in it for an attribute . . . God’s love is always wholly in the moment and at the point where it loves; and it is only in the infinity of time, step by step, that it reaches one point after the next and permeates the totality with soul” (Star of Redemption 177).

4 Interpellation Beyond Interpellation

1. Gloria Maité Hernéndez. “Figures, Comparisons and Resemblances: The Comparative Act of Mystical Writing.” ACLA Conference, Brown University, Providence, RI, March 31, 2012. Conference Presentation.

2. Wolf-Daniel Hartwich, Aleida Assmann, and Jan Assmann, “Afterword,” in Jacob Taubes, The Political Theology of Paul. Trans. D Hollander. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993, p. 118.

notes / 213

3. Shantz is conscious of resisting seeing the first-century followers of Jesus as already defined under the rubric of Christianity; recall, the term “the Christ” had only just been introduced by Paul in the 50s CE. Shantz resolves the anachronistic impulse to name this community Christianity by erasing the capital “C” and so calls them, “christian.” In the same spirit of resisting anachronisms, I prefer to name the community as being followers of Jesus.

4. This is Shantz’s term for the early period of Christianity.5. See Terence Donaldson’s “The Gospel that I Proclaim Among the Gentiles

(Galatians 2.2): Universalistic or Israel-Centered?” p. 93.6. It has been noted by Bruce Corley that a trend in the nineteenth century

saw Paul’s ecstatic experience as reflecting mental or cognitive disorder: “Nineteenth-century explanations, in fact, commonly delved into mythic pro-jections of guilt, hallucinations and apparitions, epileptic seizures, or the power of thunderstorm” (“Interpreting Paul’s Conversion—Then and Now” 14).

7. See James Tabor’s Unutterable: Paul’s Ascent to Paradise in Its Greco-Roman, Judaic, and Early Christian Contexts. New York and London: University Press of America, 1986.

8. C. R. A. Morray-Jones wrote two articles on the issue of the relation between ascent literature and Paul: “Paradise Revisited (2 Cor 12:1–12): The Jewish Mystical Background of Paul’s Apostolate”: Part 1: “The Jewish Sources” (HTR, 86:2 (1993): 177–217) and Part 2: “Paul’s Heavenly Ascent and its Significance” (HTR, 86:3 (1993): 265–292).

9. Burchard offers a thoughtful review of his original thesis that B was the first version of the novel in “The Text of Joseph and Aseneth Reconsidered,” and concludes ambiguously that he is not sure of his original conviction, but that B represents a family of texts distinct from A and D, which share an ancestor, and are distinct from B (94–95).

10. Marc Philonenko’s translation of D (Joseph et Aséneth: Introduction Texte Critique Traducion et Notes. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968) is used by Kraemer in her work.

11. Randall Chesnutt, From Death to Life, 36–37; Howard Clark Kee. “The Socio-Cultural Setting of Joseph and Aseneth.” New Testament Studies, Vol. 29 (1983): 394–413.

12. Kraemer. When Aseneth Met Joseph: A Late Antiquity Tale of the Biblical Patriarch and his Egyptian Wife, Reconsidered. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.

13. See Bohak’s ‘Joseph and Aseneth’ and the Jewish Temple in Heliolpolis. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1996.

14. Kee’s “The Socio-Cultural Setting of Joseph and Aseneth” primarily argues for seeing an Isis cult practice in the story of Aseneth, drawing parallels to contemporary romances, particular Apuleius’s Golden Ass.

15. See P. Batiffol’s “Le Livre de la Prière de Aseneth” in Studia patristica: Etudes d’ancienne littérature chrétienne, Vol. 1/2. Paris: Leroux, 1889–1890, pp. 1–115.

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16. Christophe Burchard. “The Text of Joseph and Aseneth Reconsidered.” Journal for the Study of the Pseudephigrapha, Vol. 14.2 (2005): 83–96.

17. Chesnutt, From Death to Life: Conversion in Joseph and Aseneth, 1995.18. Arguing against Kraemer and Batiffol’s interpretation of this text as Christian,

Collins rightly points out that many Judean texts, such as Josephus’s opus, were preserved through the centuries by the Church, which means that, though Aseneth was preserved by the Church, it cannot automatically be con-sidered Christian (“Joseph and Aseneth: Jewish or Christian?” 98).

19. Contra the early pro-Christian origin scholars, Aptowitzer put forward the thesis that the story, which appears in medieval rabbinic literature, dates to the first century. Kraemer reviews the rabbinic literature of Aptowitzer’s research, and claims that his thesis does not hold because of a textual detail. In rabbinic literature, Aseneth’s mother was the raped Judean Dinah thus explaining the rabbinic interest in returning to the fold a lost Judean, much like Moses. In the Syriac tradition, there is no mention of Aseneth’s mother: “It may be quite significant that the earliest attestation of the Dinah legend appears to be the Syriac tale printed [much later] by Oppenheim, which Aptowitzer assumed to reflect earlier rabbinic traditions but which could quite conceivably itself be formulated in response to the Syriac Aseneth and form the basis of the material found in later midrashic sources” (318). While Kraemer’s point does seem to undermine Aptowitzer’s thesis, it is not proof that it was originally a Christian story.

20. See Rivka Nir’s Joseph and Aseneth: A Christian Book, p. 8.21. Lieu argues: “The social context of [women’s convert stories] prominence has

been much debated, but their role seems best understood not as evidence of a predominantly female readership nor of women’s prominence in society but as a projection of male concerns” (“The Attraction of Women” 17).

