CAS DSpace - University of the Philippines Manila

University of the Philippines Manila

College of Arts and Sciences

Padre Faura, Ermita, Manila

The Urban Poor Vendors and

Their Rights to the Use and Access of Public Space

An Undergraduate Thesis Presented to the

Department of Social Sciences



In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts

Major in Development Studies

David Gemmil C. Babat

2010 – 04896

Prof. Rommel F. Linatoc, PhD

Adviser

May 2016

The Urban Poor Vendors and Their Rights to the Use and Access of Public Space

ii



Padre Faura, Ermita, Manila

APPROVAL SHEET

This thesis, entitled The Urban Poor Vendors and Their Rights to the Use and

Access of Public Space, prepared and written by David Gemmil C. Babat, in partial

fulfillment of the requirements in Development Studies 199.2 for the Degree of Bachelor

in Arts in Development Studies, is hereby recommended for approval.

____________________________

Prof. Rommel F. Linatoc, PhD Thesis Adviser


This thesis is hereby accepted and approved as partial fulfillment for the requirements for

the Degree of Bachelor in Arts in Development Studies.

_________________________

Prof. Jerome A. Ong, MA

Chairperson



iii

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to those people who helped, guided and

supported me through my years in college and during the preparation and completion of

this research. This thesis would not have been possible without you.

To my thesis adviser, Sir Rommel F. Linatoc, thank you for your patience and

understanding, and for sharing with me your time and knowledge.

To Ka Bea, Ka Inday, Kuya Migz and the whole KADAMAY, Kuya Kaloy from

UPCRP, thank you for briefing, guiding and helping me in my research. Thank you for

all of your efforts and time in helping and providing me the necessary knowledge and

information that will contribute to my research and my views in life. To Ka Diamond and

family, Ka Ricky and family, Ka Lourdes and family, and the residents of Sitio San

Roque, thank you for welcoming and accepting me in the course of your daily life and

sharing with me your struggles, hopes and aspirations. To all of my interviewees and

survey respondents, thank you for participating in the process of this research study.

To my professors, Sir Ponsaran, Sir Mesina, Sir Arcilla, Ma‘am Sioco, Sir Abaya, Ma‘am

Legaspi, Sir Clavel, Ma‘am Berja, Ma‘am Baguilat, Sir Vallejos, Sir Simbulan and Doc

Ed, thank you for sharing your knowledge, philosophies and life advocacies. They helped

me to be more critical and contributed to me as a person and as an Iskolar ng Bayan.

To my original DevStud blockmates and my highschool barkada, thank you for the fun

times we shared. Thank you for all the help and encouragements. Thanks for the

memories!

To my family, to my parents, Gemma Babat and Danilo Babat, thank you for the

financial and moral support you have given to me. Thank you very much!

To God Almighty, thank you for the blessings You have given to me.


iv

Abstract

Public spaces such as streets and sidewalks are important to the urban poor vendors

because their livelihood depends on its use and access. Yet, some of the current laws,

regulations and development programs prohibit urban poor vendors from utilizing it. This

research aims to analyze vending issues and the urban poor vendors‘ claim and rights to

the use and access of public spaces. The research was able to study the vendors at the

sidewalk near the Sandiganbayan Building and vendors at the talipapa in Sitio San

Roque, both in Quezon City. Through this research, individuals will better understand the

importance and legitimacy of vending of the urban poor and their rights to the use and

access of urban public spaces.


v

My Development Studies Story

Like some of the students who are in the Development Studies program,

admittedly, this course is also not my first choice. I didn‘t even think that I will be given

the chance to be an Iskolar ng Bayan. Technically, I did not pass the University of the

Philippines College Admission Test or UPCAT. After I knew that I failed UPCAT, we

tried to consult the university about the likelihood of being admitted through other ways.

They said if we were willing to wait, I might have a shot of getting in. Then, I was able to

be admitted to UP Manila through the process of reconsideration. I chose UP Manila as

my first choice of campus because my older brother was also studying here at the time.

Also, UP Manila being the Health and Sciences Center, I wanted to pursue health and

sciences-related courses here because I had the initial inclination to the field. At first, I

dreamt of being a doctor or any other kind of health specialist. And, with the long-

tradition of UP of serving the people, I did not have a single doubt of being too occupied

on the technicalities or stressful nature of health and sciences courses. Back then, no

matter what field I will try to pursue in UP, I was certain that I will have a critical

understanding of the issues, problems and struggles of the Philippine society through its

various mass-oriented groups and organizations. I was not admitted to any health and

sciences-related courses but I was admitted to the Development Studies program.

At first, I was shocked and frightened because I didn‘t know any single thing

about the course. The first day I entered the UP Manila premises is the first time I‘ve

heard of such course. During the process of admission and enrollment, from a third year

student of the Development Studies program, he gave me a glimpse of what the course

would be like. Back then, he said it is about research works about different views and

practice towards development. He said that the possible career opportunities are as

researchers, project planner and coordinator, managerial positions and many others. With

that, I was able to find a sense of comfort towards the course. Still, then, I somehow had

the aim to just do well with the course for a year or two and immediately shift to another

course right after. But, instead of immediately dismissing the probability of liking the

program, its probable suitability to me as a student and as a person and the possible


vi

contributions I would make to society through the knowledge I would gather from the

program, I had tried to properly prepare for the program and gain a much deeper

understanding of the course. During my first year in college, through the NSTP subjects

taught by Professor John Ponsaran and other GE subjects on Social Sciences and

Philosophy (SSP), I was given a deep, concrete and somehow whole view and

understanding of for whom and what is Development Studies. As a Dev Stud student, I

should hold a clear and critical understanding of various development theories and

effectively put it into practice in order to achieve genuine, inclusive, and sustainable

development.

Throughout the program, I learned various development theories and strategies,

Philippine politics and economics, project planning and program implementation and

several courses about sociology, anthropology and philosophy. As a researcher, with

these, having multi-disciplinal approaches on different problems and possible solutions

and strategies have been embedded into me like it is already part of my being. Such

knowledge had been able to be put into test during our practicum or community

immersion. In our group‘s case, our practicum site was in Montalban, Rizal (Rodriguez,

Rizal). Even most of us lacked in field experience, we were able to utilize our academic

understandings, to break-out on being engrossed on theories and to live with different

marginalized sector of the society and better understood their struggle. In my case, prior

to our practicum, I had undergone in various Basic Mass Integration (BMI) activities

through the activities of the Development Studies Society so I already had a somehow

rich understanding of what it would be like. In our site, we were able to reach out to the

community as much as we could. We were able to understand their specific problems,

concerns and opinions. We were able to contact key mass leaders, groups, organizations,

government officials and relevant institutions. But, admittedly, I thought that we were

also somehow in a struggle back then. Then, I think I was overwhelmed with the

complexity of issues and struggles that the people of a small sitio faced on their daily

lives. Even though I had an experience and we were able to maximize the activities we

had planned and conceptualized upon, in my opinion, we somehow lacked in being more

enthusiastic and disciplined. In relation to this, during our practicum, I realized that I


vii

should continue in pursuing knowledge on development and in understanding the

struggles of the oppressed and the marginalized without ever losing sight of personal

deficiencies and problems that might be obstacles in the pursuit of goals and objectives of

development research.

However, during my fourth year in college, I lost sight of managing my personal

struggles. As a result, I am now in my sixth year of stay in college wherein I am taking a

4-year course. But, I am now moving on with my past deficiencies and somehow

academic delinquencies and I am focused again on pursuing my role as an Iskolar ng

Bayan and as a student majoring in Development Studies. Now, in our thesis, I aim to do

a better performance, to not repeat the shallow problems I encountered during practicum

and to better manage my personal struggles. But, somehow I am already lacking in these

but I am still holding on and still trying to be better.

In our thesis, being a development research, I intend to be better in

conceptualizing the evident and possible theories I would need. Also, I aim to do a

participant observation and to do a better plan of action guided with the ethical

considerations of a research. I will try to assist my target group to better understand their

conditions and to help them for the better. And, as a should-already-been part of my

being as a Dev Stud student, a multi-disciplinal approach focusing on the economics,

politics, culture and social aspects are aimed to be utilized. In particular, a human rights-

based approach is aimed to be held throughout the process of reference seeking, data

gathering and analyzing, and formulation of alternative solutions, recommendations and

proposals. I will also try to avoid presenting a piece-meal view of the struggle of the

particular sector I choose to contribute to. In the aspect of value-neutrality, the research I

will try to produce will really be biased. In undertaking development research, it has an

objective aspect and aims to contribute to society. So, by logic, it is not value-neutral. It

should be guided by questions such as: for whom is development? And for whose well-

being the research will be utilized? Thus, a choice of significance should be considered.

