India Migration Report 2019 - Taylor & Francis eBooks

India Migration Report 2019 examines the issues of identity related to integration in European societies. It examines the multifarious nature of social, economic and political engagements of the Indian diaspora with their host societies in Europe.

This volume:

• assesses the historical trends in migration to Europe, mobility paths and transnational networks of skilled Indian migrants, as well as recent tendencies in movements of migrants;

• explores the roles of Indian migrants in transforming host societies with their skills and capabilities;

• highlights their contribution towards the development of their homeland through knowledge transfer, philanthropy, capital flows, remittances and investment;

• takes stock of the impact of recent events, especially Brexit and anti-immigrant positioning of some political parties;

• uses mixed research methods including ethnography, key informant interviews and in-depth case studies.

The volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of development studies, economics, demography, sociology and social anthropology, and migration and diaspora studies.

S. Irudaya Rajan is Professor at the Centre for Development Studies, Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India. With more than three decades of research experience in Kerala, he has coordinated seven major migration surveys (1998, 2003, 2007, 2008, 2011, 2014 and 2016) in Kerala (with Professor K.C. Zachariah), led the migration surveys in Goa (2008) and Tamil Nadu (2015) and provided technical support to the Gujarat Migration Survey (2010) and Punjab Migration Survey

India Migration Report 2019

(2011). He has published extensively in national and international journals on demographic, social, economic, political and psychological implications of international migration. Professor Rajan is currently engaged in several projects on international migration with the New York University, UAE Exchange Centre, India Centre for Migration of the Ministry of External Affairs and International Labour Migration. He worked closely with the erstwhile Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs, Government of India, Department of Non-Resident Keralite Affairs (NORKA), Government of Kerala and Kerala State Planning Board. He is currently co-chairing the working group on NORKA for the thirteenth five-year plan (2017–2022) of Kerala State Planning Board, Government of Kerala, and is initiating the Kerala Migration Survey 2018, funded by the Department of NORKA, Government of Kerala. He is editor of the two Routledge series India Migration Report (annual) since 2010 and South Asia Migration Report (biennial) and is the founder and editor-in-chief of the journal Migration and Development.

http://taylorandfrancis.com

This annual series strives to bring together international networks of migration scholars and policy makers to document and discuss research on various facets of migration. It encourages interdisciplinary commentaries on diverse aspects of the migration experience and con-tinues to focus on the economic, social, cultural, ethical, security and policy ramifications of international movements of people.

India Migration Report 2013Social Costs of Migration

India Migration Report 2014Diaspora and Development

India Migration Report 2015Gender and Migration

India Migration Report 2016Gulf Migration

India Migration Report 2017Forced Migration

India Migration Report 2018Migrants in Europe

India Migration Report 2019Diaspora in Europe

For a full list of titles in this series, please visit www.routledge.com

India Migration ReportEditor: S. Irudaya RajanCentre for Development Studies, Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India

India Migration Report 2019Diaspora in Europe

Edited by S. Irudaya Rajan

First published 2019by Routledge2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2019 selection and editorial matter, S. Irudaya Rajan; individual chapters, the contributors

The right of S. Irudaya Rajan to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

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Dedicated to the memory of my teachers atInternational Institute for Population Sciences, MumbaiProfessor K.B. PathakProfessor S. Mukerji

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List of figures xiiList of tables xivNotes on contributors xviPreface xviiiAcknowledgements xxv

1 Skilled Indians in Switzerland: mobility paths and transnational connections 1GABRIELA TEJADA

2 Crossing past and present: heritage and identity among Hindu-Gujarati diaspora in Portugal 28INÊS LOURENÇO

3 Indian community in the United Kingdom: settlement, achievements and challenges 41SHINDER S. THANDI

4 The Punjabi diaspora in the United Kingdom: an overview of characteristics and contributions to India 60RUPA CHANDA

5 Pathways of integration in Italy: Indian immigrants in Emilia Romagna 81MEENAKSHI THAPAN

Contents

x Contents

6 International migration and place-based inequalities: the case of high-skilled migration and student mobility to eastern Germany 106MUSTAFA AKSAKAL

7 The abstract concept of an ‘Indian community’: perceptions of high-skilled migrants and international students from India in Germany 123KERSTIN SCHMIDT

8 Skilled Indian migrants and their differential engagement with the Dutch society 137AJAY BAILEY

9 Transnational emotion work: the Punjabi diaspora in Europe 154STEVE TAYLOR

10 Creating communities within a community: understanding the Indian diaspora in Europe 171PRIYA VIJAYKUMAR POOJARY

11 The effect of economic capital and Swedish cultural capital on bonding and bridging ties: a study of first-generation Malayalees in Sweden 183RENU VINOD

12 Transforming homelands: Punjabi diaspora and capital flows 200ROSY HASTIR

13 Diasporic ageing and home-making practices of Hindustani Surinamese older adults in the Netherlands 213MARLEEN FLUIT, AJAY BAILEY AND RUBEN BOUWMAN

14 From Kerala to Switzerland: India’s forgotten diaspora 234SANTHY IYYAKKUNNEL

Contents xi

15 Changing demographics and intimate relation patterns among Indian diaspora in Denmark 249RASHMI SINGLA AND AMBIKA VARMA

16 Economic impacts of migration on UK labour markets: the case study of Indians in Britain 274YASIN KEREM GÜMÜŞ AND RAKESH RANJAN

17 The impact of the Trump administration on immigration 289S. IRUDAYA RAJAN AND NIKHIL PANICKER

18 Impact of demographic transition in Kerala on migration and labour force 316S. IRUDAYA RAJAN, BENOY PETER, UDAYA S. MISHRA

AND VISHNU NARENDRAN

19 Panel data analysis in Kerala Migration Surveys, 1998–2013 330S. IRUDAYA RAJAN AND K.C. ZACHARIAH

20 Migration and income inequality: evidence from rural Uttar Pradesh 344RUCHI SINGH

Index 364

3.1 Indians in England and Wales by birth and settlement period 44

3.2 Representation of religious groups in higher managerial, administrative or professional occupations in England and Wales, 2011 50

6.1 Indian migrant flows in Germany, 1960–2014 109 6.2 In- and outflows of Indian students and

professionals to and from Germany, 2010, 2012, 2014 109

15.1 Indian diaspora in Denmark, 2008–2017 251 16.1 Net migration, UK, 1964–2015 275 16.2 Population in UK by country of birth 275 16.3 India-born population (,000) in the United Kingdom 283 17.1 Immigrants as a percentage of US population,

1850–2015 291 17.2 US GDP growth rate (%), 1945–2016 292 17.3 Immigration to the US by continent, 1999–2015 293 17.4 Top 6 immigrant-sending countries, 1999–2015 293 17.5 Immigrants in civilian labour force, 1980–2015 297 17.6 Number and share of Mexican immigrants,

1850–2016 301 17.7 Refugees from seven Muslim countries, 2006–2015 302 17.8 H-1B visas, 2007–2017 308 17.9 H-1B visas by country, 2016 308 17.10 Occupation and H-1B visas, 2015 309 18.1 Annual exponential growth rate and rate of natural

increase of Kerala population, 1961–2011 318 18.2 Population in Kerala by sex and census year,

1961–2011 318 18.3 Population distribution: Kerala, 1961 319

Figures

Figures xiii

18.4 Population distribution: Kerala, 2011 320 18.5 Estimates of migrants from Kerala: 1998–2016 322 18.6 Inter-state migrants to Kerala by place of birth data,

census 1971–2001 323 19.1 Age cohort of head of the households, 1998–2013 335 19.2 Households by religion 336

3.1 Growth of Indian community in Britain, 1951–2011 44 3.2 Religious population in England and Wales showing

changes between 2001 and 2011 45 3.3 Major religious groups among Indians in England

and Wales, 2011 45 3.4 Immigration acts and race relations legislation in

Britain since 1962 47 4.1 Estimated size of different overseas Indian

communities 61 11.1 India-born persons and persons born in Sweden

with one or both parents from India, as of 31 December 2014 186

14.1 Overview of the interviewed Keralite migrant families in Switzerland, 2015 237

15.1 Indian population in Denmark, 2008–2017 251 15.2 Indian employment, 2015 252 15.3 Indian crime rates, 2000–2016 253 15.4 Marriages in Denmark 254 16.1 Concentration of foreign-born workers employed in

the UK 281 16.2 Latest changes in international migration to the

UK, year ending March 2016 and year ending March 2017 283

16.3 Latest changes in net migration by citizenship in the UK, year ending March 2016 and year ending March 2017 284

17.1 Immigrant share of total US population, 1970–2015 291 17.2 Share of foreign and native-born workers in

occupation, 2015 296 19.1 KMS panels, 1998–2013 331 19.2 KMS old and new panels, 1998–2018 332

