Glen Creeber whole text

CASE STUDYShot-by-Shot Analysis Glen CreeberAll approaches to the textuality of television will rely (with the possible exceptions of Butler [199a], Selbyon a basic understanding of sound and image and the and Cowdery [1995] and Bignell 12004]) even coverlanguage used to discuss them. This is normally this sort offundamental analysis.This is a great shamereGrred to as a 'shot-by-shot' analysis that allows all as, in my view, too many television students are leav-textual approaches to examine television in a suc- ing universities as skilled semioticians but withoutcinct and universal manner whatever the particular knowing the difference bef,ween a lbng shot and amethodology employed. Unlike Film Studies (for close-up.example, David Bordwell and Kristin Thompsont Karen Lury (2005) has recently examined theFilm Art: An Introduction 11990]),Television Studies television text by breaking it down into four com-has been surprisingly poor at providing students with ponents i.e.'Image','Sound','Time'and.Space'.Thisa basic understanding of how to study and discuss is a useful way of looking at the different textualthe basic components of a television text. Indeed, it components of television and can provide a good fis surprising how few introductions to television source for further reading. However, for the pur"por. I

Analysing Televis ion

of this section I will loosely followJohn Fiske,s clas-sic examination of television through ten major cat_egories. According to Fiske, such an analysis shouldinclude examining these basic 'codes of television,(1987,4-r3):

. Camerawork

. Lighting

. Editing

. Sound and music

. Graphics

. Mise en scine

. Casting

. Setting and costume

. Make-up

. Action

. Dialogue

. Ideological codes

Fiske's inventory can act as a good checklist whenwriting an essay and it is certainly important tounderstand these categories in some detail beforeembarking on your own analysis.

CAMERAWORKTo be able to discuss the camerawork that disrin-gu.ishes a piece of television is clearly an importantfirst step in applying textual analysis to the smallscreen. For example, the size of a shot can clearlyinfluence how a particular scene or piece ofaction isportrayed.'V/hile a long shot (or extreme longshot) may make the viewer feel distant from theaction (this is why it is sometimes used as an estab-lishing shot i.e. a shot that establishes where theaction is to take place), a medium shot (sometimesknown as a head-and-shoulders shot), close-up(or extreme close-up) can encourage the viewer,ssense of intimacy with what is raking place onscreen. Similarly a point-oGview shot (i.e. whenthe camera simulates the perspective of a particularcharacter) may encourage the viewert identificationwith an individual in the story to see it'throughtheir eyes'.

The angle of a shot is also important in the wayin which it constructs the acrion. For example, while

a high-angle shot may encourage the viewer to feela sense of power over the action, a low-angle shotmay produce a sense of intimidation or inferioriryfor the viewer. Equally, an eye-level shot mightconstruct a sense of empathy and equality betweenthe viewer and the action.A shot,/reverse shot mayalso be useful in these circumstances, a method bywhich two shots are edited together so as to followthe dialogue in a conversarion.

Different types of lenses or focus can also be usedin the construction of a shot.While a standard-lensshot tends to approximate the same depth of fieldand proportions as you get in real life, the wide-angle shot and the telephoto lens can dramaticallyalter the sense of depth or point of view (for example,the telephoto lens can create a greater sense ofvoyeurism).

Equally the use of focus in a scene car- create adifferent style or mood. For example, soft focus mayheighten the sense of romance in a scene while deepfocus (where everything is equally in focus) is morelikely to be used to create a sense of realism. Shallowfocus (where parts of the scene are in focus and oth-ers are not) may be used to suggest a sense of docu_mentary realism (where focus is traditionally harderto control) or used to direct a viewer's attention ro aparticular object or piece ofaction.

Finally, the rype of camera used can influence the.style and feel of a piece of television. For example, ahand-held carnera or Steaficam (a camera that isstrapped to the body of a cameraman) is often usedin documentaries because it is lighter and generallyeasier to manoeuvre than other types of camera thatmight operate on a crane, dolly (a wheeled carrrerasupport) or tracks (known as tracking). However,when employed in drama a hand-held camera mightproduce a great sense of realism because its shaky,seemingly unrehearsed sryle gives a greater impressionthat the events on screen are taking place sponta-neously. This effect may be extenuated with whippans i.e. when a carr.era moves so fast that there ismomentarily a loss of focus.

The choice between filrn stock (for example,fine or grainy) may also alter the general look andfeel of a piece of television.'While fine film stock

Cathy Come Home: Long shot (LS) Medium shot (MS)

Close-up (CU) or head-and_shoulders shot Extreme close-up (XCU)

may denote 'quality drama' a documentary feel ismore likely to be achieved with a slightly moregralny stock.

LIGHTINGThe way a certain scene is lit can often add to themood or the style of a piece of television. To put itcrudely, very low lighting can produce , ,o_tr" o,depressing mood while very high lighting can addto a feeling of gaiety or optimism. In g.rr.."l practrcea grear deal ofTV uses three_point lighting whena subject is lit from three sources, one light providesihe main source, one light fills in the ,h"do*, ,rraone lisht is placed behind the subject. Of course, rn

modern TV this now usually involves more thanthree lights but the basic principles remain the same,producing an evenly iighted scene.As such, any devi_ation from this norm generally produces a strikins orunusual efrect. For example, if a subject is iit priira_rily from below (underlighting) it may ...ate amore sinisrer effect while being lit primarily frombehind (backlighting) can creace a- grearer sense ofmysrery.

The choice berween soft lighting and hardlighting can also make a difference to aicene..Whijesoft lighting can enhance the warmth of a scene, hardlighting tends to procluce the sort of harshness nrorecommonly associated with documentary realism. A

Analysing Televis ion

badly lit sequence with little contrast may alsoenhance the documentary feel of a scene, as docu-mentary-makers usually have to rely on the light thatis available to them.'While in documentary a badly litscene may be unavoidable, in drama it is probablydone deliberately so as to produce a greater sense ofactuakty (see Chapters 4 and 5).

EDITINGAs every ex-participator of Big Brother (Channel 4,1,999-) seems to agree, editing plays an enormousrole in the way a viewer may interpret a piece of tel-evision. Editing can be done live (or'as live') withmultiple carneras or at the stage of post-production.Certainly in the Blg Brother house a post-productionediting process not only selects the action that itsproducers think is important, but it is pieced togetherin such a way that a story or narrative is constructed,often complete with heroes, villains, love stories andcliff-hangers.'While chronological editing (some-times referred as continuity editing) characterisesthe live coverage of the Blg Brother house, cross-cutting betlveen scenes in the edited highlights cannot only speed up the action and add suspense butcan also manipulate how certain participants areportrayed.

