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Erikson’s Theory:Industry versus InferiorityErikson’s Theory:Industry versus Inferiority Born in Frankfurt, Germany in 1902 Son of Jewish mother and unknown father As a child, does not feel accepted by either
Jewish or Gentile community Leaves home at 18 to live as itinerant artist,
wandering Europe for 7 years
Born in Frankfurt, Germany in 1902 Son of Jewish mother and unknown father As a child, does not feel accepted by either
Jewish or Gentile community Leaves home at 18 to live as itinerant artist,
Erikson’s Theory:Industry versus InferiorityErikson’s Theory:Industry versus Inferiority Erikson postulated eight stages of
psychosocial development through which people progress.
Although he differed from Freud in his emphasis on the ego and on social influences, his theory is an extension, not a negation, of Freudian psychoanalysis.
Erikson postulated eight stages of psychosocial development through which people progress.
Although he differed from Freud in his emphasis on the ego and on social influences, his theory is an extension, not a negation, of Freudian psychoanalysis.
The Ego in Post-Freudian TheoryThe Ego in Post-Freudian Theory
Ego Ideal The ego ideal represents the image we have
of ourselves in comparison with an established ideal. (it is responsible for our being satisfied or dissatisfied not only with our physical self but with our entire personal identity)
Ego Ideal The ego ideal represents the image we have
of ourselves in comparison with an established ideal. (it is responsible for our being satisfied or dissatisfied not only with our physical self but with our entire personal identity)
The Ego in Post-Freudian TheoryThe Ego in Post-Freudian Theory
If the eyes, liver, or other organs do not develop during that critical period for their development, then they will never attain proper maturity.
In similar fashion, the ego follows the path of epigenetic development, with each stage developing at its proper time.
One stage emerges from and is built upon a previous stage, but it does not replace the earlier stage.
This epigenetic development is analogous to the physical development of children, who crawl before they walk, walk before they run, and run before they jump.
If the eyes, liver, or other organs do not develop during that critical period for their development, then they will never attain proper maturity.
In similar fashion, the ego follows the path of epigenetic development, with each stage developing at its proper time.
One stage emerges from and is built upon a previous stage, but it does not replace the earlier stage.
This epigenetic development is analogous to the physical development of children, who crawl before they walk, walk before they run, and run before they jump.
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development
Infancy Erikson's view of infancy (the 1st year of life) was
similar to Freud's concept of the oral stage, except that Erikson expanded the notion of incorporation beyond the mouth to include sense organs such as the eyes and ears.
The psychosexual mode of infancy is oral-sensory, which is characterized by both receiving and accepting.
Infancy Erikson's view of infancy (the 1st year of life) was
similar to Freud's concept of the oral stage, except that Erikson expanded the notion of incorporation beyond the mouth to include sense organs such as the eyes and ears.
The psychosexual mode of infancy is oral-sensory, which is characterized by both receiving and accepting.
Erikson’s expanded view of infancy is expressed in the term oral-sensory, a phrase that includes infants’ principal psychosexual mode of adapting.
The oral-sensory stage is characterized by two modes of incorporation, or receiving and accepting what is given.
Infants can receive even in the absence of other people; that is, they can take in air through the lungs and can receive sensory data without having to manipulate others.
The second mode of incorporation, however, implies a social context.
Erikson’s expanded view of infancy is expressed in the term oral-sensory, a phrase that includes infants’ principal psychosexual mode of adapting.
The oral-sensory stage is characterized by two modes of incorporation, or receiving and accepting what is given.
Infants can receive even in the absence of other people; that is, they can take in air through the lungs and can receive sensory data without having to manipulate others.
The second mode of incorporation, however, implies a social context.
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development Trust Versus Mistrust Infants’ most significant interpersonal relations are with their
primary caregiver, ordinarily their mother. If they realize that their mother will provide food regularly, then
they begin to learn basic trust. If they consistently hear the pleasant, rhythmic, voice of their
mother, then they develop more basic trust. If they can rely on an exciting visual environment, then they
solidify basic trust even more. In contrast, they learn basic mistrust if they find no
correspondence between their oral-sensory needs and their environment.