Tables

Tables xv

19.3 Change in household population, 1998–2013 333 19.4 Percent of households according to HH size,

1998–2013 333 19.5 Cross-tabulation of HH sizes, 1998–2013 334 19.6 Sex of head of the household, 1998–2013 334 19.7 Changes in the migration status of households

(distribution) 336 19.8 Changes in the migration status of households

(cross-tabulation 1998–2013) 337 19.9 Changes in the quality of houses with migration

status, 1998, 2013 338 19.10 Standard of Living Index by household type,

1998–2003–2008–2013 338 19A.1 Changes in the quality of house according to

migration status, 2013, 2008 341 19A.2 Changes in the quality of house according to

migration status, 2003, 1998 341 19A.3 Comparison of consumption pattern among

household types 342 20.1 Distribution of migrant and non-migrant

households in selected sample villages in Jaunpur district (in percentage) 349

20.2a Demographic profile of sample migrant households of surveyed villages in Jaunpur district 350

20.2b Demographic profile of sample migrant households of surveyed villages in Jaunpur district according to their social group 351

20.3a Occupational and income details of sample migrant households in surveyed villages of Jaunpur district 353

20.3b Occupational and income details of sample migrant households in surveyed villages of Jaunpur district according to social group 354

20.4a Income, occupational and expenditure details of migrant and non-migrant households of surveyed villages in Jaunpur district 355

20.4b Social group-wise income, occupational and expenditure details of migrants and non-migrant households of surveyed villages in Jaunpur district 356

20.5a Gini coefficient with and without remittances for sample villages 358

20.5b Gini coefficient across various social groups in sample households of Jaunpur district 358

Mustafa Aksakal is post-doctoral researcher at Bielefeld University, Germany.

Ajay Bailey is Assistant Professor, Department of Human Geogra-phy and Spatial Planning, Utrecht University, the Netherlands and Dr. T.M.A. Pai Endowed Chair in Qualitative Methods, Manipal University, Manipal, India.

Ruben Bouwman is with Faculty of Spatial Sciences, University of Groningen, the Netherlands.

Rupa Chanda is Reserve Bank of India Chair Professor in Economics at Indian Institute of Management, Bengaluru, India.

Marleen Fluit is with Faculty of Spatial Sciences, University of Gron-ingen, the Netherlands.

Yasin Kerem Gümüş is Assistant Professor at Sakarya University, Turkey.

Rosy Hastir is independent researcher who obtained a doctorate from University of Delhi, India.

S Irudaya Rajan is Professor at Centre for Development Studies, Ker-ala, India.

Santhy Iyyakkunnel is researcher with the Graduate Institute in Geneva and lives in Switzerland.

Inês Lourenço is an integrated researcher at Center in Research Net-work in Anthropology, Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, and asso-ciate researcher at Center for International Studies of the University Institute of Lisbon, Portugal.

Contributors

Contributors xvii

Udaya S. Mishra is Professor at the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, India.

Vishnu Narendran is Director of Program at Centre for Migration and Inclusive Development, Kochi, India.

Nikhil Panicker is Researcher at the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, India.

Benoy Peter is Executive Director, Centre for Migration and Inclusive Development, Kochi, India.

Priya Vijaykumar Poojary is researcher on European studies at Department of European Studies, Manipal University, Karnataka. She was a visiting student at Metropolitan University Prague, Czech Republic.

Rakesh Ranjan is Doctoral Fellow at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India.

Kerstin Schmidt is Faculty of Sociology, Bielefeld University, Germany.

Ruchi Singh is Assistant Professor in Rural Management (Emerg-ing Economies) at Prin. L.N. Welingkar Institute of Management Development & Research, Mumbai, India.

Rashmi Singla is Associate Professor at Department of People and Technology, Roskilde University, Denmark.

Steve Taylor is Professor of Sociology, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, Design and Social Sciences, Northumbria Univer-sity, United Kingdom.

Gabriela Tejada is a scientist with Cooperation and Development Center, Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne, Switzerland.

Shinder S. Thandi is Professor at the Department of Global Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, United States of America.

Meenakshi Thapan is Professor of Sociology, Delhi School of Eco-nomics, University of Delhi, India.

Ambika Varma is associated with Roskilde University, Denmark.

Renu Vinod is independent sociologist and lives in Pune, India.

K.C. Zachariah is Honorary Professor at the Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum, India.

It is my pleasure to introduce the tenth edition of the India Migration Report (IMR), which concentrates on diaspora in Europe. In the cur-rent geopolitical climate, the rise in fragmentation of groups is, in part, due to an inadequacy in the understanding of identities and cultures of diaspora around the world. Better knowledge of fellow human beings from a different cultural lineage will make it easier to cross some of these fault lines in society that are being deliberately widened by a few. Based on studies in Europe and India, the current volume examines pathways of settlement of migrants, connectivity and achievement of diaspora communities and challenges faced in successful integration into the larger society. In this framework, the Report emphasises the need to recondition ideals of multiculturalism and union to create a less disintegrated world. Before we consider the contents of this vol-ume, I would like to recapitulate the ideas discussed in previous ones.

The inaugural volume, India Migration Report 2010, researched labour management and governance issues on international labour migration. The Report assessed the flow and characteristics of differ-ent types of migrant workers to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries to make a comparison with historical phases. Along with factoring the gender dimensions of migration, the Report scrutinised prevailing labour laws that lead to human rights violations at the des-tination and the unscrupulous practices of recruitment at the source. The need for a national migration policy for India was emphasised especially considering the fact that other labour-exporting nations such as the Philippines have implemented such a policy, making their migration practices more just.

The second volume, India Migration Report 2011, investigated iden-tity, conflict and violence in the context of internal migration within India. The Report focused on the implications of internal migration, livelihood strategies, recruitment processes, and development and

Preface

Preface xix

policy concerns to critically review the existing institutional frame-work. This volume also analysed the various facets of migration, focusing on employment networks, gender dimensions and linkages between migration and development, to provide concrete policy sug-gestions to improve the living and working conditions of vulner-able migrant workers who are a lifeline to the growth of the Indian economy.

The India Migration Report 2012 studied dimensions of the global financial crisis and its economic and social impact on governance, emi-gration, remittances, return migration and re-integration. The Report, through rigorous quantitative and qualitative analyses and fieldwork in both the Gulf region and South Asia, concluded that, contrary to popular predictions, both emigration and remittances were more resil-ient than expected.

The fourth volume, India Migration Report 2013, was an empiri-cal assessment of an often-neglected space in migration research – the social, psychological and human costs for both migrants and the fami-lies they leave behind. Based on qualitative and quantitative research, the Report addressed concerns such as children’s negotiation of paren-tal migration, coping mechanisms adopted by women left behind, uti-lisation of social networks by the elderly, along with broader impacts of migration on the family and the demographic implications on soci-ety. In addition, the Report also included articles dealing with skilled mobility such as nurses’ migration and critical assessments of bilateral mobility agreements among nations to protect Indian workers.

In the fifth volume, India Migration Report 2014, results from one of the first series of systematic studies on contribution of diasporas in development, both in countries of origin as well as destination, were presented. Based on case studies on Indian diaspora in the Gulf region and the United Kingdom, the Report probed how diasporas’ human and financial resources could be utilised for economic growth and sus-tainable development, especially in education and health. Moreover, the Report offered critical insights on migrant experiences, transna-tionalism, philanthropic networks, and indigenisation and diaspora policies.

The India Migration Report 2015 explored migration and its crucial linkages with gender. While documenting the experiences of migrants from across India, the Report highlighted the relationship between economics and changing gender dynamics brought about by migration, by studying important issues such as irregular migration, marriage migration and domestic labour migration, and the intercon-nections of migration, gender and caste.

xx Preface

The seventh volume, India Migration Report 2016, was exclusively on migration to the Persian Gulf region. Bringing together the lat-est field data on migrants across states in India, this volume looked at contemporary labour recruitment and policy, both in India and in the GCC countries. Furthermore, the Report also considered gen-der dimensions of India–Gulf migration corridor to understand the increasing vulnerability of female migrants.

In the eighth volume, India Migration Report 2017, attention was drawn to forced migration caused by political conflicts, climate change, natural as well as man-made disasters and development pro-jects. Apart from conflicts and disasters, development projects, includ-ing urban redevelopment and beautification, often justified as serving the interests of the people, have caused massive displacements in dif-ferent parts of the country that have disrupted the lives and livelihoods of millions of people. Combining a rich mix of research methods and in-depth case studies, this Report examined the brunt of forced migra-tion on diverse groups such as peasants, the poor, religious and ethnic minorities, and women that lead to their exclusion and marginalisa-tion. The struggles and protests movements of displaced groups across regions and their outcomes were also assessed in this volume.