And my thesis should and will side with the poor, oppressed and marginalized against

various forms of harassment and oppression brought upon by a semi-colonial and semi-


viii

feudal nature of the Philippine society and other global and international factors. I will

also strive to use various levels of analysis and experiences from other related places in

order to have a broad and particular view of the target group. In simple terms, the main

task of my thesis should and will be the sharing of knowledge and uniting with the people

in the practice of development in order to overcome their struggles. And, most of all, the

thesis I am doing should and will avoid romanticizing the complex situations of the poor

and oppressed.


ix

Table of Contents

Title Page i

Approval Sheet ii

Acknowledgements iii

Abstract iv

Prologue: My Development Studies Story v

Table of Contents ix

Acronyms xi

Chapter 1: Introduction 1

Research Objectives 3

Research Questions 4

Conceptual Framework 5

Theoretical Framework 7

Chapter 2: Review of Related Literature 10

The Informal Economy 10

Informal Economy in the Philippines 13

Urban Poor Vendors 14

Urban Public Spaces 16

Right to the City as a Tool 18

Chapter 3: Research Methodology and Discussion 21

Research Design 21

Target Population 23

Data Gathering 23

Data Analysis 24

Ethics 25

Chapter 4: Results of the Study 26

Chapter 5: Discussion of the Results 50

Chapter 6: Conclusions and Provocations 55

Chapter 7: Recommendations 56


x

Chapter 8: Limitations of the Study 57

Chapter 9: Bibliography 58

Chapter 10: Appendices 61

Appendix A: Cover Letter for Key Informant Interviews 61

Appendix B: Guide Questions for Key Informant Interviews 63

Appendix C: Sample Transcriptions of Key Informant Interviews 65

Appendix D: Cover Letter for Survey 89

Appendix E: Survey Form 91


xi

Acronyms

GSIS Government Service Insurance System

ILO International Labour Organization

KADAMAY Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap

MANLABAN Manininda Laban sa Ebiksyon at Demolisyon

NSCB National Statistical Coordination Board

PAG-IBIG Pagtutulungan sa Kinabukasan: Ikaw, Bangko, Industria at

Gobyerno

PPP Public-Private Partnerships

UN-HABITAT United Nations Human Settlements Programme

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organization


1

Introduction

“Hukbo-hukbo silang nagtitinda

sa bangketa, gilid ng palengke

ng tumpok-tumpok na gulay,prutas

kakanin, sago’t gulaman, lugaw

at iba pa. Mula sa maliit na tubo’y

napapalaki nila ang pagsisikap

at nabubuhay sa araw-araw

ng pakikipagsapalaran sa buhay.

Mula sa krisis ng ekonomiya noon

at ngayon, patuloy silang nagsisikhay.

Tinatawag ang sistemang ito

ng ating mga ekonomista

na “underground economy…..”

- Isang Daa‘t Isang Lungkot at Ligaya (2004):

Underground Economy ni Teo T. Antonio

Lack of sustainable employment coupled with poverty has long been a problem of

most of the urban poor population. The formal sector of employment proved unable to

generate enough job opportunities to meet the needs of the ever-growing number of job-

seekers. Thus, a large part of the population of the urban poor finds the informal sector,

vending in particular, as a solution in order to provide for their daily needs. There exists

an ease of entry to the sector for it does not require high skills or education. It should be

emphasized that vending is important not just because it is a source of employment for

the urban poor sector but also because of the significance of the services it provides to the

whole of the urban population.

A brief view of cities with vibrant vending activities shows that this economic

activity is a form of livelihood that can absorb large numbers of surplus labour. Their


2

market base consists of a mass of consumers who welcome their accessibility and

inexpensive goods and services. When urban management policies allow vendors to

conduct their trade, it creates positive impact results on several aspects of poverty

reduction, generation of employment, legitimacy of alternative entrepreneurship, social

mobility, and peace and order. Also, vending performs an essential role both in terms of

economic development and distribution of income.

Despite the importance of street vending, until now, the main problem faced by

urban poor vendors is that there are no demarcated areas for them to operate. Urban poor

vendors faced constant demolitions and harassment from the authorities. With this, the

researcher finds it very relevant to conduct a study about the importance of vendors and

their legitimacy on the use of the urban public space.

This study will benefit the current situation of urban poor vendors. It will try to

evaluate the positive and negative aspects of vending of the urban poor sector. It will

attempt to thoroughly explain and support the idea of the credibility of urban poor

vendors on the rights for the use of the urban public space. As a result, larger members of

the urban population and the Philippine society will have a much better understanding of

the complexity of vending issues and the use of public space.


3

Research Objectives:

1. To provide a brief account of the dynamics of urban poor vendors in the case study

area and how it supplements or challenges the current situation of national and global

context of urban poor vendors

provide a brief overview on specific accounts on what are the causes and progress

of vending in the case study area in relation to the experiences of urban poor

vendors in the metropolitan area

provide the advantageous and disadvantageous side of vending on the

government, the local community and vendors themselves

provide a brief overview of vendor‘s use of the urban public space

2. To analyze the problems and issues concerning urban poor vendors in the case study

area and their use of urban public space in relation to the current situation of urban poor

vendors in the metropolitan area

3. To analyze the rights of urban poor vendors to the use and access of urban public space

analyze the urban poor vendors as legitimate claimants of rights to the access and

use of urban public space contrary to the claims that they are illegal and the issues

of privatization, evictions and demolitions


4

Research Questions:

1. What are the causes and significance of vending in the case study area?

primary causes of the creation and growth of vending in the case study area

relevance, advantages or disadvantages of vending as a livelihood on the

consumers, local and national economy and vendor themselves

how and why vendors use the urban public space for their livelihood

2. What are the problems and issues concerning urban poor vendors in the case study area

and their use of urban public space in relation to the current situation of urban poor

vendors in the metropolitan area?

3. What are the rights of urban poor vendors to a decent livelihood and to the use of

urban public spaces?

what are the positive or negative effects of the primary issues of privatization,

eviction and demolition to the situation of urban poor vendors

how detrimental or uplifting are the situation of urban poor vendors in gaining

right to the use of urban public space

what are the rights of urban poor vendors to the access of public spaces and to be

part of planning of the use of public spaces


5


6

In general, the research describes and explores the current situation of the

informal economy. It will include an assessment on the major characteristics of the

informal economy in the global context and how its complex nature applies on the

Philippine setting. In particular, the research will study one large part of the informal

economy which is vending in public spaces. Vendors in the city are largely comprised of

the urban poor sector. The researcher will put emphasis on the unwarranted situation

between the urban poor as vendors and the exclusionary and elitist nature of the

government‘s policies and actions. The study will make an analysis on the major

problematic issues faced by urban poor vendors. First, it evaluates the status of legality or

illegality of vending based on the contradicting nature of existing laws and regulations

and the fight for the rights and needs of the urban poor vendors. With illegality, vendors

faced different forms of harassment and oppression. And with the determination of

legality, a guarantee of the rights, needs and inclusion in the development process will be

done. Thus, it is of huge importance to resolve and determine the legitimacy of vending

in public spaces. Then, as a livelihood, vending vastly relies on the use of the urban

public spaces. It is significant to determine the nature of its production and occupation in

the current prevailing system. Finally, the researcher will make use of Henri Lefebvre‘s

idea of ‗Right To The City‘ (RTTC) as a core basis of the determination of the owner of

the rights of the use of urban public spaces. This theory will be used to promote and

contribute to the Human-Rights Based Approach (HRBA) towards sustainable and

inclusive development. Its main principles assure the right to Participation,

Accountability, Non-discrimination and equality, Empowerment and Legality or

legitimacy (PANEL).


7

Theoretical Framework

This section discusses the human rights-based approach, informal economy, urban

public space and the right to the city context.

Human Rights-Based Approach

Nowadays, human development paradigms focus on urban upgrading strategies to

better the conditions of the poor. The so-called human-centred development (HRCD) or

human rights-based approach (HRBA) is among the emerging development frameworks

or concepts that prioritize the rights of poor people to be included in the process of

development. Diokno (2004) describes human rights centred development (HRCD) as ‗an

integrated, multi-disciplinary and tri-faceted framework for the formulation, articulation,

and implementation of development policy, planning and programming‘. As a

framework, Diokno (2004) believes that HRCD should always start with the principle

that ‗the human person is the central subject, active participant, owner, director, and

beneficiary of development‘ (Gomez & Recio, 2013).

Informal Economy

The Reformist school, originated by the International Labor Organization and the

World Bank, describes the informal sector as having huge potential for growth and

employment generation. The ILO and other institutions consider informality as a result of

structural gaps between the supply and demand for labor that result to the formal or

structured economy from generating all the needed jobs (Chowdhury, 2005).

The Marxist school of thought focuses on 'modes of production' based on class

struggles in determining unequal patterns of development. Two different perspectives are

apparent in this schoolof thought. "Marginality" theorists argue that the informal sector is

a distinct "marginal pole," which, by acting as a reserve army of labor and producing


8

cheap, poor-quality subsistence goods, facilitates capital accumulation in the formal

sector. The marginal pole can be described as the part of the economy characterized by a

"lack of stable resources and which operates around residual resources and for the most

part residual activities". While the so-called "petty commodity production" theorists, in

contrast, argue that the informal sector is subordinated to the formal sector through direct

links, thus enabling the formal sector to extract the surplus from the informal sector.

Other schools of thought define the informal sector through state versus protection and

state versus legal system, focusing on differences and relations with the formal sector

(Chowdhury, 2005).

Urban Public Space

David Harvey defines space as simultaneously absolute, relative, and relational.

Respectively, space have a fixed individual property ownership, includes exchange

relations over time and a contextual frame which can be defined by the processes in

which space is rooted at a particular time. These are in constant relation with Marx‘s

concept of use-value and exchange value. Constructed spaces also have material,

conceptual and lived dimensions that we are all found in simultaneously but not

necessarily equally (Milgram, 2011).

Right to the City

Inspired principally by Marx, Hegel, Nietzsche, and Heidegger, Lefebvre‘s

political and intellectual project was to offer a critique of existing society in order to open

up a path to another society, a possible world beyond capitalism, the state, and consumer

society. He envisioned an analysis of space, and specifically of the ―lived spaces‖ that

people actually experience, would be able to apprehend human life as a complex whole.

As a reslt, this will avoid the common action of reducing our understanding of experience

to small fractions of life, such as class status, gender, race, income, consumer habits,


9

marital status, and so on. Similarly, Lefebvre (1970; 1972) describe the city as a complex

whole, as a gathering of different desires and drives that are not reducible to economic

understandings. In this context, we can describe Lefebvre‘s definition and view of space

and the urban as a way to break open the limits of an economistic approach. The right to

the city can be viewed as one vital movement. This concept materializes when inhabitants

of a city took action and rise up and reclaim space in the city, when they assert use value

over exchange value, encounter over consumption, interaction over segregation, free

activity and play over work (Purcell, 2014).


