Conclusion The apparel oſt proclaims the man ... - William Shakespeare 930 The aim of this thesis has been to examine the economical, sociological and cultural aspects of shion and clothing in colonial society in order to demonstrate how clothing was used socially and economically to establish class, status and power in the colony of Weste Australia. This research represents a new departure in the study of Western Australian historiography because r the first time, dress is related to social, cultural and economic development in colonial history. The dearth of direct publications on Western Australian clothing, except r two joual articles, om the time of undation to the present day is confirmation of the inattention afforded to clothing in Weste Australian histories of the colonial period. This study has asked what the major social and geographical impacts were on early Weste Australian clothing. It has also enquired into the extent to which Weste Australian colonial clothing reflected the social structure, standing and inheritance of Victorian Britain; has examined the industry of clothing, resources and materials and their impact on the economy of the colony; has questioned whether colonial clothing negotiated gender boundaries; and has addressed whether the chronological evolution of shion in colonial Weste Australia was consistent with the concurrent shions in Britain and other Australian colonies. Also, the study included the interpretation of the findings in terms of Veblen's and Simmel's theories. What were the major social and geographical impacts on early Western Australian clothing? In addressing the above research question, the thesis has highlighted the ct that clothes are a major tool in the construction of identity and that the primary influence in the type of clothing wo by individuals within a society is cultural. However, in addition to the social impact on clothing there were other ctors which dominated change in colonial clothing: resources (economics), availability, inheritance, isolation and climate. These, in conjunction with the reinterpretation of 930 Hamlet, Act. 1, Scene. 3 319
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Conclusion
The apparel oft proclaims the man . . . - William Shakespeare930
The aim of this thesis has been to examine the economical, sociological and cultural aspects of fashion and clothing in colonial society in order to demonstrate how clothing was used socially and economically to establish class, status and power in the colony of Western Australia. This research represents a new departure in the study of Western Australian historiography because for the first time, dress is related to social, cultural and economic development in colonial history. The dearth of direct publications on Western Australian clothing, except for two journal articles, from the time of foundation to the present day is confirmation of the inattention afforded to clothing in Western Australian histories of the colonial period.
This study has asked what the major social and geographical impacts were on early Western Australian clothing. It has also enquired into the extent to which Western Australian colonial clothing reflected the social structure, standing and inheritance of Victorian Britain; has examined the industry of clothing, resources and materials and their impact on the economy of the colony; has questioned whether colonial clothing negotiated gender boundaries; and has addressed whether the chronological evolution of fashion in colonial Western Australia was consistent with the concurrent fashions in Britain and other Australian colonies. Also, the study included the interpretation of the findings in terms of Veblen's and Simmel's theories.
What were the major social and geographical impacts on early Western Australian clothing?
In addressing the above research question, the thesis has highlighted the fact that clothes are a major tool in the construction of identity and that the primary influence in the type of clothing worn by individuals within a society is cultural. However, in addition to the social impact on clothing there were other factors which dominated change in colonial clothing: resources (economics), availability, inheritance, isolation and climate. These, in conjunction with the reinterpretation of
930Hamlet, Act. 1, Scene. 3
3 19
British social values in the new environment resulted in particular colonial characteristics.
The settlers' British heritage was a major influence in the colony as the governance of British influence was visible in every facet of colonial society especially in the early years. Procedural and customary formalities such as mourning rituals, religious rites and other societal functions, ie, etiquette, were conducted in accordance with British practice. In relation to attire, strong European fashion acceptance was evident throughout the nineteenth century in Western Australia. As British expatriates, the early colonists embraced the British-inherited tradition. Regardless of the social standing of the settler, from the lowest to the highest ranks, it is obvious that their appearance in these very early years was an imitation of that at home. The British impact on clothing is verified by the occurrence of British fashions, eg, crinolines, bustles and a variety of furs and silks, as well as the resemblance between colonial and British surviving costumes. The similarity between some surviving clothing in Western Australian collections and clothing in British collections (Museum of Costumes, Bath, Victoria and Albert Museum, London etc) is significant. The British influence in the colony is also evidenced by various eccentric fashions, such as, exotic animal embellishments on hats, bonnets and boas. The extreme between the sobriety of men's clothing and the extravagance of women's clothing also reflects the British influence. British codes of dress were also maintained in the new colony as a civilising force. As colonisers, the British saw themselves as bringing civilisation to primitive cultures and clothing, and particular styles of dress were seen as a civilising force.
However, the British influence on colonial clothing is a complex issue which must be understood in context. For example, on the one hand, colonial clothing was similar to the existing English clothing in patterns and styles, while on the other hand, it was different in having less decoration and colour. Also, while the early colonists followed European styles, every surviving costume in Western Australia was constructed of softer and more light-weight fabric. The Western Australian climate and the pioneer lifestyle forced colonists to wear washable and hard-wearing clothing and the heat forced them to wear light-weight fabrics.
Climate and environment also influenced the development of unique bushman/outback clothing. As explained in Chapter 2, rough, durable and casual bushman's clothing was derived from working-class clothing. It was well suited to colonial climatic conditions but quite distinctive from traditional British rural clothing such as smocks. Outback male clothing therefore demarcates rural and urban clothing culture in the colony. However, rural women's clothing tended to maintain current fashions, but were made from more durable fabrics. Photographs
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of women in rural areas often show them wearing fashionable crinolines, bustles, shawls, gloves, scarves and bonnets/hats.
'Uniqueness' is a problematic term to interpret and requires definition in the context of Western Australia. As Western Australian colonists dressed according to the British practice, the emergence of unique qualities of Western Australian attire is a delicate transition and it indicates the emerging differences and significance of two distinct societies (Britain and Western Australia). However, this divergence can be seen as distinctiveness. Colonial uniqueness was augmented by frequent shortages of supplies/imports which required clothing to be hard wearing in the harsh conditions. The new life style, where servants and labourers were not always available or could be afforded and work was done by the land owners themselves, added to this uniqueness in that pioneer landowners of both sexes needed clothing for everyday labour.
The traces oflndian and French fashions are visible in the clothing evidence. However, these fashion preferences cannot be perceived as an acceptance of foreign fashion elements, but more as an exotic embellishment of prevailing British fashions. Nor is there any evidence to suggest that different ethnic groups in Western Australia influenced colonial clothing. Therefore, the uniqueness of Western Australian colonial clothing was based on the adaptation of British styles.
The contribution of colonial newspapers to clothing and fashion was also significant as they advertised the latest fashion news from Britain and Europe, available fabric supplies and sewing instructions which allowed dressmakers to make up the garments. The interpretation of these fashions was enhanced with the seasonal differences in the southern hemisphere. In the Wes tern Australian winter season, England experienced its summer, however, the journey between England and Australia took six to eight months. It was possible for European seasonal fashions to be current in Western Australia and therefore the chronological evolution of fashion in colonial Western Australia was consistent with Victorian fashions in Britain, Europe and other colonies.
The major social impact on Western Australian clothing was the identification of an individuals cultural place in society, while the major geographical impact was the use of climate-friendly light weight fabrics which were washable and hard-wearing.
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To what extent does Western Australian colonial clothing reflect the social structure, standing and inheritance of Victorian Britain ?
