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2005 23: 115Clothing and Textiles Research JournalJoyce Starr Johnson and Laurel E. Wilson

''It Says You Really Care'': Motivational Factors of Contemporary Female Handcrafters

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115©2005 International Textile & Apparel Association Volume 23 #2 2005

“Th em hath he fi lled with wisdom of heart, to work all manner of work, . . . of the embroi-derer, in blue, and in purple, in scarlet, and in

fi ne linen” (Exodus 35:35). With these words Mo-ses blessed the women who contributed their tal-ents to the tabernacle, built in celebration of their freedom from the Egyptians. From Hebrew women to Victorian women, whose fancywork refl ected changing technologies and social virtue (Bercaw, 1991; Plante, 1997), textile handcraft produc-tion is very much entwined with women’s history. “Repetitive, easy to pick up at any point, reasonably childsafe, and easily done at home. . . . Food and clothing: Th ese are what societies worldwide have come to see as the core of women’s work” (Barber, 1994, p. 30). Th e manufacture of textile handcraft objects within the home was the most visible result of a woman’s labor; thus, women took great pride in the fi nished appearance of these objects. Stitched

artifacts were tangible, lasting proof of a woman’s skill. “Needlework is the primary woman’s art . . . in many reminiscences a woman’s needlework is an index of her role and status in the community” (Arpad, 1988, p. 13).

Despite its long history, textile handcraft is diffi cult to defi ne. For the purposes of our research, textile handcraft refers to those artifacts that have been individually produced (as opposed to mass pro-duced) using implements such as sewing needles, crochet hooks, or knitting needles, and completed as lapwork. Authors of Victorian literature oft en cited these artifacts as fancywork. In recent years the term needlework has been used. However, not all work requires needles so the term textile handcraft better describes our focus. Spinning and weaving have not been traditionally included in the discussion of fancywork or needlework and are not included in our study.

Despite the availability of viable alternatives, textile handcraft s have not disappeared. Each year they make notable contributions to the economy and is

AbstractTh e purpose of this study was to discover what motivational factors are important to contemporary textile handcraft ers who continue to produce artifacts similar to those produced by previous genera-tions of women. Th irty-nine women completed questionnaires and 18 women also participated in in-depth interviews. Participation in guild activities and comparison to contemporary and historic literature provided further context for analysis. Th ree general themes emerged as useful for interpre-tation of participants’ responses. First, participation in various textile handcraft activities provided the women an opportunity to identify their place in the world. Secondly, the production of the items brought meaning to the women. Finally, tangible and intangible benefi ts were gained from the end products of their labor. Th ese objects are valued by their creators as symbols of self, who feel textile handcraft s are special because they are made with love and are connected to personal histories.

Key WordsGift s, Needlework, Textile Handcraft s, Women’s Work

“It Says You Really Care”: Motivational Factors of Contemporary Female Handcrafters

Joyce Starr Johnson, Laurel E. Wilson

Authors’ Addresses: Joyce Starr Johnson, Fontbonne University, 6800 Wydown Blvd., St. Louis, MO 63105 and Laurel E. Wilson, University of Missouri—Columbia, 137 Stanley Hall, Columbia, MO 65211.

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116 Clothing Textiles ©2005 International Textile & Apparel Association

a sector that should not be overlooked by produc-ers, vendors, or other related industries. Produc-ers, vendors, and store owners work to insure that textile handcraft ers have access to the support and supplies they need. Th e Hobby Industry Associa-tion (2003) estimated the size of the craft and hobby industry in the United States to be worth $29 billion, with 29% stemming from needle-craft activities. In 2003, quilters in the United States were estimated to number 21 million men and women who spent $2.27 billion dollars on quilting fabrics, notions, and books (Quilts, Inc., 2004). Local and national guilds sponsor regu-larly scheduled symposia and retreats, as well as monthly meetings, on-line chat rooms, and monthly newsletters. Th ese activities support a large number of related hospitality, technology, and service-related industries.

Our purpose was to examine production of textile handcraft s in contemporary women’s lives through an historical lens. We sought to under-stand how motivational factors have both endured and changed over time to provide further breadth and depth to the foundation of knowledge related to textile handcraft s. To meet our purpose we in-vestigated how textile handcraft s were created and used in the daily lives of contemporary women. Concepts related to creation of special posses-sions, interpersonal relationships, and feelings towards objects over time were investigated to understand why women make, care for, give, and treasure hand-made creations during an era when other avenues of creative expression are available to women.

Related Research

Traditional gender and cultural boundaries con-tinue to exist in textile handcraft s, with women constituting the majority of handcraft ers. Parker (1984) found that embroidery work within the do-mestic sphere embodied femininity and delineated economic and social classes in western cultures. Likewise, analyses of quilts have found that they re-fl ect economic and social environments (Bassett & Larkin, 1998; Irwin, 1984; Rikert, Harp, Horridge, & Shroyer, 1999). Th e proverb “idle hands are the

devil’s workshop” contributed historically to the in-dustrious nature of textile handcraft ers, enhancing the feminine ideal and promoting the home as a center of domestic productivity (Macdonald, 1988; Myers, 2001; Paludin, 1995; Plante, 1997; Veasney, 2003). Textile handcraft ers produced items both individually and in groups, stirring images of the church basement and ladies’ auxiliary groups. Now groups can meet in person or in virtual space, seek-ing to enhance their own skills as well as fi nding camaraderie and support among friends (Ice, 1993; Johnson & Hawley, 2004; Weidlich, 1997).