22. “Something more than conscious reasoning is at work in Paul’s shift in iden-tity, and attention to the nature of religious experience helps to name what that ‘something’ is. Paul’s experience of union with Christ during the peak of neurological tuning, as well as his repeated perception that the divine spirit inhabited or possessed him, created in Paul a knowledge of resources beyond his own. [ . . . ] The compelling and embodied knowing of ecstatic experience is necessary (though by no means sufficient) to account for Paul’s christianity” (Shantz 208).

23. The following is a somewhat different translation by D. Cook from The Apocryphal Old Testament, edited by H. F. D. Spark: “8. And she looked up and saw a man like Joseph in every respect, with a robe and a crown and a royal staff. 9. But his face was like lightning, and his eyes were like the light of the sun, [11] and the hairs of his head like flames [12] of fire, and his hands and feet like iron from the fire” (www.markgoodacre.org).

24. Kraemer identifies the figure as archangel Michael, adapted from both Philonenko and Burchard’s translations, but notes that the figure in Aseneth remains unnamed.

notes / 215

25. Schäfer most famously counters Scholem’s thesis and is supported by Halperin (Chariots).

26. Segal offers almost the exact same idea of kavod in the Jewish mystical tra-dition: “For Paul, as for the earliest Jewish mystics, to be privileged to see Kavod or Glory (doxa) of God is a prologue to transformation into his image (eikon)” (60).

27. See Philonenko, Joseph at Aseneth, pp. 106–107 and Aptowitzer, “Asenath,” pp. 305–306. Burchard, notes: “Few doubted that JandA is preoccupied with conversion from the pagan idols to the God of the Hebrew,” “The Text of Joseph and Aseneth Reconsidered.” Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha, Vol. 14.2 (2005): 89. He notes exceptions to this consensus: namely, J. C. O’Neill. “What Is Joseph and Aseneth about?” Henoch, Vol. 16 (1994): 189–198; Catherine Hezser. “Joseph and Aseneth in the Context of Ancient Greek Erotic Novels.” Frankfurter Judaistische Beiträge, Vol. 24 (1997): 1–40.

28. This point seems less convincing since the same principle applies to a text cre-ated for a mixed community of Judean and Gentile followers of Jesus.

29. In A Radical Jew: Paul and the Politics of Identity, Boyarin is relying primar-ily on Elliot Wolfson in this idea that the early rabbinic community was directly responding to and countering Paul’s assertion against circumcision (127–128).

30. As an aside, at this point, Kee does not recognize biblical references in JandA; rather, he sees its context in Hellenistic romance offering “apologetics for a cult, or more probably for the cultural minority who are its devotees” (395).

31. See Gershom Scholem’s Jewish Gnosticism. Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition, p. 17.

32. While I defer to Schäfer’s knowledge of rabbinic literature, my first response is to question how rabbinic literature which reflects post-70 CE discourse engaging with a missing original story, could be used to sever connections between Paul and Merkabah mysticism.

33. Following Kraemer’s analysis, I would add that once Aseneth is renamed the City of Refuge, her beatified self becomes almost evocative of a heaven on earth: “and the hair of her head was like a vine in the paradise of God prosper-ing in its fruits . . . and her breasts like the mountains of the Most High God” (18:9). The architectural dimension of Aseneth, the convert, has been associ-ated allegorically with the Church; my interest here is only in asserting the paradisal language in associated with Aseneth as a result of her conversion.

34. Much more could be said about the apparent conflict between the future “will” and the superlative future in “forever” in “and it will not be erase for-ever” (15:5), and the issue of temporal disjunctions in the story.

35. Anathea Portier-Young offers a detailed footnote outlining the various, often conflicting, theories about the meaning of this honey in “Sweet Mercy Metropolis: Interpreting Aseneth’s Honeycomb,” p. 141.

36. Nir claims that the honey is further proof of the novel’s Christian origin; since manna in the desert was identified as honey, it prefigured the Eucharist,

216 / notes

thus explaining the apparent mystery of the honey (40). Since the Eucharist is the embodiment of Christ himself, her thesis is sound; but then again, the Judean would have had a cultural relation to honey as manna, thus troubling seeing honey as proof of the tale’s Christian origins. The issue remains irre-solvable, so far.

37. Tabor explore through textual analysis of contemporary works, how paradig-matic Paul’s experience was of ascent literature (57–97).

38. “For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a cry of command, with the archangel’s call, and with the sound of the trumpet of God. And the dead in Christ will rise first; then we who are alive, who are left, shall be caught up together with them in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air; and so we shall always be with the Lord” (4:15–17).

39. See my article, “Spivak’s Fantasy of Silence: A Secular Look at Suicide.”40. A recent article by George Brooke argues for an earlier construction of J & A

using as proof the novel’s parallel to Qumran materials: “Men and Women as Angels in Joseph and Aseneth.”

41. Freud, “Psychoanalytic Notes on an Autobiographical Account of a Case of Paranoia” (Dementia Paranoides) (1911), p. 28.

42. Santner. My Own Private German: Daniel Paul Schreber’s Secret History of Modernity. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996. Quotes shall be cited parenthetically in the pages ahead.

43. Freud’s research explored various examples of inversion from Da Vinci’s paint-ing of St. Anne, in “Leonardo Da Vinci and A Memory of His Childhood” (1910), to the literary trope of the choice of three caskets in Shakespeare plays, in “The Theme of the Three Caskets” (1913), to name a few.

44. Lacan’s debt to Paul’s dichotomy of law and spirit on the matter of sin in his seminar on ethics (Seminar VII) draws on Freud’s meditation on the matter of love in Civilization, which unsurprisingly links to Paul’s law and sin (VII 106). Integral to the cycle of desire and law in the subject is the subordination of the subject’s need to the demands of the collective; the individual good is antinomic to the social good, thus explaining the dominance of law over the subject’s desire.