In addressing the above research question, the thesis shows that early colonists practiced their inherited traditions, including clothing, in the new country. The majority of the colonial population throughout the nineteenth century were of British descent, therefore, British influence in colonial Western Australia was unavoidable. However, colonial uniqueness was evident when compared with the British social practice. For example, classes and gentility were defined and understood differently, primarily because of the non-aristocratic origins of the colonial gentry. In the pioneering period, the colonial gentry maintained and behaved differently compared with their British counterparts, for example, they laboured alongside their inferiors for survival. It was only in leisure activities and associated clothing that the gentry distinguished themselves from the lower-classes. In leisure activities such as sports, balls etc, their special clothing separated the appearance of the upper-classes from the majority of the lower-classes which consisted oflabourers and convicts. Additionally, as Chapter 2 shows, imitating British fashion was one of the strategies used by the colonial upper-classes to maintain their social superiority, because wearing British fashion attracted more respectability. As explained in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3, colonists' attention to behaviour and dress was sometimes overdone and excessive compared with Britain. For example, colonist Fanny Bussell went to greater lengths than in England to preserve the correct appearance. 93 1 This might be attributable to the difficulty in getting resources to maintain the appropriate style or may be the influence of colonists seeing themselves as a civilising force in a new environment.
Colonial Western Australian class structure was established on an economic basis rather than on inheritance, but it resulted in the same distinctions in social and clothing behaviours as in Britain. As shown in Chapter I and Chapter 2, the colonial merchant-class succeeded in raising its social status by imitating upper-class fashion and behaviour. Similar to European practice, conspicuous consumption was a symbol of status in the colony, however, it was tempered by availability and the colonial environment. Therefore, distance from England also played a vital role in the availability of clothing supplies for the first generation of colonial migrants.
93 1Clark, P and Spender, D. 1 992, Life Lines: Australian Women 's Letters and Diaries 1 788 to 1840, Allen and Unwin, Sydney. pp. 18-19
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Thus, in spite of its uniqueness, colonial clothing differentiated class just as it had done in Britain. In the early pioneering era, the upper-classes aspired towards preserving a gentility which resembled Britain, regardless of the harsh climate and scarcity of supplies. But during the latter part of the century, although colonists dressed according to British styles and fashions, colonial clothing was hardly ' identical' to British clothing in terms of decoration, materials and presentation. Instead, it reflected a subtle mutation in the context of social development. Therefore, the challenges of the new environment gradually produced a new civilisation and new clothing behaviour.
As explained in Chapter 3, colonial upper-classes were determined to maintain their status through clothing and fashion. However, colonial visitors, such as, Twopeny and Aspinall, frequently described different views, as evident in the following statements: "Colonial appearance is not one-sixth as strong as in England"932, "The older his coat, and the dirtier his shirt, the more the possibilities are in favour of the millionaire"933 and "Ordinary people wore very glossy coats", 934 showing some contradiction in the findings of this study.
The above comments primarily focused on the Eastern colonies, eg, New South Wales and Victoria and need to be considered in the context of the differences between colonisation in Eastern and Western Australia in the nineteenth century. For example, the Western Australian colony was established approximately forty years after the initial Eastern settlement and was originally limited to migration as a crown colony rather than as a penal colony like Botany Bay or Port Arthur. Hence the settlement was more orderly, planned and attracted a different sort of settler, that is, one who was possibly more willing to maintain his British heritage.
Poverty in every facet of colonial life is well documented. On the other hand, there are many accounts of colonial life which recount dressing-up for balls, parties, regattas, picnics etc which show no evidence of poverty. However, as reported throughout this thesis, colonial lower-classes generally experienced greater hardship than their superiors. But, Twopeny935 and Punch 1850 both claimed working-class [in the Eastern colonies] were better dressed and lived better than their British counterparts. This contradiction needs to be acknowledged because it is indicative of the complexity and diversity of the Western Australian colony, indicating its uniqueness and also questioning its egalitarianism.
932Twopeny, R. 1976, Town Life in Australia 1883, Penguin Books, Melbourne. pp. 111 933Twopeny, R. 1 976, Town Life in Australia 1883, Penguin Books, Melbourne. pp. 74-79 934 Aspinall, C. 1862, Three Years in Melbourne 1858-1862, L. Booth, London. pp. 33-35 935Twopeny, R. 1976, Town Life in Australia 1883, Penguin Books, Melbourne. pp. 71
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The difficulties in defining social difference through appearance in the colonial context must be noted. Although the traditional cultural practices in the nineteenth century were applicable to the colonial society, accounts such as the above, generate a somewhat confused picture of colonial dress code, primarily because of the indefinable nature of social structure, economic and climatic environment. Therefore, it was not easy to determine class through dress code alone in the colony.
As explained in Chapter 3, contrary to colonists' efforts to imitate British inheritance, there were many accounts pinpointing their failure to do so. For example, the differences between the colonists and the British, ie, Charlotte Bussell's accounts of colonial-born women as second-class to British women, and Rev. Wollaston' s accounts of colonial-born settlers' vulgar behaviour etc, suggesting colonists were not quite successful in transforming their traditions in the new land.
Therefore, in response to the above research question, Western Australian colonial clothing does reflect the social structure, standing and inheritance of Victorian Britain. But not to the same extent, because the colonial social structure (based on wealth rather than inheritance) was not as easily determined as in Britain.
How did the industry of clothing, resources and materials impact on the consumption of clothing in colonial Western Australia?
There are very few references to clothing and clothing materials in the economic literature of Western Australia of the time. Nevertheless, clothing and its related industries were fundamental in developing colonial economy. Therefore, clothing, resources and materials had a considerable impact on the colony. Throughout the nineteenth century, importation was the main access to clothing. From 1829-1900, approximately twenty to twenty-five per-cent of total imports; approximately one quarter of the entire imports (from approximately twenty different countries) were clothing and clothing materials. These figures provide evidence of the importance of clothing in the local economy. Also, as explained in Chapter 2, imported clothing assisted European/British influence in colonial appearance. The emergence of the economically powerful merchant-class during the latter part of the century was pivotal in this development. In colonial Western Australian society, economic success became the basis for social status and successful colonists' wanted to clothe themselves and their employees appropriately. For centuries in Britain and Europe, clothing had been used td iinpose particular social identities and this form of social control was also evident id the Western Australian colony through the
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importation of working-class clothing which maintained social distinction and social boundaries. Traditional forms of working-class clothing, ie, slops, dungarees, were in use throughout nineteenth-century Western Australia, along with new forms such as denim overalls and jeans.
As explained in Chapter 4, evidenced in personal correspondence and judging from newspaper advertisements, current fashions were not readily available in the colony. Irregular supplies and the lack of shops in the pioneering era meant that colonists often requested that clothing to be sent from Britain by relatives, providing an additional means of clothing importation. Therefore, it is likely that fashion-conscious colonists relied on their relatives and friends in England for their fashion supplies. As the economic environment of the colony developed, however, so did the nature of shopping. Clothing in the pioneering era had been sold by small shop keepers, importers, general drapers, hawkers and tailoring establishments, while in the later years department stores were established in Perth and major rural centres. Evidence from clothing suppliers, such as, shops, hawkers, tailors, department stores etc, show much about colonial forms of dress, because the merchandise characterised settlers' taste and determined their requirements. Also, colonial employers provided clothing for their workers indicating their control over the access and choice of clothing for the lower-classes. By the latter part of the nineteenth century, according to advertisements, colonists were offered fashionable clothing regardless of their status and class, suggesting new patterns of clothing behaviour in the colony. Moreover, with the development of the local clothing industry, clothing importation declined. Imported clothing, especially in the first twenty years of the settlement, was mainly second-hand. However, as the trades and skills in the colony developed, this too declined while fabric imports expanded. Technological advancements in clothing manufacture also impacted on the economics of the colony. For example, the introduction of the sewing machine caused considerable expansion in the clothing industry.
Therefore, in response to the above research question, as the colony developed, social structure did change as a reflection of the development of the local economy which made clothing readily available for all classes of society.
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Did colonial clothing negotiate gender boundaries in the nineteenth century?
Dress and associated behaviours are gendered cultural practices which were understood by every social class in the nineteenth century. Colonial Western Australian society, like British society, developed on traditional gender boundaries, and this is particularly in evidence in colonial clothing.