Trust Versus Mistrust Infants’ most significant interpersonal relations are with their
primary caregiver, ordinarily their mother. If they realize that their mother will provide food regularly, then
they begin to learn basic trust. If they consistently hear the pleasant, rhythmic, voice of their
mother, then they develop more basic trust. If they can rely on an exciting visual environment, then they
solidify basic trust even more. In contrast, they learn basic mistrust if they find no
correspondence between their oral-sensory needs and their environment.
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development Trust Versus Mistrust Infants must develop both attitudes. Too much trust makes them gullible and vulnerable to the
vagaries (erratic, unpredictable, or extravagant) of the world, whereas too little trust leads to frustration, anger, hostility, suspicion, or depression.
Hope Hope emerges from the conflict between basic trust and
basic mistrust.
Trust Versus Mistrust Infants must develop both attitudes. Too much trust makes them gullible and vulnerable to the
vagaries (erratic, unpredictable, or extravagant) of the world, whereas too little trust leads to frustration, anger, hostility, suspicion, or depression.
Hope Hope emerges from the conflict between basic trust and
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development Early Childhood The 2nd to 3rd year of life is early childhood, a period that compares
to Freud's anal stage, but it also includes mastery of other body functions such as walking, urinating, and holding.
The psychosexual mode of early childhood is anal-urethral-muscular, and children of this age behave both impulsively and compulsively.
The psychosocial crisis of early childhood is autonomy versus shame and doubt.
The psychosocial crisis between autonomy on the one hand and shame and doubt on the other produces will, the basic strength of early childhood.
The core pathology of early childhood is compulsion.
Early Childhood The 2nd to 3rd year of life is early childhood, a period that compares
to Freud's anal stage, but it also includes mastery of other body functions such as walking, urinating, and holding.
The psychosexual mode of early childhood is anal-urethral-muscular, and children of this age behave both impulsively and compulsively.
The psychosocial crisis of early childhood is autonomy versus shame and doubt.
The psychosocial crisis between autonomy on the one hand and shame and doubt on the other produces will, the basic strength of early childhood.
The core pathology of early childhood is compulsion.
During the 2nd year of life, children’s primary psychosexual adjustment is the anal-urethral-muscular mode.
At this time children learn to control their body, especially in relation to cleanliness and mobility.
Early childhood is a time of contradiction, a time of stubborn rebellion and meek compliance, a time of impulsive self-expression and compulsive deviance, a time of loving cooperation and hateful resistance.
This obstinate insistence on conflicting impulses triggers the major crisis of early childhood.
During the 2nd year of life, children’s primary psychosexual adjustment is the anal-urethral-muscular mode.
At this time children learn to control their body, especially in relation to cleanliness and mobility.
Early childhood is a time of contradiction, a time of stubborn rebellion and meek compliance, a time of impulsive self-expression and compulsive deviance, a time of loving cooperation and hateful resistance.
This obstinate insistence on conflicting impulses triggers the major crisis of early childhood.
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt As the child stubbornly expresses their anal-urethral-
muscular mode, they are likely to find a culture that attempts to inhibit some of their self-expression.
Ideally, children should develop a proper ratio between autonomy and shame and doubt, and the ratio should be in favor of autonomy.
Too little autonomy transgresses in the child having difficulty in later stages.
Autonomy Versus Shame and Doubt As the child stubbornly expresses their anal-urethral-
muscular mode, they are likely to find a culture that attempts to inhibit some of their self-expression.
Ideally, children should develop a proper ratio between autonomy and shame and doubt, and the ratio should be in favor of autonomy.
Too little autonomy transgresses in the child having difficulty in later stages.
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development Autonomy grows out of basic trust. Basic trust and autonomy=world remains intact in a mild
psychosocial crisis. No autonomy=shame and doubt=serious psychosocial
crisis. Shame=feeling of self-consciousness Doubt=feeling of not being certain
Will Beginning of freewill and willpower. Basic strength of early childhood
Autonomy grows out of basic trust. Basic trust and autonomy=world remains intact in a mild
psychosocial crisis. No autonomy=shame and doubt=serious psychosocial
crisis. Shame=feeling of self-consciousness Doubt=feeling of not being certain
Will Beginning of freewill and willpower. Basic strength of early childhood
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development Play Age From about the 3rd to the 5th year, children experience the
play age, a period that parallels Freud's phallic phase. Unlike Freud, however, Erikson saw the Oedipus complex
as an early model of lifelong playfulness and a drama played out in children's minds as they attempt to understand the basic facts of life.