45. To keep things simple, I use the word hate in a binary relation to love, and to stand in for Paul’s term about his treatment of the Jesus followers, namely, persecution; persecution includes the variety of affect, such as hate, and also disgust, rejection, revulsion, disdain, etc.

46. Lacan, “On a Question Prior to Any Possible Treatment of Psychosis” (1958) (Écrits 481).

47. “The extraordinary passing on of the contaminant-traumatic kernel from self to other constitutes an order whose condition can only be characterized—and I understand the risk of this metaphor—as viral” (Gourgouris 367). Stathis Gourgouris’s article “Paul’s Greek” troubles Taube’s proposal that Paul’s lan-guage is tainted by Hebrew, by pointing out that Paul’s Greek is very good and that the contamination is the reverse: Paul’s thinking on the return of

notes / 217

the dead is what is foreign to Greek culture. In exploring the source of Paul’s message on death, Gourgouris takes up the Lacanian concept of trauma as “encounter” through Badiou’s treatment of Paul’s “incident at Damascus” as the “event” of Christ’s resurrection. Gourgouris’s critique of Paul’s theology is that it is overdetermined by the death-drive. In using “viral” to describe the impact of Paul’s thinking on western thought, Gourgouris wants to empha-size the destructive quality of Paul’s impact. I agree.

48. In a two-page footnote, Hent de Vries explores the significance of Taubes’s lectures on Paul and argues that Taubes’s research exists in a tradition shared with Benjamin, Scholem, Levinas, and Derrida on the concept of the mes-sianic in philosophy as a “messianic logic.” He goes on to consider seeing “messianic logic” as “a model in the psychoanalytic understanding of trauma” where the origin of monotheism, as envisioned through Freud, reflects a “cer-tain repetitive force” (Philosophy and the Turn to Religion. Baltimore: MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999, 187–188. In the “Afterward” to The Political Theology of Paul, editors Wolf-Daniel Hartwich, Aleida Assmann and Jan Assmann, highlight Taubes’s interest in seeing a repetition of certain semantic signifiers as expressing “messianic logic” (122); specifically, the “sus-pension of the law” and the “love command” (123–131). I would suggest that, in the same way that the messiah returns with the same discourse of law and love, the return of the messiah, in its different forms, is the return of the same historically specific trauma.

5 The Messianic Exceptions

1. I note that Anidjar’s recent article “Freud’s Jesus (Paul’s War)” would be another example of this “unease” aroused by Jesus and the messianic. Anidjar focuses on the command, which Paul promotes and which becomes Jesus’s own words in Matthew, “love thy neighbor.” Anidjar notes that rather than create unity between the Jew and the Christian, this command creates hos-tility, which manifests in Paul as a “warring” divided subject: “The divided subject of Paul is both enemy and beloved, slave and sovereign, subject and subject, Israel and not Israel” (334). It is striking that Anidjar’s analysis would lead him to the conclusion that “the Messiah, then, has become the enemy” (335), an idea underlying contemporary focus in political theology as “becoming enemy of the neighbor” (342). Anidjar’s argument is sound, but from my psychoanalytic perspective, putting the fault at Jesus’ feet obscures Paul’s authority of this “divide”; yet blaming Paul for the application of his message into historical terms, is extreme. In any case, Anidjar’s critique of the love promoted by the “messiah” is replete with the unease of I identify in my research.

2. The collapse of the USSR was obviously a trauma for the citizens of the Republic; yet, as an event that changed the dynamics of global politics, namely the Cold War, that trauma had an effect around the world. Moreover,

218 / notes

since the event appeared to reflect the failure of the first communist state, its traumatic impact on communists, both card-carrying and sympathizers, was felt around the world, including by Derrida.

3. See Hollander, “Is Deconstruction a Jewish Science? Reflections on ‘Jewish Philosophy’ in Light of Jacques Derrida’s Judeite,” p. 135.

4. John D. Caputo, The Prayers and Tears of Jacques Derrida: Religion without Religion (1997).

5. On the matter of circumcision, Circumfessions is linked to “Shibboleth for Paul Celan” in many ways, most notably in the following Pauline reference: “Celan elsewhere . . . calls words circumcised, as one speaks of the circumcised heart” (Word Traces 24). Apart from this moment of a Christian reference, Derrida’s “Shibboleth for Paul Celan” does not engage in Christian markers as he does in Circumfessions. Derrida begins “Shibboleth” with the declaration, “One time alone: circumcision takes place but once” (3) and goes on to con-textualize how Shibboleth, the password used to identify the stranger based on her/his mispronunciation of the password, is a cut in the same way lan-guage and cultural identity are “cuts,” or circumcision. “Shibboleth” comple-ments Circumfessions because, if Shibboleth identifies the collapse of cultural differences within history from the perspective of language as circumcision, Circumfessions explores that collapse through the fusion of Christian and Jewish cultural markers.

6. In The Jew, The Arab, Anidjar references Pines’ “Islam according to The Star of Redemption: Toward a Study of Franz Rosenzweig’s Sources and Biases” 303), p. 98.

7. According to Emil Fackenheim, considering Hegel’s philosophy is centered on Christianity, he nonetheless “does greater justice to Judaism than any other modern philosopher of the first rank” (To Mend the World 107). That is, he saw Judaism as “an indispensible aspect of the total religious Truth”, even though it “is now as such an anachronism” (Encounters Between Judaism and Modern Philosophy: A Preface to Future Jewish Thought 95). Fackenheim credits Hegel with seeing Judaism as a genuine religion because it is an expression of the relationship between God and mankind: “[Judaism] has a role within the total realm of religious truth that is unique and indis-pensible. The Jewish fear of the Lord is not one wisdom beside others. It is the beginning of all religious wisdom” (Encounters 90–95). Interestingly, Rosenzweig seems to develop Hegel’s criteria of ‘religious truth’ in his con-cept of revelation, a factor that excludes Islam from being defined as a true religion, as is Judaism and Christianity, because its revelation is a book: “For Judaism, older and holier than the written word is the oral teaching, and Jesus did not leave a single written word for his followers; Islam is religion of the Book from the first moment. The Book sent down from heaven—can there be any greater distortion of the notion of God himself ‘descending,’ giving himself to man, of surrendering to him? He is enthroned in his high-est heaven and gives to man—a Book” (180). The ground for Rosenzweig’s

notes / 219

disparaging of Islam is ironic considering that the laws given to Moses were words engraved on tablets, and that this story is known through Moses five books, the Pentateuch.