Religious behaviours in particular reflected gender consciousness in the colonial society. Therefore, similar to British practice, clothing followed theological guidelines, ie, patriarchy. In the patriarchal colonial society, conspicuous consumption enabled women to be the ultimate display of men and their status. In contrast to the relatively constant fashions of men, women's fashions exhibited mobility. Thus, in the nineteenth century, fashion became a female concern and in doing so reinforced male hegemony. Uniformity in male attire of the period helped to conceal class distinction. Conservative and static male dress suggested male public status and power in colonial society. Although. dress for men in colonial Western Australia was similar to that worn in Britain, there were subtle unique characteristics, eg, changing appearance was evident in male clothing from the late nineteenth century as sub groups with distinct social orientation, ie, bushmen and squatters, invented new styles to accommodate the environment and climate. However, while male clothing became more simple, women's dress was required to reflect status, but decorative female attire also reflected women's subordination and dependence. Therefore, as in Britain, womens' clothing of the period came to designate both social position and gender subordination as well as signifying wealth.
In the first few decades of the colony, there was little reliable evidence in terms of male clothing. There were only a few photographs, personal correspondence, advertisements and little surviving clothing. In analysing male clothing, the limitations of these sources need to be noted. According to many surviving photographs, colonial urban male dress throughout the nineteenth century was a replication of European styles. However, similar to women's surviving clothing, most men's surviving clothing was made from climate-friendly materials. Therefore, as explained in Chapter 2, these variations had more to do with climatic conditions in the colony. Colonial male dress is a contentious issue because on one hand, as explained in Chapters 2 and 3, it indicates the status of the wearer and on the other hand it can be seen as free from social differences, reflecting colonial egalitarianism.
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As explained in Chapter 4, investigation of cutting instructions has shown that the basic cut of men's and women's dress changed little throughout the nineteenth century. Although female fashion styles encountered variations, ie, full and narrow skirts, high and low waistlines, different shoulder lines etc, skirts were still ankle-length.
Nineteenth-century apparel was not only for protecting the body, but also for protecting respectability. As everyday life embraced increasing leisure, women were only allowed to 'play' within the limited boundaries which confirmed the superiority of men. Thus, there was no sign of dress reform for women in the direction of practical, healthy or comfortable clothing in the colony, and no evidence of bloomer-style clothing, for example, because it would have subverted gender differences.
The Western Australian colony as a part of the British Empire and Western Australian inhabitants as mainly of British descent suggests the possible influence of the nineteenth century ideologies, such as, industrial revolution (sewing machine, clothing/textile manufacturing technology), feminism (women were often forced into work situations unavailable to those in Britain) and nationalism (ie, outback clothing, difference between colonial-born and British-born).
Therefore, in response to the above research question, colonial clothing did negotiate gender boundaries in the nineteenth century.
Is the chronological evolution of fashion in colonial Western Australia consistent with the concurrent fashions in Britain and other Australian colonies?
The chronological evolution of fashion in the Western Australian colony was in accordance with European, especially British fashions, at the time. As discussed in Chapter 2, the contribution of the media, seasonal differences between Britain and the colony, and the settlers' own British inheritance enhanced the importation and imitation of British and European styles.
However, colonial dress has inherent equivocacy in terms of colour. Although much personal correspondence refers to dark coloured clothing and materials (Chapter 2), the colours of surviving costumes varied. Many dresses for special occasions, particularly leisure wear were made from bright-coloured silks, satins and brocades in pinks, yellows, purples, blues and reds, along with many other colours, ie, grey, brown etc. Little surviving clothing reflects the colonists' request
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for dark colours which would not show the dirt. These were everyday clothes and subject to considerable wear and tear, hence they have not survived and not valued in the same way as special gowns etc.
The significant difference when comparing surviving clothing in Western Australian collections and clothing in British collections, is the lack of decoration in colonial dress, primarily caused by the lack of supplies, and by the need to accommodate the harsh living conditions and climate.
The history of clothing of the lower-classes in the colony is difficult to ascertain because of the lack of evidence, ie, surviving costumes, personal correspondence and information relating to their living conditions. However, generalised descriptions such as those of colonial poverty, import records and some wealthy colonists' personal correspondence helps to form a picture of their possible clothing and appearance. The providing of clothing by employers leading to cheap clothing, special labourers' clothing and discarded clothing from the wealthy.
As in Britain, colonial recreational clothing, ie, sports clothing for riding, cycling, was an extension of existing clothing variations, ie, morning, visiting, night, travelling clothes etc. Leisure required special purpose clothing but also displayed the wearers' status and wealth, particularly for women, whose sporting clothing only varied marginally from their everyday clothes. So not only was having leisure time a marker of wealth and success, but having the special clothing for leisure was also indicative of affluence and higher class status.
Interpretation of the findings in terms of Veblen's and Simmel's theories
Veblen has closely scrutinised women's dress and its social significance. His notion of conspicuousness in the context of appearance operates dichotomically. First, to exhibit the pecuniary power and prestige of the men, secondly, to show the wealth and success of their husbands and fathers. Veblen's leisure theory maintains that conspicuous consumption or spending for the sake of prestige stems from people choosing their clothing to exhibit their status. Leisure in the nineteenth century was regarded as a symbol of social status. The leisure class were exempt from work and their fashionable appearance indicated that exception. Veblen's leisure theory goes beyond fashion, to all forms of social transmission and change, wherever there emerges not only the need to inform to others of one's own status, but also the need to distinguish oneself from other levels of society.
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Just as in England, consumption in the colony was not only a matter of satisfying needs, but also an opportunity to enhance social status. For Veblen, conspicuous expenditure also indicate the idleness of the woman-wearer. Therefore, many articles of dress, ie, long skirts, corsets, bustles etc, hindered physical activity. However, in spite of this, colonists rarely escaped laborious work and colonial women followed harsh protocols regardless of their class. Nonetheless, "the high heel, the skirt, the bonnet and the corset, and the general disregard of the wearers' comfort, were maintained as the features of civilised women's apparel."936
Veblen explains that "At the stage of economic development at which women were still in the full sense of property of the men, the performance of conspicuous leisure and consumption came to be part of the services required of them. "937
However, in the colonial context, this was not tenable. Since, although colonial women were regarded as chattels of a men's wealth, unlike British society, colonial women worked alongside their husbands and experienced the same hardships. Most colonial fashion advertisements focused on the upper-classes in the knowledge that as the leisure theory explains, "conspicuous consumption enhanced social status, rather than providing needs. "938 However, although consuming for status was practised in colonial society, it was moderated by colonial conditions such as availability and lifestyle. As explained in Veblen's theory, the aspirations of the upper-class were further strengthened by adopting foreign styles and ideas. In relation to colonial Western Australia, this notion of application reinforced with French and Indian fashions and styles imports throughout the nineteenth century. Simmel's fashion simulation theory advocates a 'trickle-down' process of fashion whereby styles that are first exhibited by the upper-class and are later imitated by the lower-classes. This is followed by fashion change in the upper-classes which enables those classes to maintain their distinction. Thus, fashion which reflects the wearers' class is both a form of social imitation and a product of class distinction. 939 Although the process of the trickling-down is not really structurally different in any given society, the extent of the distinction (or end result) can vary, because of characteristics such as population, economic status and the social
936veblen, T. 1899, The Theory of the Leisure Class, Unwin Books, London. pp. 127
937Veblen, T. 1899, The Theory of the Leisure Class, Unwin Books, London. pp. 180-182 938Veblen, T. 1899, The Theory of the Leisure Class, Unwin Books, London. pp. 64-121 939simme1 G. 1957, 'Fashion ', American Journal of Sociology, Reprinted from International
Quarterly 10 ( 1904), pp. 541-558
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structure. However, applied to the colonial context, the trickling-down process in the colony was somewhat different. Whilst there is little evidence of any trickling-down through the class system especially in the early years, the trickling-down of styles from Britain to the colony was significant. This was clearly caused by the maintaining of British social customs and traditions in the colony. The less extensive trickling-down process within the colony may have been due to the non-aristocratic upper-class, or the relatively less rigid social stratification. It would also have been modified by availability, resources, skills and money.