10

Review of Related Literature

The Informal Economy

The concept of informal sector was first coined by Keith Hart in 1971. The

International Labour Organization (ILO) Kenya mission defined informal activity as the

"way of doing things" characterized by (a) ease of entry; (b) reliance on indigenous

resources; (b) family ownership of enterprises; (c) small scale of operation; (d) labor-

intensive and adapted technology; (e) skills acquired outside the formal school system;

and (f) unregulated and competitive markets. At the 90th Session of the International

Labour Conference in 2002, the new concept of informal economy was used instead of

the term informal sector. Informal economy includes different livelihood and workers

that perform activities that are somehow not covered by law. This may be a result of a

case wherein the law is not applicable or ambiguous. The law may also be not applied or

not properly enforced. Also, sometimes the law does not encourage compliance because

it is inadequate, burdensome, or overly costly (Chowdhury, 2005).

According to Castells and Portes (1989), the informal economy is universal.

Similar cases are found in different countries and regions at very different levels of

economic development. And according to de Soto (1989), informality is the result of

legal and administrative systems that make the formalization process burdensome and

costly. While Rempel and House (1978) in their characterization of the informal sector in

Kenya divided informal sector into: (i) an intermediate sector, which appears as a

reservoir of dynamic entrepreneurs and enterprising individuals that are generating

reasonable incomes both for themselves and their employees; and (ii) the community of

the poor, which contains a large body of residual and underemployed labor. In contrast,

the sector of the poor is composed of many urban residents who are forced by their

circumstances to find survival means in the informal sector. It is composed mainly of

marginal people. They produce consumer goods that satisfy the demand for lower-income


11

groups (Chowdhury, 2005). Moreover, traditional definitions of the informal sector

focused on the nature of the business. Definitions of informal activities have focused on

three main factors: enterprise size, legality and the mode of production (Potter, Conway,

Evans, & Lloyd-Evans, 2012).

Informal employment has a rapid growth in all parts of the world. Recent

evidence suggests that the informal economy will continue to grow if a country‘s

economic growth does not make improvements in sustainable job creation and equitable

distribution of wealth and income. Evidence further suggests that any individuals have

the high probability of voluntarily engaging in any informal economic activities because

of the excessive regulation and fees from government transactions. Moreover, this may

be a result of the low incomes generated from jobs offered in the formal sector of

economy. In particular, neoliberal economic policies that promote liberalization,

privatization, industrial reorganization and migration are the primary causes of the

continued growth of the informal economic sector (Hays-Mitchell, 2007). In addition, the

massive advance in the use of capital-intensive industry has been replacing labor-

intensive industry. This results in higher unemployment rate in the formal economy. The

introduction of high-technology industries has marginalized less educated and less skilled

workers. And the desire to lower labor costs through low wages has encouraged

companies to subcontract labor (Wilson, 2005).

It is difficult to measure the size of the informal economy since much of its

activity is irregular and somehow invisible to the government. Such measurement

depends on how the informal economy is defined. Some state or countries do not

consider some informal economic activities such as garbage picking, vending,

manufacturing activities, people who sell goods door-to-door in their neighbourhoods or

those who sew garments in their homes (Wilson, 2005). Moreover, the informal economy

is traditionally perceived with negative connotations (Hays-Mitchell, 2007). There is a

longstanding tendency within public perceptions and policy-making decisions that tends


12

to view informal economic activities such as street-level commerce or any kind of

vending in public spaces as a zone of lawlessness and criminality (Lobato, 2012).

Thus, most individuals engaged in the informal economy face inadequate labor

protection and social security. Their incomes are low and irregular and work conditions

are poor (Hays-Mitchell, 2007). With this, it can be argued that the informal economy

furthers poverty and social exclusion. Moreover, individuals working in the informal

sector generally have fewer social rights and tend to have an absence of collective action

and activism (Balcioglu, 2013).

Policymakers should put an emphasis on the informal economy because it is the

part of the economy where the majority, especially the urban poor, support themselves. It

is responsible for a significant share of employment and output in all regions of the

world. Also,it helps meet the needs of poor consumers by making accessible low-priced

goods and services. In 1999, the ILO formulated a vision of ―Decent Work‖ for all

workers. It recognized that decent work deficits are more common in the informal

economy and aims at reducing the employment gap, improving rights at work, providing

social protection, and increasing the voice of workers (Hays-Mitchell, 2007). It can be

simply defined as a framework for employment opportunities that are accompanied by

rights, protection and voice (Potter, Conway, Evans, & Lloyd-Evans, 2012).

As a response to the unwarranted situation of the informal economy, grassroots

sectors had been formed. An example of these groups is the Self-Employed Women's

Association (SEWA) which was founded in 1972 in India. This is the oldest trade union

of informal women workers in the world. Another union is the WIEGO (Women in

Informal Employment Globalizing and Organizing) which was formed in 1997. It is a

global action-research coalition. Also, there is the HomeNet, an international alliance of

home-based workers and StreetNet, a similar alliance of street vendors. Both

organizations were formed in the 1990s (Hays-Mitchell, 2007). In particular, in 2009,

StreetNet International covers over 300,000 street vendors, market sellers, and hawkers


13

(i.e. mobile vendors) in 34 organisations in 30 countries across four continents. It

includes sector of some of the poorest workers in various countries. A population of

300,000 members may be considered as a small proportion of street vendors worldwide

but an organization such as StreetNet opens global political space and gives voice for the

marginalised group of workers such as vendors. Such labour movements address

problematic issues in three main ways: through research, advocacy, and fundamental

programmes. Such course of actions and advocacies can develop an organisation's

understanding of the causes of their problems, and can inform and strengthen its policy

proposals, campaigns and programmes (Scholte & Timms, 2009).

Informal Economy in the Philippines

The National Statistical and Coordination Board (NSCB) is a relative government

institution that gives a form of recognition in the informal sector and its contribution. It

recognized that informal economy plays a significant role in the generation of output,

employment and income as well as in the economic and social development of the

country. However, it admits that there is a need to further the standard definition for the

nature of informal sector in order to measure its contribution to the economy. A reliable

guide should be made for the development of policies, programs and interventions in

providing assistance, increasing productivity and promoting social welfare. Moreover, a

standard definition will facilitate further collection of data about the sector.

Currently, the NSCB described the conceptual definition of the informal sector as

consisting of ―units‖ engaged in the production of goods and services with the primary

objective of generating employment and incomes to the persons. These so-called units

generally operate at a low level of organization and with unclear division between its

factors of production. It may be include household enterprises that are market and non-

market producers of goods and services. The labor relations are based on casual

employment, kinship or personal and social relations rather than the standard formal or


14

contractual arrangements. While the NSCB described the operational definition of the

informal sector as refering to household unincorporated enterprises which consists of

both informal own-account enterprises and enterprises of informal employers. Informal

own-account enterprises are household unincorporated enterprises owned and operated

by own-account workers, either alone or in partnership with members of respective

households (NSCB Resolution No. 15, 2002).

These definitions are ignorant of the existence and plight of urban poor vendors

and other participants of the informal economy. It somehow excludes the contributions of

vendors and other participants of the informal economy because of the concept of them

being illegal and a form of chaotic sector. For example, some may argue that they are not

taxpayers. This view is not reasonable. They may not be income taxpayers but they are

taxpayers nonetheless. They contribute through the VAT (Value Added Tax), an indirect

tax imposed on goods and services (Remollino, 2005).

Urban Poor Vendors

Informal economy is comprised mostly of street vendors and other types or

groups of vendors. Street vendors are broadly defined as individuals who offer goods

without a permanent store or stall from which to sell. They may be stationary and may

occupy space on the sidewalks, streers or other public or private spaces. They may also

be mobile and move from place to place by carrying their goods on push carts or in

baskets. They do not have a regular sustainable income and they tend to move from one

place to another to get better markets. They sell various kinds of items such as clothes,

house materials, electronic items and a wide variety of foods. Most enter vending in order

to survive. Many of the workers who lose their jobs in the formal sector take to street

vending as an option that allows them to make a living. Also, entry into this trade is

easier because it does not require high skills and the capital involved is low (Bhowmik,

2005).


15

Street vendors are vulnerable due to poverty, lack of space for vending and lack

of awareness about their rights. Though the Philippines has national policies and relevant

local laws and regulations, the government somehow continues to refuse recognizing

most of the street vendors and other groups of vendors. And sometimes the government

takes harsh measures to clear them off the pavements and other public spaces. Usually,

they become victims of harassment, evictions and destruction of their goods and other

properties (Bhowmik, 2005). These has to do with the issue on laws that affect street

vendors. Some policies and regulations are conflicted toward the recognition of vending

as legitimate work. Some of it is inconsistent and makes the legal status of the vendors in

a precarious condition. Moreover, most of the vendors lacked awareness about the

policies affecting them. In a study conducted by Mcgee and Yeung in 1977, it identified

that developing Asian countries tended to adopt unfavourable policies towards the

informal sector which is one of the result of the adaptation of colonial policies (Gomez &

Recio, 2013). In such ambiguous legal situations, street vendors and other group of

vendors may consider the law as inapplicable to them. Thus, the vendors may not fully

respect the laws which they consider irrelevant because it does not support their

livelihood and their basic needs (Milgram, 2011). Some vendors deliberately conceal

their activities from any government authorities to avoid unjust fees and strict

bureaucratic measures (Chowdhury, 2005). In view of the cultural environment of

vending, the ruling elite‘s idea of how to regulate and restrict street-vending and

otherkinds of vending in public spaces are seen as ineffective. According to some city

planners and bureaucrats, street vendors and other groups of vendors belong in the ‗edges

of the city‘ as outcasts. The negative connotations attached to street vending and other

forms of vending in public spaces are largely determined by the views of lawmakers and

government officials which mostly consist of the upper strata of society (Illy, 1986).