And finally, the previous volume, India Migration Report 2018, was on migration to Europe. This Report, with an emphasis on recent international events such as the European Refugee Crisis and Brexit, researched various issues faced by migrants in Europe such as social security benefits, work permit schemes, policy changes in terms of visa requirements for health, information, technology professionals and linguistic and gender norms within transnational communities.

The India Migration Report 2019 features the life and history of Indian diaspora in Europe. According to the United Nations’ Depart-ment of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), with over 15.5 mil-lion living outside the country in 2015, India’s diaspora population is one of the largest in the world. Since 2005, when Indians formed the world’s third-largest diaspora at 9.5 million, their numbers have risen by a staggering 60 percent. Additionally, the total number of interna-tional migrants grew by over 41 percent since 2000 to 244 million, or about 3.3 percent of the world population. The host society with the largest number of international migrants is Europe, with 76 million immigrants. Moreover, of the twenty countries with the largest num-ber of international migrants living abroad, six are in Europe.

Migration, being one of the defining features of the twenty-first cen-tury, significantly contributes to economic and social development eve-rywhere. As such, migration will be key to achieving the Sustainable

Preface xxi

Development Goals (SDGs). The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Devel-opment recognises for the first time the contribution of migration to sustainable development. Migration is a cross-cutting issue and is relevant to all of the SDGs. Particularly, SDG 16 calls on states to ‘promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all, and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels’. However, in spite of these agree-ments, legal and social protection coverage of migrants remains low. Furthermore, established diaspora are increasingly being alienated, and in many cases even subjugated, by populist regimes.

This volume is an inter-disciplinary work of twenty chapters that explore these issues and more. In the opening chapter, based on evi-dence collected through in-depth interviews, Gabriela Tejada looks at the mobility paths and experiences of Indian students and skilled professionals in Switzerland and examines the transnational contacts, knowledge, skills and social capital they accumulate that shape the type of connection they have with India.

The second chapter narrates how the process of building places of worship is akin to territorialising immigrant presence that creates new symbolic universes. Inês Lourenço, with intensive ethnographic research focuses on the process of identity consolidation around mate-rial culture and temple construction of a Hindu community in the Great Lisbon Area. The choices of tangible and intangible heritage made by individuals to represent themselves, their community and their diverse backgrounds are also analysed in this chapter.

In the third chapter, Shinder S. Thandi provides both a historical overview on migration patterns as well as recent trends in Indian migration to the UK and assesses the socio-economic condition of contemporary Indian diaspora in the UK. India’s long migratory rela-tionship with the UK, which deepened during the colonial period and expanded afterwards, has led to the emergence of an economically and politically successful Indian community in the UK. This has had important implications for both the inner dynamics of the Indian dias-pora in the UK as well as on Indo-British economic and diplomatic relations. Finally, this chapter discusses some of the current challenges facing the community.

The fourth chapter, by Rupa Chanda, focuses on the Punjabi dias-pora community in the UK and their contributions to the home state of Punjab. Based on in-depth discussions with Punjabis settled in the UK as well as migration and diaspora experts on the contributions made by this diaspora to their home state, the author emphasises the importance of creating a business-friendly environment in the state of

xxii Preface

Punjab to incentivise successful diaspora to participate in the develop-mental process.

In the fifth chapter, Meenakshi Thapan takes a look at the diverse ways in which citizens and immigrants in northern Italy are engaged in the processes of integration across cultures, faiths and linguistic bar-riers. Cosmopolitan sociability and its construction through networks of interconnection and locally based activities have been imperative in blurring racial lines in Italy, which is popularly known as a strongly nationalistic society.

Indian migration to Germany is momentous. In 2016, India repre-sented the most important non-EU country of origin for high-skilled migrants and the second-most-significant sending country for inter-national students. Although there is strength in numbers, Mustafa Aksakal in Chapter 6 talks about territorial inequalities that have an influence on integration and subsequently affect personal goal achieve-ment among Indian migrants. The author demonstrates that due to low exposure to diversity among the native population, institutions and companies, Indians living in the eastern states of Germany experi-ence discrimination and exclusion.

The seventh chapter by Kerstin Schmidt seeks to understand the abstract concept of ‘Indian community’. Using a mixed research method, this chapter unfolds the concept as a social group arising out of a desire to belong and as a means to be distant from other migrants, especially humanitarian migrants.

The eighth chapter by Ajay Bailey is a qualitative study based on narratives of skilled Indian migrants in the Netherlands. This chapter gives deeper insights on how they perceive their role in the Dutch soci-ety and what they recognise to be their contributions. These contribu-tions are mediated through a range of intersectional identities such as gender, skills, religion, caste and class, making the experiences of migrants diverse. This lack of common space for bonding is an impedi-ment in creating meaningful relationships with civil society and the government.

Steve Taylor, in Chapter 9, contributes to a vastly growing literature on transnational ‘emotion work’. Emotion work refers to the manage-ment of feeling in order to create a publicly observable display. This outward countenance that produces the proper state of mind in others, and which is part of a search for identity, is explored deeply within an Indian Punjabi transnational community in Europe.

In the tenth chapter, Priya Vijaykumar Poojary dives deep to under-stand the serious question – what exactly is the Indian diaspora? This chapter is the result of ten interviews of Indians living in different parts

Preface xxiii

of Europe to understand the idea of ‘Indianness’. The similarities and differences between people who retain and shed certain aspects of this idea are advanced to discern if Indians abroad constitute a uniting diaspora.

Renu Vinod, in the eleventh chapter, links empirical evidence with theoretical literature on the inter-disciplinary concept of social capital to demonstrate the selectivity that first-generation Malayalees in Swe-den exhibit in building intimate bonding capital within social groups. This chapter suggests that contrary to popular belief, shared ethnic identity does not invariably lead to the creation of strong bonding capital.

Chapter 12 by Rosy Hastir looks at various transnational links migrants maintain with their homeland. These links are shown to be imperative in the development and transformation of their native com-munities in the homeland. This chapter is the consequence of a study of Punjabi Sikh migrants in Italy, the second largest Sikh population in Europe after the United Kingdom.

In Chapter 13, Marleen Fluit, Ajay Bailey and Ruben Bouwman examine the topic of older migrants in Europe by investigating the home-making practices of older Hindustani Surinamese living in the Netherlands that contribute to their well-being. The sharing of rituals in schemas provides a sense of community and safety that are highly valued by most in old age.

The fourteenth chapter, by Santhy Iyyakkunnel, stresses the impor-tance of diaspora engagement by the source societies. Switzerland and the Indian state of Kerala, on which this chapter is based, is a clas-sic example on the untapped and under-utilised potential of diaspora. The author reminds us not to ignore smaller diaspora populations in favour of larger ones.

In Chapter 15, Rashmi Singla and Ambika Varma skilfully diverge from the much discussed social and economic context of Indian dias-pora to focus on psychosocial aspects of transnationalism and the formation of intimate relationships. Empirically, they study the for-mation of ‘mixed couples’ consisting of Indians in ethnically hetero-gamous relationships with Danish spouses and the transformation of these relationship patterns over the decades, thus touching on notions of belonging and identity.

Chapter 16 studies the management of labour migration during times of financial and political crises. Using data from the United King-dom, Yasin Kerem Gümüş and Rakesh Ranjan explore the negative impact on the strength and agility of labour markets due to economic crises and conceive ways to navigate following periods of recovery.

xxiv Preface

Chapters 17 to 20 investigate other topics on migration. In Chap-ter 17, S. Irudaya Rajan and Nikhil Panicker scrutinise the influence of the presidency of Donald Trump on migration. They also deliberate on the politics and attitudes about immigration that led to his election. Besides, the rationale behind and repercussions of Trump’s policies on immigration are developed in detail.

S. Irudaya Rajan, Benoy Peter, Udaya S. Mishra and Vishnu Nar-endran, in Chapter 18, delve into the demographic transition in the Indian state of Kerala, a state set apart from the rest of the country in human development. This chapter summarises the changes in mortal-ity and fertility in Kerala since its formation and the impact of these changes on the migration scenario of the state. Implications of such a scenario for the state’s economy, which is heavily dependent on remit-tances, are also analysed.

Chapter 19 is on the results from a panel data analysis of four rounds of Kerala Migration Surveys (KMSs) between 1998 and 2013. The research spanning fifteen years effectively answers questions on the nature of transformation of migrant households. KMS 2018 will improve the scope of this panel study, and it will be the first migration study in the world to understand the lives of migrants over a span of twenty years.

The final chapter is on the complicated and less understood rela-tion between migration and income inequality. Here, Ruchi Singh inquires into this critical relationship as proposed by the new econom-ics of labour migration (NELM) through empirical research in rural Uttar Pradesh – a region currently witnessing a high growth rate in migration.

The future volumes of the India Migration Report are in the pro-cess. IMR 2020 will concentrate on refugees in India while the focus of the 2021 volume will be the health of migrants.