The primary psychosexual mode of the play age is genital-locomotor, meaning that children have both an interest in genital activity and an increasing ability to move around.
Play Age From about the 3rd to the 5th year, children experience the
play age, a period that parallels Freud's phallic phase. Unlike Freud, however, Erikson saw the Oedipus complex
as an early model of lifelong playfulness and a drama played out in children's minds as they attempt to understand the basic facts of life.
The primary psychosexual mode of the play age is genital-locomotor, meaning that children have both an interest in genital activity and an increasing ability to move around.
Stages of Psychosocial Development Stages of Psychosocial Development The psychosocial crisis of the play age is initiative versus guilt. Begin to adopt initiative in selection and pursuit of goals. Many goals, such as marrying their mother or father or leaving
home must be repressed or delayed. The consequence of these taboo and inhibited goals is guilt. The conflict between initiative and guilt helps children to act
with a purpose (strength of Play Age) and to set goals. But if children have too little purpose, they develop inhibition,
the core pathology of the play age. (antipathy or opposite of purpose)
The psychosocial crisis of the play age is initiative versus guilt. Begin to adopt initiative in selection and pursuit of goals. Many goals, such as marrying their mother or father or leaving
home must be repressed or delayed. The consequence of these taboo and inhibited goals is guilt. The conflict between initiative and guilt helps children to act
with a purpose (strength of Play Age) and to set goals. But if children have too little purpose, they develop inhibition,
the core pathology of the play age. (antipathy or opposite of purpose)
According to Erikson, the psychological conflict of middle childhood is industry versus inferiority, which is resolved positively when children develop a sense of competence at useful skills and tasks.
In industrialized nations, the beginning of formal schooling marks the transition to middle childhood.
School entrance brings the beginning of literacy training. In school, children discover their own and others’ unique capacities, learn the
value of division of labor, and develop a sense of moral commitment and responsibility.
The negative outcome of this stage is inferiority, reflected in the pessimism of children who have little confidence in their ability to do things well.
Erikson’s sense of industry combines several developments of middle childhood: a positive but realistic self-concept, pride in accomplishment, moral responsibility, and cooperative participation with agemates.
According to Erikson, the psychological conflict of middle childhood is industry versus inferiority, which is resolved positively when children develop a sense of competence at useful skills and tasks.
In industrialized nations, the beginning of formal schooling marks the transition to middle childhood.
School entrance brings the beginning of literacy training. In school, children discover their own and others’ unique capacities, learn the
value of division of labor, and develop a sense of moral commitment and responsibility.
The negative outcome of this stage is inferiority, reflected in the pessimism of children who have little confidence in their ability to do things well.
Erikson’s sense of industry combines several developments of middle childhood: a positive but realistic self-concept, pride in accomplishment, moral responsibility, and cooperative participation with agemates.
Cognitive development affects the changing structure of self.
Children are now able to coordinate several aspects of a situation when reasoning about their physical world.
In the social realm, they combine typical experiences and behaviors into psychological dispositions, blend positive and negative characteristics, and compare their own characteristics with those of many other peers.
Cognitive development affects the changing structure of self.
Children are now able to coordinate several aspects of a situation when reasoning about their physical world.
In the social realm, they combine typical experiences and behaviors into psychological dispositions, blend positive and negative characteristics, and compare their own characteristics with those of many other peers.
Another influence on the content of self-concept is feedback from others.
Mead proposed that a well-organized psychological self emerges when the child’s I-self adopts a view of the me-self that resembles others’ attitudes toward the child.
Perspective-taking skills, especially an improved ability to infer what others are thinking, are crucial for the development of a self-concept based on personality traits.
School-age children become better at interpreting others’ messages and incorporating these into their self-definitions.
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Another influence on the content of self-concept is feedback from others.
Mead proposed that a well-organized psychological self emerges when the child’s I-self adopts a view of the me-self that resembles others’ attitudes toward the child.