16

Urban Public Spaces

Urban public space can be considered as a public good. Public goods are non-

rivalrous and non-excludable. Anyone can enjoy and use it for any kind of activity.

The concept of urban public space applies to all physical space to which any

individual has access or use rights. This includes private, public or vacant private lands

(Milgram, 2011). It can be claimed by any member of the society but at the same time

falls under the jurisdiction of the rule of state or government. It does not only serves as an

economic space. It should also serve as a multi-layered, rich political space. All space

boundaries are socially-constructed. They help construct identity. Hence, urban public

places such as sidewalks, pavements and parks serve as space for distribution,

communication and any other form of interactions. It provides social and cultural

benefits. Urban public places is where different kinds of people can interact and exchange

goods and services. However, with the emergence of globalization, urban public space

are reduced to being considered only for their property value rather than their use-value.

It excludes individuals who are less financially capable (Forrest, 2003; Gomez & Recio,

2013).

Most of the urban poor population chooses vending as their primary source of

income. And, for them, urban public spaces serve as an important avenue for their

livelihood. And for the poorer section of the society, the vendors provide them goods at a

cheaper price (Bhowmik, 2010). Street vendors and other groups of vendors often use

urban public space for their livelihood. Particularly, they occupy places with high

pedestrian flows. However, they cannot sustain regular amount of customers due to their

vulnerability to evictions and demolitions enforced due to the concept of their ‗illegality‘

which is a result of current laws and regulations that prohibits the vendors from utlizing

public spaces. In part, this is a result of the government‘s ignorance on the needs of street

vendors and other group of vendors of having proper places or spaces to sell their goods.

In most cases, the allotment of legitimate spaces depends largely on how vendors


17

strongly demand their needs (Bhowmik, 2005; Milgram, 2011). Admittedly, vending in

public spaces becomes a competition to other legitimate users of public spaces such as

pedestrians and vehicles. In this way, urban public space becomes somehow limited

because it hinders others the freedom of using it. Hence, it is for the benefit of the public

to understand and analyze the dynamics and legitimacy of street vending and other types

of vending in public spaces (Illy, 1986).

Currently, street vendors and other types of vendors that use public spaces

legitimize claim in using urban public spaces by legally paying fees, licenses and permits

through personalized agreements. But sometimes they unwillingly resort in paying bribes

to survive and keep their livelihood (Milgram, 2011). Licenses and allotment of official

places for vending help ensure protection from harassment and extortion activities often

exercised by some corrupt government officials. Other incentives can also be offered

such as lending of start-up capital, raw materials, and low cost of registration processes.

However, the government and its policymakers often focus their attention to the formal

sector of the economy and argues that the informality of street vending and other types of

vending in public spaces cannot be understood thus deeming it as irrelevant (Chowdhury,

2005).

Moreover, for the wealthiest group of individuals which commonly took position

as policy and law makers, urban public spaces are places for recreation. They often

protest about how these places are somehow polluted by vendors. They oftenly think that

urban public places are their exclusive property. The upper class of the society perceives

urban public places as private spaces and excludes the poor (Bhowmik, 2010). The

government, which consists mostly of the wealthy and upper class, helps in the

proliferation of these ideas. It views vendor‘s use of urban public space as an obstacle to

their plans of ‗modernizing‘ cities. Street vendors and other vendors in public spaces are

also seen as violating the common concept of ‗appropriate‘ use of urban space which

supposed to be ‗for the people‘—the middle and upper class (Milgram, 2011). In some

cases, the unorderly presence of vendors at urban public spaces are regarded as one of the


18

main cause of vehicular traffic. Although unorganized vending admittedly slows down

vehicles and pedestrian, vendors cannot be heavily blamed for the chaotic traffic in

metropolitan areas. Moreover, major business establishments also contribute to the trafiic

problem. Most of them also often use sidewalks in front of their establishments as their

own and make them their own private parking lots (Mojarro, 2014). Street vending and

other types of vending in public spaces are also often considered as offering unsanitary

goods and blamed for most of the garbage on the streets. If the government persists these

crooked mindset towards street vending and other types of vending in public spaces, they

will not only fail to resolve vending and spatial issues but will also fail to have the

potential economic benefits that it could provide (Gomez & Recio, 2013). In the

Philippines, there are several programs that intends to remedy such vending issues. An

example of such program is the project called the Philippine Cities Network on Public

Space was created. It aims on the establishment of green, safe, inclusive, accessible and

interconnected public spaces (UCLG-ASPAC, 2015). However, such initiatives are

somehow lacking on focus on the provisions for the marginalized sector.

Therefore, in attempting to transform the use and access to space, individuals

should challenge the current concept of the legitimacy of prioritizing use-value of space.

This is needed in order for people to understand the political struggle required to attain

their needs (Milgram, 2011). For example, when street vendors organize themselves and

make plans for the survival of their livelihood, this means that they are already quite

capable at exercising political power (Gomez & Recio, 2013). These kind of inititatives

shows how the urban poor and vendors can create, reclaim, restore and amplify public

space (Dallant, 2014).

Right to the City as a Tool

Henri Lefebvre (1974; 1991) presented this idea as a radical vision for a city

beyond the current rule of state and capitalism. He and most scholars argued that the


19

everyday experience of living in the city entitles one the right to the city rather than an

individual‘s citizenship. The society should move towards the idea of a collective

ownership and management of space. The right to the city is a concept of a struggle

needed to uplift the rights of the urban inhabitants against the owners of property rights.

It emphasizes the importance of the use value of urban space over and above its exchange

value. The city is a complex whole and should not be reduced in mere economic terms

and as a marketable commodity. Under the current system of capitalism, the urban public

space is segregated into a system of private property. The production of space is dictated

by the needs of property owners. Hence, the users of space are separated from each other

and are prohibited from spaces of encounter, play and interaction. This separation is

similar to the specialization and compartmentalization of the capitalist division of labor.

For Lefebvre, property rights and the idea of ‗private‘ property alienates the city‘s

inhabitants from the urban public space (Purcell, 2014).

Many may argue that the idea of right to the city as too radical or too utopian to

be of use. But, according to Lefebvre, this is precisely its strength. It advances an idea of

a possible world that is yet to come. It combines an idea in the real and existing world

with the possible world. It is perfectly realistic in advancing the proper and just

identification of what and for who is the urban public space. One of the earliest initiatives

of this concept occurred in Brazil wherein a federal law known as the City Statute was

created. It advances an urban development that should be determined not only by its

exchange value but also by its social use value. It seeks to balance the interests of

property owners and other urban inhabitants (Purcell, 2014).

UN-HABITAT and UNESCO have led an effort to conceptualize the right to the

city as part of a broader agenda for human rights. It encourages urban policies that

promote justice, sustainability, and inclusion in cities. It proposes a large number of new

rights for citizens, such as participation in urban decisions, affordable housing and many

more. Their main goal is to argue that the right to the city should be seen as a human

right. The right to the city is seen as part of the Universal Declaration of Human rights by


20

the United Nations (Purcell, 2014). Human rights is a universal moral standard of rights

that stands above laws of any particular nation or state. Though, this is not universally

accepted or followed by the corporate world. It ignores the potential economic crisis and

loss in investments that their ignorance might do. As a result, the claim of the right to the

city becomes more complex (White, 2008).


21

Research Methodology and Discussion

The primary purpose of this study is to examine the situation of the urban poor

sector in the Philippines in general and vending as a livelihood in particular. The study

analyzes the struggle and oppression of the urban poor and problems such as evictions

and demolitions experienced by the vendors. It analyzes the concepts and theories about

urban public spaces and right to the city (RTTC) used as part of the human rights-based

approach or agenda towards development.

Research Design

As a means for exploring and understanding the research problem and its

objectives, the process of research involves multiple forms of approaches. It includes

descriptive and exploratory research approaches. It involves the following research

designs: library research, documentary research, survey research, field and participatory

research.

In order to understand the nature, characteristics, components and aspects of the

phenomenon it tries to study, the research involves the use of the descriptive design of

research. It tries to study the struggle of the urban poor and vending as their livelihood in

the context of disputing laws and regulations affecting them, and the extent of the

prohibition of the rights to the use and access of the urban public spaces.

It also involves the use of exploratory design of research to uncover data on the

phenomena that is not yet fully known or understood. It explores the nature of the context

of the concept of the right to the city (RTTC) introduced by Henri Lefebvre (1974; 1991)

as a legitimate basis on the determination and advancement of the rights of urban poor

vendors on the use of urban public space.


22

Library and documentary research will be done to gather the necessary materials

needed in providing the explanation and understanding of the complexity of the informal

economy in the Philippine context and the struggles of the urban poor for their livelihood.

The researcher will gather appropriate public and private documents such as journal

articles, books, newspapers, magazines, transcripts, etc.

A case study will be done as a strategy of inquiry in which the researcher will try

to explore in depth the particular situation and activities of one or more individuals that

will be the target population of the study. The procedure will be bounded by a pre-

determined set of time and nature of activity while the researcher collects information

using a variety of instruments and research procedures. For this study, the focus will be

the case of the group of talipapa vendors at Sitio San Roque, Agham Road, North

Triangle, Quezon City and the group of street vendors at the sidewalks near the

Sandiganbayan building in Quezon City.

In relation to the case study approach, field and participatory research will be

done by the researcher. The researcher will gather information for the study from the

actual site wherein the target population resides. The researcher will aim to be not just an

observer but as a participant to the daily activities of the target population (Creswell,

2009). By doing so, the researcher will have a first-hand experience of the implications

towards the urban poor vendors from the complex issues that comes with the nature of

their livelihood. The researcher can gather and record information on a real-time basis.

During participant observation, particular aspects from the field can be noticed which

cannot be gathered by merely reading from personal accounts that exists in documents

and library materials. The researcher will also have the opportunity on face-to-face

encounter with the target population. This is to establish a mutual relation with the urban

poor vendors as a part of the society and not just mere subjects of a study. Key informant

interviews will be done among the sector of urban poor vendors. Also, the researcher

aims to establish one or more set of focus group discussions among available participants

from the target population.