8. See Agata Bielek-Robson’s, “Tarrying with the Apocalypse: The Wary Messianism of Rosenzweig and Levinas,” p. 262.

9. “This would be the opening to the future or to the coming of the other as the advent of justice, but without horizon of expectation and without prophetic configuration” (Derrida, “Faith and Knowledge” 56).

10. “This justice, which I distinguish from right, alone allows the hope, beyond all ‘messianism’, of a universalizable culture of singularities, a culture in which the abstract possibility of the impossible translation could nevertheless be announced” (“Faith and Knowledge” 56).

11. See Hollander’s, “Is Deconstruction a Jewish Science?” pp. 135–136.12. Whether or not Muselmann was used only by men, or both men and women

is a contested issue. For one, scholars have tended to consider the use of the term by the memoirs by men, suggesting it is only by men. For example, Agamben cites the various names used to name this most abject inmate in the other camps quoting from Sofsky (44); words such as “donkeys,” “camels,” “s wimmers,” in various camps, and in Ravensbrück, the noun for a female Muslim, Muselweiber, was used. Yet, as pointed out to me by Doris Bergen recently at a conference at which I presented a version of this paper, memoirs by women also use the term, Muselmann. That is, Isabella Leitner Fragments of Isabella: A Memoir of Auschwitz, and Gisella Perl, I was a Doctor In Auschwitz. The scholarship, though indeterminate on this point, does not change either my thesis, or the conclusions of this project.

13. In Remnants of Auschwitz, Agamben documents testimonies by survivors of Auschwitz who self-identified as Muselmänner (166–171).

14. Ryn, Zdislaw and Stanslaw Klodzinski, An der Grenze zwischen Leben und Tod. Eine Studie uber die Erscheinung des “Muselmanns” im Konsenstrazionslager, Auschwitz-Hefte, Vol. 1 (Weinheim and Basel: Beltz, 1987), pp. 89–154.

15. This translation is from Anidjar’s footnote on page 226; see a slightly different translation in Agamben Remnants, p. 43.

16. Defending this method of the paradigm in Homo sacer, de la Durantaye high-lights its ambiguity as a necessary aspect in its application: “Agamben sees the Nazi concentration camps as unique historical phenomena, and he treats them as representative ones. He uses paradigms heuristically—for how much they allow him to understand of the past, and for how starkly they throw the present situation into relief” (226).

17. Robert Buch, “Seeing the Impossibility of Seeing or the Visibility of the Undead: Giorgio Agamben’s Gorgon.” The Germanic Review, 2007, pp. 179–196; p. 185.

18. Patrick O’Connor, “Redemptive Remnants: Agamben’s Human Messianism.” Journal for Cultural Research, Vol. 13, Issues 3–4 (July–October 2009): 349.

220 / notes

19. The Christianization of the Muselmann is noticed by Geoffrey Hartman and then is bypassed as not being his “main concern” (“Testimony and Authenticity” 7).

20. Gershom Scholem. The Messianic in Judaism: And Other Essays on Jewish Spirituality (1995), p. 64.

21. Scholem, “The Mystical Messiah” (289–334) in Essential Papers On Messianic Movements and Personalities in Jewish History (1992), p. 290.

22. In “Sabbatai Zevi: The Mystical Messiah,” Scholem reflects on the personal mental disorder: “. . . his inner life was autistically centered upon himself, a paranoid streak in his psychosis” (321).

23. Howard Caygill considers the links between Zevi and Christianity as pro-posed by Scholem as well as Taubes, by highlighting Taubes’ conviction that Zevi ruined Judaism and so made possible Jewish Enlightenment, and that “believers of Messiahs” are to blame for leading “the way into the abyss” (205) in “The Apostate Messiah: Scholem, Taubes and the Occlusions of Sabbatai Zevi” (205).

24. Whether or not Scholem condemns Zevi for his terrible effect on the Jewish faith because of his Paulinisms is not obvious, but W. D. Davies makes the effort to dissociate Zevi from the early Jesus movement in his article, “From Schweitzer to Scholem: Reflections on Svi” (1976). Davies outlines that, while Zevi and Jesus of Nazareth reflect the same messianic promise (revolutionaries who inspired a large movement), and both had handlers to disseminate their teachings (Nathan of Gaza and Paul), the two differed significantly with respect to their followers. Zevi attracted Jews only, while Jesus attracted both Judean and Gentile followers thanks to Paul’s ministry (550), a distinction that one might say returns the ideological boundary between Christianity and Judaism. The reader of this manuscript alerted me to the fact that Davies’ efforts to dis-tinguish Zevi’s teachings from Christianity reflected an anxiety which could be considered similar to Brett’s argument against Agamben’s association of Benjamin with the Christian Paul. More brilliantly, this reader associates this anxiety with the “gaze of Medusa,” Agamben’s term for the encounter with the Muselmann. It would seem that this return of the Muselmann permeates modern religious scholarship on both sides of the sectarian divide.

