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Christianisationin Sicily (IIIrd-VIIth Century)*
LELLIA C¡t&cco RUOGINI
In Sicily the sectorof life dedicatedto the
sacredmusthavebeengloballyvery large, as may be inferred from te
notablemass of local hagiographictraditions which have survived te
frequent destructions,together
witharchaeologicalandepigraphicevidence(especially from the
earliestperiod).However, it is no easy task to delineatethe
chronological sequences,todetermine the frequently elusive
topography, or to arrive at a clearunderstandingof languageor
significances, owing to the density of thematerial and its
amorphouscondition, which studieshave only begun todecipheriii
sornelimited sectors.Therefore1 shall limit rnyselfto
pointingoutcertain specific featuresandto proposingsornenew
questions,even thoughthey do not always fmd adequateanswers.
Religious uSe in pre-Arab Sicily may be substantiallydivided
into threephases,which correspond,unsurprisingly,to
threesourcearcas,eachof themquite consistentin quality, and, in the
caseof literary texts, in the closeaffinity of their
narrativeschernes.
* The presentpapercorrespondsto the first sectionof
alargerresearchabout«1 caratterioriginali delcristianeslinoin
Sicilia», which will bepublished—fully-documentedla
saurcesandbibliography—amongthe Reportsof Lhe SestoConvegnoini. di
Studio, «La Sicilia rupestreng’contestode/lecivitá
mediterranee»,Catan/a-Pantalica-Ispica.8-12Sett.1981 (now la
print). Theactual Lopic wasdevelopedin Lwo seminars,at Berkeley
(Ancient History Group, DepL. ofClassics;
ThomasMore-JacquesMaritain Institute, 2lst May 1982) and
Chicago(DepL. ofClassics, 241h May ¡982>. 1 wish to thank here
friends and colleagues for Iheir helpfulcoaperationandcriticisrns,
in particular 1>. Brown, A. Momigliano, R. Kaster,P. White. 1
alsoliad theopportunityof profitablediscussionsaboutproblemsvery
closeto Llie presentonesiii atable ronde aL the EcoleFran9aisede
Romeabout«CliristianismeeL paganismeen Italie et enAfrique»
(22ndOct. 1981, iii collaborationwith A. MandauzeaudCh. Piétri),
and in aseminarat Macerata(Istituto di Storia Antica, Facoltádi
Lettere,29th January1982; 1 takehere Iheopportunity Lo expressmy
gratitudeLo L. Gasperinilar lis kind invitation).
Galán, 1. Editorial de la UniversidadComplutensede Madrid.
1984
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220 Lellia Cracco Ruggini
1. A first periodwhich maybecalledRoman-Sicilian,from tbe
Cliristianorigins to the ageof GregorytheGreat.1 shall
concernmyselfsolely with thisphase,becausethere is no specific
researcb,either partial or global, on tbepenod.
2. This is followed by a period wbich 1 would cali
Byzantine-Sicilian,from the seventhto the ninth century.In this
phasethe local ecciesiasticalstructures are strengtbenedaccording
to the extent to wbich they are«Byzantinized»(a century after the
«reconquest»of Justinian). Parallel tothis, the biographlesof
bisbopsassumeimportancefor the f¡rst time. Set inthe context of
urban USe, they are revealed as closely linked to the highByzantine
bureaucracy,and as extremely loyal to Constantinople,whichconfers
on them great honours (Lives of Zozirnos of Syracuse,Leon
ofCatania,Gregoryof Agrigento, etc.): the understandingof the
signif¡canceoftheseLives has beenenhancedby notewortby
contributions from Éve¡ynePatíagean(1964) andCyril Mango
(1973).
3. In dic third, Italo-Grecian,period (from tenth to
eleventhcentury)thebonds betweenthe Greeksociety of Sicily and
Ryzantiumfirst slackenandarethencut. The ¡ocal
inhabitants,bothGreekandSícilian, gatherroundthecharismaticfigures
of countlessholy monksof Calabrian-Sicilianorigin whoseemto
opposeany imposition of worldly power(Byzantium,the Arabs, ortbe
Church). Iheir biographies, transmitted in manuscriptstbrougb
anintricate tradition, are now receivinguseful pioneerstudies(André
Guillou,Vera von Falkenhausen).
So we sha¡l considernow tbe Roman-Sicilianperiod from tbe
origins tothe seventhcentury.
The earlyyearsof the seventhcentury,in fact, witness a phasein
whicbthe Ryzantineconquestis alreadyestablisbedin the island in
apatternwhicbreveals many differenceswith respect to the Roman and
Gothic ages.However, in a religious setting the effects of
thesechangesare at tbis timeperceptibleonly in a
conservativetendency towardsa greater rigidity incertain
structures. The religious and ecciesiastical situation in tbe
sixthcenturythus presentsitself for analysisas asort of mfra-red
photographofrealities whicb badbuilt up in the precedingtwo
centuriesand revealsdicfundamentaldirections andprevioustrends.
In the period of Gregorythe Great thereis no trace yet of tbe
legendasserting the apostolic origins of Syracuseand Taorminathanks
to themissionary work of Marcianus and Pancratiusrespectively. The
legendmaintains that they were sent from Antiocb by the apostie
Peter, well-provided with sacred images,after be had consulted Paul
and tbe otherapostiesof tbe Pontusand of the Cilicia. There is no
doubt tbat the localworsbíp of Pancratiuswas long standing:he
alreadyappearsas bishop ofTauromenium in the Martyrologiurn
Hieronymianum(Vth-VIth century),while referencesto his devotionare
particularlyplentiful in tbe RegistrumofPope Qregory. Rut the
apostolic legend as found in tbe ¡‘ita a PassioPancratil, written
as a romanceby a supposeddisciple, Evagrius,has been
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Christianisation in Sic//y (Ilirá- VIIth Century) 221
shown to be a forgery of the late eighth century. It has
elements of theiconoclasticcontroversyandis permeatedwith
referencesto the
onomastics,topographyandeccíesiasticalorganisationof a
lateperiod,andis intendedtosupportthegrowingautonornyof the
Sicilian episcopatesafterte severingofdependenceon Rornein the time
of Isaurianemperors.Thus it is only fortbat period that the ¡‘ita
Pancratii may be consideredahistorical documentof real
interest.