How t'"vo scenes are edited together may alsohave an effect on viewer perception. For example, adissolve between shots may produce a seamless feelwhile a jump cut (an abrupt cut between scenes) issometimes used to emphasise the juxtaposition ofscenes. Although more usual in drama, Big Brothermay also employ flashbacks (i.e. a scene &om thepast that cornments in some way on the action takingplace in the present) and even rnontage (a numberofscenes quickly edited together) to create a sense ofdramatic action (as in a housemate's'best moments').Montage, for example, is often used inTV advertisingand music videos where a greater sense of intensiryand information needs to be constructed within astrictly limited rime.

SOUND AND MUSICBecause television is a domestic medium andinevitably broadcasts while we are doing other things

41

(eating, talking, ironing, and reading and so on) itrelies heavily on sound. Theme tunes, continuityannouncements, news readers, voice-over cornmen-tary sound effects and so on all try to capture ourattention in a space where there is much (unlike thedarkened arena of a cinema or theatre) to distract us(see Chapter 1). As Rick Alcman puts it, the sound-track of a television prognmme continually shoutsto us:'Hey, you, come out of the kitchen and watchthis!' (cited by Seiter, 1992:45).Tttts is not only truein the case of the most obvious musical sequences(think of the pounding drums that signif' the begin-ning or end of EastEnders p8C,1985*]) but also inless obvious places (think of the loud thumpingsound that accompanies the digital clock display asthe seconds tick by in 24 lFox,2001-l).

While all sound clearly needs to be analysed,perhaps music is often the point where it is mostobvious or powerfrrl. Music can transform the movingimage, making it more dramatic, moving or exciting.You don't have to be a musicologist to have opinionsabout the sort of music being used or the reasonswhy it has been chosen. Flowever, you can be surethat music is rarely accidental as it can so clearly playa crucial role in the overall style and mood that aTVprogramme is trying to create (see Lury 2005:57-e4).

In terms of terminology, diegetic sound ormusic means that it is clearly meant to be comingfrom a source within the story or scene. For example,in EastEnders you may hear a pop song on the juke-box in the pub or from the radio in the cafii.However, when the music or sound arrives apparendyfrom'nowhere' then it is non-diegetic i.e. the musicor sound has no recognisable source within thenarrative world (see Butler, 1994: 204). Of course,sometimes it is the lack of music or sound that isnotable, perhaps apparent in a drama that is hopingto capture a greater sense of documentary realism.This may be the reason why a soap opera likeEastEnders rarely uses non-diegetic music, as to do sowould risk breaking the form of realism that it strivesso hard to achieve. However. this does not mean thatdiegetic music is not frequently used for effectbecause it clear\ is.

Tele-Vis ionsa2

Teelwiqte Effect

Establishing shot (ES)

Long shot (LS)

Extreme long shot (XLS)Close-up (Ct) (head-md-shoulders shot)Extreme-close uP (XCLJ)Shot/reverse shot (SRS)High-angle shot (HAS)Low-mgle shot (LAS)Eye-level shot (ELS)Point-of-view shot (POS (usuaily simulating a characterb view

of a scene)Wide-angle lensStandrd lensTelephoto lensSoft focusDeep-focus (everything is ir focus)Shallow focus (a scene only partially in focus)Three-point lighting (a subject is lit three ways)Low-key lighting (or chiaroscuro)Underiighting (light source from below)Backlighting (ight source from behind)Soft lightingHard lightingFine film stockGrainy film stockHand-held camera (Steadicam)\Vhip pan (momentary lack of focus)Cross-cutting (two scenes efited together)DissolveJump cutFlashback (a scene ftom the Past)MontageDiegetic music,/sound (from an identifiable source in the

narrative)Non-diegetic music/sound (not from an identifiable source

in the narrative)

Usually sets the scene (e.g. a shot of the house where the actlontakes place)

Distancing, removed, neutral (often used in an establishing shotto set the scene)

Distant, removedIntimacy, empathyEmotion, drama,a vital momentCreating a dialogue between two peopleDomination, power, authority'Weakness, powerlessnessEquality, empat\Individual perspective

DramaticEverydayness, normalityVoyeurrsmRomanceEverydayness, normalityDraws attention -'look at this'NormalitySombre, depressing, grirySinisterMysterious, enigrnaticComplimentary, warmthRealistic, grittyNatural, everydaynessDocumentary realismShaky, documentary realismDocumenmry real.ismAilowing one scene to coment on the action of motherContinuityJutapositionNarrative and temporal dePthAction, intensiry dramaRealistic

Dramatic and emotionai

Figure 2. A Summary of Television Techniques and Their Potential Effects.

Adapted ftom Sefu and Cowdery (995:57).

GRAPHICSOne aspect of television not mentioned by Fiske

(1987) in ^

gre t deal ofdetail is its use ofgraphics'

Graphics have always been important to television,

look at any old newsreel and you will see maps,

diagrams and tables constantly being employed as a

form of illustration. Flowever, in more recent years

ftrarticularly since the introduction of cotnputer-

generated images [CGI]), graphics have become

increasingly foregrounded in the television image.

Indeed, printed words and graphic images increasingly

determine the look, style and meaning of a television

image..Whether graphic images are responsible for a

whole set (as is often the case in modern news

programrnes) or are superimposed over the image

(sometimes running, for example, along the bottom

of the screen), television increasingly uses graphic

images and written text to add meaning and style to

Analysing Televis ion

all of its programmes. Like sound and music we maynot always be aware of graphics being used (howoften, for example, do you even notice a channel'slogo in the corner of the screen?), but to ignorethem in analysis is to leave out a hugely influentialelement by which meaning is clearly produced.

MISE EN SCEIVEA11 these elements (and more) of composition aregenerally referred to as the mise en scDtte. Originallya theatre term meaning'staging', it simply refers toeverything that can be seen on the screen (seeCorner, 1.999:31). According to Jeremy G. Butler,'mise en scine thss includes all the objects in front ofthe camera and their arrangements by the directorand his or her minions. In short, mise en scine is theorganisation of setting, costuming, lighting a;nd actormouement' (1994:101).It is, therefore, a usefirl termwhen trying to describe or locate the overall style orcomposition of a prograrnrne or a particularsequence. For example, the general mise en scine wasdark and gloomy, bright and optimistic and so on.