In accordance with Simmel's claim of the role of fashion in both individual differentiation and social equalisation, colonial fashion also centred on particular classes and mediated class difference. From the late-nineteenth century, every class in colonial society had greater access to fashionable clothing because of commercialisation. However, while access to fashion was not restricted to the privileged classes, the lower-classes' access was determined by their economic situation.
The Simm el' s notion that creators of styles always come from the upper-classes 940
has been contested in this thesis. For example, outback, ie, bushmen's and squatters' attire originated from humble, perhaps poverty-stricken colonists who needed appropriate clothing. This type of clothing was determined by the need for washable, comfortable and durable garments rather than by social status.
The applicability of Veblen's leisure theory and Simmel's trickle-down theory for analysing clothing in colonial Western Australia has been examined in this study. These Eurocentric theoretical models are appropriate for discussing clothing, especially in the early years of the colony. However, when the century progressed, those models do not necessarily match (although applicable), primarily because of differences between colonial and British society. Also, as class barriers weakened and wealth increased, the traditional hierarchy began to break down, leaving every man/woman free to dress as well as they could afford. For example,
As Veblen explains, "Sport, is one of the social ways in which the upper-class finds prestige and personal status."941 However, by the latter part of the nineteenth century, sport became more accessible to the lower-classes and, therefore, the status associated with leisure activity had lessened.
940simmel G. 1 957, 'Fashion ', American Journal of Sociology, Reprinted from International Quarterly 10 ( 1904), pp. 541-558
941Veblen, T. 1899, The Theory of the Leisure Class, Unwin Books, London.
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For men, dress was becoming a less effective assertion of wealth and prestige, since the better earnings of the lower-classes and the growth of mass production enabled them to wear imitations of the costly garments of the upper-classes. On the other hand, as seen on several occasions, the men's fashions had changed in the direction of austerity. For example, during the French Revolution, this change was more or less transitory, but with the Industrial Revolution it became almost permanent. Also, by the early 1890s, the crinoline and the bustle had almost disappeared, because of women's increased interest in work and leisure, particularly sport, where it is obviously too much of a hindrance.
In analysing the early (1829-1850) and late (1850-1900) colonial society, the study shows, Western Australia as a society where lower-classes became stronger challenging the traditional patterns of fashionable dressing of the privileged. With increased education, especially literacy, more people had access to press and advertising. Also, with the mass production of clothing, patterns and sewing machines, people gradually started to follow fashion not only to imitate their social superiors, but also to capture the mood of the times. So fashion no longer served the purpose of class differentiation. Therefore, by the late twentieth century, the trickle-down concept has completely changed to a collective concept with no class distinction. Clothing has become a means of expressing personal and group identity rather than social status.
Not only has this thesis been able to apply Veblen's and Simmel's theory but it has followed through to demonstrate the beginning of a breakdown of the theory as it would be applied today.
The application of Simmel' s Trickle-down theory is also moderated in this study by economic resources, isolation and hardship in the beginning but enhanced by later economic development. In the later period, more skilled dressmakers and tailors, newspapers became established to advertise fashion and styles and department stores making clothing available, facilitating the trickle-down from Britain to the colony. Moreover, with steam ships the time to receive goods, fashion magazines and patterns etc was considerably shorter, so would have speeded up the trickle-down process.
Increased wealth and leisure ti me, especi ally after th e 1850s , leading
to conspicuous consumerism.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - .- - - -' I
_ _ _ _1' _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Colonia l
Lower-classes
Until the 1 860s, the lowerclasses had no control over
their clothing. They had to rel y o n what was im ported by m erchants and what they
could afford.
"C Q) :Si: u ·;:
These two theories (Veblen's Leisure Theory and Simmel's Trickle-down Theory) complemented each other at this point. The increased leisure time and expenditure would have resulted in more clothing being passed down to the poor and servants. This too speeds up the trickle-down process between classes.
As shown, the trickle-down process in the colony was determined by class and economics. This is also interconnected with the Leisure Theory, in that, increased wealth translated as extra expenditure and leisure time which also affected the trickle-down process.
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This thesis is an invitation to researchers to take the topic of fashion seriously. The thesis has only looked at nineteenth-century clothing in Western Australia. The study points to two directions for future research. First, further research should reach beyond the colonial era, and secondly, there is a need for further inquiry into the children's clothing, Aboriginal clothing, out-back/bush clothing, ethnic clothing, occupational clothing, leisure clothing and charity clothing.
As explained in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3, colonial social conventions, ie, status as manifested in demeanour, dress and appearance was demonstrated by women, as in Britain. To a large extent, colonial women's clothing remained relatively unaffected by the structural changes in society. Nonetheless, colonial clothing, especially the prevailing fashion, also produced dynamic relationships between imitation and distinction, universality and particularity, submission and sense of power, femininity and masculinity, and stillness and movement. As in Britain, colonial dress also symbolised ties to specific groups such as occupation and religion.
