Chapter 2 POVERTY, RURAL LIVELIHOODS AND THE ENVIRONMENT: A REVIEW 14 2.1. Sustainable Development Literature A Review of The evolution of development economics 1n the mid-20th Century saw a shift in focus from economic growth to economic development, by broad basing the idea of growth to include non- monetary attributes. Another major watershed in development thinking in the last quarter of the 20th Century was the shift in emphasis from economic development to sustainable development. The evolution of the concept of sustainable development marks growing attention to the interface between the environment and economic development, which has attracted a lot of academic attention not just in economics but also in other social sciences. The World Commission on Environment and Development, in 1987, defined sustainable development as a process that "meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs". When defined as above, an important element of time is introduced into the idea of economic development, thereby raising the issue of inter-generational equity. Three distinct aspects of sustainable development can be discerned - economic (relating to the continued production of goods and services over time), ecological (concerned with maintaining the natural resource base at stable levels over time), and social (related to equitable sharing of the benefits of development across space and time). Viewed in this manner, sustainable development is a far more complex and multi- dimensional concept than economic development, to understand which a range of multi-disciplinary tools need to be employed.
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Chapter 2
POVERTY, RURAL LIVELIHOODS AND THE
ENVIRONMENT: A REVIEW
14
2.1. Sustainable Development
Literature
A Review of
The evolution of development economics 1n the mid-20th
Century saw a shift in focus from economic growth to economic
development, by broad basing the idea of growth to include non
monetary attributes. Another major watershed in development
thinking in the last quarter of the 20th Century was the shift in
emphasis from economic development to sustainable
development. The evolution of the concept of sustainable
development marks growing attention to the interface between
the environment and economic development, which has
attracted a lot of academic attention not just in economics but
also in other social sciences. The World Commission on
Environment and Development, in 1987, defined sustainable
development as a process that "meets the needs of the present
without compromising the ability of future generations to meet
their own needs". When defined as above, an important element
of time is introduced into the idea of economic development,
thereby raising the issue of inter-generational equity.
Three distinct aspects of sustainable development can be
discerned - economic (relating to the continued production of
goods and services over time), ecological (concerned with
maintaining the natural resource base at stable levels over
time), and social (related to equitable sharing of the benefits of
development across space and time). Viewed in this manner,
sustainable development is a far more complex and multi
dimensional concept than economic development, to understand
which a range of multi-disciplinary tools need to be employed.
Within economics, the study of sustainable development
requires a break with the traditional neoclassical "more is
better'' type of thinking, since it can be shown that small
increases in consumption (combined with improved social
institutions and a healthier environment) may yield higher levels
of sustainable development than rapid increase in material
consumption alone (Ifjt.#nifigl:],_Q~~). In this sense, adoption of
the concept of sustainable development implies some
fundamental shifts in the mainstream, neoclassical, market
centric economic paradigm. The very definition of capital has
been revised to focus on five types of capital - physical, natural,
financial, social and human capital. An important contribution
of environment economics 1s to question the implicit
substitutability between physical and natural capital, which
may not hold especially for critical natural resources like clean
air and water. In turn, this suggests that there may be clear
limits to the growth of the economic system, beyond which the
quality and quantity of natural capital may decline (I-J~rris
2001)~
Ecological economics was inspired by the path breaking work of
Geofgest'\;l-"R(.)§~il--.(19?;'1), who postulated that the economic
system is a subset of the larger biophysical system, and
following the second law of thermodynamics, degradation of the
earth's resources over time is inevitable. Thus, he argued, in the
long run it will be impossible to maintain the stock of natural
capital at a stable level. Inspired by his work, others argue that
different decision rules may be required for the management of
renewable and non-renewable resources, so as to maintain a
constant stock of natural capital (¢1?n§t~if-aiit(:_I.)~ty_~i9'9_2).