S. Irudaya Rajan

The India Migration Reports (IMR), since their inception a decade ago, have drawn great support and global recognition from readers that include development practitioners, policy makers, researchers as well as activists and have emerged as influential reference works in the field. I express my sincere gratitude to all contributors who have helped make every volume in this series a must-read. In par-ticular, I thank all the contributors who have made IMR 2019 an appealing and thought-provoking collection of articles on diaspora in Europe.

The series, which was conceived in 2008, after the erstwhile Minis-try of Overseas Indian Affairs (MOIA) established the Research Unit on International Migration (RUIM) at the Centre for Development Studies in 2006, has successfully brought out ten volumes. I take this opportunity to thank all the secretaries at the MOIA, in particular S. Krishna Kumar, K. Mohandas and Dr. A. Didar Singh, for their back-ing and guidance throughout the life of RUIM at CDS between 2006 and 2016.

At CDS, I thank K.M. Chandrasekhar, Chairman; Sunil Mani, Director; Suresh Kumar, Registrar; V. Sriram, Librarian; and S. Suresh, Finance Officer, along with my colleagues, students, administrative and library staff for their encouragement and wishes in all my aca-demic endeavours. Over the last ten years, earlier directors at CDS, K.N. Nair, Pulapre Balakrishnan and Amit Shovon Ray; and Chair-persons N.R. Madhava Menon and Bimal Jalan have provided all the necessary backing to make the series a success. I also appreciate my own research team members – S. Sunitha, K.S. Sreeja, Nikhil Panicker, Sidharth Rony, Sayed Migdad and Sreelakshmi R. – who were funda-mental in putting this report together.

Acknowledgements

xxvi Acknowledgements

Besides, I am indebted to my wife Hema and our three children – Rahul, Rohit and Mary Catharine – for their emotional support, patience and understanding throughout the years.

Last but not least, I would like to acknowledge the hard work of the editorial and sales teams at Routledge in bringing this report out on time.

S. Irudaya Rajan

1.1 Introduction

Global transformations and technological advances have helped gen-erate communication and information systems and transport networks that have facilitated connections between people and their mobil-ity. The intensification of international migration, which involves increased movements of skilled persons to countries other than their own, has led to concerns about the effects that it has on developing countries (Castles and Miller 2009). Although we are now witnessing a type of human mobility, especially in the case of skilled profession-als, that is of a more temporary and flexible nature than that of previ-ous decades, the social capital accumulated by these people and their transnational connections has taken on a particular relevance.

The studies that examine the power of Western countries to attract talent mention the demand for skilled professionals in innovative production sectors, the internationalisation of higher education, the prestige of academic and research institutions, the proliferation of post-graduate scholarships and migratory policies. These elements, combined with others of an emotional and personal nature, play a decisive role in mobility-related decisions and about whether migrants remain in the host country or return to their country of origin.

India is a very interesting case to study for several reasons. Until the last decade, the vast majority of skilled Indians saw the United States as their main destination for work or study, but in more recent times, the countries of continental Europe have become alternative destinations, especially within the academic, research and engineering sectors. As India has developed into one of the countries of origin with the largest numbers of skilled personnel and international students, it has been increasingly considered as a priority country in public higher-education and labour-market strategies. Its growing global importance in terms

1 Skilled Indians in SwitzerlandMobility paths and transnational connections

Gabriela Tejada

2 Gabriela Tejada

of science, technology and innovation has also seen it become an essential partner for scientific cooperation and research. In addition, more and more skilled Indians are seen as being capable of generating social transformations in India, with recent studies confirming their role in the development of knowledge-intensive activities there and their active involvement in the country’s integration into the global market (Kapur 2004; Saxenian 2006). This has reinforced the image of the Indian diaspora as having an important role to play as an active and creative mediator that is generating change in India (Leclerc and Meyer 2007; Siddiqui and Tejada 2014).

While the mobility of skilled Indians to Europe has attracted plenty of attention, we still know very little about the Indian skilled profes-sionals and students in these destination countries and their employ-ment or study situation in the local contexts. There is also scant evidence about their transnational contacts and the social capital they have accumulated through their mobility paths and the effects that these have on their mobility decisions and their type of connections with the home country.

This chapter illustrates a case study of skilled Indians in Switzer-land, who are mostly temporary stayers, ready to leave the country in the short-term horizon. According to the Swiss Federal Statistics Office, almost half of all Indians with a tertiary education remain in Switzerland for less than five years.1 They stay in Switzerland in the expectation of continuing their migratory journey elsewhere, to new destinations that arise according to available opportunities and per-sonal interests. The social capital they accumulate during their career itineraries plays a decisive role in their migration preferences and deci-sions. Even though the value attached to social capital depends on time and place, the new spatial forms created by international migrants reveal the power of transnational contacts as valuable assets for their local and transnational-based practices. Based on evidence collected through in-depth interviews, this chapter focuses on the mobility paths and experiences of Indian students and skilled professionals in the Swiss local context, and it examines the transnational contacts, knowledge, skills and further social capital they accumulate in differ-ent spaces and places, which influence their subsequent mobility deci-sions and shape the type of connection they have with India.

1.2 Mobility, social capital and transnational connections

In reviewing the literature that examines the mobility paths and experiences of skilled human resources and the conditions for

Skilled Indians in Switzerland 3

socio-economic and technological progress, the studies that stand out allow us to assess the manner in which these elements are interrelated and the effects that are generated for the countries.

For the most part, the literature represents two fields of study. The first of these focuses on the links between science, technology and society, and it looks at the international mobility of skilled human resources from the perspective of the internationalisation of higher education and the globalisation of science. Within the current context of accelerated globalisation, which in its broadest concept involves an increase in world connectivity and the expansion of a global conscience (Robertson 2016), we see how developed countries compete with each other to attract talent from the global offer of human capital, while the mobility of skilled personnel in search of opportunities outside their borders increases. Recognising the value of knowledge in terms of strengthening the systems of innovation and progress, this mobil-ity has considerable potential for the destination countries, which benefit from the contributions of skilled individuals, but it also has potential for the countries of origin, especially the less developed ones (Vinck 2013). Recent case studies have set out strategies to absorb human capital by using retention or return mechanisms, the transfer of knowledge and skills through institutional-linkage networks and the establishment of knowledge diasporas (Kuznetsov 2006; Tejada 2012; Meyer 2015).

The second field focuses on the links between migration and devel-opment, where the growing transnational nature of migration – so rel-evant in contemporary migration – has become more prominent over the past two decades (Vertovec 2004; Bauböck and Faist 2010; Faist et al. 2011). Recent research analyses the capacity of migrants to get involved simultaneously in multiple locations through various kinds of links, and this research incorporates observations of the circulation of ideas, symbols and knowledge into the study of the movement of per-sons (Levitt and Glick-Schiller 2004; Vertovec 2004; Faist 2010). The interest in the transnational actions carried out by migrants, whether individually or as members of diasporas, translates into an academic discussion that sees them as agents who are capable of generating posi-tive effects for the countries of origin (Kapur 2004; Faist et al. 2011; Kuznetsov 2013).

Within the two fields of study, we can see a special analytical focus on aspects related to the circulation of knowledge and other resources that skilled migrants acquire and accumulate through their interna-tional academic or professional experiences and the actions that link them to their country of origin. Empirical evidence has allowed us to analyse the profiles of emigrated students and skilled professionals,

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their international mobility paths, the elements that influence their mobility decisions, and the types of resources and links that they accu-mulate during their career itineraries. The reflection includes recom-mendations on mechanisms and strategies that allow the countries of origin to absorb these resources through physical return or by capitalis-ing on skills and resources from a distance (CODEV-EPFL et al. 2013).

Some assumptions and analytical elements from the literature on international migration, whilst not sufficiently addressing the study of skilled migration, are useful in terms of understanding it better. In an analytical framework based on social capital and social remittances, it is interesting to observe the forms of social capital that skilled migrants acquire during their academic paths and professional experiences and the effect that these have on their mobility decisions and the estab-lishment of transnational links. They usually accumulate contacts, knowledge, skills, ideas and other social capital during their migratory paths. The transfer of this accumulated social capital to the country of origin is known as social remittances (Levitt and Lamba-Nieves 2011). Bourdieu (1986) defines social capital as the cumulative actual and potential resources that are interconnected to the possession of a durable network of established relationships of mutual recognition. For Putnam (2000), social capital denotes the nature and degree of one’s social relations and associated norms of reciprocity. According to Portes (1998), social capital stands for the ability of actors to secure benefits by virtue of membership in social networks or other social structures. For Bruggeman (2008) social capital represents the benefits of the interpersonal contacts of social networks, where social cohesion as well as structural and contextual elements are crucial for their crea-tion. Such considerations denote social capital as an individual’s duties and prospects in the form of resources or capital invested in someone for future use. It is therefore a resource that is capitalised upon and turned into concrete assets by the recipients.