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372
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Nedlands.
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Australia, N edlands.
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373
History of Costume:
The Consumption, Governance, Potency
and Patronage of Attire in
Colonial
W estem Australia
Appendices
August 2004
Appendices
Appendix 1 :
Imported Clothing, Clothing Materials, Haberdasheries and Accessories:
Western Australia 1829-1914 pp. 1
Appendix 2:
Tailors, Convict Tailors and Dressmakers/Seamstresses:
# Men's Veil # Chiffon Veil # Crepe De Chine V. # Motor Veil # Heimtitched Crepe de Chine Motor v. # Jap. Silk Motor Veil # :Rus&an Net Veiling # Silk Net Veil #
Vest # # # # # # # Mens Washing Vest # # Satin Vest # # # # # # # Merino Vest # # # # # # Lamb's '\\001 Vest # # M's flannel Vest # # M's Uned Vest #
24
M's Single Breasted # # M's Double Breast # M's Washing Vest # Fancy Vest # # # # # # Tweed Vest # # # # # # Cashmere Vest # # Cotton Vest # # # # # # Valencia Vest # Plush Vest # Silk Vest # # # # Riding Vest # # Indian Gauze Vest # Marseilla Vest # Knitted Outside V # Ladies' Vest # # # # Ladies Woolen Vest # L's Ribbed Vest # L's Ribbed Wool V. # L's Cotton Vest # L's Merino Vest # Ladies Cbiflon Vest * L's atlffon Tucked * L's Embroidered V. *
Visittes -sleeveless or part sleeve cape or mantle # Waistcoat # # # # # #
Prints # # # # # # # Hoyles Prints # # # # # # Embossed Prints # # # # Fancy Prints # # # # Cotton Prints # # # # # # # Lilac Prints # Pompadour Prints # # # Darl<: Prints # # # # # # # Blousing Prints # # Indigo Prints # Cramer's Prints # Persian Prints # Egyptian Prints #
L's Embroid Golf # L's Linen GolfC. # Paper Collar Men's # # # # Paper Collar Wome. # # # # West End Collar # Bead Collar # # Shirt Collar # # # # Stiff Collar # # Men's Collar # # # Men's Dux Collar # Duke OfYork C. # Peter Pan Collar # Embroid Peter Pan # Dollar Princess C. # Stock Collar # American Drill C # American Pique C #
Collarette # # # # Wool Collarette # Lace Collarette # # # Muslin Collarette # Grass Lawn C. # Paris Edel\\ciss C. #
Dressmakers/Seamstresses: Western Australia 1 829- 19 14
Sources:
Statham, P. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians Early Settlers 1829-1850, Vol 1, University of Western Australia Press, Perth. Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914 Vol 2 Bond 1850-1868, University of Western Australia Press, Perth. Erickson. R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians Vol 3 Free 1868-1888, University of Western Australia Press, Perth. Erickson. R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians Vol 4, 1888-1914, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Collated by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
Tailors -- - - -- ... __ _ Ablosom, William Bamford, George Bennett, John Dent, Thomas Fanner, Thomas Hasler, Benjamin Hurst, Abraham Jarvis, James Kennedy, A. R Laws, C. Letts, James Mead, Joseph Sydney, John Smith, Alexander Stratton, Thomas Symmons, John Waldeck, Federick Witt, James Yates, Patrick �--- -- --
Tailors 1 829-1 850
Born Arrived -------- - -,- -�- - -- -182
1 . - --- ---7------------ ---- -- � �03/1841
1814 1843
1822 1827 1828 1809 1819 1822
1819 1798
1810 1798 1807 1807
1840 1829 1829
20/08/1842 03/1842 12/1842
1 843 1848
03/1841 13/02/1830
1833 1840
08/1830 23/08/1829 26/06/1836 10/04/1842
1830 - ------ - -- -
Source: Statham, P. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians Early Settlers 1829-1850, Vol 1,
University of Western Australia Press, Perth. collated by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
Names Barker, Elizabeth Johnson, Margaret King, Harriet Prideaux, Elizabeth Shinnick, Catherine
Seamstresses 1829-1 850
Born 1 822 1824 1802 1821 1801
Arrived 04/1841
10/04/1 842 05/08/1829
12/1842 03/1841
Source: Statham, P. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians Early Settlers 1829-1850, Vol 1,
University of Western Australia Press, Perth. collated by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
46
Tailors (convicts) 1850-1868
Names Born Arrived Place Employed
Agnew, William John 1 841 04/07/1 866 F Allen, John 1835 10/08/1865 Y/F/P Andrews,George 1841 04/07/1 866 P/F Atkinson, John 1 8 1 5 01/06/1 858 Y/C.B/T ul 1 871 Ball, George 1 834 04/07/1866 F/C.B/P/SW/T Barker, Thomas 1 838 14/07/1 867 p Barlow, Charles. Franklin 1 841 3 1/12/1 862 F/Sw Barrett,Francis 1 842 10/08/1 865 V/SU Barrett, Alfred 1834 1 5/02/1 863 P/SW Baxter, William 1830 18/07/1 855 V/SU Blake, Henry 183 1 28/12/1 863 F/P Blondin, Henry 1 833 10/08/1865 F/P/C.B/ ul 1 875 Blunt, Alfred 1 825 28/12/1863 M/P/F Bowen, James 1 836 1 1/07/1857 V/Y/P Bromley, Samuel 1 838 1 1/02/1861 C.B/P/ ul 1 871 Brown, John 1 840 22/1 2/1 866 F Brown(s)Worth, John 1838 19/02/1859 F/P Bryan, James 1835 1 1/09/1856 p Burns, Edward 1 820 22/12/1865 F/SU/P Burns,John 1 838 3 1/12/1 862 V/F/P/SU/BY Burnside, l-fugh 1836 3 1/12/1 862 C.B/F Burrows, Thomas 1810 29/01/1 862 PA/F/M Cameron, David 1 842 28/12/1 863 SW/P Carter, Theophilus 1 830 22/12/1 866 F/ ul 1 872 Clapson, James 1 830 12/09/1 864 P/F Clarke, Joseph 1 827 04/07/1866 PIT ul 1 872 Croker, Samuel 1 842 14/07/1967 C.B/P/F Dale, Charles 1 826 3 1/12/1 862 P A/F /P/W/SU/BY ul 1 872 Darbyshire, William 1838 10/01/1 868 .G/P/SW/FN.P Darcy, William 1843 10/08/1 865 T/F/P/SWN.P/M/ ul 1 893 Davidson, Joseph 1821 1 1/02/1 862 SW/Y/B/P ul 1 869 Davies, William 1 839 1 1 /02/1 861 NC/P/SW/Y Davis, James 1824 1 1/02/1861 P!F!TN.P Davis, John 1837 22/12/1 866 p Dempsey, Henry 1841 22/12/1 865 F/P ul 1 892 Dempsey, Patrick 1 838 3 1/12/1862 Y/C.B/SW/F Charles, Edward 1836 01/01/1858 BY/P Ennis, Michael 1 834 12/09/1 864 T/F/W/SU/M Ennis, Robert 1 842 28/12/1 863 F /SU/W/ ul 1 875 Eyer, John 1 840 12/09/1 864 F Furguson, Charles 1 831 12/09/1 864 FIB/PIM Garn, Henry 1829 04/08/1 852 p Godwin, Edward 1838 13/04/1 864 F/P/C.B Gordon, George 1845 10/01/1 868 P/F Griffiths, John 1820 04/08/1 852 P/ ul 1 868 Hands, John 183 1 12/09/1864 BY/P/Y/T Hanna(h), William 1832 29/05/1 863 P/ ul 1 874 Hardoin, Peter 1 827 29/01/1 862 P/SW/M Harris, Isaac 1 824 09/06/1862 p Harrison, Thomas 1 828 20/10/1858 SW/SU/W/P/F/T Heap, John 1 835 22/12/1 866 P/SW/F/WS/Y/TN.P