23

Survey research will also be done to provide a numeric description of trends,

actions, or opinions of the target population by studying a sample. From a sample of the

target population, the researcher can generalize interpretations on specific attitudes or

behaviour that will arise during the course of the field research. It includes the use of

structured questionnaires and interviews (Creswell, 2009).

Target Population

Vendors are mostly comprised of the urban poor population. They often use the

urban public space for their livelihood. They have a unwarranted situation due to their

vulnerability that arises from the disputing laws and regulations about their legality or

illegality. In most cases, the allotment of legitimate spaces depends largely on how urban

poor vendors strongly demand their needs and rights. Admittedly, street vendors become

a competition and urban public space becomes somehow limited because it hinders others

the freedom of using it. Hence, it is for the benefit of the public to understand and

analyze the dynamics and legitimacy of vending as a livelihood relying on the use of

urban public space.

Data Gathering

Through the survey research approach and structured questionnaires and

interviews, the study aims to describe the nature, size or state of the target population.

The selection process of getting a sample will be random or systematic sampling. With

this, each individual in the population has an equal probability of being selected and there

is the higher possibility of getting true representative sample and generalization of the

population. The set of questionnaires and interviews will employ both open-ended and

close-ended questions. Patterns and trends on particular indicators, relevant issues and

opinions will provide a basis for the quantitative side of the research. While similar


24

patterns of ideas, sets of stories, words and phrase often used and individual meanings

that will arise will provide for the qualitative basis of the research.

To better understand the urban poor context of the study, key-informant

interviews will be done with members of Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahirap

(KADAMAY) and the local neighbourhood wherein the vendors reside. KADAMAY is

the largest alliance of urban poor organizations throughout the Philippines. It carries out a

long-term struggle for the eradication of poverty and a just, free, and prosperous society.

Key-informant interviews from members of Manininda Laban sa Demolisyon at

Ebiksyon (MANLABAN), one of the member groups of KADAMAY, will also be done.

This will provide more specific information on the history, plight and implications of

vending of the urban poor in the Philippines.

Focus group discussions will be established among the urban poor vendors. Other

than the one-on-one interview and sharing of information from the survey research

approach, this approach will provide an avenue wherein the researcher and a sample of

the target population will convey and relate information from one another, share and

contradict opinions and mutually unite stands on certain issues that the study attempts to

describe and explore.

Data Analysis

A descriptive analysis of data for all the variables in the study will be done. The

analysis of the survey results shall indicate the means, percentages and range of scores

that will arise. In the interpretation of results, the researcher will draw conclusions from

the results of the research questions, hypotheses and the larger meaning of the results.

By using both quantitative and qualitative approach, the researcher attempts to

analyze and process results from the research objectives through statistical and analytical


25

procedures and make generalizations that focus on the individual meanings and the

complexity of the situation. Such multiple approaches will reinforce results gathered from

both approaches. The researcher‘s knowledge on statistics and technical and scientific

writing will support the processing of quantitative data. While the researcher‘s experience

on up-close observations, literary works and personal interviews will benefit the use and

analysis of qualitative approach.

Ethics

In the stage of data gathering and analysis, the study will employ ethical

considerations. The research studies the struggle of urban poor vendors in the current

system of governance and state of development. In the process, participants might find

data or opinions that speak negatively about them. If questioned about these negative

perceptions and relayed with information of the exclusionary and oppressive nature of the

current system of society, individuals might experience discomfort.

With such ethical problems that may arise such as disturbance on their livelihood,

loss of self-esteem, unnecessary stress from heavy questions and time loss from

participating in interviews, focus group discussions and answering surveys, the researcher

will provide brief descriptions of the purpose and procedure of the research. A free, prior

and informed consent will be secured. The researcher will also offer the option of

anonymity and confidentiality of individuals that will participate and on the information

that will be gathered. The researcher will ensure to give back to the individuals, groups or

communities that will help in the process of research. For example, the researcher shall

provide a copy of the finished study if needed.


26

Results of the Study

Process of Data Gathering and Deviations

During the period of data gathering, while making contact to possible mass

organizations that might be a possible partner in the research process, the researcher

encountered other possible group of vendors and vendor associations that might be the

main respondents and/or participants of the study. When the researcher made contact

with KADAMAY, an alliance of urban poor organizations throughout the Philippines, the

researcher and the said organization conceptualize on possible vendors that might be part

of the study. A meeting between the researcher and members of KADAMAY was

established and it resulted on the selection of the group of street vendors situated along

the sidewalks near the Sandiganbayan building in Quezon City and the group of talipapa

vendors situated at Sitio San Roque, Agham Road, North Triangle in Quezon City.

During the meeting, the researcher was offered to have a look on other groups of vendors

in Metro Manila like vendors in Luneta Park, Quiapo and many more. The researcher

appreciates the wide range of possible participants and/or respondents of the research that

was presented by KADAMAY. However, the research study and the timeline for the data

gathering for the research are limited. Both the research study and its target population

should be specific, measurable, attainable, realistic and time-bound. Thus, the researcher

expressed gratitude on the helpful suggestions and assistance offered by KADAMAY but

the researcher immediately made clear the specific scope and limitations of the research.

Nevertheless, the researcher analyzed and accepted one of the suggestions made by the

organization. Rather than making participant observation with just the street vendors near

Sandiganbayan, the researcher realized the importance and contribution if the researcher

will also include talipapa vendors at Sitio San Roque as participants and/or respondents

of the research. Both group of vendors had similar or related experience on different

problems that they encounter as a result of ambiguous notions and regulations on making

use of public space and vending as a livelihood in the Philippine setting. Also, the


27

researcher initially analyzed and realized that making participant observations with two

different group of vendors will provide important knowledge on the discussion of the

current situation of the urban poor as vendors, a wider range of view on discussing the

situation of vendors and their use of public space and first-hand accounts about these not

just mere interviews on other group of vendors.

However, it can be suggested that a slightly huge turn of events occurred about

the target population of the study and the nature of the whole research study. From the

initial target population of just street vendors, other group of vendors such as talipapa

vendors and public market vendors are also included. From street vendors as the initial

focus of the study, the focus shifted more to the situation of population of the urban poor

vendors but with specific discussion about street vendors and talipapa vendors. In

essence, in line with the research‘s review of related literature, the main focus of the

study is about urban poor vendors and their use of public space.

First, the shift of target population is seen by the researcher as only of minimal

impact to the whole research because the review of related literature among the different

group of vendors and their use of public space are related. However, the researcher needs

to supplement more literature about public market or talipapa vendors and their specific

experience on the use of public spaces.

Second, the situation of the street vendors near the Sandiganbayan building in

Quezon City became completely different from what the researcher‘s initial information

about the vendors. Some of the vendor leaders and former vendors from the overpass

near the Sandiganbayan building remained in the area but the demographics of vendors

are too different. As explained by one of the vendor leaders in the area, most of the

vendors in the area are new vendors and have little experience about vending issues and

vending dynamics in the area. And most of the former vendors from the overpass,

vendors who are more experienced and knowledgeable about vending issues and vending


28

dynamics in the area, are evicted far from the area and are either vending in other places

or went back at their respective hometowns.

Third, the researcher had only a limited amount of time on analyzing other

possible group of street vendors. Thus, the researcher proceeded on making participant

observations on the group of talipapa vendors in Sitio San Roque and street vendors near

the Sandiganbayan building in Quezon City. During the first few days of observation, the

researcher initially planned on requesting changes with KADAMAY if ever the site in

Sitio San Roque does not complement with the research or if the site is a big deviation to

the essence of the study. Gladly, the researcher had seen the relation of the site on the

essence of the research and decided to proceed and shift its focus by including it since the

site will also provide needed information. Then, complement its problems and issues with

the situation of the initial focus of street vendors near Sandiganbayan and other public

market vendors in the city.

Finally, these deviations from the original methodology did not affect the essence

of the research. The informal economy, situation of urban poor vendors, vending in the

Philippine setting, problems of evictions and demolitions, issues of privatization, poverty,

unemployment, vending legality or illegality, urban public spaces and the ‗right to the

city‘ as theoretical framework are still the subjects to be discussed. The prominent thing

that changes is the type of public space and group of vendors. From only the streets as a

public space, idle government lands and public markets became the focus but still include

discussion about the streets. From only street vendors, both talipapa vendors and street

vendors became the focus and both are part of the sector of urban poor vendors.

Summary

Participant observation was conducted by the researcher in order to know, observe

and critically analyze the current situation of vendors and their problems. In the process,


29

the researcher had a better understanding about the life of vendors and gathered first-hand

account of events that happens in their daily routine. The participant observation lasted

for almost two weeks. It started on February 24, 2016 and ended on March 11, 2016. Two

groups of vendors were covered by the researcher. The main group of vendors were

‗talipapa‘ vendors situated at Sitio San Roque, Agham Road, North Triangle, Quezon

City. And the other group of vendors were street vendors from another area which is

located near the Sandiganbayan building at Quezon City.

A total of 9 key informant interviews and 1 focus group discussion were done by

the researcher. Two vending areas had been covered by the researcher. Most of the

interviewees were ‗talipapa‘ vendors from the main case study area which is located at

Sitio San Roque, Agham Road, North Triangle, Quezon City. Two interviewees were

street vendors from another area which is located near the Sandiganbayan building in

Quezon City. Then, an interview with a public market vendor from the Sampaloc Market

was included in order to know the relation between the current situations of public market

vendors with other group of vendors in the cities.

Upon recommendations of Ka Bea from KADAMAY, the researcher gained

information about the ‗Palengke Summit 2016‘. The summit will have various

discussions about the current situation of public markets around Metro Manila and the

increase in privatization projects of public markets. The researcher took the opportunity

of attending the summit even though the main subject matter of the summit revolves

around the privatization of public markets and is not the main objective of the research.