Social capital is closely related to individual mobility decisions. According to Faist (2000), the decisions that potential migrants make about whether to remain or to leave must be considered within the context of their connections. Van Mol (2017) shows that transna-tional social capital acquired by international students through their overseas experiences and contacts leads to increased aspirations to repeat migration.

Following Nowicka and Serbedzija (2016), when we study social remittances, we need to look beyond the types of resources that are being sent and incorporate the result of the transactions that impact social relations, cultural values and rules and the economic conditions


of the actors involved into the focus. The interest in the effects of these transfers is evident, and empirical research shows us that the process of social transformation has taken on a relevant role as a conceptual framework that allows us to understand the link between human mobility and global change (De Haas 2008; Glick Schiller and Faist 2009; Castles 2012; Nowicka and Serbedzija 2016). This discussion highlights the fact that the assets linked to social remittances can gen-erate positive or negative effects, for example by contributing to rising or declining income inequality (Glick Schiller and Faist 2009). While Levitt and Lamba-Nieves (2011) point out that migrants can be agents who change their societies of origin and contribute to a restructuring of social inequalities through social remittances, Lacroix et al. (2016) highlight the determining role that available material resources play in ensuring an effective circulation of ideas and practices whilst warn-ing of the relationship between the transfer of social remittances and social disparities.

Another relevant angle for our study is the analysis of space and place with the upsurge of transnational social spaces (Faist 2000, Ver-tovec 2001; Van Riemsdijk and Wang 2017). Recognising the power of social networks and transnational contacts that extend beyond national borders as a necessary element for understanding international mobil-ity, the literature examines how these contacts and networks facilitate social action and help people to easily reach their objectives, and it shows that contemporary migrants have developed the skill of build-ing new spatial forms. The value attached to a migrant’s skills, com-petences and other social capital depends on time and place, as well as the person and the socio-cultural and political context that they find themselves in (Kuvik 2012; Van Riemsdijk 2013). Notwithstanding the wealth of contributions from the perspective of space and place, these have not sufficiently explained the process of the accumulation of social capital by skilled migrants along their mobility trajectories and their local and transnational place-based practices.

1.3 Indian students and skilled professionals in Western Europe

India has been a significant source country of international labour for many years. Overseas Indians constitute one of the world’s largest dias-poras, which was estimated to be about 30 million strong in 2016.2 Indian labour migrants can be found in multiple regions around the world. While the Middle East is a common destination for low-skilled Indians, the highly skilled are mainly found in North America and

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Europe (especially the United Kingdom; Khadria 2007). Over the last decade, Indians comprised the fourth-largest group of new immigrants in the OECD space (after China, Romania and Poland), with a yearly average of 236,000 Indians migrating to these countries between 2005 and 2015. In 2015, Indians represented 3.9 percent of all new OECD immigrant inflows. In addition, within the OECD group of countries, India is the top source of skilled migrants from non-industrialised countries (UN-UNDESA and OECD 2013).

Over the past two decades and more, we have been able to observe a systematic increase in the flows of skilled professionals from India to new destinations in continental Europe, which have emerged as a consequence of their transformation into knowledge-based economies and their policy strategies to attract skilled personnel (Buga and Meyer 2012; Mosneaga 2014; OECD 2017). Current Indian skilled migra-tion to Europe comprises mainly persons involved in research and academia, engineers and professionals in the ICTs, finance and man-agement, and the pharmaceutical sector (CODEV-EPFL et al. 2013).

Indian international students are also an important component here, as they are a significant constituent of skilled migrants and represent the fastest-growing group among all migrant groups (OECD 2017). The role of international students as knowledge migrants who have the capacity to become mediators in shaping the structure, power and sustainability of academic knowledge has gained relevance with the increased number of international students over the last few decades (Findlay 2010; Raghuram 2013; King and Raghuram 2013; Riaño and Piguet 2016). Also, the study-to-work transition of international students, as a significant dimension of the transitional character of this category of migrants, has gained attention in recent research (Kuptsch 2006; Findlay et al. 2012; Mosneaga 2014).

The increase in Indian international student mobility of recent years is relevant. The UNESCO Institute for Statistics Database (UNESCO – UIS 2015) shows that international students from India increased almost threefold between 2000 and 2013, rising from 62,342 to 181,872. After China, Indian students make up the second largest number of international students enrolled in OECD countries, with Indians totalling 186,000 in 2014. In contrast to the 7 percent drop in the number of Chinese student enrolments in OECD countries between 2013 and 2014, Indian enrolments increased by 13 percent (OECD 2017). There are several factors to explain this growth. On the one hand, overseas experience is highly valued in India given the prevalent view that a foreign degree ensures better employment and better career prospects. Besides, more and more Indians are motivated


to pursue higher education and further specialisation out of their country as part of their career paths. This is related to a recognition of the benefits involved such as having access to study provisions and higher-quality research conditions (Martin-Rovet 2003; Findlay et al. 2012), as well as personal self-realisation associated with travel and experiencing another culture (King 2002; Ackers and Gill 2008). The rising Indian middle class that can afford foreign education is another influential factor (Kumar et al. 2009; Mukherjee and Chanda 2012), and this points to the transformation of the geographies of middle-class decision making in education as a result of the rise of the interna-tional education market (Waters 2006).

On the other hand, the internationalisation of higher education and competition for foreign talent among academic institutions stimulates a stronger demand for international students and active promoting strategies (Tremblay 2005; Mosneaga 2014; Hercog and Van de Laar 2017). This is backed by targeted immigration policies in destination countries, which facilitate the recruitment of people who are consid-ered to offer the highest economic payback. This trend of pushing student migration as a forerunner of labour migration (Kuptsch 2006; Ackers and Gill 2008; Findlay et al. 2012) is implemented in the praxis by allowing students who have been awarded degrees in their country to stay on after their studies and by giving them special treatment when they apply for residence permits. Some countries in continen-tal Europe are following this path. For example, the Netherlands and Germany allow foreign students to stay and seek employment for up to twelve and eighteen months, respectively, after they have completed their studies, while stays of up to six months are allowed in France and Switzerland. The Netherlands has recently moved to allow interna-tional students to come to study for more than 90 days by abolishing the requirement to apply for a temporary residence permit. The Neth-erlands and France have recently introduced targeted entry schemes for international innovative start-up entrepreneurs, which will poten-tially prompt those Indians who are willing to pursue the entrepre-neurial path (including international students) to consider moving to these countries to develop their business ideas. Despite these new policies, these countries are still not attractive enough as prospective work destinations to entice international students after graduation. As Hercog and Van de Laar (2016) have shown, even though continental European countries are attracting more and more Indian students for education purposes, they are still failing to absorb them into the local labour market or offer them interesting long-term career prospects. Failing to provide a smoother transition from studying to the labour

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market means that these countries remain short-term destinations, and this limits the relevance of the policies they have adopted to target skilled individuals (De Grip et al. 2009; Boeri et al. 2012; Hercog and Van de Laar 2016).

1.4 The Swiss context

Whereas in previous decades the prevalent strategy in Switzerland focussed on attracting foreign human capital as an economic buffer, this has evolved in recent years towards a more liberal option. Today, together with a favourable labour and academic environment, immi-gration policies aimed at attracting skilled foreign personnel who can bring a critical mass that is valuable for the economic interests of the country are complementary factors that have influenced the evolution of skilled migration from India to Switzerland, including the reception of international students (Becker et al. 2008; Pecoraro and Fibbi 2010; Mosneaga 2014). As international student recruitment is increasingly becoming a central part of the Swiss bilateral strategy for academic and scientific cooperation with specific countries, higher educa-tion and research policies are being restructured across the cantons to secure quality, competitiveness and growth (Becker and Kolster 2012). According to data from the OECD (2017), Switzerland regis-tered a total of 50,000 enrolments of international students in 2014. There was a particularly high share of international students at PhD level, accounting for 53 percent of all PhD enrolments in the country (against an average of 22 percent registered in OECD countries).

During the latter part of the last century, migration from India to Switzerland was the result of a modest flow of skilled persons. At that time, the Indian community in Switzerland was made up of a small group with diverse ethnic and linguistic characteristics, distributed geographically across the country. During this period associations were established, and these allowed students, and people from India in general, to meet and hold cultural and entertainment events with their fellow citizens. This geography has been recently transformed as a result of the rapid increase in the migration of skilled professionals, students and scientists from India, especially in the areas of engineer-ing, finance and management and biotechnology and the pharmaceu-tical industry. According to data from the Swiss Federal Office for Statistics (SFOS),3 the total number of Swiss-based individuals with Indian citizenship was estimated to be 2,353 and 3,864 in 1980 and 1990, respectively, whereas by the years 2000 and 2010 these esti-mated totals had reached 5,864 and 10,391, respectively. In 2015, the


total estimated number of people with Indian citizenship in Switzer-land was 13,589, which represents an increase of 231 percent since the turn of the millennium. This population, made up of 9,150 men and 4,439 women, is composed for the most part of recent young immi-grants (between the ages of 25 and 45) who have a high level of edu-cation (80 percent of them have third-level education), and they live mainly in the cantons of Zurich, Basel, Geneva and Vaud, which are representative due to the importance of their universities and research centres, as well as their multinational companies and industry.