The tracesof the spreadof Christianity in Sicily, in fact are no
carlierthanthethird century,whenCyprian,bishopof Carthage,with
referenceto aletter sent to bim by the Romanpriests
anddeaconsconcerningthe tapsiimmediately after the deathof
PopeFabian(251 a.Dj, mentionsa similarmessageenclosedwith his and
intendedfor Sícíly (thus on the sanieRome-Africa sea route):
clearly, there must have liten Cliristian communitiesalready
organized on the island. The archacologícal evidence seems
tosupport te samepoint, as te earliest cataconilis(SantaMaria del
Gesúat Syracuse,exploredfrom 1965 on, datesback to 220/230 aDj.
In westernSicily it is with Palermo,in fact (oneof
thebusiestports of calion the Rome-Africa route), that onef¡nds the
mostauthenticlinks of the tra-dition relatedto SaintAgatha.The
legendhadit that the virgin Agathawasarrestedin Pálermoat thetime
of Decius.Shewas thentakento Cataniaandsulfered martyrdomunder the
governorshipof Quinctianus(who was laterpunishedby:God whenhe
drownedin te river Simetuswhile on his way toconfiscatete
possessionsof the Saintin the Palermosurroundings).VariousLivesof
Agatha,bothGreekandLatin, claim, in sornecases,that she was
aresidentof Palermo,and in others of Catania. In this latter city
she wasveneratedvery earlyas te patronSaint,after herveil, which
badliten carriedin a procession,savedthe city from a
disastrouseruptionof Etna- But alíthesebiographiesstemfrorn the
Panegyricby Methodios, the well-knownpatriarchof Constantinople,who
was of Sicílían origin and who put an endto the
iconoclastícconflict. Methodiosgayehis speechwhen alreadyan
oídman,after 832; ¡mt. althoughhewas writíng in sucha
lateperiod,hehimselfstatedthat he had liten scrupulouslyfaithful to
earlier texts (i. e, to te olderPassiones).In any case, there is no
doubt that the veneration of Agathaprecedesthat of Lucia, which was
already well-establishedin the fourthcentury.Indeedthe devotionof
Lucía for the holy relicsof Agathaand herpílgrimagefrorn Syracuseto
te martyr’s burial placein Catania(followed bythe miraculouscureof
Lucia’s mother)are usedin the Passioto accountforthe vocationof the
young and rich womanandher subsequentmartyrdomin 304. This
chronology is supportedby te mention of Lucía in teMartyrologium
Hieronymianuniand also by the dedicationof a churcb inRavennain
385, desiredby bishop Ursus(who was of Sicilian origin).
Now one may see in the bi-polarity of the tradition
concerningSaintAgatha, centeredat one and the sarne time on
Palermoand Catanía,anexemplaryreflection in a religiouscontextof
the tendencyof the Sicilianareato gravitatetowardstwo
centres,northernAfrica andte easternMediterra-
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222 Lelia CraccoRuggini
nean. Such gravitation is very clear in thesecenturiesboth in
the economicandthe cultural spheres,centeredas it is, witb
different results,on the westernand the eastemsectorsof the
island.
Indeed,almost ah the epigraphicaland arcbaeologicalevidenceof
dicearliestChristianityin Sicily is relatedto
theeasterncoast,without anydoubtthe firsí point of contactwith tbe
newfaith.And it is worth pointingout tbatthe
distributionalpatternsof the oldest Christian monumentsfollow
tosewhich, in the self-same areasof Sícily, had characterizedthe
spreadandestablishmentof eastemcults (among them, dic Egyptian are
particularlywell-documented;andGiulia
SfameniGasparrohasreccntlyprovideduswithmaps of this spreading,in
ÉPRO coflectiony Also the hagiographicaltra-dition
regardingFuplus,martyr underDiocletian, stemsfrom
fourtbcenturyCatania. His Passio in Greek, transmitted to us in an
eleventh centuryParisian manuscript, undoubtedly sbows traces of
great antiquity andauthenticity.It consistsof two fragmentsof an
interrogationwbich revealnoknowledgeof the fact thcSaintis
allegedto haveliten a priest,a fact stronglyemphasisedin the more
recentPassio in Latin. These fragmentscontainelementswhich may be
derived from the publio records of tbe trial, forexample,the
expressionxvpzog~p&v=«our Lord», referring to the
imperialauthority; they also mentiona corrector Siciliae,
Calvisianus,whosenameisto be connectedwith thcgens Calvisia, the
ownerin Sicily of largeestatesinthe interior betweenCela
andAgrigento: brick stampswith the inscriptionCAL, andCALVI bave
beenfound over an area of about250
squareki-lometres;andreferencesto a mansioCalvisianaappearin
itinerary sourcesofthe third and fourth centuries,such as the
Itinerarium Antonini and tbeTabulaPeutingeriana.As
mattersstand,onemay well be lcd to reflect on theparticularly
importantrole which seemsto havebeen played by Cataniainthe early
vicissitudes of the Christianization; a role whicb one has
nohesitationin linking with tbe political, economicand urban growth
of thecity, which becameevident from tbe second-thirdcenturieson,
and whichmorethanoncegainedtheattentionof the provincial
govemment,basedwithits offices on Syracuse(anothercradieof Sicilian
Cbristianity). Indeed,almostalí tbe late cemeteriesandcatacombsof
Syracusebave beenfound in thenorthernsuburb,along the road
towardsCatania:this is an archacologícaldatumwhich
alwaysempbazisesthe importanceof a roadandof tbe townslinked by
tbat road.