Perspective-taking skills, especially an improved ability to infer what others are thinking, are crucial for the development of a self-concept based on personality traits.
School-age children become better at interpreting others’ messages and incorporating these into their self-definitions.
Development of Self-Esteem Development of Self-Esteem
As children enter school and receive much more feedback comparing their performance to that of peers, the high self-esteem of the preschool years differentiates and adjusts to a more realistic level.
A Hierarchically Structured Self-Esteem By age 6 to 7, children have formed at least four broad self-esteems—
academic, social, physical competence, and physical appearance—that become increasingly refined with age.
Viewing the self in terms of stable dispositions permits school-age children to combine these self-evaluations into an overall sense of self-esteem.
This general psychological image of themselves takes on a hierarchical structure, reflecting the greater importance children attach to certain self-evaluations than to others.
Perceived physical appearance correlates more strongly with overall self-esteem than any other factor.
As children enter school and receive much more feedback comparing their performance to that of peers, the high self-esteem of the preschool years differentiates and adjusts to a more realistic level.
A Hierarchically Structured Self-Esteem By age 6 to 7, children have formed at least four broad self-esteems—
academic, social, physical competence, and physical appearance—that become increasingly refined with age.
Viewing the self in terms of stable dispositions permits school-age children to combine these self-evaluations into an overall sense of self-esteem.
This general psychological image of themselves takes on a hierarchical structure, reflecting the greater importance children attach to certain self-evaluations than to others.
Perceived physical appearance correlates more strongly with overall self-esteem than any other factor.
Attributions are common, everyday explanations for the causes of behavior.
School-age children who are high in academic self-esteem and motivation make mastery-oriented attributions.
They credit their successes to ability (which they can improve through trying hard and can rely on when facing new challenges) and their failures to factors that can be changed, such as insufficient effort.
Students who make mastery-oriented attributions take an industrious, persistent approach to learning and are willing to tackle challenging tasks.
Attributions are common, everyday explanations for the causes of behavior.
School-age children who are high in academic self-esteem and motivation make mastery-oriented attributions.
They credit their successes to ability (which they can improve through trying hard and can rely on when facing new challenges) and their failures to factors that can be changed, such as insufficient effort.
Students who make mastery-oriented attributions take an industrious, persistent approach to learning and are willing to tackle challenging tasks.
Children who develop learned helplessness attribute their failures to ability but, when they succeed, conclude that external factors, such as luck, are responsible.
Learned-helpless children believe that ability is fixed and cannot be changed by trying hard.
On difficult tasks, they experience an anxious loss of control and give up without really trying.
Over time, the ability of learned-helpless children no longer predicts their performance, because they do not develop the metacognitive and self-regulatory skills necessary for high achievement.
Children who develop learned helplessness attribute their failures to ability but, when they succeed, conclude that external factors, such as luck, are responsible.
Learned-helpless children believe that ability is fixed and cannot be changed by trying hard.
On difficult tasks, they experience an anxious loss of control and give up without really trying.
Over time, the ability of learned-helpless children no longer predicts their performance, because they do not develop the metacognitive and self-regulatory skills necessary for high achievement.
Emotional Development in Middle ChildhoodEmotional Development in Middle Childhood
Self-conscious emotions more governed by personal responsibility Pride and guilt
Emotional Understanding Explain emotion using internal states Understand mixed emotions Rise in empathy Supported by cognitive development and social experience
Emotional Self-Regulation Motivated by self-esteem & peer approval Emotional self-efficacy
Self-conscious emotions more governed by personal responsibility Pride and guilt
Emotional Understanding Explain emotion using internal states Understand mixed emotions Rise in empathy Supported by cognitive development and social experience
Emotional Self-Regulation Motivated by self-esteem & peer approval Emotional self-efficacy
EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Self-Conscious Emotions In middle childhood, the self-conscious emotions of pride and guilt
become clearly governed by a sense of personal responsibility and no longer depend on adult monitoring.
Children now report guilt only for intentional wrongdoing, not for an accidental mishap, as younger children do.
Pride motivates children to take on challenges, while guilt prompts them to make amends and strive for self-improvement.
Harsh reprimands from adults can lead to intense shame, which is particularly destructive, potentially causing a sharp drop in self-esteem that can trigger withdrawal, depression, and anger.