However, the summit was also intended to discuss the uncertain situation of vendors that

will be affected by the privatization projects. And privatization is one of the issues that

will be analyzed in the research study. Thus, the researcher included the summit as one of

the possible source of data for the research. The researcher was able to attend the

‗Palengke Summit 2016‘ held on February 29, 2016 at the St. Joseph Retreat House of

Loreto Church Bustillos, Sampaloc, Manila. The researcher was able to participate in the


30

entire duration of the summit and was able to gather information and take down notes

about the issue of privatization amongst public markets in Metro Manila.

Also, as a recommendation from Ka Bea of KADAMAY, during the making of

the schedule for the entire data gathering process, a period of assessment was also set

after the process of data gathering of the researcher. The assessment was agreed upon in

order to have a form of feedback in the researcher‘s data gathering procedures. The

assessment was done on March 28, 2016 at the KADAMAY office in Quezon City.

During the assessment, the following subjects were discussed: (1) accomplishments of

the schedule for the data gathering; (2) the researcher‘s data gathering process and

checking if the objectives were met; (3) assessment of the researcher‘s process of data

gathering and how it affected or influenced the individuals of the case study areas; (4)

description of some comments or opinions about the research respondents in the case

study areas and how it affected or influenced the researcher; (5) primary individuals that

helped the researcher; and (6) other concerns about the entire period of data gathering or

the assistance offered by KADAMAY.

Due to unexpected changes in the schedule during the process of data gathering,

the researcher was not able to finish on-time the gathering of respondents for the survey.

However, the researcher was able to raise this concern during the period of assessment.

Ka Bea and Ka Inday from KADAMAY offered assistance on how to solve the

researcher‘s concern and set a date for the continuation of gathering respondents for the

survey. They recommended and instructed Ka Lourdes, a resident of Sitio San Roque and

member of KADAMAY, to help the researcher in gathering respondents for the survey.

The schedule for the survey was set to be on the day of April 3, 2016. And on April 3,

2016, the researcher was able to go back at Sitio San Roque and was able to acquire the

target number of respondents for the survey.


31

The presentation of data is divided into four parts: a) brief description and history

of the vending areas, b) nature of vendors, c) nature of vending, and d) vendors use of

public spaces.

Table 1: Interviewee data1

Name Gender Area

Organization (s)

―Ka Ricky‖

(pseudonym) Male

Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

and KADAMAY

―Jhun‖ (pseudonym) Male Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

Gloria Cama Female Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

Gerry Catalan Male Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

Jeniebel Villarin-

Toy Female

Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

Jess Bergancia Male Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

―Dodong‖

(pseudonym) Male

Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

―Mario‖

(pseudonym) Male

Sitio San Roque,

Quezon City

San Roque Vendors

Association (SRVA)

―Ka Diamond‖

(pseudonym) Female

Sandiganbayan,

Quezon City

MANLABAN and

KADAMAY

Jun Caingles Male Sandiganbayan,

Quezon City

MANLABAN and

KADAMAY

Marco Libres Male Sampaloc, Manila

vendors association

of Sampaloc Market

1 The true names of some of the respondents are withheld by the researcher as part of the agreement.


32

A) Brief description and history of the vending areas

Talipapa at Sitio San Roque, Agham Road, North Triangle, Quezon City

Some residents describe the area during that time as forest-like because tall wild

grass covered the area. Around the year 1980s, early settlers of Sitio San Roque, mostly

composed of the urban poor population, started the occupation of the area because most

of them considered the potential of the area as temporary site for the establishment of

temporary makeshift houses that will provide temporary shelter. The early settlers

utilized the area by cutting the grass, cleaning the area and establishing makeshift

dwellings. During that time, the formation of the community started with around two

hundred makeshift dwellings that were built in the area and eventually grew. They

utilized the idle land because most of them lacked options and capacity of acquiring

house and lodging in residential areas or apartments which offered high rents that they

cannot afford. Most of the early settlers were severely lacking of sources for income.

Some were former workers in different jobs but chose to leave their respective jobs

because of the contractual nature of employment and low wages. Also, most of them

came from the different provinces and were attracted to the city‘s promise of a better life.

While many were victims of land-grabbing and other disorders in the rural areas. For

example, large portion of the residents‘ population are composed of Muslims from

different provinces in the Mindanao region. They left their homes to escape the chaotic

situation caused by the constant clash of the military and armed rebel groups (Bergancia,

2016; Cama, 2016; Catalan, 2016; ―Dodong‖, 2016; ―Jhun‖, 2016; ―Ka Ricky‖, 2016;

―Mario‖, 2016; Villarin-Toy, 2016).

As years passed by, the community grew larger and most of the residents assumed

ownership of the lands they are settled in because of the inability to improve their living

conditions and the lack of social services from the government to enable them to at least

afford low cost housing. In connection to this, some of the early residents argued that the

area is already a former relocation area for the urban poor. Thus, they have a form of


33

legitimate claim to the area. Most of the early settlers were evicted from a nearby place as

a result of the establishment of a large department store and were relocated in the area.

Eventually, the early settlers saw the potential of making a livelihood out of the area. The

community residents established a ‗talipapa‘, an informal type of public market. They

saw vending of different type of goods as one form of livelihood that they can readily

gain access to and may improve further with the limited resources that they had. As years

passed by, other individuals also situated the area and the community of Sitio San Roque

and the talipapa grew (Bergancia, 2016; Cama, 2016; Catalan, 2016; ―Dodong‖, 2016;

―Jhun‖, 2016; ―Ka Ricky‖, 2016; ―Mario‖, 2016; Villarin-Toy, 2016).

Through a survey method, the researcher was able to analyze the population of

urban poor vendors at Sitio San Roque. From a population of approximately more than

100 stalls/stores of vendors, the researcher gathered a sample of 40 respondents through

random sampling. The purpose of the survey is to make generalizations about specific

trends about the population. The specific characteristics or behaviours that the surveys

desire to identify and analyze include: age; gender; civil status; family size; length of

time in current livelihood; level of education achieved; type of vending; kinds of goods

offered; and types of capital used.

Most of the urban poor vendors in

Sitio San Roque are women. Based

on the sample population, about

72.5% (29) are women while

27.5% (11) are men.


34

Regarding the range

of age of the vendors, most

of the vendors are

belonging to age group of

46 to 50 years old with a

percentage of 22.5% (9).

The second most abundant

are the group of vendors

under the age group of 36

to 40 years old with a


And the third most

prominent in the population of vendors belong to age group under 51 to 55 years old and

56 to 60 years old. both age groups have a percentage of 12.5% (5). While the other age

groups have the following percentages: age group of 21 to 25 years old, age group of 41

to 45 years old and age group of 61 years old and above each have a percentage of 7.5%

(3); age group of 26 to 30 years old and age group of 31 to 35 years old both have a

percentage of 5.0% (2); and the age group of 15 to 20 years old had the lowest percentage

with 2.5% (1).

A large percentage of the

vendors are married with a


17.5% (7) of the sample are

single. Individuals with the

civil status of divorced and the

widow both have 5% (2) of the

sample population.


35

The most prominent number of children for most of the family of vendors is 3

children with a percentage of 27.5% (11). A percentage of 17.5% (7) of the family of

vendors has 1 child while 15% (6) have no children. Family of vendors that have children

of 2, children of 4 and children of 6 each comprise 10% (4) of the sample population.

Family of vendors that have 5 children comprise 5% (2) of the sample population while

family of vendors with 8 children and 9 children both have a percentage of 2.5% (1) of

the sample population.

A large percentage of the sample population of the urban poor vendors in Sitio

San Roque had either reached or finished highschool level. It has a percentage of 52.5%

(21). A percentage of 25% (10) of the sample population either reached or finished

college level. And a percentage of 15% (6) of the sample population of vendors in Sitio

San Roque had either reached or finished elementary level. While only 7.5% (3) vendors

had either reached or finished a vocational course level.


36

Most of the sample population of urban poor vendors in Sitio San Roque, with a

percentage of 27.5% (11), belong to the group of vendors who have 1 to 5 years and 11 to

15 years of experience in vending. Vendors who have vending experience of 6 to 10


37

years and vendors who have vending experience of 21 to 25 years both have a percentage

of 12.5 % (5) of the sample population. A percentage of 7.5% (3) and a percentage of 5%

(2) of the sample population of vendors have a vending experience of less than a year and

16 to 20 years, respectively. While group of vendors from the sample population who

have a vending experience of 26 to30 years, 31 to 35 years and more than 40 years each

have a percentage of 2.5% (1) of the sample population.

Most of the urban

poor vendors in Sitio San

Roque practiced the

permanent type of vending.

It has a percentage of

82.5% (33) of the sample

population. A percentage

of 12.5% (5) of the

vendors sample practiced

mobile vending such as

using karitons. While

vendors who practiced

house-to-house vending

and semi-permanent vending both has a percentage of 2.5% (1) of the sample population.


38

The largest percentage of the sample population of urban poor vendors in Sitio

San Roque offered different type of foods as their primary goods. It comprised 47.5%

(19) of the entire sample population. Also, a large percentage of the sample population

offered mixed kind of goods ranging from foods, house materials and clothes as their

primary goods. It consisted 40% (16) of the sample population of vendors. A small

percentage of 7.5% (3) of the vendors offered different type of clothes as their primary

goods. While 2.5% (1) of the sample population offered house materials as their primary

goods and another 2.5% (1) of the vendors sample offered other type of goods such as

CDs and DVDs.


39

Most of the urban

poor vendors in the sample

population of Sitio San

Roque used their own

personal earnings as their

primary source of capital

used in buying supply of their

respective goods. It

comprised 85% (34) of the

sample population of

vendors. A percentage of

7.5% (3) of the vendors‘

sample population made use

of debts from close acquaintances as their primary source of capital. 5% (2) of the

vendors utilized other sources as primary source of their capital. These include a

percentage share of income and government loans such as PAG-IBIG and GSIS.