If we examine the determining factors that facilitate or limit the incorporation and integration of skilled professionals and students from India in Switzerland, we can observe that the particular charac-teristics of the context and the social environment to which they are exposed play a significant role (Liebig et al. 2012; Hercog and Tejada 2013). Several elements such as the scientific and educational excel-lence of Swiss academic and research institutions, which are at the vanguard of technological progress and innovation, the high quality of life, security, as well as the favourable employment conditions offered by transnational companies all add up to provide a welcoming context that favours skilled migrants. Liebig et al. (2012) highlight the favour-able conditions that the Swiss labour market offers emigrant workers, and they base their findings on the fact that three out of every four persons of the total number of foreign workers are in employment, placing Switzerland as the leading country among the OECD coun-tries. These elements, together with the internationalisation of higher education and the professions, have resulted in the prevalence of a favourable situation for skilled migrants from India in Switzerland. At the same time, they possess valuable social capital, as they have a high educational level, work in jobs that are professionally recognised and have international experience. However, on occasion, several elements of a personal nature as well as others related to local structures may possibly make it difficult for them to integrate into Swiss society out-side the academic or professional environment. The temporary nature of their residence in Switzerland may also be determinant (Hercog and Tejada 2013).

1.4.1 In-depth interviews with skilled Indians in Switzerland

The following sections provide a qualitative analysis intended to help understand the mobility paths of skilled Indians in Switzerland and their experiences in the local context, with a particular focus on their

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transnational contacts and social capital accumulated, which influ-ence their onward mobility decisions and shape their connections with India. A series of 30 semi-structured interviews was held with Indian students, researchers and skilled professionals living in Switzerland with a view to advancing our knowledge of these issues. The study also benefits from observations made by the author while participat-ing in conferences and workshops on Indian international mobility as well as her attendance at social and cultural gatherings organised by the Indian community. The chapter draws on results from a broader research project on skilled Indians in selected European countries and returnees in India, which explored opportunities to leverage their potential in home country development, including the return option. The study was completed as part of the international project Migra-tion, scientific diasporas and development. Impact of skilled returned migration on development in India4 (CODEV-EPFL et al. 2013; Tejada et al. 2014).

The interviews were conducted with thirty individuals living in Swit-zerland who gave detailed explanations of their mobility trajectories and experiences, the motives that brought them to Switzerland, their study and/or working situation and experiences in the Swiss context, their connections involving India and the factors influencing further mobility plans. The interviews were conducted in several Swiss cities at two different times: a first round of twenty interviews was held in the period between July 2011 and June 2012, and these were com-plemented by ten additional interviews conducted between May and August 2017. Together, the interviews represent a sample of Indian students and researchers from several disciplines in main Swiss univer-sities and professionals in the sectors of engineering and ICTs, finance, banking and the pharmaceutical and food industries. Ten of the inter-viewees were women and twenty were men, and they represent a vari-ety of trajectories, resident status and lengths of stay. Each interview lasted about one to two hours and they were recorded and transcribed.

The following sections present some observations of the testimonies given by the interviewed persons in relation to these topics.

1.4.2 Mobility motives and trajectories

Better possibilities for professional advancement in the more developed countries is one of the most frequently cited aspects among the motiva-tions for moving and remaining abroad. The benefits that result from good working conditions and a competitive income level, career oppor-tunities and academic training opportunities at prestigious institutions,


as well as quality public services, also have an influence on mobility decisions (Gibson and McKenzie 2009). Despite the existing differ-ences between academic disciplines and professional sectors, the inter-nationalisation of the professions and higher education enables people to be more susceptible to mobility and more flexible when choosing their destinations, and this confirms the current multi-directionality and elasticity of skilled mobility (Meyer 2003; Bruneau 2010).

Prior experience of living abroad, whether it be for education, work or personal reasons, is an indicator of the mobility of a person and their familiarity with the cost of migration (Grundel and Peters 2008). Getting educated abroad increases the probability of an individual working in a foreign country (Parey and Waldinger 2008; De Grip et al. 2009).

The elements of space and place are also determining factors in mobility decisions, as shown in a recent study that examines whether the migratory paths of the skilled Indians are planned and carried out according to those advance plans or whether, on the contrary, their experiences in the host country make them change their plans and stay away for longer or move on sooner to another destination (Hercog and Siddiqui 2014). The study shows that perceptions of the quality of the institutions and conditions regarding the context and migratory policies in the host country affect immediate and future decisions. The time of stay in the destination country is also a factor of influence, as a longer stay in a host country allows a person to adjust better to the local society, rules and culture and in general to be less inclined to move on to another country or return to the country of origin.

After examining the migratory paths of the skilled Indians that we spoke to, we can see that, in general terms, there is no single reason behind their mobility decisions, but rather they have multiple reasons which are often interrelated. The most common reasons are a desire to access opportunities for academic advancement and professional growth and also, albeit to a lesser extent, to accompany a partner or reunite a family.

Various elements influence Indians’ mobility decisions depending on their main activity: skilled professionals working in the private sector on the one hand and students, researchers and professionals working in research and/or academia on the other, although the limits between the two categories are often not very clear. Skilled profes-sionals move to Switzerland to pursue career development opportuni-ties and accumulate experience in multinational or Swiss firms. Their mobility is mainly industry-driven and arranged by recruitment and relocation agencies and facilitated by their professional networks and

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organisational channels. In contrast, for students, researchers and professionals in the academic and research sector, migration is mainly driven by individual motivation and facilitated by their personal con-tacts and networks as they search for opportunities to expand their careers. In their case, scholarship programes and academic exchanges and scientific collaborations are formal vehicles of mobility.

The international professional and scientific setting together with Switzerland’s academic and scientific excellence are regarded as valu-able assets by skilled Indians as they seek to develop their careers. They mostly move in search of opportunities at the best institutions and companies, and geographic location does not play a crucial part in their choices. They generally stay in Switzerland on a temporary basis. This is especially true in the case of recently arrived Indians, as they see this move as another step in their ongoing movement to other destina-tions. Their narratives correspond to those usually depicted by non-domiciled transmigrants or globetrotters (Mahroum 2000), who are always ready to move from country to country, guided by the oppor-tunities with their corporations. A male professional in management who works for an international company in Geneva said that he first moved from Mumbai to London to study and from there to Geneva for work, where he has spent six months. He plans to stay a further two years and then move to Asia or the US:

The opportunity, the potential for growth and salary made me decide to come to Switzerland. I had three other offers, two in India and one in the UK. I had interned here over the summer and I liked it; that is why I joined. Quality of life is high and working conditions are excellent. (However) I am not interested in staying in Switzerland. I am hungry for opportunities and growth, and right now these are not in Europe.

A female PhD student at the University of Lausanne said that a mix of scientific excellence and financial benefits was behind her decision to come to Switzerland rather than go to the UK:

I applied for PhD opportunities in the UK and Europe. I wanted to be in Europe because the US is far away. I was accepted by a very good lab in Oxford but funding for international students at that time was cut. So I accepted the offer from the University of Laus-anne, which is renowned for its biological science research. I liked the place and the lab and the professors are great. At a PhD level, you get employee status and are paid, which is a big advantage.


The accumulation of transnational contacts of skilled Indians is note-worthy within the context of their migratory paths. Their mobil-ity, which often involves different destinations before they arrive in Switzerland, reveals multi-site paths that enable them to accumulate transnational contacts, experiences and different types of skills (pro-fessional, technical and social) that come into play simultaneously in Switzerland and in India. These connections are favourable in terms of furthering mobility and advancing their professional careers. Accord-ingly, we can say that the mobility trajectories and plans are influenced by the social relations and the professional and academic contacts that skilled migrants establish during their experiences abroad. We see that, in defining spaces through mobility and interaction, trans-national contacts link skilled Indians to specific places of origin and destination, offering them an array of social capital that extends the limits of the spaces where they move and thereby opening up new opportunities (Mahroum 2000; Van Mol 2017). A female PhD student at the University of Zurich explained that a friend in Germany had been a key contact for her move.

I knew a lot about studying in Switzerland before I came, as a friend I met in Bremen instructed me about visa procedures and students’ associations here. I also got to know my supervisor through her. This was of great help.