The end of the flftb ccntury providesus with an extensivenetwork
ofarchacologica]and epigraphicevidencewhich bearswitness to the
deptb towhicb Christianity badalready penetratedthe interior,
following dic maincommunícation routes from the eastern coastal
centres over the Ereanplatean,from Cataniato Cela, from Syracuseto
Akraí-Kamarina,and toHybla-Niscemi-Agrigento.To the west of thís
triangle, te archacologicalmap of Cbristian Sicily covera only the
territories of Agrigento andLilybaeum,whercChristianityseemsto
haveconsolidateditsclf from thefifthcenturyon, with
cbaracteristicswhích revea]aclearlyAfrican origin (in any
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Christianisation in Sicily (I¡Ird- VIIth Century) 223
case,not absentat this time even in many centresof the
southandcentral-easternareas):funeralobjectssuchas lampsof African
manufacture,found inthe lateburíal groundsof Selinunteandof the
vilagenearPiazzaArmerina;expressíonsof sacredart such as the
rnosaic funeral decorationsof Salemi(which exhibit similarítieswíth
thoseof Sidi Aluch) and the mosaícsof thesmall basílicasof Carini
andSantaCroce Kamarina. Onemay hearechoes—however attenuated—of the
Donatist controversy,sud as the anti-Donatistniotto deogratio.s on
a bronzelamp from Selinunte.The recurringuseof
certainnamessuggestsin its turnAfrican influence:anexamplemnay
beseen in Ausanius
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224 LelE/a Cracco Ruggini
ornaments;later —and again with particular evidence—tbey appcar
inmedieval prayers and cxorcisms. The heretical rnanifestaíionsof
this sospecialdevotion to the angelsarouscdthc concenxof
PopeGregory: in 593he was compelledto take
unusualmeasuresagainstgroupsof «Angelians»wbo síjil prosperedin the
countrysideof the Tindarí diocese,togetherwithsmall communitiesof
pagans.These«Angelians»belongedto a sectof eastemorigin which
Epiphaniusof Salarninahadalreadybelievedto be cxtinctin theEastat
ihe endof the fourth century,but which PopeGelasiushadalso hadto
dealwith in 496 for the West. Qn the
otherhand,evenortbodoxreligionitsclf gaye grcat importance lo
angelic intervcntions in ihe miraculousepisodesof the Sicilian
Passionesandof te Lives of the holy rnonksof theisland, from the
Roman age to the Byzantine. Vcry ancient dedicationsofchurchesto
tbe archangelMichael bearwitncss to this, as, for
example,thededication of the small basilica of Ctisma, not far from
the renownedHagyrion monastcry:in the tenth century Ihis was
completely ruined andburied in Ihe forest, so thai Sabaof
Collesano,with bis fatber Stcphenandkw othermonks, was 5cmto
rcbuild it andreclaimthe land, as bis L~fe telísus.
Among alí thc religious diversities wbicb characterizedSicily in
thesccenturies,only te Jewsseemin fact to persístunalteredin an
urbancontenas well as in a rural one,especiallyin the
easíernsector. In thc country,PopeGregorystroveto carry out te
taskof persuadingat leasí ihe Jewisbcolonidependingon the
RomanChurch lo be baptized.In Ihe town life one seeshow Jcwisb
magic, superstition and medicine are a constaní structuralelemeníin
the biographiesof the bishopsand, later, of ihe holy monks ofSicily
(eighth-tenthcenturies),alí indeedset lii towns.
Thus,te rclígiouspanorama is quite well
defined.OrthodoxCbristianity15 uniformly rooted mn alí the urban
arcas with no extraneousclemenís(exceptfor ihepresenceof a few
Jcwishfamilies). In ihe country,on the olberhand, one flnd
scattcredfragmenísof dissidcnceof more or lcss ancientmatrix
relegatedto toseareasless easily reachedby tbe influenceof
urbanlife. Evideníly, in Sicily, ihe rnonolithic
andall-embracingnatureof ihe grcatimperial, senatorial,and
ecclesiasticesíatesdirecíly controlled from Romewas so strongas not
lo leave any opportuniíy for other alternatives.Thcpatrimonial
structurc of the massae incorporated mio itself botb
ruralcommunitiesand Ihe scattcredscttlements(the latier, in this
period, wereincreasingin the Island, asihe safetyof life in
ihecountrywas neverdisturbeduntil Ihe fu-st Saracenraid in 652,
andas ihe stability of ihe populationdidfol suifer from the wars,
famines,and epidemicswhich, on ihe contrary,ragedelsewhere).So that
Sicily did not undergoadeve¡opmeníof Ihe villagemio a largerunil of
setílemení(alniost a link betweenthe kórneandtbepólis)on ihe ¡mes
of the easternmetrokomla,wherethe cthnic unity and the
socialcobesionof Ihe village wcre particularly favourableto te
total following ofcertainspirilual movements,whetherthcy were
pagan,Christian,or heretical(as a recent,penctratingcontributionby
Gílbert Dagronhasshown).
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Ch i-istianisation in SEd/y (Iflrd- VI¡th Century) 225
For Ihe samereason,most of the marketsoutsídcte urban contexí
inSicily musíhaveleenincludedin tbe
grcatestatesandmusíhaveservedtbeirneeds,al timescoíncidingwitb Ihe
stationesof the publie roadneiwork.Tbis,in tun, was forming in Ihe
late imperial age againin conjunclionwith iheexigencies of Ibe
greal estates(tbis can be observedin Piazza Armerinathrough te
epigraphical evidence, for example). 1 belíeve Ihis
explainsanothernoteworthyabsencein Ihe religious lífe of Sicily al
thaI time: ihereare no greal fairs outside Ihe cities.
Elsewhereihey took place during ihecclebrationsof the daysof
Sainislocallyvenerated,andwcre the occasionformeetingsof Ihe
typesociologisíswould now cali «liminal» betweenpeopleofdifferent
social extractionandorigin, a son of ceremonialwhich was
sacredandprofaneatIhe sametime, in which
fraternizationamongihepilgrimswasaccompaniedby Ihe exchangeof
regional manufacturedproducís-Withoutgoing as far as Ihe mosí
famous fairs of MerovingíanGaul, one needqnlyrecalí the
Lucanconventusnearwhat is now San Giovanni al Fonte,a
placeoncesacredlo Leucoihea,which later becamea worshipcentrein
honourofihe Carihaginianbishop Cyprian, as we learn from
Cassiodorus.