25. Blanchot, The Writing of the Disaster, 1995.26. In her introduction to the English translation of Smothered Words, Madeleine

Dobie explains that Kofman’s “Smothered Words was initially conceived in 1985 for a volume of Les Cahiers de l’Herne to be devoted to the politics of the writer and philosopher, Maurice Blanchot” (vii). The project never came to fruition and so Kofman published her text on its own in 1987.

27. Madeleine Dobie, “Sarah Kofman’s Paroles suffoquées: Autobiography, History, and Writing ‘After Auschwitz’,” p. 320.

28. Eilene Hoft-March, “Still Breathing: Sarah Kofman’s Memoires of Holocaust Survival,” p. 110.

29. Steven Jaron, “Autobiography and the Holocaust: An Examination of the Liminal Generation in France,” p. 209.

notes / 221

30. For an analysis of Kofman’s ambivalent relationship to the mother figure, as a dichotomy between her birth mother and the mother she finds in Mémé, see Sara Horowitz’s article, “Sarah Kofman et l’ambiguïté des mères” (Témoignages de l’après-Asuchwitz dans la littérature juive-française d’aujourd’ hui: Enfants de survivants et survivants-enfants. Ed. Annelise Schulte Nordholt. Amsterdam and New York: Editions Rodopi B. V., 2008). In one section, Horowitz com-pares Kofman’s work on Freud’s analysis of Da Vinci’s double mothers in a painting of Jesus with St. Anne and the Madonna, and Kofman’s analysis of her two mothers in her own childhood (109), where Da Vinci’s Jesus and Kofman’s childhood are ironically paralleled. Horowitz’s analysis contributes to my argument that Kofman’s self-telling is permeated with an ambivalent relation to the Christian paradigms dominating Western European culture.

31. In comparison to the plural witness in Smothered, Kofman mentions only one witness in RORL; this raises the question about whether the plural in Smothered reflects a fact or is rhetorical.

32. Hartman focuses primarily on the trouble with “authenticity” of testimony, and cites issues of “forgeries” and “imitation” (13). I think that perspective remains limited to privileging the kind of objectivity promised by the nonfic-tion of testimony.

33. I cannot help but wonder if she wants to suggest these two work ethics, the one in the Village and the one in Auschwitz, are different and independent of each other, or if the former work ethic is the precursor of the latter: perhaps my question must remain unresolved.

34. Kofman’s interest in the significance of change as a principle of metallurgic transformation is expressed in her autobiographical works, where a reference to her name as “caca” in “Tomb for a Proper Name” (Selected Writings 248), returns in “‘My Life’ and Psychoanalysis” as “Not in order that [my words] be given meaning, interpreted. But to establish an exchange that might trans-form “caca” into gold” (Selected Writings 251).

35. Kofman’s depression is clearly reflected in the narrative of RORL describing her rejection of her biological mother in place of a French “saviour” kind of mother; I would argue a complementary depression is evident in Smothered with respect to her father and her faith. In Freud’s research on depression, “Mourning and Melancholia,” Freud takes as his premise the symptoms of loss and sorrow found in people who are mourning loved ones who have died, and argues that the condition of depression reflects a death that is not actual but imaginary. The “death” of a subject’s loved object is a self-inflicted sepa-ration from the object of love, usually done so out of necessity. The fact the loved one has not died only exacerbates the condition of mourning: there is no proper mourning which can be worked through and resolved because there is no proper death. Identifying who the subject has rejected is indicated in how the subject speaks of the herself since she has introjected the traits of the loved-one which keeps the loved-one close. Freud notes that, “we perceive that the [subject’s] self-reproaches are reproaches against a loved object which have been shifted away from it on to the patient’s own ego” (586).

222 / notes

Conclusion

1. “I did not confer with any human being, nor did I go up to Jerusalem to those who were already apostles before me, but I went away at once to Arabia, and afterwards I returned to Damascus. Then after three years I did go up to Jerusalem to visit Cephas.”

2. In a series of articles gathered in Psychoanalytical Notebooks Issue 26, Jacques-Alain Miller discusses the condition of psychosis, and in that context, high-lights Lacan’s idea that the Name of the Father is a symbolic substitution that is delusional (40). This same principle of substation as delusion is seen active in the psychotic’s “synthome.”

3. Emily Apter. “Towards a Theory of Unexceptional Politics.” ACLA Conference, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, April 6, 2013. Conference Presentation.

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———. “Paul and the Truth Event.” In Paul’s New Moment: Continental Philosophy and the Future of Christian Theology. Ed. John Millbank, Slavoj Zizek, Creston Davis. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Bazos, 2010. pp. 74–99. Print.

———. Living in the End Times. London and New York: Verso, 2010. Print.Žižek, Slavoj interviewed by Robert Boynton. “Enjoy Your Žižek: An Excitable

Slovenian Philosopher Examines the Obscene Practices of Everyday Life, Including His Own.” Linguafranca (March 2001): http://www.lacan.com /Žižek-enjoy-htm. Web.

Zupančič, Alenka. The Ethics of the Real: Kant, Lacan. London and New York: Verso, 2000. Print.