47
Hennessy, John 18 1 1 3 1/12/1862 F Hirst, George 1 809 01/06/1858 A/SW/FIP Hughes, William 1 839 28/01/1862 VIP/Y/BN Hyam, Thomas 1835 1 1/02/1 862 P/W/Y/M/F/SU/BY Johnson, Daniel 1 842 22/12/1865 B/Y Johns, Richard F 1837 22/12/1862 Y/M/P/W/F IT Jones, William 1 831 09/06/1 862 p Keats, Thomas 1 840 09/06/1862 Y/F/B Kelly, James 1 841 10/01/1868 NC/FIPN.P/T/SU Ladd, James 1 843 04/08/1 864 P/F McDiarmid,Frederick 1 837 01/06/1858 P/BY/Y/C.B McLaren, James 1825 29/05/1863 F/W/ ul 1 869 Mackin, John 1829 1 1/02/1861 C.B Mahoney, James 1 841 22/12/1 865 Y IP/M/F /SW/BIT Marriott, George 1830 04/07/1866 Y/F Moore, William A 1824 1 1/02/1861 BYIP/W ul 1873 Morrison, George 1836 1 4/07/1867 F/C.BIP Murphy, Hugh 1 847 22/12/1865 VIP/BY/SU Murphy, Morris 1819 22/12/1865 P/F/Y Murphy, William 1836 14/07/1 867 NC/TN.PIB!Y/F Nicholas, John 1830 13/04/1864 W/FIP/SW Nicholson, James 1842 09/06/1862 YIP/B Night, Thomas 1 835 1 1/02/1861 NCIP/Y/SWN.P/NM Palmer, Henry 1842 09/06/1 862 FIP/Y/SU/NC/T/W ul 1871 Pettingall, William 1833 19/01/1862 SW/F/G Pitts, Richards 1832 22/12/1866 F Plant, George 1828 1 1/02/1862 BYIP/W/ ul 1872 Powell, Joseph 1833 09/06/1862 YIP Prior, Jeremiah 1833 28/12/1863 w Pugh, Charles 1 837 29/05/1863 YIPP/F Pugh, Felix 1841 28/12/1863 FIP/C.B/W/SU/Y/B Redwood, John 1840 12/09/1864 F/SW/WIP/Y/TN.P Reynolds, William 1832 29/01/1862 y Richards, William 1834 04/07/1866 V/W/SU Richadson, Charles 1 830 12/09/1864 V/FIPN.P/SU/ ul 1 872 Richardson, John 1837 29/1 1/1862 NC/FIP/SU/T/ ul 1 882 Riley, John James 1842 3 1/12/1862 G/F/C.B/Y Robertson, James 1819 1 4/07/1867 P/F/T/Y Ryan, Michael 1 838 04/07/1866 F Salisbury, George 1 816 29/01/1862 P ul 1 877 Salt, Edward 1826 29/1 1/1862 p Scanlan, Jeremiah 1832 09/06/1 862 C.B/FIP/SW Sharpe, Aaron 1841 12/09/1864 F/M/P/SW/W Sherry, William 1831 1 4/07/1 867 FIP/Y Simpson, George 1834 09/06/1862 C.B/SWIP Smith, William 1 838 3 1/12/1862 T!NCIP Southwell, Alfred 1 839 14/07/1867 A/PT Spencer, William 1 833 10/01/1868 FIP/PT/T/ ul 1881 Stanley, Thomas 1837 04/07/1866 P/F Stein, Bernard 1839 1 4/07/1 867 P/C.B Stubbington, Charles 1 844 04/07/1866 P/ ul 1 881 Taylor, William 1 838 09/06/1862 A/P/SW/F/PT Thomas, Richard 1834 09/06/1862 BYIP/W Thompson, Charles 1 841 10/08/1865 FIP!Y Timewell, Frank B 1 836 1 0/08/1 865 P/F/NM Tole, Thomas 1834 1 1/02/1862 P/F/Y/SU ul 1885 Tuck, Henry 1822 10/01/1868 F/Y Weeks, William 1842 14/07/1867 P/SW
48
Williams, Henry 1833 29/01/1862 P/C.B/F Williams, John 1 847 14/07/1867 P/PT Woodlands, Fredrick 1 842 14/07/1867 F/P Woods, Dominic 1 810 29/01/1 862 F/SW/W/P/T/Y Wright, Thomas 1828 29/05/1863 F
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914: Vol. 2: Bond 1850-1
Tailors (Free) 1850-1868
Names Born Arrived Place Employed
Beattie William 03/09/1 853 p
Bennett, John 1840 P Bryan(t), James 1835 09/1856 p
Bryant, Henry 1 824 10/1851 Buchanan, John 1 868 BY/ Cecil, John 1 8 1 8 1 1 /1858 p
Connolly, James 1 5/02/1 863 GN/ Cooper, George F Crawley, Samuel 1839 04/1864 F ul 1 885 Davis, Benjamin 183 1 08/08/1857 Donaldson, Alexander 1 821 05/1851 p
Garn, Henry 1 829 08/1852 PIG Griffiths, Henry 1 821 02/1853 p
Griffiths, John 1 820 08/1 852 P ul 1 868 Hale,J.B. GN 1874-1 876 Hale, John P 1860 Harris, Isaac 1 824 06/1862 P 1870's Hasson, Glover John 1 828 10/1 851 T Haynes, Robert 10/1 851 p
Houston, William Ireland 29/01/1862 p
Hughes, William Mortimer l 1 836 01/1862 BN/ 1860-70's Hurst, Abraham 1 806 10/04/1 842 BY Jarrett, Thomas 1842 09/1864 GN ul 1876 Kennedy, Patrick 1839 13/03/1855 Kilpatrick, Daniel Rose 1 8 1 6 12/09/1 864 F Lindsay, Robert 1805 01/06/1850 Loane, John. L 03/09/1853 F McCaw, William Agnew 23/02/1844 07 /1 866 F McNulty, Andrew 1 836 p
Miers (Myers) Lewis 1 828 03/1856 F Mills, William 1834 06/1858 N 1864-77 Moon, John Fl 1 860 Myers, Isaac 1 831 10/1851 Fl 1 870 Pawley, John 1821 06/1851 G Pettengell, William 1 833 01/1862 GI 1 865-1869 Plant, George 1828 02/1862 BY/ 1870 Pryor, J BY/ 1 868-72 Robinson,John 1 820 10/1 850 NM Shawson, T GI 1 863
49
Shinners, Daniel. G. 1819 Fl 1 863 Slawson, Thomas 1 835 03/1856 GI 1 860's Stanley, Thomas P 1 835 1 5104/1864 PIG Thackrah, Joseph H 1 829 0611 851 NM/ 1 870's Tourness, William T C 18 10 0310911853 Wagstaff, William T/NC Warren, William R 1 821 0611 851 y Woods, Henry Pl 1 868-75 Wray, John 1 8 1 7 03109/1853 A/ 1 864-76
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914: Vol. 2 : Bond 1850-J
Dressmakers 1850-68
Names Born Arrived
Atkins, Mary Ann 1 840 25108/1858 Barry, Ann 1 844 24106/1862 Mrs. Darrard William 1 822 06/1862 Ann Flynn (Mrs J Godfrey) 1 850 19108/1 853 Hogan, Ellen 1 836 13106/1853 House, Martha 1 83 1 26103/1852 Hunt, Ellen 1 830 1310311 855 McBride, Catherine 1 840 13103/1855 Markham, Ellen 1835 2011011859 Sergeant, May 1834 13106/1853 Shepherd, Charlotte 1839 08108/1857 Shepherd, Maria 1 841 08108/1 857 Smith Miss Stapleton, Ann E 1 832 1 3106/1 853 Wood Misses
Place
p
Pl 1870's
Pl 1 870-77
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914: Vol. 2: Bond 1850-J
Needlewomen 1850-68
Names
Bowman, Mary Boyd, Margaret Brennan, Bridget
Born Arrived
1839 0810411863 1844 1 110811867 1835 1310611853
Place
F
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914: Vol. 2: Bond 1850-J
50
Lace makers 1850-68
Names Ingram, Mary King, Elizabeth
Born Arrived 1841 14/01/1868 183 1 24/06/1 862
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914: Vol. 2: Bond 1850-1
Abbreviation
y York T Toodyay GN Geraldton PT Plantagenet NM Northam NC Newcastle BN Busselton BY Bunbury A Albany V.P Victoria Plans V Vasse ws Williams SU Sussex SW Swan B Beverly PA Pinjarah w Wellington G Guildford M Murray
51
Tailors 1 868- 1 888
Name Born Arrived Place Employed
Abbott, W p
Allen, John p
Baker, Thomas GH Barrett, Francis Henry 1 842 10108/1 865 M.R/BN
Barry, James FIG Barry, Patrick 1 7108/1 869 (Perth) F Bell, R p
Blackel, Charles 1 827 28106/1851 Yl 187 1 Bolam,W 1011885 F Brown, Joseph M Buckley, Samuel 1 842 01/1011882 F Burnaby, W Roebourne Byrne, Henry 1862 03106/1883 F Caskey, Mark 1 864 16109/1 1 887 Celaya, Manuel 2911 1/1847 03105/1 869 N.N
Clarke, John F Cooper, George 1 834 08108/1 857 F Cunningham, Charles 1 885 y Daniels, ? GD Donegan, William 1 836 N.CIT Duggan, Michael 1 845 0310711 883 Ennis, T A Freecorne, Ansell 1 849 (Poland) 1 6108/1 885 p
Freeland, Edward 24/10/1883 A Galbraith, Neil 1 4/1 1/1 879 p