Sicilian devotionalpracticein Ihesecenluriesalso lacks
Ihosegrealpilgri-magestowardslocal centresof
worshipconstitutedaroundfamousholy relies,such as Ihe scrinia of
Sainí Agaiha or of Sainí Lucia: one may conirasíIbiswiih the
altractionexercisedby ihe many sancluariesof ihis period in Gaul,in
Africa and in Spain, veritable workshopsof miracles and
exorcisrns,íheaterswhcre Ihe powerof Ihe holy
remainsmanifesteditselfdaily. In Sicily,devotion might be intense,
buí it was local; a constantly «liminoid»phenomenon(thai is
optional and individual) raiher iban «liminal» (thai is,ritualized
and choral). Ii, iherefore, did nol have that dirnension
whichelsewhere,from lateantiquiiy onwards,madeit a very
particularson of massthcrapythroughspace.Ofcourse,iherewere
peoplewho, from neighbouringcentresor from theshoresbeyondihe
Straitsof Mcssina,carneto ihe tomb ofSainí Agathain Catania.Lucía
herselfcamefrom Syracuselo Ihe shrineinCataníaal Ihe beginningof
ihe fourihceniury(buí Ihe speciacularanti-Arianmiraclesperformedby
Ihe relies of Sainí Agathaare describedby GregoryIhe Greatonly in
relationlo th~ church dedicatedto her in ihe
SuburrainRome).Therewerc peoplewho buried Iheir
dearestrelativesnearIhe tombsof the mariyrs, as if lo
exorcisedeaththrough ihe nearnesslo thesegreatInnoceníBeings, who
hadsurvivedunspeakabletormenisand were for everpresentwiih their
miraculous bodies amongthe living: ibis was done forinstanceby Ihe
parentsof the girí lulia Florentina,who died al ihe age
ofeighteenmonthsat Hybla sometime beiween314and320
raoughly;shewasbunied al Caianiapro foribus niartyrorum, as ihe
funerary inscription says.Therewere ihosewho visited the
sepulchreof Sainí Pancratiusal Taormina,such as Elia froni Ennain
ihe tenth century,who set oIT from the SalinaeinCalabría.Buí Sicíly
was aboye alí a poiní of departureor of transii forpilgrims
boundfor Paleslineor for Rome. In ihe fourih and f¡fth
centuriesarístocraisand ladiesof senatorialrankwho hadvowed
ascetismpausedin
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226 LelE/a Cracco Ruqqin/
their villas on the islandbefore conlinuíng lo Ihe Holy Land.And
an equalandoppositcflow reachedRomeandIfie lornbsof Ibe
apostíesfrom Ihe Eastand from Africa, following more or lcss the
samerouteswhich were to betakcnseveralcenturieslaterby thc Sicilian
andIlalo-GreekmonksboundforJerusalemand (it was even
acompulsorystopping-offpoiní) for Rome.
Indeed,as recentstudieshavesbown (Victor Turner,PeterBrown),
theurban and suburbancentres of pifgrimage in the high middle
agesof IheWestwereskilfully directedby the local urbannobility (lay
andeccíesiastical),«impresarios»of Ihe holy, as PeterBrown puts it,
and flrmly rooted in Ihecalhedralsandlarge centreswhich madeup tbe
basis of Iheir power. Buí inthe caseof Sicily, its particular
historical vicissítudesfrorn Ihe RomanageonwardensuredthaI therewas
no really importanícity life, and so it had nourban
classescndowedwith a decisive power. Here lies, in my opinion,
theexplanationfor anotherabsencewhich emergesin the devotionallife
of Sicilyin contrastwith olber areas,such as Italy,
Spain,andMerovingianGaul, forexample:Ihe extremelyscantyevidenceof
the transferof relics. Thereis sorneslight referenceto it buí
almostentirely in relationlo martyrsfrom Romeandin tbe
periodwhenthe Churchwas still persecuted.Buí for Sicily Ihereis
no-record of those translations and exchangesof holy rclics with
solemnceremonies,which elsewhere,from the fffth centuryonwards,were
assumingIhe apparatusandfunction wbich had formerly leen typical of
the imperialadventus.They, too, in fact were domain of Ihe urban
upper classes,areflection of their networkof
friendshipsandinterrelaíions,the manifestationof an intricate
systemof patronagewhich united Ihe religious and Ihe layélites,
oflen al an internationallevel (recenísludies by E. D. Huní, K.
G.Ho¡um andO. Vikan havecast lighl on Iheseaspecís).It is worth
noting thaIthe mosí frequentevidenceof the traslationof relics of
Sicilian Saintsis lo befound outside Ihe island, and not due to the
local bishops but manageddirectly from Rome by Ihe Pope himself:
Grcgory Ihe Great sení relics ofSainí Pancratiuslo the bishopsof
Milan and of Saintesin Aquitania; heinstrucíedthe bishop of
Sorrentosolemnlylo placeIhe sanctuaria(thaI is, thereliquaries) of
Sainí Agatha in Ihe monasteryof Sainí Stephenon Capri.Perhapsa
«holy comrnerce»of tbis kind did exisí on the island; but
Iheoblivion which has sulimergedit only underlinesits
unimportancefor theobservcrs themselvesof Ihose times; or cisc, tbe
unimporíanceof Iheobserverswho are now forgotíen,which amouníslo
the samething.
The eccíesiasticalstructure in Sicily was arliculated by
degreesmíonumerousepiscopalscaís,suifraganof Ihe
Romanarchdioceseandobviouslysituatedin tbe urban centresof major
importance.Belwcen the leginning ofIhe fourt centuryandIhe
beginningof Ihe sixth, Ihe following seatscertainlyexisíed:
Syracuse, Lílybaeum, Tauromenium, Palermo, Lipari, Messina,Tindari,
andCalania. Thcse were joined sornedecadeslater by
Agrigento,Triocala,Carini andMalta, andin Ihe seveníhcenturyby
Lcontini, TerminiImereseandMilazzo. Unlil Ihe seventhcentury,Ihe
priesíswere mainly ofLatin origin, as Ihe namesfound in
inscriptions, and, later. Ihe letters of
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Christianisation in Sicily (¡IIrd-VIIth Century) 227
GregoryIhe Grealseemto confxrm. Al Ihe Councilof Calcedoniain
451, Ihebishop of Lilybaeum, Pascasinus,had even lo makc use of a
Greekinterprcter.