CONCLUSIONIt can take time and practice to get used to theseterms, but Figure 5 may provide a crude but usefulsumrnary of some of the major points. This table isinevitably reductive and simplistic. The codes andconventions oftelevision vary greatly under differentcultural, historical and economic systems. To say A *B : C in terms of television sound and imaqe is to

43

ignore the inevitable differences that exist betweendifferent societies and the sometimes subde differ-ences by which individuals and different audiencesdetermine their own meanings (see Chapter 6).Thisis one of the greatest problems with textual analysis,its apparent willingness to predetermine and categoriseall rmeaning for all viewets. Nevertheless, it is hopedthat such a table simply helps the student to isolateand undersand some of the ways in which a particulartechnique may effect and influence a viewer's readingof the text.

Figure 5 can certainly tell us a great deal aboutthe television sound and image..While not trying todetermine universal meanings between'technique'and'effect', it does reveal how there is inevitably astrong relationship benveen the rr;vo. For example, itexplicitly reveals how realisrn is always as construct-ed a televisual form as fantasy, and that all forms ofprogramming construct the viewer's point ofview insuch a way that meaning (if not predetermined) isclearly being manipulated. It is the job of textualanalysis to reveal that process of manipulation, andwhile it may not always be'accruate'in its assessment(or empirically verifiable in its results), it can clearlyremind us of the potential ways in which thatmanipulation can operate.While it needs to be usedwith great care, textual analysis provides us with aform and language through which the possibleresults of that manipulation can be analysed, dis*cussed and debated.

lssues of ldeology and DiscourseGlen Creeber

One nation/under god/has turned into/one nation

under the influence of one drug - television, the

drug of the nation . . .

'Television, the Drug of the Nation', TheDisposable Heroes of HiphoPrisy.

This chapter could have centred on many forms of

television analysis ranging from semiotics, psycho-analysis, narrative theory genre study and so on (see

Chapter 2). However, the reason why ideology waschosen over all other forms of analysis is because itplays such an important role in almost every otherapproach. Critiques such as semiotics and narrativetheory clearly rely on fundamental notions ofideologyto offer conclusions about texrual signification, whilematters of institutional and political theory wouldbe of little use without its conceptual underpinnings.Despite ideology becoming rather unfashionable in

recent years for its sometimes deterministicapproach to the television text and context (hence

the rise of discourse theory - see below), ideologyremains an important concept around which televi-sion has been formed and discussed.

WHAT IS IDEOLOGY?A simple definition of ideology is di{Ecult because itis a complex and higtrly contested term. But at its

most basic level ideology refers to the ideas andbeliefs by which human beings come to understandthe world and their place in it. There are, of course,different ideologies that attempt to explain the worldto us (religious, political, philosophical and so on),but whatever form it takes, ideology is a particular

way of seeing the world that is articulated throughlanguage, imagery gesture, metaphor and so on. The

term ideology first appeared in post-revolutionaryFrance at the end of the eighteenth century to simplymean 'a science of ideas' (see Cormack , 1992:9),butthe notion of ideology that we understand todayowes most to the definition of the concept originallyoutlined by classical Marxistn. In particular, KarlMarx (who established the fundamental principles ofCommunism in work such as The CommunistManifesto [1848] written with Friedrich Engels) usedthe term to describe the way in which those inpower distort meaning.

According to classical Marxism, capitalist socie-ty is profoundly unjust, constructed in such a waythat only the ruling class (or bourgeoisie) benefitseconomically from its form and structure. In partic-ular, it argues that the bourgeoisie (owners of the'means of production'i.e. factories and other indus-tries) exploits the working class (or proletariat i-e-

the workers who sell their labour power) foreconomic gain, a social imbalance that is reflected in

all aspects of capitalist society.The bourgeoisie man-ages to retain this supremacy over the proletariat bymaking the economic inequalities in society lookperfectly normal and unchangeable. It is ideologythat does this, distorting the profound inequalitiesof capitalist society until they appear completelynatural.

For Marx, the base (i.e. the economic strucruresupon which a society is based) directly determinesthe superstructure (i.e. the legal, political, religious,aesthetic, cultural, moral and philosophical ideolo-gies) around which a society operates. As Marx and

Decoding Televis ion

Engels famously put it in The German Ideology (1'998

[orig. pub. 1845]:67):

The ideas ofthe ruling class are in every epoch theruling ideas: i.e., the class which is the rultng materi-aI force of society is at the same time its niling intel-Iectual force.The class which has the means of mate-rial production at its disposal, consequently also con-trols the means of mental production, so that theideas of those who lack the means of mental pro-

duction are on the whole subiect to it.

As this suggests, ideology normalises the dominantideas of the ruling class until they become acceptedby all sections of society as perfectly natural. Anexample of the way the dominant ideology might'naturalise' societal norms is the notion behind'thedivine right of kings'. Such a concept decrees thatGod has chosen certain families to rule and so theirpower and wealth is beyond question or dispute.Similarly, when the Christian hyrrrn, AII Things Brightand Beautiful, originally included the lines:'The richman in his casde/The poor man at his gatelHe madethem high or lowly,/And ordered their estate', it gavethe impression that different levels of social class areactually ordained by a higher power. Seen in this light,the hymn proposed an ideology that attempted toexplain and naturalise the huge differences in wealththat exist in sociery as literally God giuen. Indeed,Marx famously proclaimed that religion is'the opiumof the people' (Man<, 1982: 131), meaning that religiondulls the pain caused by oppression. 'While theChristian notion of eternal damnation makes the pro-letariat fearfirl of breaking social norms, the promiseof a heavenly reward keeps them satisfied with thehardships they experience in their present life.

For Marxists, all social institutions (not only reli-gion, but also the government, the law the mediaand so on) construct a similarly distorted view of theworld. From a classical Marxist perspective, the pro-letariat live in a state of 'alienation'or'false con-sciousness', constantly denied real insight into thetrue nature of their own exploitation. MikeCormack has recendy summed up these majorpoints (2000: 94):

45

1. Ideology is a false (or at least distorted) way ofseeing the world of social relations (i.e. the waysin which people, or groups of people, interrelatewith each other).

2. lt is based on the economic and social structureof society, to the extent that it is seen as arisingnaturally from that structure. Thus the economicstructure ofsociety gives rise to a parricular socialstructure and out of this ideology emerges.

3. It is linked only to the dominant fruling] class insociety, which attempts to impose its ways of see-ing the world on to the subordinate classes.