Self-Conscious Emotions In middle childhood, the self-conscious emotions of pride and guilt
become clearly governed by a sense of personal responsibility and no longer depend on adult monitoring.
Children now report guilt only for intentional wrongdoing, not for an accidental mishap, as younger children do.
Pride motivates children to take on challenges, while guilt prompts them to make amends and strive for self-improvement.
Harsh reprimands from adults can lead to intense shame, which is particularly destructive, potentially causing a sharp drop in self-esteem that can trigger withdrawal, depression, and anger.
EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Emotional Understanding School-age children, unlike preschoolers, are likely to explain emotion by
referring to internal states rather than to external events. Around age 8, children become aware that they can experience more than one
emotion at a time, and that the different emotions can be either positive or negative and can differ in intensity.
Children now realize that people’s expressions may not reflect their true feelings, and they become aware of self-conscious emotions and can reconcile contradictory facial and situational cues in figuring out someone else’s feelings.
Gains in emotional understanding are supported by cognitive development and social experiences, especially adults’ sensitivity to children’s feelings and willingness to discuss emotions—factors that also lead to a rise in empathy.
As children approach adolescence, advances in perspective taking allow them to have an empathic response to people’s general life condition, not just immediate distress—for example, to imagine how people who are chronically ill or hungry might feel.
Emotional Understanding School-age children, unlike preschoolers, are likely to explain emotion by
referring to internal states rather than to external events. Around age 8, children become aware that they can experience more than one
emotion at a time, and that the different emotions can be either positive or negative and can differ in intensity.
Children now realize that people’s expressions may not reflect their true feelings, and they become aware of self-conscious emotions and can reconcile contradictory facial and situational cues in figuring out someone else’s feelings.
Gains in emotional understanding are supported by cognitive development and social experiences, especially adults’ sensitivity to children’s feelings and willingness to discuss emotions—factors that also lead to a rise in empathy.
As children approach adolescence, advances in perspective taking allow them to have an empathic response to people’s general life condition, not just immediate distress—for example, to imagine how people who are chronically ill or hungry might feel.
EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Emotional Self-Regulation Rapid gains in emotional self-regulation occur in middle children as
children engage in social comparison and care more about peer approval.
By age 10, most children are able to shift adaptively between two general strategies for managing emotion, because of an improved ability to reflect on thoughts and feelings.
In problem-centered coping, they appraise the situation as changeable, identify the difficulty, and decide what to do about it.
If this is unsuccessful, they engage in emotion-centered coping, which is internal, private, and aimed at controlling distress when little can be done about an outcome.
Emotional Self-Regulation Rapid gains in emotional self-regulation occur in middle children as
children engage in social comparison and care more about peer approval.
By age 10, most children are able to shift adaptively between two general strategies for managing emotion, because of an improved ability to reflect on thoughts and feelings.
In problem-centered coping, they appraise the situation as changeable, identify the difficulty, and decide what to do about it.
If this is unsuccessful, they engage in emotion-centered coping, which is internal, private, and aimed at controlling distress when little can be done about an outcome.
EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT Through interacting with parents, teachers, and peers, school-age children
become more knowledgeable about socially approved ways to display negative emotion.
They increasingly prefer verbal strategies to crying, sulking, or aggression. By third grade, children begin to emphasize concern for others’ feelings as the
reason for these more mature displays of emotion. When emotional self-regulation has developed well, school-age children
acquire a sense of emotional self-efficacy—a feeling of being in control of their emotional experience.
This fosters a favorable self-image and an optimistic outlook, which help children face emotional challenges.
Emotionally well-regulated children are upbeat in mood, empathic, and prosocial.
Poorly regulated children, in contrast, impulsively unleash negative emotion, which interferes with peer acceptance.
Through interacting with parents, teachers, and peers, school-age children become more knowledgeable about socially approved ways to display negative emotion.
They increasingly prefer verbal strategies to crying, sulking, or aggression. By third grade, children begin to emphasize concern for others’ feelings as the
reason for these more mature displays of emotion. When emotional self-regulation has developed well, school-age children
acquire a sense of emotional self-efficacy—a feeling of being in control of their emotional experience.