Even if one considersthe oldest hagiographictraditions —which
havebeenmentionedaboye—onehasIhe impressionof a
SicilianChristianityof amarkedly Roman-provincialcharactereven in
thc firsí centuries,whatevermay have leenIhe original
germinatingelements,eastern-Greek,or Lalin-African. In addition lo
Ihe onomasticsof Ihe martyrs, Ihe elcmentsformingthe substanceof
Ihe Passionesíhcmselvessuggestthis. And oneshouldnotforget thaI
these were Ihe few Sicilian Sainís received mío the
Romanmaríyrologyandwhoseculí ihereforeachieveda cerlaindiffusion in
Rorne, inItaly, in Gaulandeven in Constanlinoplewilh ihe
approvalandencourage-ment of the papacy itself. It was their
Passiones which were grantedadmíssionlo ihe liturgical lexís,
which, on Ihe contrary,had lo excludeaproliferationof
otherpersonages,perhapsof a differenl natureandcharacter,which were
ihen veneratedlocally but arenow
forgoiten,thoughsometimesmaysurviveas íf fossilizedin the
residiuesof popularpiety.Thus oneis facedby ihe fruits of
aselectivity which alreadyexístedandwas
alreadyrigorousinthoseancíenítimes, andwhich, however,is
significaní in itself; alí the moreso, if one recalísthe use madeof
thesehagiographiclcxts, which were ofíenrecitedpublicly on dic
occasionof Ihe natalicia of ihe Sainisand thus
hadgrealsocíalandpolitical importanceal the level of collective
psychology.
In this contexí, it would be worth investigatingihe
dcephistorical andpsychologicalmolivationsof a very particular
feature: ihe role andimpon-anceof female sanctity in Sicily during
this period,a role and importancewhich were unknownlo ihe
misogynousSicilian hagiographyof laler ccntu-Hes clearly
Byzantinein character).Agatha,Lucía andher mother,Ninfa,
andAgrippinaareexamples;andit is curiousthat alí
theseSaintsneverbecamethepatronsof conventsbuí only-of
monasteries.Perhapsone should considerIhis is a consequenceof the
importanírole in fact carriedout by ihe pietasofwomen of noble
families iii. the developmentof carly Sícilian Chrislianity.This
was really acharacteristicof ihe senatorialaristocracyin
lateantiquity:it was preseníboth in ihe
pre-Constantinianphasc(which may be called thephaseof ihe «sacredin
privatehands»:martyrs’ bodiesrediscoveredby piousladies,siolen
andconcealedon pnivate
propertiesandtheresecretlyworship-pedandmonopolizedin
cemeterieswhich at fu-sl were reservedonly for thefarníly), and in
ihe later phase of eccíesiasticalstructuriúg, through ihedonationof
lands,ihe foundationof monasleries,charitableworks,as well
aseconomicandpolitical supportof variouskinds(onemaylake as
anexampleIhe role of the Valerii family in Sicily through
MelaniaJunior).Rut perhapsIhis predominionof femalesanctity in thc
earliestphaseof Sicílian Chrislian-ity should alsobe relatedto ihe
prevalenceof culis in ihe island which werealready devoted to
female divinities, in an age-old confluence of native,Greek, Punic,
Egyptian and easternelements.Wc may recalí ihe specialdiffusion in
Sicily of ihe culis of Anna, DemetraandKore, of Ihe Venus-
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228 LelE/a Cracco Ruggini
Astarle Encina,andof Isis (indeed,it hasbeensuggcstedthai the
processionof Sainí Agaíha in Cataniareveals tracesof te
naviqiumls/Jis).
At Ihe lime of Melania,of Pinianoandof Rufinusof Aquilcia (ibeir
friendandguesíin a villa on the Straits,bctween408
and410),voluntary isolationon iheir Sicilian estalesof a certain
Christian aristocracyand Iheir clientes—an isolation dedicatedto a
life of conlemplationandprayer,lo thestudyofte Scriplurcand lo Ihe
transíationof sacredworks from Greek—had nolyct given birth lo real
monastie institutions on the island. Thesc wereexclusively
individual undertakings,simpletranspositionsin a Christian keyof
Ihe learnedoUa thenalso practisedby ihe pagansenatorialnobility.
Ihefirst concreteevidenceof a Sicilian monachismis lo be found only
towardsthc end of Ihe flfth centuryin a letíer of PopeGelasius1,
and,alittle later, inIhe Vito of ihe future bishopof
Ruspe,Fulgentius,who passedlhroughSicilyduringbis travel from
Romelo Alexandriaandvisited Ihe monasleryof SainíPeter as Baias
founded by Ihe bishop of Syracuse, Fulalius. And it
issignificaníthat Sicilian monachismin its origins is at onceseenlo
be linkedlo the decisions and control of ihe
eccíesiaslicalhierarchy, in absoluteconformity with ihe
westernmodel and in sharpcontrasíwilh ihe primitivemonachismof
EgypíandSynia,which for a long lime held itself to be
outsideeccíesiasticalsiructuresand regardedthem with
asuperiorandautonomousatlitude: whoever becomesa monk «dies» for
alí thai concernestheauthoritiesof the Churchandof ihe world,
Naihanieldeclaresin the HistoriaLausiaca.
A wholc seriesof namesof monks, of
abbotsandabesses,mentionedbyPopeGregorywith referencelo the
monasticcommunitiesof Sicily —Urbí-cus, Caesarius,Lohannes, Viator,
Domitius, Bonus, Catellus, Domina,Adeodatus,Adeodata,etc—,
revcalsan almosí total Latin origin for suchpersonagessíill
atibeendof tbe sixthcentury,as
badalreadybeennotedforpriestsandbishops.Furihermore,in contrasíwilh
the mosí typical Greek-castern monachismbelween Ihe fourtb and
fifth centuries,monachisminSicily was characíerizedas a
predominanílyurban phcnomenon,bolb withregardto location(generally
in townsandcities orjusí outside,as indeedhadbeenIhe casewith
pagansantuariessincetbe Grecianera),andlo the links
ofdependenceandcontrol which connecledit lo Ibe
diocesanstrucluresandloIhe directsupervisionof the Churchof Rome.Al
the end of Ihe sixth ceníurythe monasticfoundationsmentionedby
GregoryIhe Greatin his correspon-denceas having already existedfon
sometime or as having recently leenfoundcd are vcry numerous.In
fact it was ByzantineSicily, far more thanItaly or any otber
province, whicb formed the centerof Gregory’s policydesignedto
procure a «Latin» monasticmobilization. This was pant of amore
ampleplan, which was deliberatelydesignedlo opposeIhe
processofByzantinizationwhich in tesevery Sicilian citiesleganlo
becomeevideníatthai time, attackingihe local distribution of power
andeven threatening,rcmotely, to undermine Ihe Latin-Roman
framcwork of the eccíesiasticalhierarchy(clergy andmonks)lhrough a
revival of liturgical, devotional,and
-
Christianisation in Sic/ly (¡IIrd- VIJth Century) 229
eccíesiasticalcusloms of a Greek natune, which had never
beencompletclyput aside. Traces remain in the letters of Gelasius1,
PelagiusII, and ofGregoryhimselfas well as in ihe tradilion which
laten flowed mio Ihe ¡‘ita ofGregonyof Agrigento.