4. Its essential character is to present as natural, andalmost God given, a form of society which sys-tematically works in favour of a few (those whoprofit from the organisation of society by being inthe dominant class), against the interests of themajority (those whose work supports the domi-nant class but who do not themselves greatlyprofit by this work).

5. It is thus not a conspiracy invented by the domi-nant class, but rather a way of seeing the worldwhich even the members of the dominant classsee only as natural.

Changes have clearly taken place in the contempo-rary notion of ideology (see below), but this originalconception of ideology undoubtedly influenced agreat deal ofTelevision Studies, particularly its earlydevelopment.

APPLYING IDEOLOGY TO TELEVISIONFor the purpose ofTelevision Srudies it is importantto understand the role that TV (and the media ingeneral) plays in maintaining the ideological powerof the bourgeoisie.Although Marx himself said verylitde about the media (of course, television was noteven invented during his lifetime), Marxists todaywould argue that it is crucial that television criticsexamine the means by which the medium reflectsthe views and concerns of the ruling class. Theymight argue, for example, that TV quiz and gameshows validate and perpetuate the materialist aspectsof capitalist society with their expensive prizes andhuge cash wins.They might also argue that they help

f5

to create the misleading illusion that great wealth isarrailable to all members of the public regardless oftheir social class, reinforcing the misconception thatknowledge (and skill) always produces high rewards(see Fiske, 7987:266).

This classically Marxist notion of ideology wasclearly reflected in the critique oftelevision offeredin the 1930s and 1940s by the Frankfurt School.The Frankfurt School was one of the first groups ofintellectuals to take television seriously and used aMarxist understanding of society to explain themedium's role in forming important aspects of capi_talist ideology. In particular, they coined the term'cultural industries'to suggest the way that mod_ern capitalist societies produce some forms of culturelike mass-pro duced commodllies.'Whereas high culturelike classical literature and classical music possessedartistic integriry mass (-produced) culture like news_papers, magazines, popular music, pulp fiction, radio,television etc. churned out standardised and formu_laic cultural products, simply designed to keep themasses happy and deluded in their exploitation (seethe Introduction). For Theodor Adorno, .the con_cepts of the order which it [the culture industry]hammers into human beings are always those of thestatus quo'. Its effects are profound andfar reaching,'the power of the culture industryt ideology is suchthat conformity has replaced consciousness' (1991:e0).

Classical Marxist notions of ideology were also atthe very heart of structuralism and semiotics (seeChapter 2). Roland Barthes' famous semioticaccount of culture in Mythologies (1973 [orig. pub:19571 clearly could not have been conceived with_out incorporating this type of social critique into irsanalysis. Put crudely, Barthes argues that ,myth, issimply the illusion by which ideology is presented tothe world as natural.According to Barthes, a.conjur_ing trick has taken place; it [myth] has turned realicyinside out, it has emptied it of history and has filledit with nature . . .' (1973: 1.42). So when Barthesanalyses a Paris-Match cover photograph of a youngblack soldier saluting the French flag, his descriptionof the mythological 'connotarions' of its message(that'F.rance is a great empire, that all her sons, with_

Tele-Vis ions

out colour discrimination, faithfirlly serve under herflag' [ibid: 116]) essentially offers an ideologicalcritique.

This belief in the ideological structure of cultureand storytelling was also reflected in aspects of struc_turalist narrative theory (see Chapter 2).According ro Tzveran Todorov (1977), narratlvestructure is not, in itself, either radical or conserya_tive. However, more than likely the narrative struc_tures common in any given sociery are usually usedto perpetuate the status quo. For example, narrativetheory has argued that we do not come to under_stand the world innocently but learn to see itthrough a system of opposites. In the history of'Western thought these'binary oppositions, mightinclude 'good versus evil', 'mind versus matter','speech versus wriring','man versus woman', .white

versus black','-West versus East' and so on. Flowever,these binary oppositions are not defined equally buthierarchically i.e. the second term is usually seen as acorrulttion of the first.This means that the very struc_tures by which we understand the world are inher_ently ideological i.e. white is superior to black, manis superior to woman, theWest is superior to the Eastand so on.

These binary opposirions have important impli_cations for ideological analysis. For example, televi_sion news may be seen as construcling images of thepolitical world that works on the binary oppositionof 'us'and'them'. For American and European tele_vision this could mean presenting the West as .good,,'fair' and just' and the East as .chaotic,,,untrustwor_

thy'and even'evil', as this small list of binary oppo_sitions revealg with reference to the media coveraqeof the Iraq war (cited by Lacey,2000: 69):

TheyWe

Our missiles cduse . . .'We.. .

Precision bomb

C*orye Bush is . . .At peace with himselfResoluteStatesmanlikeAssured

Their missiles muse . . .

They . .Fire widely at anything in the skies

Saddam Hussein is . . .DementedDefiantAn evil tyrantA crackpot monster

Decoding Televis ion

Similarly, the general structure of storytelling(order/disorder/order restored) implicitly suggeststhat things should (and will always) remain as theyare. In a world of immense poverty, famine, war andhardship, the fictional happy endings consistentlyproduced by the big and small screen suggest thateverything will eventually turn out well, that socieryis essentially just and fair. In this narrative universecowboys with white hats wiil always succeed overthe ones in black hats, and good (as it is defined bythe dominant ideology) will always triumph overevil. Flowever, the notion of 'good' and'evil'project-ed by such narratives is inevitably biased.Just ask theNative Americans who were so often caricatured inHollywood -Westerns as biood-thirsty, cunning sav-ages (see Wright. 1975).

47

This kind of stereotlping is another example ofhow ideology naturalises culture, creating distortedmyths about different social/national/racial groups.Theword stereotype rvas originally a printing term, derivedfrom the process rvhere rorvs ofrype rvere Literally fixedon a plate (ca1led the'stereowpe') s.hich then makes animpression on paper. So the term implies nonotonousregularity - each page printed from a stereorype is exarf-ly the same.As this suggests, stereotypes enforce a formof rigid uniformirv on whole groups, simpLifting indi-vidual characteristics into social and ideological clich6s- examples might include the savage Red Indian, theblack mugger, the Islamic terrorist, the Asian shop-keepeq the nagging wife and so on.

Television is particular\ susceptible to the use ofstereotypes because the medium often needs to

AreYou Being Serued?: stereotypes are commonplace onTV

faTele-Vis ions

establish character almost instantly before i" Td- consequently, such a critique of the media tends toence loses interest and switches over or off (think, for .o.r."irr.