Standard neoclassical economics has often equated the idea of
sustainability with economic efficiency or efficient allocation ,of
resources to maximize welfare. However, this reductionist
approach depends heavily on the use of discount rates to value
16
future benefits and costs and compare them to current benefits
and costs. This has been critiqued extensively, and the use of
discount rates has been contested due to their bias against
future generations and in favour of current generations
(~§w~f~lf!~sN'1trgi(s1£ij1tilQQ~). In order to address valuation
problems arising out of arbitrariness of discount rates, some
scholars have advocated what came to be known as the
"precautionary principle". This principle calls for maintaining
safe minimum levels of critical natural resources facing heavy
degradation threats (like the tropical rainforests), since the
future benefit flow from such resources are uncertain and
society should retain the option values inherent in these
resources (f£qm@.!tif:~~1fr:~i,R~fi.1ing~]~~Qlii). Thus, the valuation of
ecosystem services provided by natural resources like forests is
a heavily contested area, and at issue here are not just
economic techniques of valuation but the philosophical basis of
value itself (§gyJqtf@J;iUf.fid.r,~~fil:i.~~y,.192~). While it is important
to take equity, efficiency and sustainability concerns . into
account during the process of valuation, this is very difficult to
achieve in practice, since the exercise is highly normative
(@gi.l~,~~tJl~~~~~EgJ~~·j~;;~:Q.Qgi). However, inspite of practical
difficulties, it is important to engage with valuation issues
because if this is not done, the market system may assign
values close to zero to the vital ecosystem services and other
positive extemalities generated by environment conservation
(Hgr#i§I~~-~~~)l. Thus, there appears to be broad consensus that issues of
natural resource conservation and sustainability must be
addressed if economic development is to be meaningful. This
consensus is also reflected in govemment policies in the
industrialized as well as less industrialized. countries, where a
slew of policy measures have been taken over the decades to
preserve biodiversity and reduce the environmentally damaging
17
impacts of the process of economic growth. An important area of
enquiry emerging from implementation of conservation policies
relates to the linkages between environmental sustainability and
social equity. In his seminal contribution to this issue, UUah I
Martinez~Alier>i~'~(:}gg'~j argues ·that there is a clear disjoint
between the impact of and dependence of the rich and the poor
on environmental resources. The rich have a larger ecological
footprint due to much higher levels of consumption, but are
affected to a lesser extent (or with longer gestation periods) by
deterioration of natural capital. The poor, on the other hand, are
dependent on natural resources for a large part of their
(relatively meagre) survival needs, and suffer sharp and
immediate consequences of environmental degradation. The
formidable track record of economic development across the
world has been blemished by the persistent problems of
absolute poverty, inequality and environmental decline. There is
a significant body of knowledge that views these phenomena as
interlinked, as well as endemic to the very nature of economic
development after the Second World War. Therefore, in the
following section, we will move from a broad discussion of
sustainable development to the specific arena of rural poverty
and its interconnections with the environment (and with
conservation policies), especially in the so-called Third World.
2.2. Poverty - A Review of Literature "Poverty has various manifestations, including lack of income and productive resources sufficient to ensure sustainable livelihoods; hunger and malnutrition; ill health; limited or lack of access to education and other basic services; increased morbidity and mortality from illness; homelessness and inadequate housing; unsafe environments; and social discrimination and exclusion. It is also characterized by a lack of participation in decision-making and in civil, social and cultural life. " -The Charter of Action released by the United Nations World Summit on Social Development, Copenhagen 1995
A vast body of literature has been generated in the field of
development economics on the nature and causes of poverty,
18
with special reference to rural poverty and its impact on
vulnerable social groups. Early theories viewed poverty
simplistically as a lack of adequate income, which in turn was
seen as a necessary but transient problem associated with t~e
initial phase of development, during which the economy
concentrates resources in the hands of groups with a higher
savings propensity (ffh~~::B~~§Qn]2R¢P~~;;~i~{?Q). Analytically, the
study of poverty can be traced back at least to 1901, when
Rowntree's study in York, England tried to develop a poverty
standard for individual households (~9wtl.#t~~<\i90l). During the
1970s, the scope of poverty studies began to widen, to include
not just income poverty but also basic needs and relative
deprivation. Additional nuances were added in the 1980s, when
non-monetary aspects of poverty began to be emphasized
(reflecting the work of Robert Chambers on powerlessness and
isolation). Other important ideas that began to be associated
with poverty studies included risk and vulnerability, coping
strategies, social relations and social capital, capabilities and
functionings, and gender issues, leading to a broadening of the
concept of poverty to sustainable livelihoods. The 1990s saw the
use of 'well-being' as a metaphor for poverty, through studies
that focused on the perception of the poor themselves. Since
then, the literature on poverty and development has progressed
to a stage where mainstream theories view poverty as a multi
dimensional phenomenon that violates basic tenets of human
rights. Thus, the term poverty has been used, over time, to
describe a variety of things, including inadequacy of income or
consumption, human underdevelopment, social exclusion, ill-' .
being, lack of vital capabilities and functionings, vulnerability,
livelihood unsustainability, lack of basic needs and relative
deprivation, among others.
