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Phonology: Contrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006
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Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

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Page 1: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Phonology:Contrast and complementary distribution

LING 200Spring 2006

Page 2: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Phonemic vs. phonetic representations

• Phonetic representation– directly observable– contains measurable properties

• Phonemic representation– inferred, not observed– abstract, streamlined representation of sound

Page 3: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

In English, which of the following sounds are allophones of /p/?

[p] o

nly

[ph]

only [p

] and [p

h] [p

], [ph] a

nd [b]

3% 5%

90%

3%

1. [p] only2. [ph] only3. [p] and [ph]4. [p], [ph] and [b]

Page 4: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

In Witsuwit’en, [] is not considered a phoneme because

81%

14%5%

1. [] is in complementary distribution with []

2. [] contrasts with []3. [] contrasts with []

Page 5: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Inferring the phonemic representation

• Primarily, use evidence from:– Minimal pairs/sets (‘contrast’)– Distributional properties of sounds (restricted

distribution, such as ‘complementary distribution’)

Page 6: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Minimal pairs• Two words which differ in meaning and along only one

phonetic parameter– A minimal pair for voicing

• [kræbi] vs. [kræ pi]• therefore, /p b/ in English

– A minimal pair for labio-dental vs. interdental place• [n] vs. [fn]• therefore, / f/ in English

• Minimal pairs – contain phonemes– are a guide to the phoneme inventory

the phonetic difference between the pair is not attributable to context

Page 7: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Minimal sets

• A minimal set for vowel height– [hid] (heed)– [hd] (hid)– [hed] (hayed)– [hd] (head)– [hæd] (had)

Page 8: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

A near-minimal set

• [tjd] (toyed)• [hjd] (hide)• [hwd] (how’d)

Page 9: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Evidence from restricted distribution

• When aspects of pronunciation are predictable, most likely due to influence of– Neighboring sound– Position (within word, for example)

Page 10: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Mohawk

• Iroquoian family; spoken in Quebec, Ontario, and NewYork

Page 11: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Voicing in Mohawk

• Observation: [p t k b d g] are all sounds of Mohawk

• Suspicion: there are no minimal or near-minimal pairs for voicing

• Question: Is stop voicing phonemic or predictable?

Page 12: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Mohawk phonetic data

‘pick it up!’ (sg.)[de:zekw]‘Abram, Abraham’

[plm]

‘stand up!’ (sg.)[desdn]‘two’[degeni]

‘fly’[iks]‘five’[wisk]

‘a little bit’[sdu:h]‘tail’[odhs]

‘catfish’[lbhbet]‘stocking’[g:lis]

‘chin’[ohjotsh]‘hide it!’ (sg.)[zhset]

‘shirt’[oj:gl]‘pigeon’[oli:de]

[V:] = long vowel, [C] = voiceless consonantof interest: [p t k b d g]

Page 13: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Finding patterns in a mass of data

• Often it is useful to– rearrange the data– simplify the data

• eliminate likely extraneous elements by listing what immediately precedes and follows, including position

Page 14: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Stop distribution

:___ e___we___ei___s#___ :s___#[g][k]s___#___e:#___es___u:o___ o___si:___ee___#[d][t]h___e ___ ___l[b][p]

# = word edge

Page 15: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Summarized contexts

___ #

___ V___ C

[b d g][p t k]

[p t k] and [b d g] are in complementary distribution in Mohawk.

Page 16: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

The next step

• Beyond complementary distribution: Writing a phonological rule

• Which of the following rules?– Mohawk grammar1: Mohawk has /p t k/ and

rule of Voicing (stops are voiced before vowels). or?

– Mohawk grammar2: Mohawk has /b d g/ and rule of Devoicing (stops are voiceless word finally or before a consonant).

Page 17: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Writing the phonological rule• Choose Voicing. Why?

– Voicing rule is simpler than Devoicing rule• Voicing: “...before vowels.”• Devoicing: “...word finally or before a consonant.”