",rar.rr.., as passive ,cultural dupes, thatexample' of the kind of stereotyping often used in are unable to see beyond their ideorogical manipula-television advertising)' 'while somei"imes harmless, rion. This kind of approach to Media Studies hasstereotypes can also be damaging and socially divisive often been referred to as .the hypodermic needle,(see Perkins' 1979)' rn particular, Richard Dyer 1o.'mugi" -bullet

theory,) approach because the(1977: 30) argues that stereotypes often work by media aL seen as having a dircctinfluence on the'splitting' i'e' dividing people so that we inevitably individuar, as if a hypodermic needle (or,bunet,) hadhavethosethathavedonethestereotypingand,those been put'i...rty into their veins to administer athat have been stereofyped'This, or.o,rrrJ, leads to a -i.rd-"lt.ri.rg

drog (see w.illiam s, 2003: 171_2).classic binary opposition befween.us,"rrd,th._,; or* Such an .ppi.*f, tends to treat the public as passiue'normaliry'is reinforced by placing anyone seen out- consumers, who are never abre to ,""a against theside our norm as lstrange' or'suspicious'. For exam- grain or form their own opinions.ple, critics have argued that this was often the case in - -;;;.;';;". also questioned the economicearly TV portrayals of homosexuals that tended to deterrninism of the dominant ideology theoryeither portray gay and lesbian characters as evil or arguing rtr", orrr.. ideorogies may also exist that areobjects of ridicule (see' for example' capsuto, 2000). ,rot ,tri.ay reriant on Marxt economic moder. InThe ideology hidden itt

't"t"orypt' is therefore often p".ti.ol"., it h", b".., argued that the Marxist obses-ilil ffiffitff:|ffi;# *-H;;:I y ,t." *,i',".," .,",, ignores other rorms orideolo-dominant curture or ideology i,, th" p.oc.,,.-''"* I il:::T:.?:1,':::ffiL,'#i"fl,i:ff:".:T;whatever approach to ideology fou take it will that if there is a'farse consciousness,then there is arsousually involve similar issues of reptesentation. clearly a'true consciousness,. It is a concept that is:h:':il* ,;';:":::;il#:;:?:f.;*#.:1, "., .'r--0""*erouslv ,otari,arian but arso risksre-presents reality i.e. it construcb

"ro "rn..rr-ttot

appearing philosophically limited and naive (seefro- " p-ri.;,;;Jp..ti,,. or point o,-.*lF,T

t'%H'f:t,;",,, various Marxist crirics havedoes not just take place in the explicit political bias .*.-nL ;;;r*.. or explain these apparent prob_endemic in factualTV programmes such as news and lems with the classical notion of ideology. Rolandcurrent afFairs' although clearly this is an important Barthes, for example, accepted that resistance cansource of ideological distortion (see below)' It also take place

"*;* the dominant ideology. -Frowever,clearly takes place in apparently less politically moti- he argued tiat resistance is only a'owed to takevated genres such as soap opera (see, for example, plr.. ", a form of.inocuration, against greaterMumford' 1995)' the TV action series (see, for exam- threats. Just as a disease like porio is prevented byple' Buxton' 1990)' the police show (see, for example, injectin!

" tirry

"-oort of it into the boay (therebyclarke'1986)andthesitcom(see,forexample,wagg, i--rrrrili.r*,t. patient), so sociefy allows a sma'1998)'rrom this perspective, television consistently amount of resist;'naruralises'the world around us, forever t.rrrrrrrg id.- counteract ."rrnl:,tJ';:r#:fJffitt#, ,rr[j:ological bias into a seemingly'r atural' represerr]ao.r. immunizes th" .orrt.*t of the conective imagination

RE_THINKING IDEOIOG' means of a small inocularion of acknowledgedclassical Marxist'otio,,, of ideology have not been ;:1ffi"H"*;',it iff1i1;,1'HTl*;without criticism' In particular lvr"ot original con- managed to continue the drug metaphor thatception of ideology allowed little or tto

-o- fo, tvtarxilts rr"a

"ppr*a to religion, but added a con-resistance against the dominant ideology. venient and prausible twist that explained how and

Decoding Televis ion

why capitalist society allows resistance to take place(see Fiske, t987:39).

The Algerian critic Louis Althusser also addedmore complexity to Marx's original conception ofideology, particularly in his most famous essay,'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses' (1971).Most crucially, Althusser investigated the notion ofsubjectiuity a great deal more than Marx, drawing onthe work of the structural anthropologist L6vi-Strauss and the post-Freudian developments in psy-choanalysis. He argued that ideology cannot simplybe explained through economic determinants alone,nor is it something simply imposed forcefully on thepassive individual by the ruling class. Instead, ideo-logical state apparatuses (ISAs such as religion,education, politics, the law, the family, media and cul-ture) function in favour of the dominant ideology by'interpellating' (or'hailing') us as individuals (seeAlthusser, 1971).

AsJohn Fiske (1992a) points out, the implicationofAlthusser's work is that ideology is not a'static setof ideas through which we view the world, but adynamic social practice, constantly in process, con-stantly reproducing itself in the ordinary workings ofthese apparatuses. It also works at the micro-level ofthe individual' (287 -8). Consequendy,Althusser con-cluded that we should see ideology as part of thevery fabric by which we understand ourselves assubjects, the very means by which we articulate andconstruct our personal identities. 'We can conse-quendy never step outside ideology as classicalMarxism may have suggested because the subject is asocial construction, not a natural one. Like Barthes,then,Althusser does not criticise Marx explicitly butattempts to explain, in detail, the means by whichideology continues to retain control over individualswithin modern capitalist societies.

Althusser's understanding of ideology patlygrew out of the work of the Italian Marxist AntonioGramsci, who also developed Marxt original con-ception of ideology in books such as The PrisonNotebooks (written between the years 1929 and1935). In particular, Gramsci employed the term'hegemony'to explain the complex and sophisticat-ed system of power that modern capitalist sociery

49

operates.Although dominant interests will prevail formost of the tirne, Gramsci argued that there areplaces within society where real dissent is felt andheard (see Tony Bennett et aI. 1992). Contesting theoriginal Marxist notion that ideology is simply areflection of the economic base of sociery Gramsciargued that ideology exists in a form ofbothJorce andconsent.In other words, ideology may control societybut how it does so is frequendy a matter of negoti-ation (see Gramsci, 1971). Consequently, ideology isalways a complex system of domination, resistanceand compromise. As Michael O'Shaughnessy puts itin 'Box Pop: Popular Television and Hegemony'(1990: 89-90):

'Hegemony' recognises the role of the subordinategroups in producing ways of 'making sense' of theworld. It suggests that the'hegemony'or power ofthe dominant groups can only be maintainedthrough a struggle and tension between dominantand subordinate groups. Out of this struggle, ways of'making sense' of the world are produced whichboth groups contribute to and can agree with.Whatthis means is that although the interests of the twogroups are fundamentally opposed they have founda way of living in harmony or consent because thesubordinate groups have won enough concessions tomake them accept their domination while the dom-inant groups' overall structural power base is main-tained. As long as this is not challenged the subordi-nate grouPs can continue to win more and moreconcessions and have an effect on the constitution ofthe resulting state of hegemony.