Howeveruncertainihe localion of Ihe
monasteriesandconvenísmentio-ned by Gregonythe Greal in ihe various
urbantopographicalcontexismayappeantoday, we know for example that
ihose of Sainí Hermes,SainíMaximus and Agaiha, thc Praetorianum,
Sainí Hadrianus, and SainíTheodoruswerealí to be found in
Palermo,in whosesurroundingsiherewasalso ihe conveníof Sainí
Martin. Anothen monastenydedicated lo SainíTheodonuswas situatedin
Messina.Thoseof SaintLucia and of Sainí Peterad Bajas,as well as
thai foundedby the
piousnoblewomanCapitularia,werenearSyracuse.Saint
SlephennearAgrigenlo was a convent.The monasterydedicatedto the
SainisPeter,Lawrence,Hermes,andPancratiuswas nearLilybaeum
(Mansala).SainíVitushadleenbuilí on Ihe slopesof Etna in Ihetime of
Pope PelagiusU (579-580 a.DJ. There was anoihermonasteryatLeníini,
and íwo in the dioceseof Tauromenium(Taormina),of which
one—foundeda little before ihe pontificate of Gregory—is thoughl to
be therirsí in the West dedicatedlo Sainí Christopher,and Ihe
second—SainíAndrew super Mascalas—may le recognizedin the
present-dayternitory ofMáscali on ihe north-easternslopes of Etna.
There are only lwo casesinGregory’s paperswherementionis madeof
monasteniessituatedin Ihe heaníof the country: thai of Saint George
in Ihe massa Maratodis and oneregisteredin thefundus Monotheus.
1 havedwelt on this list of Sicilian monasteriesactive at the
leginning ofihe seventhcentury for a precise reason:in ihe rangeof
Saintslo whommonaslerieswere dedicated,it offers an
extremelysignifxcant devotionallandscapc.If oneanalysesIhe
oniginsandtraditionsóf everyoncof dieseSainis,one may clearly
observeihe predominionof a sanctity filtered by
Rome,althoughfrequenlly oniginaling from the provinces(Paul,Andrew,
Stephen,Martin, Hermes,Theodore,Adrian); whenone finds Sainísof
local denivalion(Agaiha, Lucia, Vitus, Maximus) it is preferredto
«guarantee»them (as itwerc) by groupingwith them in ihe
samededicationsRomanapostíesand(or) martyrs.This emphasis(which
beginsin Sicily only in the sixth ceníury)on holy couples(Peler and
Paul, Paul and John, Maximus and Agatha,Adnian andNathalie, Lucia
andGeminianus,etc.) or on groupsof mantyrsgaiheredtogeiher in a
single culí in increasinglygreal
numbers(Peter,Lawrence,Hermes,Pancratiusin a monasteryof
Lilybaeu.ni, as wehaveseenVitus, Fuplus, andPancratiusin achurch of
Messina,again in ihe age ofGregory the Great; ihe Forty Martyrs of
Sebastein a churchof Cataniadedicatedby Ihe bishop Leo, in the
eight century) may havea particularsignificance.Thc
tendencytowardsmultipleaggregationsandihe fact that
Ihecouplesareoften madeup of a male andafemaleSaint seemsto
excludeanexplanationof thephenomenonsolely as a metamorphosisin
Christiantermsof «dioscurismus»,lhat is, of the paganwonshipof
coupleddivinities, which
-
230 Lellia Cracco Ruggini
undoubtedlyhada remarkablediffusion in Sicily (one needsonly
recalí ihePalicí, the Dioskouroi—widely veneratedespeciallyin
Syracdse,Agrigenloand Tindari— and Ihe mysterious lwins invoked in
ihe magic Judaicphilaclery of Cómiso, still betweenIhe founlh and
the tifth centunies).It isknown thaI outsideSicily ihe
aggregationof two or moreSainisin a unitaryculí from the founth
cenluryhad servedal limes to expressa searchor adesire for barmony
in parlicularly discordantmoments or in riotouscommunities,suchas
Milan andRome.Thus it mightwell le significantthaIihe sametendency
becomesnoteworthy in Sicily only in thai self-sameByzaníine period,
as if the unifying harmony letween Saints of differentorigins was
an emblem of ihe need for understandingbetween the
localpopulationsand ihe elemenísnewly immigratedfrom the
Byzantineworld,under Ihe hoped-foraegisof Rome,
sedesAposto/orum.
Thus the Church in thesecenluriesplayed an exlremelyelfectivepan
inthe more generalprocessof Lalinization in progressin Ihe island,
as well-knownstudiesby A. FerruaandL. S. Agnello haveclearly
discernedin Ihelinguistic spherethroughan
ampleepigraphicdocumenlation(which revealshow Ihe use of
Gneekprevails in Sicily unlil tbe fourtb/flftb centuries,andthen
graduallydeclinesbetweenihe flfth and ihe seventh).It is only in
themore remolerural aneasthai, logeiher with a still persistinguse
of Grcekbothfor loponymsandin funeralepigraphs,onefmds
Greek-speakingpniests,such as Ajihales, mentionedin an
inscniptiondatablebelween394 and402,who had a church bujíl in ihe
Ortesianumestate (a districí near Modica,rememberedalsoas
iheplaceof origin of theChnistianEutychia,in herburialinscription
in Greek at Syracuse).