Hale, Robert 0. 1 3109/1 872 G Harper, J F Harvey, J Fl 1 883 Heap, Johnn 1 835 2211211866 F Henderson, H Fl 1 875-81 Kilpatrick, Thomas M F McCreath, John 1844 25101/1 885 F McDiarmid,Frederick 1 837 01/0611858 McGovern, R A Marks, G p Marriot, George 1 830 04107/1 866 p Metheringham, H 2010411 877 p Monaghan, Henry 1 849 08106/1882 A Murphy, W GH Murrin, J p Myers, Reuben A F Nathan, Lewis 1 6109/1 887 Tailor's Machinist Nicholas, William 1 830 0 1 10511 853 F O'Brien,James P/B O'Bryan, James Blackwood District
52
Owen, Edward 04/06/1886 Pass, William Power, James 1850 03/07/1883 Pryor, Jeremiah 1 833 28/12/1863 Reilly, J Robertson, John 1829 05/04/1854 Salt, G F Salt, W Shultz, John E 1 837 1 5/02/1 876 Smith, Thomas 1853 01/10/1881 Stanley, Thomas P 03/05/1872 Tischler, Louis H Vernon,Walter 1 839 1 3/04/1 864 Vincent, J Watson, W Wiggins, George 1 868 30/09/1883 Williams, William F 1 856 03/06/1 883 Woods, John T 24/12/1854
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914, Vol. 3 1868-1888, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
GD p A B
GD T/NM
p p
F p p
N until 1 877 PIA
A p F
Canning Road
53
Dressmakers 1 868- 1 888
Mrs. Anderson Greenough
Barron, Jane Catherine 1 856 p Miss. Bryant P/1 884
Miss. Burnside P/1 884-1 886
Cowden, Jane 28/01/1849 Albany
Mrs. Cundell Sunbury
Miss. Dawson Sunbury
Downes, Charlotte 04/05/1 858
Miss. Eversden p Eyles, Emma Guildford
Smith, Mary Elizabeth 1 1/03/1842 1 9/12/1 875
Thomas, Mary Ann Matilda Albany
Mrs. E. Gray Greenough/1884-1886 McCarthy, Mary(Ms Hackett} 05/04/1 856 York
Hanham, Anne 1847 F
Mrs. M. Higgins Busselton
Mrs. Holms F/1 880
Miss. Isles Guildford
Mrs. James P/1 884-1 889
Miss. L. King Geraldton Devanlor, Alice(Ms King Robert) F
Miss. Lloyd, Clare F/1876
Miss. Longbottom Busselton/1 888
Miss. McArdle, Mary P/1 884 Sweetman, Jessie( McGuiness) F F Doherty, Johanna (Mckeo.vn)
Morrison, Florence p Miss. O'Connor F
Mrs. O'Connor F
Mrs. Edwin Powell F
Miss. Jane Pusey 1 860 p Miss. R. Read Geraldton Miss. Greenough
Mrs. Richardson Busselton Elizabeth Caroline
Hanham, Mrs. Smith 30/01/1850/Carnavon
Stamp, Mary Albany Stamp, Anastasia Albany Mrs, William Steadman Guildford Mrs. H. Thompson p Thomas, Emma (Timpson) 1841 29/03/1 856 p Toomey, Margaret 1 861 York Rosannah, Sarah
Mrs. Taylor Busselton Miss. C. Webb p Webb, Elizabeth Mary 1 863 p Mrs. Williams Sunbury
54
Miss. Williams
Miss. Williams, Annie Ellen
Mrs. Woodrow, Mary ann
Woolhouse, Elizabeth
1 864
29/12/1 855
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914, Vol. 3 1868-1888, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Needle-Women 1 868-1 888
26/03/1 862
1 824
1 850
1 862/Guildford
Northampton
Albany
Sunbury
Greenough
Northam
Goldwyer, Emily
Coppin, Elizabeth
Millard, Jane Ann
Moore, Sarah, A
Nisbet, Jane Miss
03/07/1 883
03/07/1 883
29/06/1 886 School Needlework Inspector
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914, Vol. 3 1868-1888, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Tai loresses 1 868-1 888
Bird, Eliza
Park, Nellie (Joseph}
Lannin, Susie (Joseph)
1 857
1 876
1 873
16/09/1 887
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914, Vol. 3 1868-1888, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Seamstresses 1 868-1 888
p
F
Miss. Baughan
Roser, Caroline 1874 Guildford
Kalgoorl ie/Coolgardie
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914, Vol. 3 1868-1888, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
55
Tailors (Men) 1 888- 19 14
Bettes, John Henry 02/03/1852 (Jersey Island) 21/01/1913 p Bradfield, Henry William 1883 (England) 16/19/1887 Edwards, Louis 14/10/1 892 (Beverley) Beverley Tailor/Cutter Oliver, William Davies 29/07/1 843 (Victoria) 1895 P/Claremont Draper/Tailor Pond, William 1 7/10/1 849 (London) 1896 p Sheedy, M 1 84 7 (Ireland) 25/05/1896 F
Sources: Erickson, R. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914, Vol4 1888-1914, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Bailey, Esther Ann F /South Guildford Beer, Georgina 26/12/1889 (England) Bowman, Amelia Ellen 25/10/1886 1897 p Brierly, Helena Victoria Clark, Minnie Robina 08/04/1899 (Perth) p Davies, Rosa 19/12/1877 (South Austra) Devereux, Ida 07/07/1893 (York) Dykes, Bertha 06/03/1889 (Fremantle) F Ebert, Frances Ellen 24/03/1883 (South Aus) F Griffiths, Ruby May 19/07/1888 (Beverley) Beverley/Narrogin Hardie, Elizabeth 19/06/1872 (Victoria) Hardwick, Margaret Sarah 08/08/1886 (Bunbury) Hogg, Annie 22/02/1878 (India) Kalgoorlie Holland, Martha Lucille 07/06/1 893 John, Catherine 16/06/1871 (Victoria) F Kinninmont, Flora 26/06/1878 (Victoria) 07/1897 Lowes, Jane 06/08/1885 (England) 24/09/1886 McCahon, Ellen 25/05/1872 (Victoria) Meredith, Alice Jane 05/06/1888 Miller, Louisa Ada 1881 F Miller, Emily Mary 13/04/1876 Mulqueeney, Rosa Mary 1868 (South Australia) Coolgardie Nicholas, Amelia Emily 03/01/1878 (South Aus) O'Brien, Agnes Amelia 30/1 1/1888 (Geraldton) Paul, Margaret Teresa 17/03/1882 (NSW) Richards, Lizzie 18/02/1878 (Victoria) Kalgoorlie/Boulder Rutherford, Virginia 26/10/1894 (Geraldton) Sampson, Susan 20/04/1886 Nov-08 Smith, Ethel Alice 1 8/06/1887 (England) 1907 p
56
Starick, Eliza Thompson, Sarah Jane
09/03/1883 (England) 1 878 (South Perth)
29/09/191 1
Sources: Erickson, E. 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829-1914, Vol 4 1888-1914, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
Arthur, Una Elsie Drew, Ida Mary Jury, Eileen May Mercer, Susan
Milliners 1 888- 19 14
24/10/1883 (Victoria) 1 885 (Victoria)
23/09/1884 (England) 09/07/1869 (South Aus)
22/05/1891 1 1/03/1900
Sources: Erickson, R 1979, Dictionary of Western Australians, Vol 4 1888-1914, University of Western Australia Press, Perth.
p
F p p
57
Appendix 3 :
Fashions of Western Australians 1 829- 1 900
Collated and Drawn by author
Damayanthie Eluwawalage
Fashions of Western Australians 1 829- 1 900
This general chronological depiction was drawn from the observation of surviving colonial Western Australian clothing, colonial photographs and the analyses of clothing importations in the nineteenth century (Appendix 1: Imported Clothing, Clothing Materials, Haberdasheries and Accessories: Western Australia 1829-1914) .
Categorising fashion into decades is an appropriate way of describing the fashion of a given era, however, there is never any acute demarcation between the demise of one fashion and the emergence of another.