Alleviation of poverty has been declared one of the most
important priorities of the international community, as outlined
19
In the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) adopted at the
United Nations Millennium Declaration of September 2000. The
MDGs emphasize not only poverty eradication through income
generation, but also focus on other correlates of poverty, '
including access to education and health, gender equality and
sustainability of the natural resource base. Significantly, the
Declaration mentions international cooperation as a way of
pooling together of resources to realize the MDGs. However,
according to some analysts, " ... even if the 2015 Goals are met in
full, there will still be around 900 million people, mostly living in
Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, whose poverty IS
intractable. Many of these people have been poor for years -
often since birth. Poverty is frequently an inheritance passed on
from generation to generation" (frl:i@~;. :ryloor~[.:;;uid 'S}1.eph$.rd
2001). Thus, despite an emerging global compact on the urgent
need to address all forms of poverty, policy prescriptions for
poverty alleviation seem inadequate to deal with the problem of
poverty in all its complexity and multi-dimensionality. This·
possibly explains the rapid evolution of the literature on poverty
and the emergence of increasingly complex and multi
dimensional formulations like chronic poverty, the sustainable
livelihoods framework, the capabilities approach, and the rights
based approach to poverty.
2.2.1 Common Approaches to Poverty
Three distinct approaches to poverty can be identified In the
traditional development literature:
a. The Income Approach: These tend to define poverty in
terms of "a lack of income, expenditure or consumption", and
the poor are identified as those whose income falls below a
certain threshold, called the poverty line (~?fi~y!)2~:~1:!CJ!s§~y!r~
;~~$~~~;_F~g~J~i§ml£~~Q~l)':[(§lj}~\}';[M~K~1tgQ.Q!1). Thus, material
poverty is defined as "a low standard of living, meaning
20
deprivation ... because of insufficient resources to avoid such
deprivation" (~l~lf~fi~~~$:~~¥(:~). The money-metric
definitions to poverty are criticized for their narrowness, but
on the other hand are easier to compute and track across
space and time. In practise, these are the approaches used
most. commonly by policy-makers, governments and
empirical researchers.
Within the money-metric approach, poverty can be viewed as
either absolute or relative deprivation. The absolute poverty
approach defines poverty as subsistence below some
absolute threshold of physical well being, usually defined in
terms of income or calories, but often also including some
other minimum non-food physical requirements. Relative
poverty, on the other hand, sees the poor as those whose
income or consumption is lower than some fraction of the
national average, and in this sense, also focuses on
inequality in distribution of income and wealth.
b. The Basic Needs Approach: Here, poverty is viewed as lack
of access to certain "basic needs" ($~reet~pief~81<)98i). The
notion of 'basic needs' itself has expanded to include
essential material requirements like food, water, shelter, and
clothing, and also non-material needs like education, health,
credit, participation in political process, security and dignity.
In general, more recent work has viewed poverty as a multi
dimensional phenomenon, including material deprivation,
higher levels of insecurity and risk, and lack of participation
in civil society processes (~PtJft·~~il~;~;:g:QQQ).
Here, however, two distinct strands can be seen In the
poverty literature. Even as many recent formulations define
poverty more broadly in terms of the inability to participate
in society, its roots are seen to lie in lack of material
A similar consensus is also reflected in international law, and
most countries now are signatories to international agreements
that recognize, uphold and seek to protect the unique practices
of indigenous and local communities in relation to their natural
resource base. Table 2.1 provides a summary of such
declarations and agreements.
40
Table 2.1: Conservation and Indigenous/Local Communities in International Covenants and Laws The Rio With reference to indigenous and local communities, it calls Declaration, 1992 upon the member states to " ... recognize and duly support their (Article 22) identity, culture and interests and enable their effective
Convention on Biological Diversity, Article 8(j)4
The ILO Convention 169: Article 14 (adopted in 1989)
World Conservation Union, IUCN (1996) Principle 2
Draft United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People Article 10
Article 26
participation in the achievement of sustainable development" Calls upon member states to "respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological resources ... " and " ... to protect and encourage customary use of biological resources in accordance with traditional cultural practices that are compatible with conservation or sustainable use requirements" "The rights of ownership and possession of the peoples concerned over the lands which they traditionally occupy shall be recognized. In addition, measures shall be taken in appropriate cases to safeguard the right of the peoples concerned to use lands not exclusively occupied by them, but to which they have traditionally had access for their subsistence and traditional activities. Particular attention shall be paid to the situation of nomadic peoples and shifting cultivators in this respect." "Agreements drawn up between conservation institutions, including protected area management agencies, and indigenous and other traditional peoples for the establishment and management of protected areas affecting their lands, territories, waters, coastal seas and other resources should be based on full respect for the rights of indigenous and other traditional peoples to traditional, sustainable use of their lands, territories, waters, coastal seas and other resources." "Indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. No relocation shall take place without the free and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned and after agreement on just and fair compensation and, where possible, with the option of return." "Indigenous peoples have the right to own, develop, control and use the lands and territories, including the total environment of , the lands, air, waters, coastal seas, sea-ice, flora and fauna and other resources which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used. This includes the right to the full recognition of their laws, traditions and customs, land-tenure systems and institutions for the development and management of resources, and the right to effective measures by States to prevent any interference with, alienation of or encroachment upon these rights."