In anycase,tbe presenceof priesisin Ihe
mosícut-of-lhe-waycountrysidereveals the consolidation of
eccíesiaslical institutions well beyond iherestricted environmeníof
ihe town, a consolidation which followed thegrowing
tendencyíowardsscatteredseltíemenís.In ihe catacombsof Akrai,fon
example,ihe Latín inscriplion of ihe priesí lanuariusrecalls Ihe
fortyyearsof his minislry in IhefundusLogarianus.In 592 Gregorythe
GrealwasconcennedaboutIhe monasteryof SaintGeorgein the
massaMaratodis,whichwas loo poor lo bearIhe onera imposedby Ihe
priesí of ihe estate.In 444bishop Pascasinusof Lilybaeum meníionsa
small church in Ihe vilissimapossessioMeltinas (in ihe territory of
Lilybaeum) in a lelter to Pope Leon.The Popehadconsulledhim about
the vexed queslionof Ihe Eastercycle,and ihe bishop replied
describing a miracle which had occured at ihebaptismalfont
thereduring te ponlificateof Zosimusas a confinmationofIhe
nightnessof the Alexandriancalculationof Easler(alsousedin Sicily)
andto refute ihe error which had prevailed,on Ihe contrary, in thc
«weslernparis».1 believe ihis lalter evidencepanticularly
interesling as it providesaconcreteexampleof Ihe prudenímediationof
Ihe Sicilian episcopatebetweenihe «Lalinizing» instrucíionsof ihe
Church in Rome and the deeply-rootedlocal traditionsof Greekorigin.
It transmitslo Ihe summit of ihe hierarchy,lhroughihe usual
bureaucraticchannelsof the papacy,ihe exigenciesof ihe
-
Christianisation in Sic//y (II¡rd-V¡Ith Century) 231
generalforms of devolion in Sicily, well-set in its
customs,while al the samelime juslifying them by Iheir own
miraculousfruils.
Thus Ihe situalionof Christianityin Sicily in ihe first four
centuriesof itshistory presentsseveral precisecharacteristics,and
sorne —equally impor-taní— absences.Onefinds devotionalmostenlirely
attributedto tbe apostíesand lo Ihe martyrs (either local or
Greek-easlern,buí alí mediatedandap-proved by patnistic or
Romanveneration);a mixture of native hagiographictraditionswilh
elemenisimponed from Rome; a predominantinfluenceofthe high
Romanaristocracy,both in ihedevotionalstyle (whereonly the
veryparticular worship of the angelsis seento belongto a ditierení
cultural andsocialmalnix) andin eccíesiasticalsiruclures,with an
exciusivisílendencyanda desirefor amonopolywhich
becameprogressivelymorerigid andmanifestas the firsí real effects
of Ihe Byzantinizationof the social fabric begin to be-feIt.
Ihe particular economic and cultural gravilation of the
Chnisliananistocratiecurrenisof Rome towardsihe largeestatesof ihe
island may becorrelatedwilh the ratherdifflcult
anddelayeddevelopmentin Sicily of thelocal organizationof
dioceses,from the beginningsof ihe fourth centuryonwards.The
dioceseswere basedon Ihe cities but, al Ihe sametime,
wereconditionedby Ihe weaknessof the urban situation, where ihe
élites of layandeccíesiasticalgovernmentevidentlyneverachievedthe
independence,theeconomicstrengthand the aulhority sufliciení to
makeihe city mío apoleofaltraclion for great pilgnimages,a driving
force fon interregional religiousfestivals andfor the foundationof
prestigioussantuaries,as, on ihe contrany,happenedin olber
regionsof Europein late antiquity.
BibliographyHesidesLíe obvious referencesLo:
BHG, BHL, AA.SS.,Gnegory’s Líe GreatReqistrumEpistularum(MGH,
Epp. 1-2),J. O. Mansi, Sacrorumconciliorum nova et ampiissima
collectio... Florentiae,1759 IV.,
III IV., see especially:For the historical framework:
F. Pfister, Der Reliquienkultini Altertum.
Giessen,1909-1912,1-II.F. Pradel, Griechische und siiditalienische
Gebete. Beschwórunqenuná Rezptedes
Mittela/ters. Giessen,1907,esp. pp. 135 fI’.F. Lanzoni, Le
diocesídha//adalle or¡gini alprinci~io del seco/ovii (an. 604), St.
e
Testí 35 bis. Firenze, 1926, II, CS~. PP. 609-655.L. White, «TIe
Byzantinizationof Sicily», Am. Hist. Rey. 42, 1936-t937,PP. 2-6.B.
Pace,Arte e civiltá della Sicilia antica. Cittá di Castello,
1935-1946,111-1V.A. Bnelich, «Lareligione grecain Sicilia», Kokalos
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mt. di St. sW/a Sicilia ~4ntica),PP. ~ anddiscussionPP. 54-62.R.
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PP. 259-286.A. Pincherle, «Sulle onigini del cristianesimoin
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discussionPP. 562-564.P. Testini, Archeologiacristiana. Han,
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232 Lellia Cracco Ruggini
Lellia Cracco Ruggini, La Sicilia fra Roma e Bisanzio, in Storia
del/a Sici/ia, III.NapoIl, 1980, PP. 1-96, esp. 7 II, 28 ff., 8 IT,
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(vi-vn seco/o), inTestimonianzecristianeanticheed
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13-41.
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Val/o Diano.Salerno,1982, PP. 13-41.
E. P. Rizzo, «Cristianesimo»,Ko/calos26-27, 1980-1981(Atti del y
Congr. mt. di St.sulla Sici/ia Antica), PP. 383-401.
Ch. Piélri, «La mort en Occidení dansl’épigraphielatine.De
l’épigraphie palenneál’epigraphieebrétienne,3e-6esiécles,La
Maison-Dieu144, 1980,Pp. 25-48.
«Aristocnalieel Sociétécléricaledans¡‘Italie cirétienneau
tempsd’Odoacreetde Théodonic,MÉFRA 93, 1981,pp. 417-467.
A. Guillou, La cultura nell’Ita/ia bizantinadal VI a/l’vn¡
secolo,in La cu/tura in Italiafra Tardo Antico e Alto Medioevo.Atti
del Coni~ tenuto a Roma,CNR> ¡2-16 nov.1979. Roma, 1981, II, PP.