In contemporary western culture, women partici-pate in textile handcraft production for a variety of reasons and purposes. One such purpose is to raise awareness and support for social causes. Two well-known eff orts include the NAMES Project, better known as the AIDS Quilt, and Th e Ribbon, a series of textile handcraft ed panels that encircled the Pentagon in 1985 as a ceremonial plea for peace (Hillard, 1994; Pershing, 1993). Other reasons include textile handcraft production for economic purposes (Gunn, 1992; Littrell, Reilly, & Stout, 1991) and for issues related to aging (Schofi eld-Th omschin & Littrell, 2001).

Women have also participated in textile handcraft activities as a means of self-expression. Femi-nist researchers have stressed the importance of women’s perceptions of their own work as it refl ects their lived experiences (Ice, 1993; Lip-pard, 1995; Nelson, Labat, & Williams, 2002). Th is “experiential knowing” allows women greater understanding of their own lives and relationships with others (Smith, 1990). Th e embodiment of the female experience in modern western culture is frequently expressed through “hobby” art or engaging in handcraft for the sheer pleasure it elicits. Th is form of expression is free of aesthetic criticism, value judgments, and the tension that exists when terms such as “high art” or craft are applied to a work (Lippard, 1995, p. 138).

Th e personal motivations among women who are engaged in a variety of textile handcraft activities and the meaning of these textile handcraft activi-ties in their everyday lives has not been thoroughly





investigated. Folklorists have called for a greater understanding of the daily rituals associated with women’s work, including textile handcraft s, in order to shed light on the importance of the activities, in the structure of their lives, as well as their relationships with others (Davis, 1997; Levin, 1993). Cerny, Eicher, and DeLong (1993) also called for research on women and textile traditions to further our knowledge of how participation in these activities defi nes personal identities. Th us, our examination expanded upon previous research about textile handwork by taking into account the motivational factors among women who partici-pated in a variety of textile handcraft traditions. We found that handcraft ed textile objects are embed-ded with meaning through their creation and use. Handcraft ed textiles are symbolic of the maker and her relationships with other people. Th ese objects are valued by their creators as symbols of self, who feel the object is special because it is not mass produced. Th ese items are made with love and are connected to personal histories.

Procedures

Our study used an ethnohistorical approach to investigate the scope of textile handcraft s in the daily lives of women. Pannabecker (1990) recom-mended an ethnohistoric approach for examina-tion of textiles and clothing topics that are subject to continuities and changes in cultural context. An ethnohistorical approach provides a wider founda-tion of reference materials, thus lending greater validity to the fi ndings. A wider foundation is a vital aspect in the examination of textile handcraft s due to the many social, technological, historical, and political changes that have aff ected contem-porary women and their handcraft s during their lifetimes. Nelson, LaBat, and Williams (2002) em-ployed a similar methodology in their investigation of Irish textile artists. Th eir study focused on the lived experiences of the female participants within social, cultural, and aesthetic contexts and included a wide range of data collection techniques to op-timize opportunity for data to emerge. Gathering data from a myriad of sources allows for depth of inquiry and discovery of a multitude of psychologi-cal and social factors that infl uence behavior and beliefs (Geertz, 1973).

Th e primary methods of data collection and documentation included participant observation in various textile handcraft activities1, the use of questionnaires, and interviews in a six county area including and surrounding St. Louis, Missouri.2 Fift y questionnaires were distributed to women throughout the region by key informants located across the region during a 10 week period in 2000. Th e questionnaires asked women to provide basic demographic information as well as summaries of the type and amount of textile handcraft s produced over a 12-month period. Participants were also asked to summarize their textile handcraft produc-tion over a ten-year period to determine the extent of each participant’s personal history in textile handcraft production. A total of 39 questionnaires was returned3. Table 1 summarizes the demo-graphic variables represented by these 39 partici-pants. Eighteen follow up interviews were con-ducted with women who actively participated in at least three diff erent textile handcraft categories in

1Fieldwork was conducted by the principal investigator and included regular attendance and participation in one quilt guild and one church-sponsored benevolent sewing group, daily participation in an on-line quilt community, and frequent participation in the activities of na-tional and local embroidery, knitting, crochet, and sewing guilds. Th e primary researcher accepted invitations to group meetings in order to observe women during their scheduled meeting time. Th is method, referred to as “opportunistic sampling” (Patton, 1990, p. 179), allowed the principal investigator to take advantage of unforeseen opportuni-ties during sampling. Th e principal investigator also carried textile handcraft projects with her and worked on them in public places (doc-tor’s offi ces, sporting events), thus generating informal conversations with others who had similar interests but who were not active in guilds or other community groups.

2St. Louis was chosen because it includes large areas of urban, subur-ban, and rural development, as well as various ethnic, racial, and reli-gious groups and diverse economic levels.

3Th is method, referred to as maximum variation sampling (Patton, 1990, p. 172), was chosen in order to maximize the chances for fi nding both varied experiences and shared patterns among participants. Pat-ton recommended this method for capturing central themes across a diverse population. Participants in the survey and interviews ranged from 19 to 84 years of age, with a mean age of 53.1 years; three women didn’t report their age. Th e sample was largely white, middle-class, women of middle age living in rural or suburban areas outside of a ma-jor city. While women of other socio-economic and demographic clas-sifi cations may also be active textile handcraft ers, they were not well represented in the survey portion. Likewise, male handcraft ers were not encountered during the fi eldwork portion of data collection.





order to determine what motivational factors may have been present across categories4. Interviews followed a protocol that included description of the types of textile handcraft s, level of activity in each, how skills were learned, the historical implications of the handcraft , and the interpersonal relation-ships that infl uenced, or were infl uenced by, textile handcraft s. Responses were coded and sorted by topic for analysis. A preliminary summary of fi ndings was mailed to each interview participant for further review and participants were asked to correct or clarify any misinterpretations. Historic

and contemporary books, pamphlets, instruction manuals, and documentary studies of textile hand-craft s were consulted as means of comparison to provide further understanding of the participants’ involvement in textile handcraft production.