It emerges from the above discussion that traditionally, fortress
conservation (and its corollary- people's displacement from PAs)
has been viewed by the bulk of the scientific conservation
community as being essential for survival of at least some
species. However, others have questioned it for being based on a
'wilderness myth', with little ·scientific evidence to back the
claim that relocation of people improves the conservation
potential of a PA. In an emerging consensus, though, more
recent formulations begin with the premise that society must
41
not be asked to choose between conservation and protection of
livelihood for natural resource dependent communities. The
argument is that some amount of involuntary population
displacement is unavoidable, but loopholes in resettlement and
rehabilitation in such unavoidable cases must be plugged and
redress mechanisms created for cases of denial of adequate
compensation. These approaches also recognize explicitly that
an adequate package of rehabilitation must include not just
replacement of condemned assets but investments into restarting
livelihood ~Jt~Jr~~];~. A lively debate has been triggered
around the justification behind relocation, the policy framework
governing R&R, the economics of rehabilitation, social and
political implications of displacement for the relocated
communities, and the effect of displacement on wildlife
conservation potential of PAs.
Demonstrating a more nuanced understanding of the issues
involved, at least some conservation scientists and
administrators have begun now to highlight not just the
deleterious effect of people on PAs, but also the difficulties faced
by people living in remote enclaves inside PAs, in terms of
curtailed access to PA resources, frequent human-wildlife
conflict, remote location and lack of access to the development
infrastructure of the state. They argue that a majority of people
living inside PAs are, or will be willing to move out voluntarily to
a better life outside the PA, provided an adequate package of •"'?'",..~X,$:i>li'l>i"'~~""~i'::~ '-r.:'<;'-"·~..,.¢-'vn>"'"'•;.v•~:·:~;.·~"'.'•"-':··r :~·~·,
rehabilitation is provided and delivered ~f4!t~~f't~~~~~:.~:f~t¥;
t'tqJL:r.(~{i~)>-~). This "incipient demand for voluntary
relocation" should be channeled, they argue, through creation of
"new institutional mechanisms to sensitively interact with local
people, raise necessary funds, and implement the projects"
t~Gmfmi~Mi~:;~~~:miQ). Government schemes like Joint Forest Management and
Ecodevelopment, and legislation like the proposed Tribal Rights
42
Bill reflect this emerging synthesis, with significant space being
accorded to the rights of local communities and their
importance in sustainable management of forests. The recent
report of the Tiger Task Force set up by the Government of r
India, as well as the subsequent amendments to _the Wildlife
Protection Act seem to also point to a shift in policy. These
amendments were notified in September 2006, and contain the
following path breaking statements regarding the rights of
indigenous people inside PAs:
"(5) Save as for voluntary relocation on mutually agreed terms and conditions, provided that such terms and conditions satisfy the requirements laid down in this sub-section, no Scheduled Tribes or other forest dwellers shall be resettled or have their rights adversely affected for the purpose of creating inviolate areas for tiger conservation unless -(i) the process of recognition and determination of rights and acquisition of
land or forests rights of the Scheduled Tribes and such other forest dwelling persons is complete;
(ii) the concemed agencies of the State Govemment, in exercise of their powers under this Act, establishes with the consent of the Scheduled Tribes and such other forest dwellers in the area, and in consultation with an ecological and social scientist familiar with the area, that the activities of the Scheduled Tribes and other forest dwellers or the impact of their presence upon wild animals is sufficient to cause irreversible damage and shall threaten the existence of tigers and their habitat;
(iii) the State Govemment, after obtaining the consent of the Scheduled Tribes and other forest dwellers inhabiting the area, and in consultation with an independent ecologist and social scientist familiar with the area, has come to a conclusion that other reasonable options of co-existence, are not available;
(iv) resettlement or altemative packages has been prepared providing for livelihood for the affected individuals and communities and fulfils the requirements given in the National Relief and Rehabilitation Policy;
(v) the informed consent of the Gram Sabha concemed, and of the persons affected, to the resettlement programmes has been obtained; and
(vi) the facilities and land allocation at the resettlement location are provided under the said programme, otherwise their existing rights shall not be interfered with."