575-586.For archaeologicaland epigraphicdocurnents:
A. Ferrua, «Epigraflasicula paganae cristiana»,RAC 18, 1941, Pp.
151-243.«Sicilia bizantina»,Epiqraphica 5-6, 1943-1944,Pp.
85-108.
5. L. Agnello,«Chrisíiano-ByzantinaSiciliae»,NuovoDidaskaieion
3, 1949, PP. 30-46and4,1950-1951,PP. 55-66.
Sillogedi iscrizioni paleocrishiane della Sicilia. Roma,
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Christianisation in Sicily (II¡rd- VIIth Century) 233
M. Burzachechi,«Nuove iscrizioni greche cristiane di Comiso»,
Rend. Acc. Naz.Lincei, Cl. Sc. Mor., St. e Filol., 5. viii, 14,
1959, Pp. 403-410.
O. Garana,Le catacombesiciliana e i loro martin. Palermo,1961
(rather acritical,boweveruseful as inventory of
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O. Manganaro,«Nuovi documentimagici della Sicilia
Orientale»,Rená.te. Naz.Lincei, Cl. Sc. Mor., St. e Filol., 5.
viii, 18, l963,pp.57-74+6tavv.
O. Agnello, Recentiscopertee studisui cimiteri
paleocristianidella Sicilia, in Atti del VICongr. ¡¡it. di Archeol.
Crist. cit., PP. 279-294.
«Nuovi nitrovamentinella catacombadi 5. Maria a Siracusa»,RAC
49, 1973(Miscelí. in on. di L. De Bruynee A. Ferrita S.J.),pp.
7-31.
PaolaPelagatti;O. Curcio,«Akrai (Siracusa).Ricerchenel
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Giulia Sfameni Gasparro,¡ culti orientali in Sicilia, EPRO.
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About tic hagiographictexts and traditions:B.
Mombritius,Sanctuariumseu Vitae Sanctorum.Mediolani, ca. 1480,
11.O. Caletanus,Vitae SanctorvmSicu/orum.Panormi, 1657, 1-II.Lancia
Di Erolo, Storia della Chiesa in Sicilia. Palermo,
1880,II.P.Francbide’ Cavalieri,5. Euplo, iii
Note~4giograf¡che,fasc.7, St.e Testi 49. Roma&
Cittá del Vaticano, 1928, pp. 1-54.A. Ehrhard, (}ber/iefen¿ng
uná Bestand den hagiographischenund homiletisehen
Litenatur der griechisehen Kirche von den Anfángen bis zum Ende
des 16.Jahrhunderts.Leipzig, 1936-1943,1-111.
M. Scaduto,II monachesimobasiliano ne/la Sicilia
rnedioevale.Roma, 1947.E. Mioni, «L’encomio di 5. Agata di Metodio
patriarcadi Costantinopoli»,AB 68,
1950 (Mél. P. Peeters,II), PP. 58-93.5. Costanza,«Un ‘martyrion’
meditodi 5. Luciadi Siracusa»,Arch. St. Sir., 1957, PP.
1-43.F. Corsario, «Studi sui documenti agiografici intorno al
martirio di 5. Euplo»,
Orpheus 4, 1957, pp. 32-62.O. Da CostaLouilleL, «SaintsdeSicile
et d’Italie méridionale»,Byzantion29-30,1959-
1960, PP.89-173.O. Rossi Taibbi, Martirio di SantaIncia, ¡¡ita
di SantaMarina. Ist. Sic. di St. Biz. e
Neogreci6. Palermo,1959.Évelyne Patíagean.«Les moines grecs
d’Italie et l’apologie des tiésespontificales
(víl¡e-íxc siécles»>,St. Med. 5, 1964, pp. 579-602.Énnica
Follieri, Santi occidentalinell’innografia bizantina, in L’Oniente
cristiano nella
aonia della civilta (Roma,31 ,narzo-3aprile 1963, Firenze,4
aprile ¡963). Probí.attuali di Sc. e Cultura, Ace. Naz. Lincel
Quad. 62, Roma, 1964, Pp. 251-271.
____ ¡ rapporti fra Bisanzio e l’Occidente nel
campodell’agiografia, in Proc. of theX¡IIth. ¡nf. Congn.of Byz. St.
(Oxford, 5-10 Sept.1966). London, 1967, Pp. 355-362.
—, 1 Santidella Calabria bizantina,in Ca/abria bizantina.Atti
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O. Sdhirñ, Per l’esumazionedi a/ami testi agiografici
siculo-italogreci, in Byzantino-Sicula, ¡st. Sic. di St. Hiz. e
Neocíl. Quad.2. Palermo,1966, Pp. 85-103.
A. Garzya,Lin gua e culturanell’agiograJia italo-greca,in La
ChiesaGrecain ¡tal/a dal-
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234 Leí//a Cracco Ruygini
1’ VIII al xvi secolo. A;ti del Conv. Stor. Intereccíesiale
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E. Merendino,«Oh inediti neila tradizioneagiograficadi 5.
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1979,PP.359-372.Particularlystimulating in methodology:
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Rech.de Sc.Reí. 40,1952, Pp. 179-190.
SabineMac Cormack,«ChangeandContinuity in Late Antiqnity: The
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IleanaChirassi-Colombo,Acculturationet cultesthérapeutiques,in
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Besan~on, 22-23 octobre 1973, cd. byFran~oiseDunand,P.
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Aline Rousselie,«Du sanctuaireau thaumaturge:la guérisonen
Gauleau Lv’ siécle»,Anna/es(E.S.C.) 31, 1976,PP. 1085-1107.
P. J. Geary,Furta sacra. TheftsofRelicsin the Central Middle
Ages.Princeton,1978.y. & Edití Turner, Imagetrnd Pi/grimage in
Christian Culture. Oxford, 1978.K. O. Holuni, O. Vikan, «Tic
Trierer Ivory. Adventus,Ceremonialand Relics of St.
Stephen»,DumbartonOaks Papen33, 1979, PP. 113-133.N. 1.
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siécles en Orient»,Koinonia 3, 1979, Pp. 2-28.
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Teodosioa 5. Gregorio Magno (Roma,25-28maggio 1977). Roma, 1980,
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