We have observed that families often shape mobility decisions. Like in the findings of Hercog and Van de Laar (2017), we observed that a family’s social capital not only acts as an enabler of mobility, sup-ported by social networks, but it can also deter mobility when private responsibilities or constraints impede new undertakings. The testimo-nies of the skilled Indians reveal their confrontation with the strong expectations of international adaptation from their families, col-leagues and other people around them, and the consequent mobility, for their academic and professional development. We can say there-fore that their decisions are the result of a complex continuum of coer-cion and free-will’ (King 2002). As one male master’s student at the EPFL in Lausanne said, ‘I am the first in my family to study abroad. I actually wanted to stay in India but it was actually my mom who pushed me. She said, ‘No, it is a good opportunity for you to study abroad’’. A Basel-based female professional in the pharma industry explained the importance of having her family in India nearby to help her raise her children while she fulfilled her professional obligations; this seemed to influence her plans to return: ‘I definitely want to head

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back to India in the near future. I want my children to be with their grandparents. Also, I could count on them to help me raise them if I have to travel a lot’. A male post-doc researcher at the Biotech Cam-pus in Geneva sees the decision about moving as an issue involving his partner. ‘I would like to stay longer but this also depends on my wife. If she gets a work permit then we will stay. Otherwise, we will move to the US or India’.

Contacts with family and friends in the country of origin also usually facilitate mobility, and they are constitutive in forming spatial aspira-tions. A female PhD student at the University of Geneva explained how acquaintances of her parents motivated her to study abroad and provided her with some contacts. ‘They put me in touch with a mem-ber of their family, a UK-based professor, who told me about scholar-ships opportunities in Europe and Canada. It seemed like a great idea, so I just looked it up’.

Regarding future mobility plans, we can see differences between the perspectives of students and those of established professionals. Whether a student plans an academic career or to look for work in pri-vate industry depends on the career that they assume they will under-take in the near future (Ackers and Gill 2008; Hercog and Siddiqui 2014; Hercog and Van de Laar 2017). We can observe that students are more uncertain about their short-term future plans than academics and professionals in remunerated employment are. This is probably the case because they are younger, without any family responsibili-ties, and their situation is less stable, which causes them to be more open to opportunities. The discussion of our observations indicates that Indian students in Switzerland do not limit their mobility plans to time limits or specific places, but rather they follow strategies in which their options are kept deliberately open. The intentional uncer-tainty of the migrants is significant when they are not sure about the possibilities that the future is going to offer them. As mentioned by Mosneaga (2014), the status transition of international students, as a transitional and transnational stage, is framed by diverse sets of challenges and opportunities and includes various geographical loca-tions, as the factors that shape their transition experiences often range beyond their host or home contexts. Consequently, we could conclude that the mobility decisions of international students depend on the opportunities available and their perceptions of environments in the possible locations. Moreover, as Van Mol (2017) indicates in his study of Erasmus students, we can see that students are more likely to move in their future careers, which is in line with other studies which suggest


that once migrants have moved, they are more inclined to move again. One male master’s student at ETH Zurich stated,

Once I finish my Master’s I will start looking for jobs and PhD positions in different places. Regarding jobs, I do not have any location preference; any country will be OK. For the PhD, it should be in an equally reputable university. If I get that in ETHZ or Imperial London or someplace like that, then yes. The UK would be fine and the rest of Europe is fine, but not the US as I actually feel that it’s a bit far away and it doesn’t really appeal to me.

Regarding future mobility plans, a possible return to the country of origin comes to the fore in the testimonies of the Indians that we spoke to. The common aspiration to return and accomplish their migration project back in India arose as a response to a positive assessment of the economic and professional opportunities that India has to offer, as well as a reply to questions about family ties. Some Indians are motivated by the idea of deploying their foreign earned experience and knowledge in the Indian context. As in the findings of Carling et al. (2016), we see that skilled Indians rely on relatives and acquaint-ances, social media and networks for information about the situation back in the home country, and this impacts their intention to return. As shown by Biswas (2014), migrants’ intentions are largely based on the career and business prospects they believe that India has to offer, and their families and professional networks facilitate their possible move. A male management professional working for an international company in Geneva said, ‘I have an aspiration to go back home. India is growing fast; I see good opportunities there’. A female PhD student at the University of Zurich mentioned her intentions to use the knowl-edge and expertise she had accumulated overseas within the Indian academic field, and she also wanted to be close to her family. Her col-laboration with a scholar there may help her move:

I definitely would like to return to India in the near future. I do not see myself staying away for long. [. . .] I plan to apply for an academic position in Delhi, where my family lives. I am working with a professor there in my current research and this will help me re-establish contacts.

She mentioned policies that India is implementing to attract its tal-ented people based abroad. ‘I heard about a programme supporting

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young researchers to return and pursue an academic career back there and I plan to apply’. The Indian case shows that doctoral graduates are highly mobile and looking for the best opportunities worldwide. As they represent a valuable human resource for research and innova-tion, their mobility is gaining importance in an increasingly competi-tive global market. As pointed out by Auriol (2010), the mobility of doctorate holders is seen as a significant vehicle of knowledge flow by the governments and backed by policy measures aiming at gaining them as part of their labour force.

1.4.3 Experiences in Switzerland and transnational connections

Skilled Indians spoke positively of the international atmosphere at the place where they study or work, which they are happy with because it creates an environment in which they can establish connections and feel welcome. We can see that the perception of their experiences in the Swiss context varies according to whether they are referring to the highly international and open environments of the institutions in which they study and the companies in which they work or whether they are referring to their exchanges with the local community in the places where they live. Culturally speaking, Indians are openly dis-posed and inclined to engage with local people, although this is not always easy for them. We see a contrast between the perceptions of those who live in the more cosmopolitan cities such as Geneva, Zürich or Basel and the few who live in the Swiss countryside where the inter-nationality in the setting is less palpable and connecting with the local community is more difficult. While they do have a positive perception of the local environment, especially with regard to employment and career opportunities, income level, level of scientific research and aca-demic institutions and the living environment, they cite language bar-riers, Swiss people (who they see as ‘reserved’ and ‘difficult to access’), and problems renewing or obtaining working permits, as some of the obstacles that they face in the Swiss setting. Accordingly, as Levitt and Glick-Schiller (2004) have indicated, we can see how the idea of place, where skilled Indians are located in the same relational space or shared belonging, is detached from the space in which one lives, indicating a disassociation between their professional or academic activity and their ties with the peculiarities of the host-country setting.

Exposure to a highly international context as in the cities of Geneva or Basel, which host international organisations and multinational companies, provides an opportunity to adapt as well as personal


experiences which are accumulated in the form of greater social capi-tal. Moreover, the experience of working abroad and of multiple mobility helps people to form a global perspective, which is a valuable and even essential asset in terms of being competitive in highly interna-tional academic and professional environments. A female professional in the pharma industry based in Basel said, ‘Living and working here has given me massive exposure; it is good for my career and for learn-ing’. The high consideration for the international environment is also based on their appreciation of the possibility to communicate in Eng-lish. As English is the common language in the international environ-ment in which they work or study, most of them do not need to learn the local language to a professional level, and therefore they do not see the language as a barrier from a professional point or view, and hence they do not make much of an effort to learn any of the local languages, which becomes a real obstacle to a long-term stay. A male professional in management working for an international company in Geneva said, ‘Although English is the language in my company, I see my opportuni-ties for career advancement in Switzerland restricted because I do not know the local languages’.

The life and professional experiences of skilled Indians in the Swiss context will be influenced by their perspectives and mobility plans in the short-term horizon (Raghuram 2013; Van Riemsdijk and Wang 2017). Since their stay is essentially a temporary one, their efforts to integrate into Swiss society depend on their construction of a sense of belonging to the local community or to the community in the country of origin, following the imaginary geography of their future (Hercog and Tejada 2013). Hence, skilled Indians decide to establish links in a particular territory according to the notion of how they imagine the future and the strategies that they believe to be necessary to make it become a reality.

The organisation and collective action of migrant groups are sig-nificant as they offer access to significant social capital through their operations that result from contacts, social and professional links and any institutional relations that are established (Tejada 2012). We are interested in knowing about the experiences of skilled Indians regard-ing their participation in formal associations, including those that bring their co-nationals together. Since this involves a relatively small and scattered population, meaning that opportunities to have con-tact with other Indian co-nationals in Switzerland are limited, com-munity association activities are of particular importance. We can see that their active participation in the cultural associations that unite the Indian community in Switzerland is not obvious, and this partly

18 Gabriela Tejada

explains their interest to interact more with the local community or with colleagues from their academic or professional environment. As the findings of Jain (2011) show, recent Indian migrants do not gener-ally meet in networks or associations, and they are immersed in their own particular process, which involves a constant negotiation of their cultural belonging to both Switzerland and India. As Putnam (2000) points out, when they choose to participate in different activities with others as they pursue their professional, academic, leisure, family interests or those of another kind, the social capital shows its rela-tional nature insofar as it is the property of the individuals, but only by virtue of the fact that they belong to a group. For the Indians, their sense of belonging to a group is established by the perception that they have of their identity linked to their educational or professional activ-ity at a specific institution. This is what motivates them to participate in association activities that operate on the basis of reciprocal commit-ments on the part of their members and which represent a significant asset in the accumulation of social capital.