Findings and Discussion

Production of textile handcraft s provided a means through which these women enhanced the quality of their lives as they created special items for themselves and the people they loved. Th ey determined it was worth the time and ef-fort to make these items and they cherished the relationships that were symbolized through the giving of textile handcraft s. Th ree general themes emerged as useful for interpretation of partici-pants’ responses. First, participation in various textile handcraft activities provided the women an opportunity to identify their place in the world. Secondly, the production of the items—the act of doing—brought meaning to the women. Finally, tangible and intangible benefi ts were gained from the end products of their labor.

Meaningful Identity as a Textile Handcraft er

Contemporary textile handcraft producers clearly identifi ed themselves as such through their textile handcraft activities. Th eir skills were well known to friends and family members and they be-came part of larger networks of people through their handcraft skills. Being a textile handcraft er provided many women and their families with a pattern of continuity and a trail of artifacts affi rm-ing the role she held within her circle of family and friends. Th ese women established an identity based upon their level of activity (i.e., both in fre-quency and volume of work), and the social role they held as a handworker.

Handcraft ers and their work. Observation of women in the guilds and church groups indicated that participants represented a wide range of ages and socio-demographic variables, including large numbers of women employed outside the home who attended meetings directly aft er work. Very

Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Sample

Survey Participants (n = 39)

Age (n = 37) Range 19-84 years Mean 53.1 years

Race (n = 37) White, non-Hispanic 91.9% (n = 34) Black 8.1% (n = 3)

Residence (n = 35) Rural 40.0% (n = 14) Suburban 51.4% (n = 18) Urban 8.6% (n = 3)

Occupational Category (n = 36) Employed/Student 52.8% (n = 19) Not employed outside the home 47.2% (n = 17)

Income Level (n = 30) $0-9,999 3.3% (n = 1) $10,000-24,999 10.0% (n = 3) $25,000-49,999 40.0% (n = 12) $50,000+ 46.7% (n = 14)

Note. Categories with fewer than 39 total participants indicate that some surveys were returned with missing data.

4Interviews were very loosely structured to encourage women to re-spond in an open-ended manner, discussing aspects of textile hand-craft important to them. Interviews were conducted at locations chosen by the participants, usually in private homes. In one case, interviews were conducted at a community center where a group of women met informally to work on individual projects. Th e length of interviews ranged from 29 minutes to two hours. All interviews were recorded on videotape to document vital non-verbal information re-lated to facial expressions, gestures, and various artifacts.





few events or meetings related to textile handcraft s were scheduled during daytime hours, perhaps refl ecting the needs of their constituencies. Variety in skill level also ranged from those who had par-ticipated in textile handcraft activities for decades to those who were just beginning to learn about textile handcraft s. Newcomers appeared to vary widely in age, with even women in their 60s or 70s joining groups to learn new skills. Skill and experi-ence did not appear to be related to age. Th is was demonstrated by the youngest woman interviewed who could not recall a time when she had not been involved in textile handcraft s.5

During data collection, women were observed engaging in a wide variety of textile handcraft s. Survey participants engaged in an average of 3.8 diff erent types of handcraft . Th ree survey respon-dents indicated participation in only one form of textile handcraft , but 20 reported participation in fi ve or more diff erent kinds of textile handcraft s. Embroidery was the most popular form of textile handcraft activity, practiced by 84.6% of the sur-vey participants, followed by crocheting (69.2%), quilting (66.6%), and knitting (58.9%). Tatting and lace making were only occasionally practiced by just two of the respondents. In a separate sec-tion of the questionnaire, participants were asked to list other forms of textile handwork in which they had participated. Th ey listed hardanger,

plastic canvas work, and variations of embroidery stitches such as silk ribbon work and counted cross-stitch.6

Women who liked the challenge of one type of handwork were likely to try other types of handwork. Sometimes they spotted a new activ-ity while shopping for materials for a diff erent project or they were introduced to a diff erent type of handcraft by friends or family members. As new materials or techniques were developed or strategically placed on store shelves, women were drawn to the appeal of new projects. In addition, cycles of popularity in nearly all textile handcraft s encourage women to expand their skills. For example, quilting’s current popularity has been represented by numerous popular publications7 and in academic research (see Cerny, Eicher, & Delong, 1993; Johnson & Hawley, 2004), but knitting and crochet have not always been as trendy as they are in the early 21st century. In the fi rst edition of Weldon’s Practical Needle-work (1999/1888), the editors proclaimed that knitting was experiencing a revival of popular-ity, “although it can by no means be called a lost art, even though for years it has not, as in earlier days, been considered a necessary part of a young woman’s education” (p. 3). Crochet techniques were rarely included in a girl’s formal education, deemed a worthless activity, and seldom collected for historic study (Paludin, 1995). Knitting and crochet experienced several revivals throughout the 20th century, when economic and political realities made knitted and crocheted apparel and accessories popular (Macdonald, 1988; Strawn, 2003). A revival is underway, even celebrated in an annual event on the mall in Washington D.C. during the annual “Knit-out and crochet.” Hundreds of individuals, mostly women, travel to Washington to sit together while they knit and crochet in a public space (Knit-out and Crochet 2003, Inc., 2003). Celebrity knitters participate in charity and promotional events, and expensive yarn boutiques are popping up in trendy areas of Hollywood and New York City (Nargi, 2003). Young women are attracted to many of the new yarns to create stylish and fun accessories, like boas, scarves, purses, and socks (Rott, 2004).