This fosters a favorable self-image and an optimistic outlook, which help children face emotional challenges.
Emotionally well-regulated children are upbeat in mood, empathic, and prosocial.
Poorly regulated children, in contrast, impulsively unleash negative emotion, which interferes with peer acceptance.
UNDERSTANDING OTHERS: PERSPECTIVE TAKING UNDERSTANDING OTHERS: PERSPECTIVE TAKING Middle childhood brings major advances in perspective taking, the
capacity to imagine what other people may be thinking and feeling—changes that support self-concept and self-esteem, understanding of others, and many social skills.
Robert Selman’s five-stage sequence describes changes in perspective-taking skill.
Selman asked children from preschool age through adolescence to respond to social dilemmas in which characters have differing information and opinions about an event.
At first, children have only a limited idea of what other people might be thinking and feeling.
Over time, they become more aware that people can interpret the same event differently.
Middle childhood brings major advances in perspective taking, the capacity to imagine what other people may be thinking and feeling—changes that support self-concept and self-esteem, understanding of others, and many social skills.
Robert Selman’s five-stage sequence describes changes in perspective-taking skill.
Selman asked children from preschool age through adolescence to respond to social dilemmas in which characters have differing information and opinions about an event.
At first, children have only a limited idea of what other people might be thinking and feeling.
Over time, they become more aware that people can interpret the same event differently.
UNDERSTANDING OTHERS: PERSPECTIVE TAKING UNDERSTANDING OTHERS: PERSPECTIVE TAKING Soon, they can “step into another person’s shoes” and reflect on
how that person might regard their own thoughts, feelings, and behavior—a level similar to second-order false belief.
Finally, older children and adolescents can evaluate two people’s perspectives simultaneously, both from the vantage point of a disinterested spectator and in terms of societal values.
Children gain in perspective taking as a result of experiences in which adults and peers explain their viewpoints.
Good perspective takers are more likely to display empathy and sympathy and to handle difficult social situations effectively—and, as a result, are better liked by peers.
Soon, they can “step into another person’s shoes” and reflect on how that person might regard their own thoughts, feelings, and behavior—a level similar to second-order false belief.
Finally, older children and adolescents can evaluate two people’s perspectives simultaneously, both from the vantage point of a disinterested spectator and in terms of societal values.
Children gain in perspective taking as a result of experiences in which adults and peers explain their viewpoints.
Good perspective takers are more likely to display empathy and sympathy and to handle difficult social situations effectively—and, as a result, are better liked by peers.
Moral reasoning advances greatly in middle childhood as the result of several factors.
By middle childhood, children who have received the consistent guidance and example of caring adults internalize rules for good conduct; as a result, they are more independent and trustworthy, and are able to take on many more responsibilities.
From a cognitive-developmental perspective, school-age children now have the capacity to think actively about right and wrong.
Children’s expanding social world also plays a role.
Moral reasoning advances greatly in middle childhood as the result of several factors.
By middle childhood, children who have received the consistent guidance and example of caring adults internalize rules for good conduct; as a result, they are more independent and trustworthy, and are able to take on many more responsibilities.
From a cognitive-developmental perspective, school-age children now have the capacity to think actively about right and wrong.
Children’s expanding social world also plays a role.
Distributive justice refers to beliefs about how to divide material goods fairly. William Damon traced children’s changing concept of distributive justice over
early and middle childhood. Strict equality: Children in the early school grades (age 5 to 6) focus on making
sure that each person gets the same amount of a treasured resource. Merit: At age 6 to 7, children say that extra rewards should be given to someone
who has worked especially hard or otherwise performed in an exceptional way. Equity and benevolence: Around age 8, children believe that special
consideration should be given to those at a disadvantage. Older children rely more on equality when interacting with strangers, more on
benevolence with friends. The give-and-take of peer interaction makes children more sensitive to others’
perceptions, supporting their developing ideas of justice.
Distributive justice refers to beliefs about how to divide material goods fairly. William Damon traced children’s changing concept of distributive justice over
early and middle childhood. Strict equality: Children in the early school grades (age 5 to 6) focus on making
sure that each person gets the same amount of a treasured resource. Merit: At age 6 to 7, children say that extra rewards should be given to someone
who has worked especially hard or otherwise performed in an exceptional way. Equity and benevolence: Around age 8, children believe that special
consideration should be given to those at a disadvantage. Older children rely more on equality when interacting with strangers, more on
benevolence with friends. The give-and-take of peer interaction makes children more sensitive to others’
perceptions, supporting their developing ideas of justice.