Old Testament

Ezekiel, 104–51:26, 12637:12, 137

Genesis, 109, 122, 133

Hosea 12:14–15, 35

Isaiah, 116–17, 137, 143, 162, 185, 19252 & 53, 35, 57, 59, 60, 61–2, 65–6,

68, 69

Joel 4:10, 58, 62

Numbers 25: 1–3, 35

“Song of Songs,” 90, 130, 140

Letters Attributed to Paul of Tarsus

1 Corinthians2:7, 1053:18, 1297:19, 979:20–21, 8413:4–5, 9215: 8–11, 6815:22, 4315:56, 89

2 Corinthians2, 1373:18, 118, 119, 125, 1553:18–4:6, 126, 1295:14–21, 65, 94

7:9, 11811:3, 140, 15512:9–10, 54–7, 64, 65, 71, 79,

131–2, 136

Galatians1:11–1:12, 45, 51, 95, 105, 121,

136, 1381:15–24, 44, 64, 66, 132, 1862:20, 65, 66, 129, 1355:6, 835:14, 92, 1006:2, 8443:19, 89

Romans1:19–21, 1011:18–32, 1092:14–15, 1012:29, 1054:15, 1025:12–14, 98, 99, 102, 1105:20, 27, 997:7, 84, 99, 1077:8–12, 1007:25, 1098:1–11, 1078:29, 12610: 9–13, 4111:25–35, 44, 11612: 9–10, 9213:8–10, 9215:12, 65

Index of Biblical and Other Ancient Liter ary Sources

240 / index of biblical and other ancient literary sources

Thessalonians, 24, 49, 64, 66, 137

Other ancient Literature, Judean and Unassigned

CD (Damascus Document), 61, 63, 67, 205n11

Dead Sea Scrolls, 26, 47, 53, 60–2, 65, 121, 123, 204n7, 205n12

Hodayot Scroll, 61

Joseph and Aseneth (J&A), 13, 122–42, 186

Merkabah/hekhalot Literature, 52, 79, 104, 121–2, 126–7, 131–5, 186–7

“Self-Glorification Hymn, A” (4Q491), 60–2

Targum of Isaiah, 69

War Scroll (1QM), 63

adjuration, 133See also angel, angelos, Aseneth

Agamben, Giorgio, 2, 8, 106, 135, 184, 193

See also homo sacer, Remnants of Auschwitz, The Time that Remains

Althusser, Louis, 4–5, 21, 28, 30–1, 33–4, 37, 90, 143

angel, 74, 131, 132angelos, 123, 125, 126Anidjar, Gil, 4, 21–3, 91, 146, 153,

168, 170, 188–9“anointed,” 55, 62–3, 69, 71, 110–11,

125–6, 133, 135, 161–2, 188Antelme, Robert, 85, 174–9, 181Anti-Christ, 70Antigone, 32–4, 103, 143, 192anti-Semitism, 26–7, 34–5, 38, 85–8,

146, 150apocalypse, 25, 44, 50, 118, 136–7,

155apocalyptic, 42–3, 57–8, 62–3, 70,

106, 126, 137–8, 187apostle, 44, 49, 51, 65, 88, 95, 105,

116, 118, 119, 129Asad, Talal, 21–2Aseneth, 13, 126–7, 129–35, 137–9,

141, 155–6, 186–7Aufhebung, 88–90Auschwitz, 2–3, 13, 80, 151, 153, 164,

170–1, 173–7, 179–80, 190

Badiou, Alain, 8, 27–9, 33, 38–46, 50, 84–8, 93–4, 106–7, 163

See also ethics, the exception, law of love, universalism

Balibar, Etienne, 1baptism, 127–9, 152, 177Bar Kokhba, 70–1, 158, 192Barclay, John, 47, 48, 100Batiffol, P., 123, 124“becoming-subject,” 32Benjamin, Walter, 1–3, 43, 53–60,

70–81, 111, 149–50, 157–9, 161–3, 184, 192

See also “Theses on the Philosophy of History”, “weak messianic force”

Blanchot, Maurice, 40, 137, 172–5, 177, 179, 181

Blanton, Ward, 19–20, 135–6, 145, 163, 191

Blumenberg, Hans, 23–9, 42, 157, 159, 183

Borgen Peder, 96Boyarin, Daniel, 130–1, 140Britt, Brian, 54–60, 62, 69, 71–3,

78–81, 184–5, 193Brown, Wendy, 15–16, 19, 22Buch, Robert, 167Bultmann, Rudölf, 3, 24, 25Burchard, Christophe, 123, 126–30,

134

Caputo, John D., 18, 41, 107, 184See also St. Paul Among the

PhilosophersCaruth, Cathy, 11, 143, 146

Index

242 / index

“Century, The,” 23–4, 27–8Chesnutt, Randal, 123–4, 128,

130–5, 138“Christianity,” 117, 213n3–4Christos, 55, 66, 69, 111, 125, 185“circle of a square,” 8, 33circumcision, 45, 48, 83, 93, 95–7, 105,

111, 116, 127, 130–3, 141, 152Collins, J. J., 58, 61, 63, 127–8,

130, 137Derrida, 1, 2, 18, 29, 43, 54, 150–2,

157–64, 181–2, 188–90, 192Paul, 45, 48–9, 57, 93, 95–7, 105,

152Circumfessions, 151–2Cohen, Shaye, 48conversion

Althusser, 31Aseneth, 123–5, 127–31, 134, 138Christianity, 86, 89, 113–15, 157Judean practices, 94, 96, 122Kofman, 175, 177–80Paul, 13, 39–40, 45, 49, 68, 95, 111,

115–18, 132, 186–7, 188–90Sabbatai Zevi, 70, 169–71secular, 146, 151–2, 161, 163, 181–2

de la Durantaye, Leland, 79–81, 166–7de Vries, 4, 18, 196n14, 198n10“death of God,” 18, 41, 192Derrida, Jacques, 1, 2, 18, 29, 43, 157,

171, 181–2, 188–92See also Circumfessions,

Specters of MarxDodd, C. H., 101, 109Dolar, Mladen, 30, 33–4, 37, 51,

181, 191Donaldson, Terence, 64–5, 118doxa, 118, 124–6, 128–31, 135, 137–9,

143, 154–5, 156, 186–7

Eagleton, Terry, 30–1, 78“ecstasy,” 48–9, 113–15, 120, 122,

133, 140, 144, 155, 161, 190

ecstatic experience (Paul’s), 113–15, 120–4, 137, 139, 143–4, 185–6

“encounter with the real,” 111, 114, 121, 137, 139–40, 183, 186

epistrophe, 116–18, 125, 127Essenes, 48, 63, 123ethics, 30, 33–4, 84, 90, 102–3, 164,