5Because expertise and skill were not specifi cally measured, it is diffi cult to ascertain if longevity with textile handcraft production assured aptitude. Because the primary researcher is an active textile handcraft er, she was able to note that the objects produced by these women oft en were of very high quality. She oft en found herself long-ing for time to engage in similar activities.

6Analysis of this information highlighted a major limitation of this study. Some women included counted cross-stitch in the embroidery category, while others listed it as a separate skill. Th us, an accurate separation and analysis of categories is impossible. However, the overall response indicated that women participated in more than one category and that certain forms of textile handcraft are prevalent among these women.

7Numerous publications are available at newsstands and through subscription, including Quilter’s Newsletter from Lehman Publica-tions, which features both informational and instructional articles. Others, such as McCall’s Quilting and Miniature Quilts, are pri-marily instructional.





Identity as a textile handcraft er. Women realized that their designation as a textile handcraft er was a role recognized within their circle of family and friends. Many of them had made textile handcraft objects for so many years that it was considered a normal part of the rhythm of their family’s life. “In our family, people expect me to make them things. It has become a tradition” (Barb).8 Other women were remembered by their children and grand-children as a provider of special textile handcraft s. Th eir life’s work had become a family legacy.

You know, my children did a memory jar for me this year for Mother’s Day, and they took memories and wrote them down. Each day I pull out a slip of paper and there are memo-ries of special confi rmation dresses, or a pink dress that had special embroidery on it. And I think that I didn’t realize that they would remember this 20 or 30 years later. Th ey remember the special things. (Barb)

For generations, being a textile handcraft er al-lowed women to express their identity. Friendship quilts inscribed with sentiments such as “when this you see think of me” and “lest I be forgot-ten” were lasting remembrances of women’s work (Lipsett, 1985; Roan & Roan, 1993). Embroidered samplers with the name and age of the maker clearly refl ected a history of ownership and pride in needlework skills. Contemporary handcraft ers continue to be encouraged by guilds, books, and printed instructions to sign and date completed items to provide a written record for future gen-erations. Th is written evidence serves to ascertain the role of textile handcraft s in their lives and the lives of those they love.

Textile handcraft s in daily life. Th e legacy of textile handcraft traditions may have been a key factor in the ability of these women to adapt to chang-ing circumstances beyond their control. During the course of the data collection, the primary researcher listened to many women tell stories

of how textile handcraft s helped them deal with stressful situations such as long periods of waiting in hospitals and doctors’ offi ces during prolonged family illnesses and death. One woman had lost her husband in a murder and recounted how quilting, knitting, and embroidery helped her cope dur-ing the search for the killer and during the long months she waited for the case to be resolved in court. Another woman described a crazy quilt she had made during a particularly hard time in her life. Th e irregular patches signifi ed the unpredict-able nature of that time, but the light colors of pink and white served to bring cheer to an otherwise sorrowful time in her life. Other women shared how doing handcraft s at the end of the day helped them relieve the daily stresses of modern life—work, family, and community obligations.

Historically, women used textile handcraft s to negotiate roles in changing social, economic and political times (Hedges, 1987; Parker, 1984). In his study of the United States, de Tocqueville (1835/1956) wrote of the strength of character of American women, especially those whose own well-being were dependent upon the cycles of wealth and poverty of their husband or who were uprooted from their homes and families during the westward migration. Making handcraft s eased transitions to ensure their survival and that of their families. Investigation of extant quilts and of the women who made the westward journey illustrate that women brought specially made quilts and textiles with them on their voyage west. Previ-ous generations of women also used continuing domestic tasks such as sewing to give them some level of control over their environment, help them pass time on the trail, and provide opportunities for striking new friendships with fellow travelers (Cross, 1993; Hedges, 1987). Like the women of earlier generations noted by Cross, Hedges, and deToqueville, the familiarity of handcraft s provided contemporary women with a sense of control and as a coping strategy in daily life. Th e continuity and rhythmic nature of handcraft was a positive force in their lives. “Th e consort of ideas, about growth and balance, family, and roots, and community . . . (that) emanate from woman’s labors improve the quality of their daily lives” (Aptheker, 1989, p. 245).

8First names of participants have been used with the permission of the participants.





Shared identity through handcraft traditions. Th roughout the data collection women expressed keen awareness of longstanding textile handcraft traditions. Perpetuation of textile handcraft tradi-tions was an important factor to these women, but they participated in handcraft traditions because of the personal enjoyment they experienced. “I think it is important that we keep it going. It is fun, and it is something that lasts” (Mary B.). Th ese women oft en felt that the traditional aspect of textile handcraft was important, but noted that their own history with the activity was based upon their in-dividual preferences. “Th is is what women used to do—it is not an obligation on my part to carry on a tradition. I just like to do it” (Pandora).

Th e responses from many the women who par-ticipated in the interviews contrasts with litera-ture from earlier centuries, when women were expected to learn textile handcraft s as part of their formal education (Hedges, 1987; Gunn, 1992; Veasney, 2003). Contemporary women have many leisure-time options from which to choose and their choice of textile handcraft s refl ects personal enjoyment, rather than a sense of obligation. “It would be nice to do this for future generations, and I would like to do that, but I don’t think about the future. I think about doing what I like to do” (Nancy). Langellier’s (1991) analysis of quilters in Maine illustrated that contemporary women choose, like these women, to participate in textile handcraft activities because of perceived benefi ts and the advancement of their own personal goals, rather than because it is expected of them to carry on a tradition of “women’s work.”