For students, we can see how associations such as the Indian Stu-dents Association Zurich (InSAZ) and Indian Students Associations Lausanne (YUVA) organise a wide range of activities and offer possi-bilities for contacts and facilitate their arrival and integration in Swit-zerland. A male master’s student at the ETHZ said, ‘I am in touch with people from the association because they have excellent groups and provide advice on what you need to do when you come here’. They also function as a platform where Indians can get together and meet other communities and celebrate cultural, social and sports events, such as cricket and badminton tournaments, yoga courses and Diwali or Holi festivities and movie nights. He continues with an explanation of the main objective of InSAZ:

It is basically for Indian students who are living here not to feel unwelcome in the city because when they come here they do not really have a lot of friends, so they can get together with other fel-low Indians and have fun.

A female student at the University of Lausanne talked about her active participation in YUVA:

I initiated this with a friend of mine. We are planning a career day that companies will attend, with some workshops for job inter-views, CV writing and visits to companies. We have a Facebook page where we post our activities.


As Putnam (2000) mentions, we can see how social capital allows indi-viduals to access resources, ideas and information and to have precise expectations about the behaviour of others thanks to their participa-tion in relations that are the result of networks and associations. The testimonies show the significant role played by the organisations that support associative activities by providing contacts with actors linked to academia or industry, which may result in opportunities with a long-term impact.

We are interested in seeing how the transnational contacts, skills and further social capital that skilled Indians accumulate in differ-ent spaces and places shape the type of connections they have with India. The literature on transnationalism in migration shows that the greater the number of transnational connections, the greater the effect on migrants, on the persons closest to them and on their community in the country of origin. We can see that the transnational contacts of skilled Indians often create a transnational social space that is made up of a series of relations formed by more or less structured interactions and exchanges of practices and information. Even though the trans-national connections of migrants are generally considered to be the equivalent of positive social capital, various empirical research stud-ies have shown that these connections can also have a negative effect (Tabar and Maalouf 2016) in the form of the exclusion of other com-munities, excessive claims on group members or restrictions on indi-vidual liberties (Portes 1998). On this point, some studies show how the transnational connections of the diaspora can replicate attitudes of social exclusion that exacerbate the structural inequalities or racial tensions that have operated in certain societies (Kwankam 2010). Other cases highlight elements that characterise the lack of a strong and cohesive national identity, which limits the collective actions of the diasporas, their transnational actions and possible benefits for the country of origin (Tejada 2012).

We observed how Indians imagine themselves generating change in India through their own subjective opinions of the contributions they make from abroad. Skilled Indians think that Indian society can benefit from their accumulated resources, their contact networks and their scientific and professional knowledge, both through their trans-national connections that promote the transfer of knowledge through various forms of cooperation and interaction from a distance and through a physical return to their country. As one male researcher based at the CERN said, ‘I have exchanges with researchers and entre-preneurs in India; we want to develop a new technology for efficient waste management’. Their transnational ties with India in the form of

20 Gabriela Tejada

social remittances follow several patterns and comprise diverse types of knowledge circulation practices (Tejada 2016). Their aspirations to make a social contribution to their community and contribute intel-lectually or professionally through their work are linked to the plans that many have to return to India at some time in the future, which would allow these aspirations to materialise if the return actually occurs. One male post-doc researcher at EPFL mentioned, ‘Once I get back to India, I will educate and train younger generations through my research work. That will be my contribution. I am preparing my return by using my networks and the help of my colleagues back home’.

However, the evidence shows that several barriers must be over-come if the accumulated social capital is to be transferred effectively to the local context. As the findings of Siddiqui and Tejada (2014) have shown, resistance to a change in the work culture, the lack of an adequate infrastructure, long bureaucratic processes and resistance from the society are some of the elements that affect the appropriation of new practices and knowledge that are transferred transnationally.

1.5 Conclusions

This study allows us to observe the knowledge, skills, contacts and other forms of social capital that skilled Indians accumulate during their academic paths and professional experiences abroad and the influence these have on mobility decisions and the establishment of transnational links. The most common reasons behind mobility deci-sions of skilled Indians are an aspiration to access opportunities for academic advancement and professional growth. This confirms that professional advancement is the main stimulus behind decisions related to international skilled mobility.

The international professional setting together with the academic and scientific excellence offered by Switzerland are valuable assets that skilled Indians consider as they seek to develop their careers. They mostly arrive in Switzerland to pursue opportunities in specific aca-demic institutions and companies, and geographical place is not an essential element in their decisions. In general, Indian students and young researchers do not specifically seek to come to Switzerland, but rather they are attracted by educational and doctoral programmes at institutions with a reputation for academic and scientific quality. The same happens in the case of professionals whose mobility is mainly industry driven and arranged by recruitment and relocation agencies.

Their mobility, which often involves different destinations before they arrive in Switzerland, reveals multi-site paths that enable them to


accumulate transnational contacts, experiences and different types of skills that come into play simultaneously in Switzerland and in India. The experiences of skilled Indians show that their mobility trajecto-ries and plans are influenced by the social relations and the profes-sional and academic contacts that they create during their experiences abroad. This social capital helps to further their mobility and exposure and advance their professional careers. Moreover, the family often shapes mobility decisions, and it can be involved in forming spatial aspirations. Through multi-site mobility and interaction, skilled Indi-ans define the spaces that they remained linked to through the transna-tional contacts they establish in various locations, and this offers them a set of social capital elements that open up new opportunities and broaden the limits of the spaces that they move in. Furthermore, inter-national experience facilitates their adaptation to the new contexts. They usually come to the countries of destination with an advanced education and professional skills, which ease their transnational link-ages and make their mobility patterns more flexible.

Skilled Indians generally stay in Switzerland on a temporary basis. This is especially true in the case of recently arrived Indians who see this move as another step in their ongoing journey to other destina-tions. Indians have a positive perception of the local setting in Switzer-land, particularly with regard to employment and career opportunities, income level, level of scientific research and academic institutions and the living environment, while they mention language barriers, the reserved character of Swiss people and problems when renewing or obtaining working permits as some of the obstacles they face. Their lives and professional experiences in the Swiss context are influenced by their perspectives and their mobility plans in the short-term hori-zon. This shows that the decisions of migrants to establish links in a certain territory have to do with the notion of how they imagine the future and the strategies that they believe to be necessary to make this become a reality. Their decisions regarding further mobility depend on the available opportunities and their perceptions of contexts in pos-sible locations, whether in Switzerland, India or elsewhere. Here, the element of space and place is a determining factor in the subsequent mobility decisions, since the migrants’ perceptions regarding the qual-ity of the institutions, the conditions of context and migratory policies in the host country affect their immediate and future decisions about whether to move on again or not.

A return to the country of origin is a possible option in the future mobility plans of skilled Indians. The common aspiration to return and accomplish their migration project back in India arises as a response

22 Gabriela Tejada

to a positive assessment of the economic and professional opportuni-ties that they see India offering, as well as a reaction related to family ties. As they think that Indian society can benefit from the contact net-works, skills and knowledge they have accumulated, their future plans include the idea of deploying them in the Indian context and making social contributions to the community, either by their physical return or through transnational connections using various forms of coopera-tion and interaction from a distance.

This study shows that by increasing their social capital during the course of their career itineraries, skilled Indians develop local and transnational contacts based on specific places, which are maintained when they move to a new destination. Even though the value attached to social capital as a result of the impact of the social relations depends on time and place, this study shows that the new spatial forms created by international migrants reveal the power that transnational con-tacts have as valuable assets for their local and transnational-based practices, and these are determining factors in their further mobility decisions and the connections they maintain with the home country. Establishing transnational connections has to be seen as a dynamic process that embodies individual life plans, social expectations and professional opportunities, as well as contextual issues from the coun-tries concerned. It is an individual process which people experience in different ways, and it is linked to the construction of a sense of belonging to a specific place, and the individual agency to produce this depends mainly on their future plans.

Notes1 Swiss Federal Statistics Office, STAT-LAB, accessed 21 August 2017.2 According to data from the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of

India http://mea.gov.in.3 Data from the Swiss Federal Office for Statistics (SFOS) (www.bfs.admin.ch/

bfs/en/home/services/recherche/stat-tab-online-data-search.html) accessed 21 August 2017.

4 The project was carried out by the Cooperation and Development Center of the École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (CODEV – EPFL), in collabo-ration with the Institute of Development Studies Kolkata (IDSK), the Jawa-harlal Nehru University (JNU) and the International Labour Office (ILO), with financial support of the Swiss Network for International Studies (SNIS).

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