180evangelion, 44–5, 55, 67, 95“Event,” 32–4, 36, 38–9, 50, 87, 186evental, 50the exception, 41, 56, 72, 75–6,

79–81, 84–5, 87–3, 145–7, 149–51, 161–4

See also homo sacerExodus, 35, 90, 119, 140, 160

fantasyof ideology, 16–17, 20–3, 30, 36–7,

121, 143, 145–6, 189of Jesus, 69, 118, 184, 187Paul’s, 94, 136, 144, 184–6of trauma, 5, 7–10, 40, 122, 125,

139–41, 173, 183, 191See also “traversing the fantasy”

Fink, Bruce, 30Fragile Absolute, The, 89, 94Fredriksen, Paula, 42, 48Freud, 6, 33, 140

“Beyond the Pleasure Principle,” 6Christianity, 147“Civilization and Its Discontents,”

84–5Moses and Monotheism, 8, 9, 23,

34–7, 86–8, 144–5, 150Taubes, Jacob, 38“The Theme of the Three Caskets,”

178–80trauma, 8, 10–12, 31, 37

Gentile, 44–5, 64–7, 80–1, 94–7, 101–6, 116–19, 122–5, 143–7, 185–8

Gignilliat, Mark, 65, 68, 105

index / 243

Gnostic, 23, 25–7, 53, 61, 183Gospel (of Paul’s), 13, 27, 39, 42,

44–5, 50–1, 66–9, 89, 93–5, 117–19, 126–7, 136, 139, 185

Gourgouris, Strathis, 19–22, 144, 188See also Mahmood, Saba

Habermas, Jürgen, 4, 19, 78, 189Hartman, Geoffrey, 174Hays, Richard, 66Hegel, G. W. F., 88, 152–3, 163, 169Hengel, Martin, 61–2, 66–7hijab, 15, 22, 186historical materialism, 73–4, 78Hollander, Dana, 151, 154, 159–60,

162, 164, 193homo sacer, 79–80, 91, 146, 161–2,

166–7, 192–3“honey, the,” 133–5, 215–16n36

ideologyAlthusser, 28, 31, 34Christianity, 40, 72, 92, 115, 118,

120–1secularism, 12, 149, 161, 175, 184,

188–93Žižek, 4–5, 7–9, 15, 19–23, 30–1,

33, 36–8, 142–3, 145–6, 182See also Sublime Object of Ideology

imaginary, 91, 127, 138, 139, 160, 182interpellation, 30–4, 37, 51, 114, 161,

190, 193“interpellation beyond interpellation,”

111, 125, 143, 155, 160, 182, 191–2

See also Rosenweig, Franz, Santner, Eric

Jesus, 10–11, 26, 35, 37–8Badiou, 39–40, 43“Christ,” 8, 46, 53, 55, 124, 131,

144crucifixion/death, 36, 41, 48, 50–1,

70, 118, 129

Gospel, 44–5messiah, 59–61, 62, 64–9, 125the real, 40, 71, 136, 141, 145resurrection, 29, 106–7, 127, 138salvation, 25, 159teachings, 75

Jesus Followers, 45, 48, 67–8, 97, 108, 117, 127, 142, 170

Josephus, Flavius, 44, 48, 61, 116, 128, 159, 187

Jostein, Adna, 69Judean, 45, 48, 49, 62, 67, 70–1, 86

Kabbalah, 77, 79Kant, Immanuel, 17–19, 152, 163, 169kavod. See doxaKee, Howard Clarke, 123, 127, 138Knohl, Israel, 60–2, 71Kofman, Sara, 13, 151, 164–5,

174–81See also Rue Ordinaire,

Rue Labatt, Smothered WordsKraemer, Ross Shepard, 123, 126–7,

130–4

Labbie, Erin Felicia, 88Lacan, Jacques

“encounter with the real,” 6, 8, 10–11, 23

imaginary, 5, 8, 40Name of the Father (NOF), 5, 32,

88–9, 106, 111, 141–2objet a, 5, 7, 12, 30, 140–1real, 5–13Seminar I, 5Seminar II, 5Seminar III, 122, 140Seminar VII, 84–5, 103, 107Seminar XI, 5, 6Seminar XX, 89, 90symbolic, 5–8, 10, 12, 19, 37the unconscious, 3, 6, 9, 11, 33, 77,

88, 141LaCapra, Dominic, 11

244 / index

lawcircumcision (see circumcision)kashrut, 83, 93of love, 13, 84–8, 90–1, 93, 95, 139natural, 101–6, 108–10

“Law of Christ,” 13, 44, 84, 100–2, 104–6, 108, 100–11, 118–19, 136

“Law of Moses,” 44, 100–1, 103–5, 118

Leys, Ruth, 11Lieu, Judith, 124, 130Löwith, Karl, 3, 21, 24, 53Luke-Acts, 39, 40, 49, 50, 117

Mahmood, Saba, 19–22, 31See also Gourgouris, Stathis

Marcion, 23, 25–7, 29, 38, 44, 47, 183Marx, Karl, 15, 17, 29–30, 38, 43, 54,

70, 72–5, 78–9, 90, 93, 158–9, 161, 184

Mason, Steve, 44–5, 47, 49, 66–7mesiach, 30, 48, 55, 62–3, 69, 71, 156“messianic logic,” 147, 183, 217n48“messianic now,” 1, 54“messianic time,” 1, 77, 79, 158, 162,