Another reason women reported that they partici-pated in textile handcraft s was as a result of dis-covering a grandmother or great-grandmother had also been a handcraft er and they wished to keep a family tradition alive. Other reasons included uncovering a stack of unfi nished quilt blocks or an unfi nished embroidered sampler and feeling

the need to complete the project on behalf of an ill or deceased loved one. In order to complete the project, the women turned to other textile hand-craft ers or printed instructions to learn the neces-sary methods and techniques. Textile handcraft s of previous generations have been documented and published, and frequently include patterns and instructions for completing similar items.9 Th ese documentations have allowed contemporary women to share in the traditions established by previous generations of women.

Th rough these processes of sharing across gen-erations, these handcraft ers created memories and connections to other people. One woman shared the story of a quilt she had fi nished for her son-in-law. He had started it as a young boy, his elderly aunt teaching him to embroider birds on small pieces of fabric when he went to visit her. Th e completed quilt represented more than pieces of fabric—it brought back many memories of his childhood and his relationship with his aunt. Sto-ries like this were repeated over and over, oft en ac-companied by tears as memories of special people were brought into focus.

Meaning Gained Th rough Production

Commitment to the learning of skills and the plan-ning and creation of textile handcraft s became a meaningful expenditure of precious time resources for these participants. Time spent engaged in tex-tile handcraft s elicited strong feelings of ownership for the projects and also represented relationships that were established or nurtured throughout the various stages of production.

Time and energy. Extensive handling of materi-als during production enabled women to form strong emotional bonds with the ongoing project. Women frequently expressed how much time and energy was devoted to creation of each object and that strong feelings had developed for the objects during production. “Th ey are like babies. You work on them so long, you feel like you really ought to name them because you have put so much into them” (Kathy). Each item represented some aspect of life to the woman who made it—whether it

9For more information on documentation projects see Bassett & Lar-kin, 1988; Clark, Knepper, & Ronsheim, 1991; Crews & Naugle, 1991; MacDowell & Fitzgerald, 1988; and Veasney, 2003.





recalled a memory of a certain time or a memory of a person. Th ey had strong feelings of attachment to the handcraft s they made.

Th ere is a real ownership issue—that’s my family (referring to the items she has made). If I haven’t given it to someone, I have a hard time getting rid of it. It is me. It is something I labored over, something that took a long time to make. I don’t want to put it anywhere, but I can’t get rid of it. It is such a part of me. (Bonnie)

Everything reminds me of something, or goes back to something. It is not just needle-work, it is other parts of my life that I have poured into it. It has made life what it is. (Katherine)

McCracken’s (1988) examination of the locations of meanings is particularly helpful in understanding how these textile handcraft objects evoked mean-ing for these women. Possession rituals, in which the individual takes an object and makes it his or her own, is refl ected in their process of acquisition of supplies and raw materials and the subsequent creation of fi nished handcraft s. Th e handcraft s made by these women were not merely a diff erent arrangement of the original materials, but refl ected planning and skill to personalize mass-produced raw materials into unique objects. In order to maintain those individualized properties, these women cared for their objects, displayed them with love and pride, and coveted them as special. Mc-Cracken calls this stage “grooming,” during which the objects receive special care so that they retain the symbolic qualities intended by the maker.

Learning the skills. Th ese women were all able to identify how and when they began producing textile handcraft s. Each of their stories involved the infl uence of an elderly family member. A grand-mother, great-aunt, or other relative would have the leisure time to spend with a young girl to teach her some technique—time that mothers seldom had to spare. If their own mothers had time to produce their own textile handcraft objects, they frequently did not have time to teach their young daughters.

“You know, I watched my mom, but she never did really sit down and teach me. I watched her do it, and I don’t know if she ever even showed me how to do it” (Virginia). One woman, who was teaching her own granddaughter, lamented that she never took the time to teach her daughter.

(Laughing). Well, I don’t know what hap-pened. I think I was just too busy. I was too busy because I thought everything needed to be done just so. Now I know that if the dishes aren’t done and the beds aren’t made that’s OK—my granddaughter will learn something that day. I think that is great. (Bonnie)

Relationships between daughters, mothers, and grandmothers were oft en the determining fac-tor in who taught skills to young women. Many of the participants conveyed that mother-daughter relationships prevented them from learning textile handcraft s from their own mothers. Th ey perceived that they would never be able to meet the expecta-tions of their mothers who were advanced in their skills. Grandmothers, they felt, accepted them, and their imperfect work, unconditionally. Other women remembered their own textile handcraft experiences with their grandmothers. Th ey wanted their daugh-ters and granddaughters to experience the same type of close relationships. “My daughter did sew with my mother when she was little. My mother always sang or hummed when she was sewing, and my daughter remembers sitting on her lap. It is special” (Bonnie).