1 830-1 840
General Description Women wore dresses with long, sloping shoulders and lower waistlines. The tight waistlines were either rounded or pointed. Skirts were full (gathered or pleated) and wider at the hem at ankle length. Lightly boned, tight-fitting bodices often had wide necklines and were decollated. Distinctive gigot sleeves were narrower to fit the lower arm and wrist.
Necklines were usually V-shaped or comparatively low, and often trimmed with a collar of white lace or muslin. Sleeves were long and often gathered on the upper-arm and wrist.
Day, Dress Western Australia, c1830 Heritage Museum, Fremantle
Material: Printed cotton with green and aubergine abstract design Bodice: Hand-sewn, high neck-line, fullness gathered on shoulders and the
fashionable V andyked collar Sleeves: Full shaped gigot sleeves, gathers holding down top to the upper-arm Skirt: Full and gathered
58
Day Dress, Western Australia, c1830
Source: Heritage Museum, Fremantle Drawn by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
59
1 840-1 850
General Description Dresses with sloping shoulders, V -shaped waistlines and boned bodices with narrow sleeves, ankle-length, pleated or gathered skirts with tucks, insertions, shirring and flounces were used.
Fashion Shawls were worn. The wrists and neck were often finished with white under-sleeves and collar.
Dress, Western Australia, c1840 Heritage Museum, Fremantle
Material: Light grey satin Bodice: Hand-sewn, low and wide V-shaped neck-line trimmed with ten pleats.
Boned. Padding near the armholes to improve the bust-line. Sleeves: Elbow-lengthed sleeves with three rows of frills, ending in a lace frill. Skirt: Full, pleated skirt lined with stiffened muslin
60
Dress, Western Australia, c1840
Source: Heritage Museum, Fremantle Drawn by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
I
61
1 850-1 860
General Description Bell-shaped, ankle-length skirts with flounces and high-necked blouses were often worn with brooches at the throat. The sleeves were tight-fitting at the armhole and full at the wrist (bell or pagoda shape).
Fashion Very full sleeves and flounces were generally worn. The necklines were high, or with a V-neck filled by a chemisette. Collars and undersleeves were popular.
Men's Clothing Loose-fitting suits and lapelled waistcoats were worn. The colour of trousers often contrasted with the coat.
Dress, Western Australia, c1850 Royal Western Australian Historical Society
Material: Pale blue taffeta Bodice: Hand-sewn. Round neck-line with a white cotton lace collar, eight rows of
mauve, fringed braid across front. Boned. Fastened by fourteen hooks. Sleeves: Wide sleeves trimmed with a zigzag shaped braid and four purple fringed
rosettes down the length of the sleeves. Two rows of braid at the bottom of the sleeves. Undersleeves of white net with draw-strings of black ribbon. Skirt: Gathered into waist with three deep frills, each bordered with strips of dark
mauve woven into the fabric. Lining: Lined with cream cotton fabric.
62
Dress, Western Australia, c1850
Source: Royal Western Australian Historical Society Drawn by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
\I \ �
\ 'y
63
1 860-1870
General Description Dresses with dropped shoulders, large, long bishop sleeves with tighter armholes, and enormously large crinoline skirts with multiple flounces and pleatings were popular.
Fashion Very wide skirts often embellished with braids and trimmings.
Men's Clothing Three-piece suits of the same material were worn. Waistcoats V-cut at centre waist, the chain looped through a buttonhole at the centre front of the coat and loose-fitting trousers were popular.
Dress, Western Australia, c1860 Royal Western Australian Historical Society
Material: Peach-coloured Indian muslin Bodice: Low, wide and round neck-line with two rows oflace frills. Fastened by
hooks and eyes. Sleeves: Very short Magyar sleeves, ending in a lace frill. Skirt: Fully gathered crinoline skirt with two broad flounces decorated and
embroidered with Indian beetle wings. Flounce edges embroidered with green scallops.
64
j
/2// , 1 I I I •
I /
/ I
\
Dress, Western Australia, c1860
\
Source: Royal Western Australian Historical Society Drawn by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
I
\ \
I
\ \
'J
' ) \ . · ... \
' ,. , .. � · .,:·· · · · . . \\\. ·,,
. \ ' \ \ \
\ \
65
1 870-1 880
General Description Close-fitting dresses with high waists. Bodices were tight-fitting, often with high-necked or V-shaped necklines. Skirts were slim around the hips and flat in the front. The skirt extended out at the back over the large bustle. Two skirts were generally worn and often the underskirt developed into a short train.
Fashion Necklines, bodice fronts and sleeves were often trimmed with lace and fringing. Evening dresses were often decorated with flounces, frills, ribbons, flowers and lace. Sleeves were often tight and restricted the arm movement.
Men's Clothing Well tailored, loose-fitting formal suits with narrow trousers and waistcoats with wide lapels were worn. Contrasting coloured trousers and coats were popular.
Dress, Western Australia, c1870 Museum of W estem Australia
Material: Fawn-coloured silk satin Bodice : High neck-line with dark brown ribbon, frilled trim and ruched front. Sleeves: Tight-fitting ruched sleeves. Skirt: Gored and trained bustle skirt, slightly drawn up at the sides and edged with
narrow gathered flounces. Ruched front. Lining: Lined with cotton
66
'---�\ "--, ---------- --�----
Dress, Western Australia, c1870
Source: Museum of Western Australia Drawn by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
67
1 880-1 890
General Description
Tight-fitting high-necked dresses with tight-fitting sleeves of three-quarter or full
length, ankle-length skirts with bustle extensions were well received.
Fashion
Drapery on the front of the skirt was arranged in the form of an apron. A stand-up
collar was popular. The bustled skirt became more decorative and complex, with
applications of pleated flounces and bands of puffing. Tailor-made suits were well
received, often made with matching jackets and skirts in heavy cloth and tweeds.
Men's Clothing Three-piece suits in the same colour, coats with narrow collars and lapels, and
loose-fitting trousers were worn.
Dress, Western Australia, c1880 Swan-Guildford Historical Society
Material: Blue silk
Bodice: High-necked, lined with lace collar, three-piece back with shaped and
pleated peplum. Trimmed with blue braided fringing.
Sleeves: Full-lengthed sleeves trimmed with braided fringing.
Skirt: Waist-band, cartridge pleated skirt, side fastening with hooks and eyes.
Overskirt with simple pannier shape cut in five pieces. Centre-back gathered
for bustle effect, edged with blue braided fringing. Pleated fancy patch-pocket
on left hip. Side front fastening.
Lining: Lined with cotton.
68
Dress, Western Australia, c1880
Source: Swan-Guildford Historical Society Drawn by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage
69
1 890-1 900
General Description Dresses with broader shoulder lines, gored and bell-shaped slim skirts with flat front and little fullness at the back, V-shaped bodices with sleeves with gathered or pleated tops were worn.
Fashion Stiff collars and low waistlines. V-shaped or round yorks were traced with frills or trimming. Tailor-made suits of tweeds and corduroy were worn.
Men's Clothing Very high shirt collars, often handkerchiefs were placed in the breast pocket of the coat, and 'watch and chain' centre fronts were popular.
Dress, Western Australia, c1890 Swan-Guildford Historical Society
Material: Cream silk taffeta and cotton lace Bodice: Front fastening. V-shaped cotton lace yoke (front and back), stand-up
collar edged with 2cm lace. Cotton lining. Sleeves: Balloon sleeves with filled cotton lining. From elbow to wrist cotton lace
with an overlay of heavier cotton lace, attached at elbow. Skirt: Eight gored, lined with cotton sateen. Left side front opening. Nine hooks
and eyelets fastening. Plain cream cotton tape waistband. Lower-skirt: Three rows of frills edged with lace bond, three rows of heavy cotton
lace.
70
Dress, Western Australia, c1890
Source: Swan-Guildford Historical Society Drawn by author Damayanthie Eluwawalage