The influence of Gramsci and Althusser onBritish Cultural Studies during the late 1970s saw aresurgence in the use of ideology in the humanitiesgenerally. This was particularly spear-headed by thework done at the Universiry of tiirmingham'sCentre for Cultural Studies (CCCS) under the lead-ership of Stuart Hall (see, for example, Hail, 1982).Gramscian notions of ideology certainly influencedHall's ground-breaking article 'Encoding andDecoding in Television Discourse' (1980a)that attempted to reveal how all television texts are

5l

'polysemic'i.e. they can be read by audiences in anurnber of ways. Such an approach to televisionclearly revealed how audiences do sometimes acceprthe 'dorninant' reading of a programme. Flowever.Hall went on to argue that they can also resist that'encoded' interpretation, offering .negotiated,

or'oppositional"decodings, in their place (see Hall,1980a).

It was Hall's article that arguably inspired the riseof audience studies, which became increasinglypopular inTelevision, Film and Media Studies in the1980s and 1990s (see Chapter 6).'!Vhen it was recog_nisedjust how active audiences could be at decod_ing programmes the notion of a dominant ideologyindoctrinating all viewers in the exact same wayseemed overly simplistic (see Chapter 2). However,Hall's notion of a 'preferred' reading was eventuallycriticised for suggesting rhat the critic could ever besure which reading was preferred or that there waseven one preferred reading at all. Despite grandngaudiences with the power to offer various readings ofa text, his notion ofa.preferred,reading still suggest_ed that there was a'dominant ideology, at work, evenif resistance to it could take place (see Morley, 19g0).

Ideological analysis was certainly losing favourduring the 1980s and 1990s with critics likeNicholas Abercrombie arguing that once academrcsabandoned the very notion of a dominant ideologythat ideological analysis itself was redundant (seeAbercrombie et aI., 1980). Meanwhile, MartinBarker's Comics: Ideology, power and the Critics (19g9)continued to develop the classical notion ofideol_ogy by introducingVolosinov's notion of dialogisminto the debate. Instead ofconceiving ideology as aone-way process, Barker argued that ideorogyforms a 'dialogue' between text and reader (seeChapter 2).

The problems associared with ideology and theshift in the political climate generally towards theright (Thatcherism in Britain, Reaganism in the USand the general decline in Communism, particularlythe collapse of the BerlinWall in 19g9) may partlyexplain the unpopularity of ideological analysis afterthe mid-1980s. In particular, the healy attention ofMarxist theory on social class was now regarded as a

Tele_Visions

little too narrow in its focus. As the clear_cut binaryoppositions of the Cold'War began to break down,so the race, class and gender wars also seemed to beacquiring more complicated cultural patterns. Thisappeared to be reflected in a growing interest rn'identity politics'that, while still interesred in socialclass, also focused more on issues of gender, sexuali_ry ethniciry nadonal identiry and so on. As the fem_inist mantra 'the personal is political, appeared tosuggest, critics argued that we were now living in aworld where more than just brutal economics coulddetermine human consciousness.

Originating in socio_linguistics, discourse the_ory proved particularly attractive to this new devel_opment in Cultural Studies. Discourse theory arguesthat there are a number of different .discourses, atwork within sociefy at any one time, aclively con_structing the world around us and making sense ofand reproducing realiry by fixing meanirigs. Thesediscourses might include institutional discoursessuch as legal, medical, educational, journalisric oreven popular discourses such as pop music, siang,regional dialects and so on. So, although these dis_courses are not ideologically neutral and do fixmeaning, they are not seen as dominant or eternal,neither are they always economically determined(see Chapter 2).

Michel Foucault is particularly associated withthe origins of discourse analysis in Cultural Studies,his work investigating the means by which differentdiscourses influence the social production of mean_ing.Through his post-structuralist (see Chapter 2)critiques of sociery he showed how legal, medicaland even sexual discourses fix the way in which thetreatment of crime, illness and deviancy have beendealt with over time, influencing the way definirionssuch as'sane' and'insane' and even .good, and,evil,have been historically constructed (see Foucault,1984).As Danaher et al. puti t (2000:6):

Foucault was far more interested in, and receptive to,work, which, instead of trying to understand the'one and only' truth of things, tried to ,historicise,the dilGrent kinds of rrurh, knowledge, rationaliryand reason that had developed in cultures.

Decoding Televtston

For many critics, then, the problems associated

with earlier notions of ideology are eased by the

flexibility of discourse theory that does not treat ide-

ology as completely dominant, ever present and

timeless. Not every text is driven as ideologically as

every other and sometimes ideology may not even

be the best way to approach a particular programme

or genre at all. However, it would be misleading to

suggest that discourse theory entirely replaces ideo-

fogi.A ana$sis, for many critics ideology is still an

important aspect of discourse analysis, just not the

only one. As Norman Fairclough puts it in Media

Discourse (7995:47):

My view is that media discourse should be regard-

ed as the site of complex and contradictory

processes, including ideological processes' Ideology

should not be seen as a constant and predictable

presence in all media discourse by definition'

Rather, it should be a working principle that the

question of what ideological work is being done is

one of a number of questions which analysts should

always be ready to ask of any media discourse'

though they should expect the answers to be vari-

able. Ideology may, for example, be a more salient

issue for some instances and types of media dis-

course than for others'

51

banal and apolitical without its insightful critical per-

spective (see Morris, 1990)'