Textile handcraft communities. Th e teaching and learning of textile handcraft skills helped build and maintain relationships for these women. Each of these women maintained connections to oth-ers, oft en in a social group, for perfecting those skills. Th e role of community in textile handcraft s continues to be a vital factor in the perpetuation of skills. Th e continued existence of guilds across a range of textile handcraft s such as knitting, crochet, and quilting refl ects the interest and commitment of the membership in maintaining their role in bringing individuals interested in perpetuating these skills together. For female textile artisans who seek to exhibit their work and gain recognition, the support of a group or network is vital to their





success (Nelson, LeBat, & Williams, 2002). Trends in handcraft communities include Internet-based virtual communities, where members continue to share information with friends they have only met through computer technologies (Johnson & Hawley, 2004). Like the women in groups or guilds who swap small “charms”10 or who create friend-ship quilts by signing their names to individual pieces of fabric,11 members of on-line communities participate in similar activities to establish a sense of community. For skills such as tatting, where practitioners are few and separated by many miles, the Internet connects them in ways that were previ-ously impossible (E-tatters, 2004).

Meaning Gained Th rough Use of the Product

Although meaning was gained through identity as a handcraft producer and through the making of the product, meaning was also established through the intended use of the product. Tangible benefi ts, such as quality, utility, and uniqueness emerged as bringing meaning to the product. Intangible benefi ts were also important and related to enhanc-ing home environments and defi ning interpersonal relationships through gift giving.

Quality. Issues related to quality were frequently discussed in personal interviews and in guild lectures, as well as in nearly all instruction manuals produced in the past 150 years. Many women have numerous years of experience making items that ranged from sweaters to tablecloths. Th ey cringed at shoddy workmanship evident in mass produced items that they perceived to be overpriced. “When I make something for someone, I know they couldn’t go into a store and buy it near as good as I can make it, and it will last forever” (Virginia).

Utility. Th e utilitarian aspect of handmade objects was also an important factor in their production. Women highlighted useful aspects of the items that they had made, such as bookmarks, wall hangings, and sweaters, hats, scarves, and other clothing items. Quilters were especially emphatic about their products being used. “I’ve always liked quilts—maybe because it is something that will be used, and not put away in a closet. Mine are to be used, not things of beauty . . . I don’t want them put in chests” (Cheryl). Baby quilts and blankets elicited many comments. Th ey were usually made purposefully to be strong enough for repeated washings, and the stains and patches that were the result of use were signs of love, not of misuse. From these comments we were reminded of the Velveteen Rabbit who became “real” because it was cuddled until it was threadbare (Williams, 1922/1958). One woman shared that she was mak-ing a larger, adult-size quilt identical in pattern to a baby quilt she had made many years before for her young granddaughter. As the granddaughter prepared to go away to college, she requested a larger one just like her baby quilt for her bed. Th e grandmother was happy to oblige, knowing that the new quilt would be as well-used as the old one. Although these women did not want their proj-ects misused, they also did not want them stored away and forgotten. “Don’t fold it up and put it in a drawer—use it! Th at’s what it’s for” (Nancy).

Embroidery trends of the mid-20th century rein-force the role of utility in embellishing everyday objects such as hand towels and pillowcases (Reid, 2004). One woman reported receiving over 50 sets of embroidered pillowcases for her wedding in 1953 and believed at the time that this supply would last the rest of her lifetime! Lippard (1995) referred to the creation of these handcraft s as an art “there is some excuse for making . . . and performs an osten-sibly useful function in the bargain” (p. 134).

Uniqueness. Uniqueness of objects was also important in establishing meaning for the handcraft s. Th ese women understood that textile handcraft projects result in inherently one-of-a-kind objects. Th ey found this fact an appealing aspect of their work.

10A “charm” is a small piece of fabric exchanged within groups in order for each member to accumulate a large collection of various fabrics without having to purchase yardage of each fabric.

11A friendship quilt is created through assembling a large number of signed blocks as a means of remembering friends and loved ones, and were especially popular in the 19th century as women moved west, away from their friends and families. See Lipsett (1985) for a thorough discussion of this quilt form.





It is something that if I sit and crochet some-thing, that no one else will ever have one like it. I designed it and no one else will have one like it. I think it is the homemade touch . . . Th at means a lot to me because no one else will ever have one like it. (Sandra)

Items that are one of a kind, refl ect historic sig-nifi cance due to survival over time, or are unique in some way are highly valued (Hirschman, 1985; Martin, 1993; McCracken, 1988). Consumers of scarce products also value novel or customized products (Lynn & Harris, 1997). Th ese women selected individualized combinations of fabrics, colors, and other supplies making the projects diffi cult or impossible to replicate. One woman noted that even when she used kits, her mistakes, substitutions, or individual production methods guaranteed that no one else could ever have one exactly like it.

Household objects. In addition to the enhanced quality and utilitarian nature of handcraft ed textile objects, these women also understood numerous intangible benefi ts to their work. One such benefi t was that the presence of handcraft ed items within a home made it a better place to live. “Home is better when there is something home-made in it. No factory will ever be able to take that over” (Kathy).

It is not a necessity—not the decorative stuff that I do. We don’t need little Celtic knots on our quilts to keep us warm, and you don’t need lace on anything. It just makes life a little nicer, a little prettier, a little more com-fortable. (Kim)

Interestingly, a woman with minimal experience in textile handcraft production was clearly able to identify this benefi t. She had recently visited her grandmother’s home and noticed how many handcraft ed things were scattered about the house. “It was such a relief—it didn’t look like a magazine. Th at’s what I want for my house—I want it to look like us” (Yvonne). Th ese women cherished and cared for handcraft ed items. Th ey expressed dismay at the thought of life without them.