167“messianic without messianism,” 43messinianism, 29, 53–4, 59, 70, 78,

81, 150, 158, 160–2, 167–8, 171, 181

metanoia, 118–19, 125Morray-Jones, C. R. A., 121, 126, 132Muselmann, 1–3, 13, 80–1, 151, 153,

164–9, 173–4, 179–81, 192–3, 195

See also the exception, homo sacer, Kofman, Sara, Sabbatai Zevi

Nachträglichkeit, 6, 29, 139, 164, 173, 176, 179

Najman, Hindy, 102–4, 109Nir, Rivka, 124, 215–16n36Novenson, Matthew, 66, 203n1,

205n18

objet a, 23, 28–30, 37, 92, 126, 156–7, 159–64, 182–3, 191–2

O’Connor, Patrick, 167Oedipal event, 32, 34, 90–1, 143, 191Oedipal subject, 4, 111, 141, 190

pagan, 22, 85–6, 88, 116, 119, 120, 123, 125, 127, 131, 153

pardes, 131–2, 135, 155Paroles suffoquées. See Smothered Words“passion for the real,” 23, 27–9, 85, 183Paul, his letters. See Index of Letters

Attributed to PaulPaul Among the Philosophers, 196n14Paul of Tarsus, 49, 201n24Philo of Alexandria, 10, 49, 96, 102–6,

128, 129, 159Philonenko, Marc, 123, 130Pound, Marcus, 88–9Puppet and the Dwarf, The, 1, 26, 73–4, 85

Räisänen, Heikki, 27, 83, 96–8, 99–102, 104, 107, 110

“real, the,” 27–34, 37, 39, 46, 68, 85, 92, 104, 111, 114, 121–2, 134–7, 179–82

Remnants of Auscwhitz, 80, 166–8resurrection, 62, 89, 87, 107–8, 137,

142, 163Badiou, 29, 39, 41–2, 50–2Christ, 110–11, 118, 185–6Paul, 104–6, 135, 187Žižek, 89, 93–4

“return of the repressed,” 37revelation, 48, 104, 115, 130

Aseneth, 130, 132, 134Paul, 29, 38, 46, 49, 51, 91, 108,

118, 136–7, 140, 145Rosenzweig, 37, 50, 90, 153–5

Rosenzweig, Franz, 13, 33, 37, 43, 50, 90–1, 111, 150–64, 181–2, 188, 190, 192

See also Star of RedemptionRue Ordinaire, Rue Labatt, 172

index / 245

Sabbatai Zevi, 70–1, 169–71, 192Said, Edward, 4, 10, 15–16, 21Sanders, E., 43–4, 83, 96–101, 104,

108–10Santner, Eric, 33, 35, 37, 90–1, 111,

125, 140, 146, 155, 183, 188Schäfer, Peter, 132Schmitt, Carl, 2, 3, 21, 55–6, 59, 72,

74–6, 78–80, 85, 146, 166–7, 184, 189, 193

Scholem, Gersholm, 53, 70–1, 132, 170–1

Schreber, Paul Daniel, 9, 51, 122, 139–40, 142

Schreiner, Thomas, 97, 100, 108Segal, Alan, 115–23, 126, 129, 131Sellin, Ernst, 10, 34–7September 11, 2001 (9/11), 3, 8, 16,

17–19, 22, 28, 43Shantz, Colleen, 48–9, 113–15,

117–18, 120–6, 129, 131, 136, 139, 189

Smothered Words, 13, 151, 164, 172, 175, 177, 180, 190

Snodgrass, Klyne, 97, 99–100, 110“Son of Man,” 137–8, 186Specters of Marx, 150, 157–64Spinoza, Baruch, 86–7, 163Spivak, Gayatri, 4, 15–18, 22St. Paul Among the Philosophers, 41–2St. Paul: The Foundation of

Universalism, 38Star of Redemption, The, 13, 90, 150,

153–4See also Rosenzweig

Stendahl, Krister, 118, 120, 125Stoike, D. A., 101Sublime Object of Ideology, 4, 21, 30–1,

33, 142“suffering servant, the,” 57–62, 65–71,

111, 117, 185

supersession, 86, 110, 118symbolic, 5–8, 10, 12, 19, 37

Tabor, James, 121–2, 131Talmon, Jacob, 29, 70Taubes, Jacob, 38, 43, 48, 78, 114,

119, 147, 183, 185See also Freud

Tertullian, 27“Theses on the Philosophy of History,”

1, 54–6, 58, 73–5, 79–80, 111tikkun, 77, 169–70, 184Time that Remains, The, 1, 12, 54,

55–60, 73, 78“traversing the fantasy,” 69, 87–9, 91“truth event,” 38, 50

“unconscious, the,” 3, 6, 9, 11, 33, 36, 38, 77, 88, 115, 141, 152, 164

“universal, the,” 39–41, 56, 75, 87, 91, 135–6, 143, 145–6, 150–1, 153–4, 162–4, 182, 193

universalism, 19, 38–9, 41, 43–4, 56, 79, 84–6, 99, 93, 101, 135–6, 151, 154, 158, 161–2, 189

“unplugging,” 86, 90–1, 95, 111, 141

von Harnack, Adolf, 27

“weak messianic power,” 13, 43, 54, 56, 58–9, 71, 75, 78, 184

Welcome to the Desert of the Real, 1, 28Westerholm, Stephen, 101–2Wilson, Stephen, 27Wilson, Todd, 100–1

Žižek, Slavoj, 4–8, 12, 17–23, 31–3, 43, 50, 54, 88–95, 142–7, 162–8

See also The Puppet and the Dwarf, The Fragile Absolute, Welcome to the Desert of the Real