2.5. Displacement- A Review of Literature
2.5.1. The Development versus displacement debate
The issue of displacement of tribal people and other forest
dwellers from Protected Areas needs to be viewed in the context
of the' larger debates on various aspects of sustainable
development. The issue has been· posited in a strongly
dichotomous fashion in recent decades, where displacement of
43
indigenous people is viewed as a necessary 'sacrifice' for the
greater common good of preserving the severely threatened
forests, wildlife and forest resources for. future generations. One
strand of this argument is that displacement of a few is the '
price that society must pay to avail of some social desirable, like
rapid economic growth and 'development', or improved
conservation of natural ecosystems. Another strand goes much
further and views resettlement of indigenous people as an
instrument for the integration of these remote, 'primitive' or
'backward' communities into the mainstream. According to
§'!l~m~~~:~(g~(ili;~~' "Ever since the scheduled tribes were first
'notified' in 1950, they have been seen as those who live in a
pre-agricultural stage of economy, have low literacy rates and
whose populations are seen to be stagnant or declining." Echoes
of this approach continue till today- the Government of India's
Draft National Policy on Tribals (2004), for instance, advocates
strongly the assimilation into the mainstream of the so-called
Primitive Tribal Groups (~Q~~f~I@,Q.tf). However, critics argue
that internationally, the assimilative discourse is now
recognized to be detrimental to the cultural identity of
indigenous peoples (see, for instance, the Intemational Labour
Organization's Convention number 169 on Indigenous Peoples).
Meanwhile, the debate on India's Adivasi or indigenous
communities has continued, and with. the introduction of the
draft Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights) Bill, has
only become sharper and more acrimonious.
Enforced or induced relocation is an important phenomenon
worldwide, and every year, a large number of people (especially
remote, rural, marginal communities) face severe threats to
their livelihood security due to displacement. A study by the
World Bank found that nearly 10 million people enter the cycle
of forced displacement and relocation annually due to just dam
construction and urban and transportation development, and
44
that that in the 1990s, nearly 100 million people have been
displaced cumulatively by such projects · ~=-~_j]);
Thus, the sheer magnitude of the problem nationally and
internationally puts it on a footing "equiv~ent to the refugee '
crisis, long recognized as a major . international problem"
(§~ffla~W&t~Q). Added to this, the fact that involuntarily
displaced populations consist of some of the most
disadvantaged segments of society makes the importance of
intensive research into this area self-evident.
Inadequate rehabilitation packages and poor implementation of
these packages has tended to worsen the impoverishment risks
associated with displaced people. In India, according to
government estimates, only around 30 per cent of all displaced
people have been rehabilitated properly, leaving "almost 13.2
million people uprooted from their homes" (R~£'~{~Ail.'$D~).
Apart from the highly debated displacements due to dams on
the river Narmada, a number of other case studies have
highlighted the plight of people displaced. due to mega-projects
since independence (~~iR'~Imml~l~~~~l!~~~~~~~}f~~'fH;
~~-ciim~§im(jj.~g;~~~~H~~m~~~fi~~~ki~l~~~~~~lm ;~~~Qll~il~i~~~§l~tegJ~~lDiili~Jil~~~~~ t~~~ZI;r~tfg~~~~i~~:&~~l:Q:Q; mtllil~~. The impact of involuntary displacement on poor and
marginalized communities did not receive adequate attention
until recently in development econom1cs, even though path
breaking anthropological and sociological research has been
carried out on various aspects (including economic) of
involuntary population displacement. From a modest start that
looked mainly at micro-studies of large development projects
like dam construction, recent social research on resettlement
has broadened its horizons and begun focusing on sectors like
forestry ~iil.J!iq~@{i~Ji'i1dt~jT.Ji('fi, mining and thermal
Power plants iH~i~i:'99::J.:Y, wildlife protected areas [}3n~d0n~~ci 1-,.~~ .. --~·J, it£,,... ..... ~~~ ... ...-.... ~;..-..-...~
45
~~!l§~~~1V.~2~~~~~r~~1lBJ'~-,.-~,~~~ and
transportation corridors. There has been a shift from simply
academic analysis to problem solving ·research and continuous
engagement with gra~sroots players like NGOs, and from micro
level case studies to broader (regional or worldwide) estimates
and generally applicable policy conclusions. However, much
ground needs to be covered for economic research on
resettlement issues to catch up with other social . science
disciplines and develop synergic tools that can take forward the
analysis and bridge the gap between resettlement theory, policy
and practice.
2.5.2. Typology of Displacement
According to ~~~1f(gQ~, displacement or population relocation
can be classified into the following categories, depending on its
1. Calamity enforced Relocation (CER}: ·caused by natural or
human-made catastrophes, or epidemics;
46
2. Investment enforced Relocation (IER): caused by acquisition
or reservation of land for mining, urban expansion, urban /
renewal, irrigation, industrial or wildlife conservation
projects; and
3. Policy induced Relocation (PER): arising out of policy
measures that impact land tenure and agrarian relations in a
manner that forces vulnerable categories like the landless,
tenants or sharecroppers to leave permanently.