I could do without the technology and still want the homemade items. I wouldn’t die if someone stole my computer, but I would be crushed if they took one of my hand-made quilts. I take better care of those. (Kathy)

In their study on families and important posses-sions, Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) found that household objects represented the experiences and memories of their owners. When those objects have been individually hand-craft ed, they also represented the existence of a real person (rather than a factory) and the purposeful action of creation. Domestic objects held meaning for family members based upon the embodiment of memories and experiences and “because they are signs of the self ” (p. 62). Th e objects which held these meanings varied based on gender, age, and other demographic variables. Women, overall, mentioned quilts and other textiles as meaningful objects more oft en than men (p. 282) and indicated the role of heirlooms as being more important than did men, who frequently mentioned stereos and other electronic items (p. 284). We also found that the importance of family or self defi nition through objects was a recurring theme. Meaningful domes-tic objects, such as quilts, samplers, and other items of textile handcraft served as conduits for building relationships and establishing a home that refl ected the people who lived within its walls.

Th ese women used handcraft ed textiles to identify their homes as their own. Th eir homes were fi lled with personalized reminders, confi rming that tan-gible objects played an important role for them in defi ning who they were and where they came from (Holak & Havlena, 1992; Price, Arnold, & Curasi, 2000). Th e close connections these women had to the objects they had made—even to the point of calling them “family” or “babies” confi rms that these are not just objects. Th ey were material mani-festations of their memories and their existence, and confi rmed Belk’s (1988) assertion that items which convey creativity and the mastery of skills, and which mark time, are particularly eff ective in defi ning the self. Th e importance of things ex-pands this concept of the self and that “objects give concrete evidence of one’s place in a social network





as symbols of valued relationships” (Csikszentmih-alyi, 1993, p. 23).

Textile handcraft gift s. Belk (1979) found that nearly 95% of all gift s are purchased commercially, rather than made by the giver. Th e number of handcraft ed items given as gift s is small in rela-tion to the total number of gift s. All the women acknowledged having purchased gift s from stores, but felt that gift s made especially for a person were more meaningful than those from the store. Gift -exchange rituals also connected textile handcraft ers to other people. Th e closeness of those relation-ships were frequently defi ned by the selection of gift s. Handcraft ers expended considerable time and money in planning and creating objects specifi cally for particular individuals according to the color or design preferences of the intended receivers. Th ese objects were not just material possessions but refl ected the closeness of the relationships.

Even when I purchase gift s, I try to go out of my way to fi nd something special they re-ally want. But usually, I get a more receptive response if something is made especially for them. (Helen)

Handcraft ed gift s represent more than an object. Th ese gift s represent the giving of the self to an-other person. “Th e gift s that I made for him meant that I had done something—given him a part of me” (Angie).

I start things for certain people, because then I know what they will want. When I am making this for Sandy, I think about her. And I say a little prayer for her, and I concentrate on her, because I am making it for her. (Eulean)

Frequently, both the giver and the recipient are fa-miliar with the time and energy required to create textile handcraft ed objects. Handcraft ers them-selves were oft en recipients of needlework objects because of their own knowledge and appreciation for the skill and time devoted to the objects’ pro-duction. “Cheryl and I know how much time goes into them, and how we feel about each other, and

how it is made with so much love. You see it on the wall and it brings tears to your eyes” (Sue).

Recipients of these gift s were not casually chosen: they were almost always extremely close family members, such as parents, children, or grand-children. Th ese were individuals who have been exposed to many of the procedures required in the production of textile handwork. Th e women believed this allowed these family members to ap-preciate the items. “I think they will remember that they were all made with love, and the handwork—all the time that went into them” (Barb).

When we were fi rst married I made a quilt for my in-laws for Christmas. My husband said, “We can’t give them just that,” and he went to the store to buy some gift to go with it. It hurt me—it just killed me when he said that. Now, we don’t even remember what he bought, but my in-laws still use the quilt I made for them. (Angie)

Even women with brief personal histories with textile handcraft production were able to clearly identify the importance of family relationships and how textile handcraft s marked these relationships as more important than others.

My parents and my kids have all the gadgets and gizmos they need. I realized that we had very little in the way of special things from each other, so now I am trying to make each person something special so that they will know I love them. I am trying to get my kids to do the same thing—they need to know that love doesn’t come from Toys-R-Us. (Yvonne)

Historic and contemporary instruction manuals frequently begin with text suggesting the hand-craft s be used as gift s, oft en noting special occa-sions such as weddings and anniversaries (Crews, 1979; Designs by Gloria and Pat, 1977). Even instructions for young embroiderers state, “Some of your pictures will make great gift s for your fam-ily and friends” (Gillam, 1994). When a woman creates a hand-craft ed item, she wants the gift to be especially meaningful.





Researchers studying gift -giving have found the symbolic meaning of gift s and relationships is key in defi ning the value of the gift to both the giver and the recipient (Belk, 1979, 1981, 1988; Hyl-legard & Fox, 1997; Pandya & Venaktesh, 1992; Rucker, et al., 1991; Webley & Wilson, 1989). Both giver and recipient understand the symbolic nature of gift -giving, and thus, the giving of a gift is oft en tension-fi lled as the relationship is defi ned, and either enriched or harmed by the choice of gift (Pandya & Venkatesh, 1992).