– (A second reason why a linguist would prefer Mohawk grammar1: If Voicing, then Mohawk consonant inventory contains /p t k/. If Devoicing, then /b d g/. But there are no languages with /b d g/ which lack /p t k/. I.e. voiced stops voiceless stops (an implicational universal).)

Page 18: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

A further thought

• What about the voiced affricate []?• One example in this data set:

– [iks] ‘fly’• Observation: like [b d g], the voiced palatal

affricate occurs before a vowel. (Stops and affricates often pattern together.)

Page 19: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Mohawk consonant inventory

jwglide

rliquid

nnasal

hsfricative

caffricate

ktpstop

glottalvelarpalatalalveolarlabial

Notice that Voicing applies to all of the stops and affricates in Mohawk (that can be voiced).

Page 20: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Revised rule•In Mohawk,

Stops and affricates are voiced before vowels, and voiceless elsewhere. (sentence formulation of rule)

/p t c k/ [b d g] / ___ V

( [p t c k] / …)

(‘arrow’ formulation of rule)

… = elsewhere

Page 21: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Writing phonological rules• A common format

/A/ B / C ___ DA = phoneme(s) which undergo the ruleB = aspect of pronunciation changed (allophone

created)/ = in the context of___ = location of phoneme in contextC, D = conditioning elements of the context

• = ‘A becomes or adds B when preceded by C and followed by D’

Page 22: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

What kind of phonological rule is Mohawk Voicing?

Ass

imila

tion

Diss

imila

tion

Epenthes

is

Dele

tion

67%

0%

11%

22%

1. Assimilation2. Dissimilation3. Epenthesis4. Deletion

Hint: vowels are voiced (unless transcribed with diacritic for voicelessness, [V].

Page 23: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Ganda, a.k.a. Luganda

Page 24: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Ganda Liquids

‘command’[lagira]‘tongue’[olulimi]‘accuse’[wawaabira]‘Ganda language’[oluganda]‘lightning’[eraddu]‘hospital’[eddwaliro]‘ship’[emmeeri]‘sweet potato’[lumonde]‘whistle’[effirimbi]‘bride’[omugole]‘fire’[omuliro]‘sit’[luula]‘canoe’[erjato]‘eat’[lja]‘remember’[ukira]‘tell’[buulira]‘help’[beera]‘fight’[lwana]‘hear’[wulira]‘do’[kola]

Page 25: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Ganda transcription notes

• [a] = low back unrounded vowel• [] = voiced palatal stop (cf. [c])• [uu] = long [u] ([u:])• [dd] = long [d] ([d:])

Page 26: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Ganda liquids

• [r] and [l] are in complementary distribution in Ganda. State the conditions under which appears.

Page 27: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

In Ganda, N

one of th

e abo

ve.

21%9%

71%1. /r/ [l] / back V __, #

___; [r] / …2. /l/ [r] / front V___;

[l] / …3. None of the above.

Page 28: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

Ganda liquids in loanword phonology

• In loans from other languages, sometimes Ganda has [r] where the source language has [l], etc.

• Why?

‘safari’ (loan from Swahili)

[ssaffaali]

‘ruler’[luula]

‘railway’[leerwe]

‘flag’[ebendera]

Page 29: Contrast and complementary distributioncourses.washington.edu/lingclas/200/Lectures/Core/phon/phonology1.pdfContrast and complementary distribution LING 200 Spring 2006. Phonemic vs.

In borrowed words, why do Ganda speakers sometimes have [l] where the source language has [r], and vice versa?

Gan

da sp

eake

rs ca

nn..

Gan

da sp

eake

rs pro

...

The dist

ributio

n is r..

.

Liquids

in borro

wed...

0% 0%0%0%

1. Ganda speakers cannot pronounce liquids properly.

2. Ganda speakers pronounce liquids according to Ganda phonology.

3. The distribution is random.4. Liquids in borrowed words are

pronounced according to the phonology of the source language.