Rew argues that CER, IER and PER can be either 'loud' or
'silent' events, in terms of the publicity they attract and the
degree of redress that the people affected manage to attract as a
consequence . of this publicity. Typically, CER causes 'loud'
displacement, while IER and PER generally cause relatively less
loud or even entirely 'silent' displacement. It is these categories
of displacement that carry the highest impoverishment risks for
the people affected, since adequate mitigation measures are not
likely to be built into rehabilitation packages due to the 'silent'
nature of such displacements.
2.5.3 Displacement and Rehabilitation Policy in India
Till 1997, India had no national policy framework to govern
resettlement and rehabilitation (R&R), although there were some
state level policies and numerous sector or project specific
schemes, Resolutions or Government Orders relating to R&R.
Three states - Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Punjab -
developed state-wide resettlement and rehabilitation (R&R)
policies, of which, the Maharaslitra Project Affected People's
Rehabilitation Act of 1976, amended in 1986, is the most
comprehensive. Madhya Pradesh enacted the Displaced Persons
Act in 1985, but has not framed rules so far to make the Act
operational (~!m~DlmM_~). Two national para-statal
companies, the National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) and
Coal India Limited (CIL), have completed and issued R&R
47
policies consistent with the guidelines of the World Bank.
However; the degree ·of commitment of these agencies to their
own R&R policies is suspect, and it h~s been argued that the
policies were put in place basically to fulfill funding
requirements of the Bank -gfrti'A11t~;~~~~).
For instance, in the case of Coal India Ltd., the R&R guidelines
are operational only for the Bank-funded Eastern Coalfields
Limited, and do not apply to its other coalfields.
In general, till 1997, the extant R&R legislations and schemes
were minimalist in nature, varied widely across states, regions
and agencies, and did not provide. a coherent link with other
related laws like the Land Acquisition Act. To remedy this, many
civil society organizations in; India lobbied extensively for a
national policy on displacement, resettlement and
rehabilitation. In response, the Ministry of Rural Development
(MoRD) of the Government of India attempted to formulate a
draft National Policy on Resettlement and Rehabilitation in the
late 1990s. The process was unusually broad-based, and
involved consultation with a number of civil society
organizations. Early versions of the MoRD draft Act included a
number of suggestions offered by these organizations, and
included fairly progressive and pro-poor clauses (R~f~ffi]:\~~.~~).
Eventually, the government _finalized a much watered-down
version of this draft, and promulgated a National Policy on
Resettlement and Rehabilitation (NPRR) on 17 February 2004
c§.~~~~~ .. ~Q,Q'~1·l~,~Jl. The NPRR 2004, instead of improving upon the policies and
practices of the past, actually regresses and strives to create
barriers that will prevent a majority of displaced people from
receiving due . compensation for their loss of assets and
livelihood (l,liil~ii\f.J). Specifically, the NPRR stipulates an area
to be 'project-affected' only if at least 500 families (in the plains)
or 250 families (in hilly areas) are affected by displacement. It
48
also decrees that only families that lose 100 per cent of their
land will be eligible for land-based compensation. Both clauses
are criticized since they narrow the definition of project-affected
people, and are designed to exclude a majority of such people
from accessing rehabilitation benefits. For instance, it is argued
that large industrial projects (like state-owned national
highways and privately owned mining projects) "have been
splitting land acquisition into small bits, each of them
displacing fewer than 500 families. Each of them can be called a
project and deprive the affected families of the benefits of this
policy" (~~rJ:!~~"~§~~~~Q~). The most serious problem with the NPRR 2004 is that even
those selected by the narrow definition effectively may not be
able to access land-based rehabilitation, since the policy states
that allotment of land is "subject to the availability of
government land in the district". This provides a convenient exit
strategy for the government to eventually fall back upon cash
compensation, and that too at abysmally low levels, amounting
to between 625 to 700 days worth of employment. Thus, the
NPRR 2004 seeks to buy out an entire lifetime of livelihoods of
among the most marginalized people in the country for a sum as
low as Rs.45,000 ({t1iij.Jt'l§~Ifg~). As Saxena points out, in an
exhaustive comparison of the 1997 draft with the NPRR 2004,
" ... all that the policy gives to the displaced people is some extra
cash, but no support for livelihoods" (§!ilei\~:@l'§11ID~~).
Some of these limitations are recognized by the government, as
witnessed by the following statement in the lli:ifif:liY..Q:il~Jg'Qf!§Y:
<?i!~:~i#2hl:~ [(g~m~)~ of the Government of India:
''fhe present National Policy on Resettlement and Rehabilitation for Project
Affected Families -2003 (NPRR) compensates only assets, not livelihoods.