FEMINIST TELEVISION CRITICISM AND IDEOLOGY- A BRIEF OVERVIEWNotions of ideology and discourse have clearly influ-enced a great deal ofTelevision Studies'The investi-

gation of class, race and gender have particularly

benefi.ted from the systematic analysis of social

stereoq4)es and constructed forms of identity that

such approaches have to offer' However, simply for

the purpose of this section I will concentrate on

feminist critiques of television, to provide a small

case study by which I can illustrate how these issues

have specifically influenced at least one area of tex-

tual and cultural debate within Television Studies as

a whole.Feminist interpretations of the media began rn

earnest during a period now known as 'second-

wave feminism'. While 'first-wave feminism' is

generally identified with the early origins of femi-

nism (particularly Emmeline Pankhurst and the

Suffragette movement), second-wave (or'radical')

feminism grew up alongside the political movements

of the 1960s such as the Black Civil Rights move-

ment, the New Left student activism and the Anri-

Vietnam'War protests. Like these movements' femi-

nism (or'the women's movement') was politically

motivated, identified with women's groups''con-

sciousness-raising', campaigns for women's health

and childcare, demonstrations against pornography

and so on. In terms of the media's representation of

women there was clearly much debate' some of

which frequently turned into direct action' In 1970'

for example, 100 representatives from the National

Organisation ofW'omen (NOVD in the US occupied

the premises of one of America's leading magazines'

demanding the appointment of a female editor'

childcare for employees and the publicacion of a

'liberated issue'.Rather than perceiving a person's sex as biologi-

cally determined (i.e. 'God given'), second-wave

feminism was interested in uncovering the means by

which gender was culturally and ideologically con-

structed. Indeed, using the word'gender'rather than

As Fairclough's comments imply' it would cer-

tainly be premature to announce the death of ideol-

ogy in Television Studies completely' Most general

introductions to the subject (see Abercrombie

11996l, McQueen [1998] and Lealand and Martin

iZOOrll still spend time defining and explaining the

approach while also making clear what the problems

-"y b" with it. It clearly remains a useful way of

uncovering the implicitly 'political' nature of televi-

sion and particularly the means by which social

identities are reflected and articulated by the small

screen. It is no longer the only or even primary

method of textual analysis but it does frequently add

insight and depth to other forms of methodological

interpretation. Some critics have even argued that

ideol,ogy provides the theoretical 'teeth' of the field'

an areaof study that risks simply becoming toothless'

Tele-Vis ions

'sex'can be seen as an attempt to foreground the cul-

urral rather than biological construction of female

and male behaviour.Translated into English in 1953'

the French ferninist, Simone de Beauvoir's The

Seconil Sex (1949) was particularly influential in this

project. According to de Beauvoir, men and women

have been culturally differentiated in terms of 'first'

and'second'gender, a notion that clearly sets up gen-

der in terms of a'binary opposition'' In patriarchy,

men are clearly'The First Sex'because masculiniry

embodies everything defined as culturallyposititte and

normal.In contrast, women are stereotyped as 'The

Second Sex'because femininity tends to be associat-

ed with the negatiue and the abnormal' Seen in this

light, a woman'is not regarded as an autonomous

being . . . She is defined as differentiated with refer-

ence to man . . . He is the Subject, he is the Absolute

- she is the Other' (1988: 16).

This concept of the'Other'is one that is impor-

tant to Cultural/Media Studies as a whole, revealing

how certain groups in society are culturally con-

structed around notions of 'normality' and 'abnor-

mality'.In terms of gender, the list of binary opposi-

tions below reveal how feminists traditionally argued

that 'masculinity' is frequently connected with the

primary or suyterior value while 'femininity' is more

commonly associated with a secondary ot inferior

opposition (C. Nelson, cited by Fiske [1987]:203):

culturelogos

: nature: pathos

Second-wave feminism clearly saw the media as

playing rlarge role in the gendered construction of

these binary oppositions' Books such as Betty

Friedan's The Feminine Mystique (1963) accused the

media of simply emphasising the ideological role of

woman as 'the happy housewife', defined only in

relation to men, the home and family' Gaye

Tuchman's edited book Hearth and Home: Images of

Women in the Mass Media (1'978) came to similar con-

clusions, her own article entitled 'The Symbolic

Annihilation of 'Women by the Mass Media'' Like

Friedan, Tuchman relied heavily on content analysis

(see Chapter 2), argoing that women on television

were markedly under-represented, men tended to

dominate progralru'nes, men were represented pursuing

careers, women did not appear in the same profes-

sions as men, and women were shown as inef[ectual

(not as competent as their male counterparts)' As

Helen H. Franrwa Put it (1978:273-4):

. . . televised images of women in large measure are

false, portraying them less as they really are, more as

some might want them to be. . . .Television women

are predominantly in their twenties . . ' portrayed

primarily as housewives . . . restricted primarily to

stereotyPed positions such as nurses and secretaries

. . . portrayed as weak, vulnerable, dependent, sub-

missive and frequently, as sex objects'

Such notions of ideology *... "l,o

reflected in

film and cultural theory of the 1970s, particularly of

the kind most closely associated with the British cin-

ema journal Sueen.First published in Screen in t9T5'

Laura Mulvey's 'Visual Pleasure and Narrative

subject :penis :firm :sky :day :air :form :transcendence :

objectvaginasoftearthnightwatermafierinurement

MascwrNEactive

Presencevalidatedsuccesssuperiorprimaryindependentunityorganizedintellectlogicaldefineddq>endableh€admind

: FnurNtr.rn: passive: absence: excluded: failure: inferior: secondary: dependent: multiplicity: scattered: imagination: illogical: undefined: capricious: heart: body

Decoding Televls lon

Star'Ilek:women onTV have traditionally been portrayed as passrve

z.,.:,

t:.:..1.:.,:

Cinema' was certainly influential in feminist and

media theory during this period and beyond'

Although Mulvey did not explicitly refer to notlons

of ideoiogy (she relies more heavily on psychoana-

iy,r. ,to,iln, of subjectivity) her conclusions do. sti'll

rely on the notion of a dominant 'male gaze' - ^

form of ideology' that all members of the audience

seemingiy b.ty i'-tto when entering the cinema' In

particular, Mulvey argued that in patriarchal socieq'

Larculine desire had constructed the crnematrc gaze

in such a way that it srmply reflects the structure of

the domi.nant male unconscious''In a world ordered

iy r.*o"t imbalance', she argues"pleasure in.looking

fr", been split between active/male and

passive/female. The determining male gaze pro;ects

it, phantasy on to the female figure which is styled

accordingly' (1975:19)' Seen in this light' ali mem-

bers of the audience (regardless of their gender) are

powerless to resist the 'domi'nant ideology' of the

male gaze.H"o*.rr.r, such traditional notions of ideology

were increasingly challenged by books such as

Lorraine Gamman and Margaret Marshment's Tlle

Fentale Gaze: Wortmt as l'iett'ers qi PoPular Culure

(1988) in rl'hich vou can clearil detect the influence

of Gramsci. Erplicitlr dras-ing on-Mulr-ev's concep-

tron of the 'ma1e gaze" thev argued that women are

not aiwavs dominated bv patriarchal structures and

that thele are means bv rvhich the female gaze cafi

actuall-v infiltrate and resisr dominant forms of repre-

sentations. For example, discussing the female cop

show Cagney and Lacey (CBS' 1981-8)' Gamman

argued that it offered great scope for'fernale spec-tatorship', far beyond the limited restrictions of themale gaze (1988).