In contrast to the giving of handcraft ed items to close friends and family members, benevolent groups such as church groups, guilds, and other community organizations have longstanding traditions of making items that are distributed to individuals unknown to the makers of the objects. Volunteers within church groups, textile hand-craft guilds, and Internet sites produce turbans for cancer patients, blankets for sick children, lap quilts for nursing home patients, crocheted layettes for stillborn infants, and numerous other items.12 In the children’s book Th e Quiltmaker’s Gift , Brumbeau (2000) clearly articulates that wealth is measured through the selfl ess act of giving of the self to others in need, rather than through the ac-cumulation of gold. Corporate entities participate through joint activities, such as donating a portion of proceeds from purchased supplies to cancer research or other charitable causes,13 and Nancy Zieman, host of the PBS series Sewing With Nancy, has published a book listing projects, resources, and organizations involved with the distribution of charitable textile handcraft s (Zieman & Brown, 2003). Th e events of September 11, 2001 further

bring this role of textile handcraft into focus. In the days and months following the attacks on Ameri-can targets, handcraft ers responded by producing quilts, blankets, teddy bears, and other objects intended to commemorate the date, comfort the grieving, and soothe their own souls (Bresanhan, 2002; Crochet Guild of America, 2003). Textile handcraft s, whether given as gift s to loved ones or to complete strangers, are, stitch by stitch, created and given with a deep sense of care and concern for the well-being of the recipient.

Conclusion and Implications

Textile handcraft ed objects are imbued with meaning through their creation and use and are symbolic of the maker and her relationships with other people. It is these meanings that motivate the contemporary textile handcraft er to continue to learn age-old skills and spend hours making special things. Th ese objects are valued by their creators as symbols of self, who feel the object is special because it is not commercially obtained, it is made with love, and is connected to personal histories. Williams (1992) noted the same to be true among the quilters she studied, that “they cherish most what is most integral to the fabric of daily life. In this role the quilt links lives and sentiments. Quilting is an act which integrates its maker with the community and values she has chosen” (1992, p. 137). Th is was evident among these women, regardless of what type of textile handcraft they made. Whether a small embroi-dered bookmark for a friend’s birthday, a large intricately pieced quilt for a child’s wedding gift , or a crocheted charity afghan for a needy child, women made these objects because “if you make something, it is from your heart and your mind, and it says you really care” (Vella).

Authors have documented the special nature of in-dividual work or of group functions, but generally have not sought to discover if there were common motivations across categories of textile handcraft production. We found that across all categories of textile handcraft s both the creation and the use of the objects brought meaning to the lives of the

12A search on http://www.about.com, a widely-used Internet site, re-vealed numerous links to other charitable sites. Th e Crochet Guild of America site listed 42 organizations involved in charitable textile handcraft s. Th e Warm-Up America Foundation (2003) assists in the creation and distribution of handmade afghans to needy and homeless individuals and families.

13For example, McCall’s Quilting and Northcott-Monarch fabric man-ufacturers donate a portion of proceeds of magazine and fabric sales to breast cancer research as part of the Quilt for a Cure program. Th e American Sewing Guild also participates in the Sew for a Cure pro-gram, selling pins and donating proceeds to breast cancer research.





women who created them. Th e intangible values associated with textile handcraft objects were clearly perceived by the women who made them, purposefully noting that the value was not material nor monetary. As one woman noted, “Th ere are some things that you can’t put a price tag on. And it depends on what kind of yardstick you measure it by” (Kathy).

Implications

Th ese women understood that participating in textile handcraft production enhanced the quality of their lives as they created special items for them-selves and the people they love. Th ey determined it was worth the time and eff ort to make these items, and they cherished the relationships that were symbolized through the giving of textile handcraft objects. Th ese skills that they practiced day in and day out established the pattern of their lives, allow-ing them to know “fully and in a trustworthy way” the quality of their lives (Smith, 1990).

Textile handcraft is not, however, something that is practiced by all women. As increasing numbers of women participate in paid labor, they frequently have less time or inclination to spend on textile handcraft production, and may use other items within their homes to defi ne themselves and their families. Th e care and attention paid to handcraft ed heirlooms illustrates the special meaning they hold for their owners. Th e popularity of arts and craft s markets provide evidence that handcraft ed items appeal to those who want to purchase, rather than make, unique items. In addition, families with two incomes may have greater levels of disposable income to spend on purchased gift s rather than handcraft ed ones. Th roughout our data collection we found that women believed that time spent pro-ducing textile handcraft s was a solution to hectic lives. Women living with daily stress may fi nd their time is better spent relaxing through the creation of textile handcraft s instead of fi ghting crowds at mall searching for just the right gift .

At a local level, promotion of non-commercial activities such as textile handcraft s through church and community based organizations may encour-

age and benefi t a wide range of participants. It is a productive method of encouraging personal growth for individuals, especially as they age (Schofi eld-Tomschin & Littrell, 2001). Beside the obvious advantages of keeping textile handcraft traditions alive, promotion of needlework or other hobbies enables people to learn skills that translate into self-satisfying activities. In addition, intergen-erational groups may provide added social benefi ts among women and families who are separated by distance from their extended families, a common phenomenon in life today. Learning from older generations and teaching new generations may allow intergenerational understanding about topics unrelated to the handwork they gather to do, espe-cially for those who are not able to live near family members. Th is ability to share and teach is key to an understanding that the sharing of gift s—in this case, both material gift s of needlework and the gift of knowledge—is the yardstick by which happiness is measured. Lisa Myers, in her book Th e Joy of Knitting, summarized this very well:

Some would argue that the very act of knit-ting improves the world: that regardless of what one knits or for whom, one increases the amount of good in the world by doing something slowly and with care. Despite our society’s constant drive for speed and ‘ef-fi ciency,’ a knitter has deliberately chosen to keep an old craft from dying out and fading away. And I can guarantee that anyone who’s ever worn a cozy, soft , handknit hat during a snowstorm will tell you that knitters improve the world. (2001, p. 147)

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