Consequently, the STs, having few property assets and depending largely on
common property resources, get little compensation and are further
impoverished as the cost compensation paid gets spent in debt repayment
49
and subsistence in the interim between displacement and rehabilitation,
leaving little or nothing for future livelihoods."
Subsequently, with a change in the government at the Centre,
attempts began to be made by the Union Ministry of Rural
Development (MoRD) to amend the NPRR 2004 (§}tigJ:l~J~()Q§).
Meanwhile, a number of civil society groups collaborated to
prepare a 'people's draft' of the R&R policy, which was
submitted to the National Advisory Council (NAC) of the
government. The NAC then came out with its own draft R&R
Policy (the NAC draft), which was forwarded to the government
in early 2006. The MoRD made public a draft Rehabilitation
Policy (GOI Draft 2006) later in 2006, but critics argue that the
GOI Draft of 2006 falls way below the expectations of civil
society groups, as embodied in the NAC draft of 2006 ($!hgh They
unconvincing",
argue that the draft 1s "toothless and
and while it is high on politically correct
statements, it does not contain prescriptions to put these
statements into practice.
BOX 2.1 Policy Objectives Identified by the World Bank's OP 4.12
. (a) Involuntary resettlement should be avoided where feasible, or minimized, exploring all viable alternative project designs. (b) Where it is not feasible to avoid resettlement, resettlement activities should be conceived and executed as sustainable development programs, providing sufficient investment resources to enable the persons displaced by the project to share in project benefits. Displaced persons should be meaningfully consulted and should have opportunities to participate in planning and implementing resettlement programs. (c) Displaced persons should be assisted in their efforts to improve their livelihoods and standards of living or at least to restore them, in real terms, to pre-displacement levels or to levels prevailing prior to the beginning of project implementation, whichever is higher.
Clause relating to Displacement from or Restriction of Access to PAs (Clause 7) In projects involving involuntary restriction of access to legally designated parks and protected areas . . . the nature of restrictions, as well as the type of measures necessary to mitigate adverse impacts, is determined with the participation of the displaced persons during the design and implementation of the project. In such cases, the borrower prepares a process framework acceptable to the Bank, describing the participatory process by which (a) specific components of the project will be prepared and implemented; (b) the criteria for eligibility of displaced persons will be determined; (c) measures to assist the displaced persons in their efforts to improve their livelihoods, or at least to restore them, in real terms, while maintaining the sustainability of the park or protected area, will be identified; and (d) potential conflicts involving displaced persons will be resolved.
50
The minimalist and regressive policy environment in India needs
to be contrasted with international policies and guidelines
relating to R&R, which seem to have moved in a far more
progressive direction. The most comprehensive set of best
practice principles related to R&R 'are to be found in the World
Bank's Operational Manual OP 4.12 (See Box 2.1).
A comparison of India's Rehabilitation Policy of 2004 with the
World Bank guidelines reveals that the national policy falls
short of the best practice principles identified by the World
Bank on almost all counts. Even though the stated objectives of
the national policy are in consonance with those of the OP4.12,
various operational clauses in this policy negate the very
objectives it was supposed to promote. At the level of
implementation, none of these policies seem to have yielded
satisfactory results. A study conducted by the Refugee Studies
Centre of the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex6, on the
efficacy of resettlement guidelines, found that
1. Policy is significantly transformed in the process of
implementation.
2. Policy outcomes reflect problems inherent in the institutional
process of resettlement and rehabilitation.
3. International Refugee Law 'Guiding Principles' concerning
internally displaced persons have only limited application to
development-induced resettlement.
4. The same government is responsible for both eviction and
protection of displaced populations, implying a fundamental
The problem of conservation-induced displacement is now
established to be non-trivial, and millions of poor people across
Africa, Asia and Latin America have been affected by it. While
there is "a paucity of official tallies on conservation refugees"
51
(Q.yisl~;I'/i:~Q,Q.~), it is estimated that over 10 million people have
been displaced worldwide from PAs by conservation projects
(S:tfi!rll,Clt~~9Jt~JiY0~{!QQ). In India alone, one estimate places the
number of people displaced due to conservation projects at
6oo,ooo (~~~A~t\~Q'§). A number of studies have been carried out in recent years in
'Africa and Asia on conservation-induced displacement, and the
number of peop~e affected by this is estimated to be vexy large,
although accurate figures are not available.
1. A comprehensive study of 12 PAs in 6 central African
countries found that over 120,000 people have been
displaced from the PAs since 1990; another 170,000 face
"significant risk of displacement" in the near future, while an
additional 250,000 people will be forced to become 'hosts' to
these dis laced eo le (Sclfffi~'St>Itli-&~2oos~ . p p p '•~·'·-~-.W>•'-·'~-"N•'•··"'"·'·-'·•'•' ,. ,• .. ' •.)