Such critiques also brought a greater interest inwomen's genres (particularly soap opera fseeBrunsdon, 2000]) and in the possibility that theycould actually offer up avenues of resistance tomore dominant modes of ideology. Books such asIen Ang's Watching Dallas: Soap Opera and theMelodratnatic Imagination (1985), Mary Ellen Brown'sTblevision and Woman's Culture (1990), ChristineGeraghty's Women and Soap Opera (1991), AndreaP ress's Women Watching Tblevision (199 I),Lynn Spigel'sMake RoomforTV (1992),Ann Gray's Video Playtime(1992) and Julie D'Accit Defining Women: Tblevisionand the CweJor Cagney andLacey (L993) aX, attempt-ed to re-investigate the complex (and frequentlyactive) relationship berween women and the smallscreen (see Brunsdon et al., 1997). As Mary EllenBrown put it in Soap Opera and Women's Thlk: ThePlewure oJ Resistance (1994:2):

It can be said that soap operas in some way givewomen their voice. The constant, active, playful dis-cussions about soap opera open up possibilities forus to understand how social groups can take a some-what ambiguous television text and incorporate itinto existing gossip networks that provide oudets fora kind of politics in which subordinated groups canbe validated and heard.

Perhaps one of the most often quoted examplesof this sort of criticism in Television Studies can befound inJohn Fiske's Tblevision Culture (1987). HereFiske argued against traditional readings ofMadonnatmusic videos that regarded them simply as panderingto patriarchal tastes by continuing the sexual objecti-fication of women. For Fiske, Madonna was actuallytaking on patriarchy by parodying traditional notionsof femininiry using her body and sexuality as a signi-fier of resistance. Fiske concludes that Madonnavideos are a 'site of semiotic struggle between theforces of patriarchy and feminine resistance, of capi-t^lism and the subordinate, the young and the old'(1987 : 39;see also Kaplan, 1,987 and Kaplan, 1992).

Tele-Vis ions

This approach in Television Studies can nowclearly be seen as heralding the arrival of what somecritics have contentiously called'third-wave ferni-nism' (sometimes confusingly known as 'post-feminism'). Rather than viewing television simplyas an instrument of the dominant ideology, third-wave feminist critiques of the media attempt torecognise the complex means by which female rep-resentation is both constructed and actiuely consumedby its audience. Refusing to regard ideology as uni-vocal or total, this approach tends to conceive gen-der as part ofan ongoing process by which subjectsare constituted, and conceiving identiry as increas-ingly fragmented and dynamic. Influenced by post-structuralist notions of subjectivity (see Chapter 2), itdefines gender as a discourse that, by definition, canbreak away from rigid binary oppositions(active,/male,passive/female) to become a site ofper-formance, resistance, style and desire. As Liesbet vanZoonen puts it (1994:34):

A poststructuralist notion of discourse as a site ofcontestation implies that the disciplinary power ofdiscourse, prescribing and restricting identities andexperiences, can always be resisted and subverted.Dominant male discourse can therefore never becompletely overpowering, since by definition therewill be resistance and struggle.

You can certainly detect this kind ofcritique inmore contemporary readings of television pro-grarrmes such as Absolutely Fabulous (BBC, 1989-[see Kirkham and Skeggs, 1998]), Bffi the VampireSlayer ril/B,1997-200f , UPN, 2001-3 [see'Wilcoxand Lavery 20021) and Sex and the City (HBO,79981004 fsee Akass and McCabe, 2004]). Herethere is much discussion of the means with whichcertain television texts (and their audience$ playaround with, subvert, ridicule, investigate, resist andeven transcend tradirional male'(heterosexual) ide-ologies.As this suggests, contemporary approaches totelevision hope to add complexity to the wholenotion by which gendered ideology is produced andconsumed rather than simply erase its power and sig-nificance altogether. It is not a complete break from

Decoding Televis ion

Sex and the City: an example of third-wave feminism?

the past (and the term'post-feminism'certainly doesnot me n that feminism is over) but a re-articulationof the theoretical terms upon which traditionalnotions ofgender and ideology were once based.AsElspeth Probyn p:uts it (1997:.1.37):

far from initiating a break from feminism, I thinkthat the current discursive landscape is a conditionof possibility for generations of Gminist analysis.And in the midst of the reborn family and the refur-bished home, it is more important than ever that wemake the personal political and theoretical.

Such a view suggests that it would be a graveerror if the notion of ideology (however it is theo-retically conceptualised) were allowed to disappearfrom Television Studies completehi The changingnotions of ideoiogy and discourse have certainlybeen a pivotal tool through rvhichTelevision Studieshas grown and deveioped since the rvritings of theFrankfurt School. To clearly appreciate and under-stand this is to understand a great deal about the sub-ject as a whole.

FURTHER READINGCormack, Mike (1992), Ideology, London: Batsford.Gitlin,Todd (1994),'Prime Time Ideology:The

Hegemonic Process in Television Entertainment',in Horace Newcomb (ed.), Tbleuision: The CriticalZep, NewYork and Oxford: Oxford Universiq.Press.

Miller,Toby (ed.) (2002), Tbleuision Srudles, London: BFI.Mumford, Laura Stempel (1995), Llsue and ldeology in

the AJternoon : So ap Opera, Women and TeleuisionGenre, Bloomington and Indianapolis: IndianaI Tnirrerci l - \ r Precs-___'-^"_ 'J ^ _-"" '

O'Shaughnessy, Michael (1990) 'Box Pop: PopularTelevision and Hegemony', in Andrew Goodwinand Garry Whannel (ed$, Understanding Tblevision,London and NewYork: Routledge.

Wayne, Mike (2003), Marxism and Media Studies: KeyConcepts and Contemporary Tiends, London: PlutoPress.

\Vhite, Mimi (1992),'Ideological Analysis andTelevision'in Robert C.Allen (ed.), Channek ofDiscourse, Reassembled, London and NewYork:Routledge.

Zoonen, Liesbet van (1994), Feminist Media Studies,London and New Delhi: Sage.