Sidewalk near the Sandiganbayan Building in Quezon City

Few of the current vendors in the sidewalk near Sandiganbayan at Quezon City

were formerly situated at the overpass near the area. While the former group of vendors

were still in the overpass, they were able to utilize the place for a whole day. They had

the freedom of selling their various goods to passers-by at any time of the day. With that

nature, they had the higher chance of selling more goods and gaining higher income due

to their strategic location and the huge number of possible customers passing by. But,

during that time, harassment and oppression were hugely dominating the area and the

vendors. Corruption and bribery in the form of ‗lagay‘ and ‗tong‘ were felt by the

vendors. According to ―Ka Diamond‖ (2016), around four groups of individuals were

circulating the area every day to collect bribes from the vendors. This kind of unlawful


40

activity was justified as an informal means of rent for the area and for the so-called

protection money so that they will not be evicted from the area. That so-called protection

money that was given by the former group of vendors on the overpass was not at all for

protection because various cases of evictions were conducted in the area.

The former group of vendors on the overpass somehow loss their fight for the

legitimate use of the overpass as a public space for their livelihood. They were evicted

out of the overpass near Sandiganbayan and the group of vendors collapsed. Some of the

vendors were forced to seek other income opportunities in the city and some went back to

their provinces and respective hometowns. Some of the remaining members of the vendor

groups are currently re-situated at the sidewalk near the Sandiganbayan public market.

Some of the leaders of the former vendor group at the overpass remained and kept an

active fight for their livelihood. The barangay and its officers negotiated with the vendors

and were able to reach a settlement. Street vendors were given permission by the

barangay and by the city government to sell their various goods in the form of a night

market in the area. The former vendor group at the overpass and other new incoming

vendors were only allowed to sell their goods at five in the afternoon until midnight.

B) Nature of vendors

Talipapa at Sitio San Roque, Agham Road, North Triangle, Quezon City

Most of the vendors in Sitio San Roque are part of the urban poor sector. They

occupy idle land or space because they lack capacity of establishing a house or renting an

apartment. They live on makeshift dwellings and face risks from hazardous conditions.

They also lack access on basic social services such as education and health. They

subsisted daily on low income from the various goods they sell. Their income barely

meet their daily expenses on food and other basic services and large part of the income

mostly spent as payment to debts acquired as initial capital for their goods. Most of them


41

were pushed from the rural areas and pulled in to the city because of lack of opportunities

and abundance of problems in farming. Most considered seeking job opportunities in the

cities. Some vendors were formerly hired in the formal job sector but were terminated

due to the contractual nature of the job and low and delayed wages.

As what was pronounced in the review of related literature about vendors as part

of the informal economy, such group of individuals are composed of many long-standing

urban residents who are forced by their circumstances to find subsistence in the informal

sector. Evidence further suggests that people will voluntarily engage in informal

economic activities because of excessive regulation from government or to supplement

declining incomes in the formal economy. In particular, neoliberal economic policies that

promote liberalization, privatization, industrial reorganization, and migration caused the

continued growth of the informal economy (Hays-Mitchell, 2007).

According to ―Ka Ricky‖ (Interview, February 26, 2016):

“...Iniwan ko yung trabaho ko bilang isang manggagawa

dahil medyo may kalayaan sa pagtitinda. Hawak mo iyong

oras at wala kang amo. Sa pagtitinda, bagamat talagang

pagod bilang mala-manggagawa ngayon, ay nasimula

kong mabuhay ko, maitaguyod ko yong pamilya ko,

makapag-aral iyong aking mga anak...”

[―...I left my former job as a labourer because there is a

slight freedom in vending. You control your own time and

you do not have a superior. …In vending, even though

tiring as a semi-worker, I initiated making a living and

raising my family, gave education to my children...‖]


42

Most of the vendors that were able to be interviewed and conversed with by the

researcher had related statements to this. As what was pronounced in the review of

related literature about vending as part of the informal economy, individuals enter

vending in the market and the streets because of ease of entry, reliance in indigenous

resources, small scale operations and abundance of contractual nature of offered jobs.

Sidewalk near Sandiganbayan, Quezon City

Most of the street vendors near Sandiganbayan have similar situation and

experience as that of the vendors in Sitio San Roque. Some of them were also formerly

hired in the formal job sector but were terminated due to the contractual nature of the job

and low and delayed wages. And some of them were formerly vendors in other places of

the metropolitan area that were constantly evicted out because of the argument of

illegality of their livelihood. As what was pronounced in the review of related literature

about vending as part of the informal economy, most enter street vending in order to

survive. Many of the workers who lose their jobs in the formal sector take to street

vending as an option that allows them to make a living. Also, entry into this trade is

easier because it does not require high skills and the capital involved is low (Bhowmik,

2005).

C) Nature of vending

Most of the talipapa vendors in Sitio San Roque have permanent stalls or stores.

Some are mobile or ambulant vendors but usually stayed at permanent places where there

is massive volume of people passing by. Also, most of the mobile or ambulant vendors

are not residents of the community and only comes at the area during peak hours. But

some of the vendors who have permanent stalls maximize the available resources, which

is the road as a public space, and made use of their own kariton or carts that served as an


43

extension of their respective stalls. Around the area, mobile or ambulant vending does not

have much of a problem because such kind of vending can reach more potential

customers and able to be immediately moved whenever vehicles or pedestrians passed

by.2

Advantageous side of vending

Most of the urban poor in the area of Sitio San Roque selected vending as a form

of livelihood because there is a form of freedom in it. The vendors hold the control of

time or hours of work. The vendors can open and close their respective stalls or stores at

any time of the day and at any day of the week. In most of the jobs, for example, if an

employee did not meet the allotted time or hours of work, a deduction from their salary

might be done as a penalty. Moreover, they do not have a boss or a superior that they

should satisfy. This provides the vendors the authority to manage their stalls or stores and

the types of goods they offer according to their respective financial capability and

demands from their customers. In this type of livelihood setting, most of the urban poor

vendors in Sitio San Roque were able to generate sufficient income. Most of them were

able to provide for the basic needs of their family and were able to provide for the

education of their children (Bergancia, 2016; Cama, 2016; Catalan, 2016; ―Dodong‖,

2016; ―Jhun‖, 2016; ―Ka Ricky‖, 2016; ―Mario‖, 2016; Villarin-Toy, 2016).

The primary positive contribution of urban poor vendors to the whole city

residents is the offering of different types of cheap but quality goods. And most of them

consider this as essential to the everyday living of any individual due to the constant

inflation of the price of different goods. The talipapa in Sitio San Roque and other areas

are one of the few markets that provide cheap but quality goods. According to ―Ka

Ricky‖ (2016):

2 The above paragraphs are part of the researcher observation.


44

“...Mas mababa pa rin ang presyo namin dito. Kaya may

mga barangay kaming napaglilingkuran sa aming

panindahan, na kami ay nakakatulong at hindi talaga,

hindi kami umaasa sa gobyerno kundi pumapantay kami ng

paglilingkod sa mamamayan sa pamamagitan ng

pagtitinda.”

[―...The price of goods here are still much lower. So there

are certain barangays that we are able to give service

through our talipapa; that we are helping and we are really

not just relying on the government moreover we are of

equal in giving services to the citizens through our

vending.‖]

The urban poor vendors at the talipapa in Sitio San Roque are of huge help to

nearby residents and to their own residents because they chose to level the price of goods

to the low financial capability of most of the city residents. Most of the source of their

goods is the nearby wet markets, such as the Balintawak market, wherein the fresh goods

from the provinces are primarily delivered to. Thus, such wet market enables most of the

urban poor vendors to buy goods at low price and offer them at also a low price with only

little profit. Based on participant observation on March 1, 2016, when the researcher

joined Nay Bo, wife of Ka Ricky, when she bought supply of goods in the Balintawak

market, the researcher observed that goods like fruits, vegetables, dried fish, seasonings

and other variety of goods were offered at extremely low price and mostly in wholesale

quantity in the Balintawak market. The buyer is also given the freedom to choose the

quality of goods being bought and the freedom to bargain to further lower the offered

price to accommodate one‘s budget.3 Moreover, the urban poor vendors in Sitio San

Roque informally negotiate within themselves to offer goods at a low price since their

supply of good was bought from mostly wholesale quantity thus also low prices. The low



45

prices mostly apply to goods such as fruit and vegetables. The prices of goods such as

fish, meat and chicken are harder to control but such goods are still able to be offered at

low prices. Even though the price of different type of fish and sea foods are irregular due

to fluctuating amount of catch, most of the urban poor vendors who sell it are able to

adapt and offer it at still low prices. Also, even though the price of meat and chicken are

mostly controlled by the capitalists and huge markets, the vendors are still able to adapt

by relying on other cheap sources and others self-capacity on being able to produce and

process their own meat and chicken products (―Ka Ricky‖, 2016).