2. Studies of displacement from PAs in Uganda and Tanzania
show that over 32,000 people were displaced forcibly from 5
PAs. In each case, violence was used to evict people and no
compensation was paid to them.
3. By 1988, around 5,000 to 8,000 pastoral people were evicted
from the Mkomazi Game Reserve in Tanzania. The displaced
people faced significant loss of cattle and livelihood, which
was not compensated for by increase in tourism revenues.
4. Nearly 50,000 people belonging to various indigenous
communities are in danger of being evicted from their home
in Omo National Park in Southem Ethiopia, or losing access
to livelihood resources 1n the National Park area
(www. conservationrefugees.org).
5. Likewise, around 9,000 tribal people are under threat of
displacement from the Nech Sar Nation81 Park in the Great
Rift Valley of Ethiopia. A section of this population has been
facing harassment and threats from the government to evict
52
the Park, with some losing their homes and possessions,
which were set on fire in November 2004.
6. According to RB~,si:~0-(2J~Jj'Q}, extension of the Keran Park in
Togo in the early 1980s involved the intervention ,of the army,
which destroyed villages with grenades and flamethrowers,
leading to displacement of nearly 10,000 people.
7. Since 1964, the government of Nepal has been canying out
relocation of the people living within the boundaries of what
is now designated as the Royal Chitwan National Park
(RCNP). In 1964, a land settlement commission was
appointed by the government to relocate 22,000 people,
including 4000 people residing in the rhinoceros sanctuary,
the forerunner to the RCNP. During 1994-99, the Padampur
resettlement programme effected the relocation of around
2000 people or 516 families to a settlement called New
Padampur. A study of the Padampur relocation by~~~
~c;:l];;';f,!1$:it~~fl~:~m·:(@Qg~I§g])' found that "The resettlement
programme was forced upon the people.... Compensation
was by far inadequate (and) ... To most people the relocation
did not live up to the expectations, and it had detrimental
effects on people's livelihood".
8. In many PAs, the strict limits placed on access of local
communities to PA resources have resulted in 'voluntary'
out-migration of people. The case of the Bedouin of the Negev
and the Nagarhole National Park in India are cited as
examples of this trend (~fi~~~Tf~1[{g1Jl~J~w~~~J1i~)
A study of East African PAs, where population displacement has
been undertaken for improving conservation potential of the
PAs, found firstly that displaced people, by and large, suffered a
significant decline in livelihood security after relocation. Host
communities often suffer contraction of their resource base,
which is seldom compensated for. Secondly, it found that the
53
gains in conservation of PAs from which population
displacement occurred are not always clear and often contested.
The study concluded that the rationale for relocating people
from Protected Areas was seldom established a priori (SlfifPla_:{; ~Pl~~i!~Qlj).
In India, there is no full-length study of the impact of
conservation-induced displacement on people's livelihoods \
(RgnggrgJ"Ml~i~[RgJ'\1.~-~j§). In fact, a review of
conservation-displacement literature revealed that this is a
major lacuna not just in_ India but also for the entire South
Asian region The following
chapters will tiy and address this lacuna by documenting the
findings of among the first such studies in the context of an
Indian Protected Area.
Endnotes 1See, for instance, the study by ~~i:f~~~~-Q\1!~4~ "-~-
extraction in the economy of the landless in Brazil, and - ~{1~90) for a similar study in the forests of West Africa. For India, the seminal work by------ _j~~~j) frrst underscored the relationship between poverty and CPRs, especially in the semi-arid tropics. 2 Arguing that the Good were facing a socio-cultural crisis forced by the onslaught of modernity, Elwin had called for the isolation of the Goods (a "zoo") to allow them to evolve culturally at their own pace. However, ~~~~Ef~!J®: points out that by the time India attained Independence, Elwin's views underwent a major shift for a variety of reasons. He even began to identify the Central Indian tribes as being a part of the caste Hindu society, and exhorted upper caste Hindus to take a hand in educating and uplifting the tribals. 3 See, for instance, Letter by VB Saharia in Readers Respond section. PA Update Vol.43, June 2003. Kalpavriksh, Pune. Available at http://www .sanctuarvasia.corn/resources/paupdate/43 jun03 .doc 4 http://www.biodiv.org/conventi<in/articles.asp?a=cbd-08 5 (Draft National Policy on Tribals 2006, Government oflndia (http:/ /tribal.nic.in/finalContent.pdf, downloaded on 22-1-2007). 6 Excerpted from id21, March 2004 issue.