Understanding Individual RightsUnderstanding Individual Rights
When children challenge adult authority, they typically do so within the personal domain, concerning choices such as hairstyle, friends, and leisure activities.
As early as age 6, children view freedom of speech and religion as individual rights—even if laws exist that deny those rights.
They also regard laws that discriminate against individuals as wrong and worthy of violating.
Older school-age children place limits on individual choice. When moral and personal concerns are in conflict, fourth graders
typically decide in favor of kindness and fairness. As a result, prejudice usually declines in middle childhood.
When children challenge adult authority, they typically do so within the personal domain, concerning choices such as hairstyle, friends, and leisure activities.
As early as age 6, children view freedom of speech and religion as individual rights—even if laws exist that deny those rights.
They also regard laws that discriminate against individuals as wrong and worthy of violating.
Older school-age children place limits on individual choice. When moral and personal concerns are in conflict, fourth graders
typically decide in favor of kindness and fairness. As a result, prejudice usually declines in middle childhood.
Parents Coregulation- a transitional form of supervision in which parents
exercise general over sight while permitting children to be in charge of moment-by-moment decision making—grows out of a cooperative relationship between parent and child; it supports and protects children while preparing them for the greater freedom of adolescence.
Siblings
Rivalry
Companionship
Assistance
Parents Coregulation- a transitional form of supervision in which parents
exercise general over sight while permitting children to be in charge of moment-by-moment decision making—grows out of a cooperative relationship between parent and child; it supports and protects children while preparing them for the greater freedom of adolescence.
SOME COMMON PROBLEMS OF DEVELOPMENTSOME COMMON PROBLEMS OF DEVELOPMENTFears and Anxieties As children begin to understand the realities of the wider world, media events and
the possibility of personal harm often trouble them, along with worries about academic failure, parents’ health, physical injuries, and peer rejection.
Exposure to negative information in the media is the most common source of fears in middle childhood, followed by direct exposure to frightening events.
Most children can handle fears constructively, using emotional regulation strategies; as a result, fears decline with age, especially for girls.
About 5 percent of school-age youngsters develop a phobia—an intense, unmanageable fear; children with inhibited temperaments are at especially high risk.
School phobia is severe apprehension about attending school. It is often accompanied by physical complaints that disappear once the child is
allowed to remain home. Other childhood anxieties may arise from harsh living conditions—for example, in
inner-city neighborhoods and war-torn areas of the world.
Fears and Anxieties As children begin to understand the realities of the wider world, media events and
the possibility of personal harm often trouble them, along with worries about academic failure, parents’ health, physical injuries, and peer rejection.
Exposure to negative information in the media is the most common source of fears in middle childhood, followed by direct exposure to frightening events.
Most children can handle fears constructively, using emotional regulation strategies; as a result, fears decline with age, especially for girls.
About 5 percent of school-age youngsters develop a phobia—an intense, unmanageable fear; children with inhibited temperaments are at especially high risk.
School phobia is severe apprehension about attending school. It is often accompanied by physical complaints that disappear once the child is
allowed to remain home. Other childhood anxieties may arise from harsh living conditions—for example, in
inner-city neighborhoods and war-torn areas of the world.
Only a modest relationship exists between stressful life experiences and psychological disturbances in childhood.
When negative conditions pile up, the rate of maladjustment is multiplied.
Resilience is not a preexisting attribute but a capacity that develops, enabling children to use internal and external resources to cope with adversity.
Families, schools, communities, and society as a whole can enhance or undermine school-age children’s supportive relationships and sense of competence.
Only a modest relationship exists between stressful life experiences and psychological disturbances in childhood.
When negative conditions pile up, the rate of maladjustment is multiplied.
Resilience is not a preexisting attribute but a capacity that develops, enabling children to use internal and external resources to cope with adversity.
Families, schools, communities, and society as a whole can enhance or undermine school-age children’s supportive relationships and sense of competence.