On the day of March 1, 2016, the researcher observed most of the goods acquired

in wholesale quantity are manually packed in plastic bags in quantities determined by

each vendor in accordance to the whole determined quantity of the urban poor vendors in

the area for each product or good. More often, most of the vendors made excess when

putting the amount of product or good in each plastic bags. This practice of the most of

the urban poor vendors is hugely beneficial to the customers.4

Throughout the participant observation, the researcher also observed every stalls

or stores allows the tawad system wherein the customers can freely bargain with the

vendors on further lowering the price of goods they are buying. The tawad system is

usually allowed by vendors to their suki or regular customers. Based on the researcher‘s

understanding as a Filipino citizen, the tawad and suki system is a common practice in

the Filipino culture and society, during buying goods or services in particular. The tawad

depends on the type and quantity of goods or services bought by the customer or on the

personal acquaintance of the buyer to the vendor. This system is most often used to

attract customers and retain a regular pool of buyers. On a first look, the tawad system is

somehow detrimental to the urban poor vendors due to the already minimal profit they

gain at offering goods at low price. According to Nay Bo, if you look at the other side of

that system, the tawad system somehow functions as an additional service to most of the

city residents who have minimal financial capability. An example, on the day of February



46

24, 2016, the researcher observed Nay Bo, wife of Ka Ricky, constantly entertaining suki

and even other customers whenever they demand for a tawad to the goods they are

buying. Most of the times, Nay Bo and other vendors themselves are the ones offering a

tawad to the good they offer.5

As observed by the researcher, the vendors also exercised good etiquettes in

approaching their customers. They usually used endearing terms so that the customers

will feel at ease. They are able to offer cheap goods because they have access to a nearby

public market which is the source of goods directly from the province and offers goods at

bulk proportions that are at a more affordable price rather than buying in retail.6

Other than the low-priced goods the urban poor vendors offer, most of them also

contribute to the tax system in the country. Although in indirect means, most of the

different goods of the urban poor vendors are taxed through Value-Added Tax or VAT.

Contrary to the argument that they are illegal so as the goods they offer, they get the

supply of their goods through legal markets that followed the legal tax system. Moreover,

most of the vendors contribute to the society through acquiring legal documents and

clearances from the government such as valid permits, community tax certificates and

barangay clearances (―Ka Ricky‖, 2016).

5 The above paragraphs are part of the researcher‘s observation.

6 The above paragraphs are part of the researcher‘s observation.


47

Disadvantageous side of vending

Legal or Illegal

One of the common problems faced by the urban poor vendors, whether they are

vending at the streets, sidewalks, parks, idle private or government lands, talipapa and

other public spaces, is the issue of them being illegal and unlawful. An example, in Sitio

San Roque, there is an incident wherein almost the entire talipapa were considered illegal

despite of the permits they acquired from the barangay. According to Ka Ricky, most of

the urban poor vendors have always been active in gathering any needed requirements for

their respective stalls and stores (―Ka Ricky‖, 2016).

Eviction and Demolition

In Sitio San Roque, the most evident problem faced by the urban poor vendors is

the possible eviction of residents and demolition of their houses because of the

privatization of the area under the public-private partnership project under the name

‗Quezon City Central Bussiness District‘. Even before the onset of the project, the urban

poor vendors and other residents of Sitio San Roque had experienced several incidents of

demolition in the past years. On September 23, 2010, a wide demolition was done in the

area and the vendors and other residents felt huge difficulties. Most of their houses were

destroyed. Moreover, most of the vendors lost their stalls and stores thus losing their only

livelihood. Even though some vendors were able to save some of their goods, there was a

huge decline in their income as a result of the poor condition of their surroundings such

as muddy walkways and destroyed houses left by the recent demolition. They felt they

were left out by the government, the institution who should be helping them (―Ka Ricky‖,

2016).

The order of demolition directed towards the area is in connection to the project

of the government and the private sector. One of the problems that can be considered here

is who will benefit from the current development project. On the side of most of the


48

urban poor vendors, the Quezon City Central Business District project is disadvantageous

for the urban poor vendors and thousands residents of Sitio San Roque. They will be

evicted away from their current site which is in close proximity to their current

livelihood. And the local government offered them a questionable relocation site far from

the city. Thus, one of the demands of the urban poor vendors in the area is the

abolishment of the offered relocation site because it is difficult to be far from their jobs

and their source of income. The additional expenditure that may possibly allocate to

transportation expenses due to distant location of the proposed relocations site to the city

is a huge burden to their already low wages. Moreover, the offered relocation site

demands a large fee for those who want to acquire it (―Ka Ricky‖, 2016).

Most of the urban poor and vendors in Sitio San Roque consider the current laws

and regulations that affect them as negative because it does not help them uplift their

current conditions. In their opinion, the laws and regulations do not consider the current

state of the urban poor and vendors and it does not recognize their contribution to the city

and the whole society. Also, under the QCCBD project, the urban poor and vendors of

Sitio San Roque looks at how the local government gave the project investors appropriate

rights to plan and built infrastructure projects in the area but the local government does

not give appropriate rights for the urban poor in their claims for the right to inclusion, use

and access to the area. The law applied seems to be unequal (―Ka Ricky‖, 2016).

D) Vendors use of public space

Vendors usually make use of public spaces such as idle government or private

land, overpass, sidewalks, parks, etc. They make use of public spaces because most of

them lack the capacity in acquiring stalls on private and commercial establishments. Most

of the vendors in the city are poor and only rely on strategic use of available resources

that they can only utilize. Also, public spaces are usually where massive amount of

individuals passes by. And a huge variable for the any vendors‘ income rely on the

vibrancy of pedestrian flow which are possible customers to sell goods to.


49

According to J. Caingles (2016):

“…Kung may galawan man, mabigyan din ng espasyo na

mas maayos. ...hindi na lang kami iwanan nang basta-

basta na lang na ano, basta na lang kami alisin.

…kailangan yung lilipatan hindi din malayo dito sa

pinagtitindahan. …Bigyan nila ng konkretong ano,

konkretong karapatan,.. Yung pagka-legalize”

[If there will be a movement (of vendors), a proper space

should be allotted. We should not be immediately

abandoned and evicted. If, for example, there will be a

moving (of vendors), the place for relocation should also

not be distant from their former vending places. …they

should give a concrete, concrete right of being legalized.‖]

As what was pronounced in the review of related literature about vending as part

of the informal economy, the urban poor comprise most of the vendor population. For

them, urban public spaces serve as an important avenue for their economic activities. And

for the poorer section, this is where they can buy goods at a cheaper price (Bhowmik,

2010). Vendors often use urban public space for their livelihood. Particularly, they

occupy places with high pedestrian flows. However, they cannot sustain regular amount

of customers due to their vulnerability to evictions enforced due to their ‗illegality‘. Most

individuals engaged in the informal economy face inadequate labor protection, and social

security. Their incomes are low and irregular and work conditions are poor (Hays-

Mitchell, 2007).


50

Discussion of the Results

The discussion of the results and analysis is divided into three parts: a) problems

of eviction and demolition, b) the vendors‘ claim and rights to the use and access of

urban public spaces and c) mobilization and organization of vendors in asserting their

rights.

A) Problems of privatization, eviction and demolition

Currently, there is a massive privatization of public markets in the city. This may

result in the eviction of urban poor vendors and an increase in rent on stalls that cannot be

afforded by most of the vendors. Along this, there is also a huge increase of

establishment of small supermarkets by huge corporations. Such supermarkets have more

capacity in the promotion and selling of their goods that might eventually diminish the

commercial capacity of nearby public markets. This will greatly affect the livelihood of

vendors and other sectors that rely on public markets. Suppliers of the goods and services

of public markets will also be affected. Most of all, consumers will also be affected by

the diminishing of public markets because they rely on the cheap goods and services it

offers. According to J. Caingles (2016):

“...Kaya iyon yung problema kung mapupunta sa mga

private kasi magiging bahagi yun eh. Magkakaroon ng mga

tent na ipapagawa, ang magpi-finance private. Nasa likod

yung mga local government. Sila-sila na lang ang kumikita.

Hindi na kumikita ang, ang mga vendors. Kaya iyon yung

problema.”

[...And that is the problem if it will be part of the private

sector because they will be included. There will be an

establishment of tents that will be made and the private

sector will be financing it. It will be supported by the local

government. They are the only beneficiary of profit. We are


51

not gaining any income, the vendors. And that is the

problem.]

According to this statement, other conversations with other vendors and personal

observations, in the viewpoint of the urban poor vendors, privatization is detrimental to

their livelihood. Though the Philippines has a national policy, the government continues

to refuse recognising most of the street vendors and it takes harsh measures to clear them

off the pavements. They are victims of police harassment, evictions and destruction of

their property (Bhowmik, 2005). These instance is also evident in the current situation of

other public market or talipapa vendors. These has to do with the issue on laws that affect

street vendors and other group of vendors. Policies are conflicted toward the recognition

of vending as legitimate work. They are inconsistent, which keeps the legal status of the

hawkers in a precarious condition. Moreover, the lack of awareness of vendors about the

policies affecting them is also a major concern. In a study conducted by Mcgee and

Yeung in 1977, it identified that developing Asian countries tended to adopt policies

unfavourably disposed towards the informal sector, which happened to be uncritical

continuations of colonial policies (Gomez & Recio, 2013). In such ambiguous legal

situations, street vendors may feel that the law no longer applies to them or they do not

fully respect it (Milgram, 2011).

B) The vendors’ claim and rights to the use and access of urban public spaces

As what was pronounced in the review of related literature about the use and

definition of public space, public space can be claimed by any member of the society but

at the same time falls under the jurisdiction of the state. It does not only serves as an

economic space but also as a multi-layered, rich political space. It provides social and

cultural benefits. Urban public places is where different kinds of people can interact and

exchange goods and services. However, with the emergence of globalization, urban

public space are reduced to being considered only for their property value rather than


52

their use-value. It excludes individuals who are not financially capable (Forrest, 2003;

Gomez & Recio, 2013). And in the current trend of privatization under the program of

PPP or the public-private partnership program of the government, it hinders what a public

space should be. It excludes the less financially capable and puts low recognition to the

urban poor. The program sees privatization as a mean and as an end in the process of

development. But, when the researcher analyzes the issue at hand, it is evident that most

of the PPP programs seeks for a higher rent that can only be accomodated by the middle

class and the upper class. It also diminishes the rights of the urban poor vendors to

receive a decent livelihood.

The urban poor vendors are demanding for their rights and not an imaginary

demand. They are only asking to be equally treated in the process of development along

with the investors and capitalists. And they are not demanding much. They are only

demanding for enabling conditions and basic social services. But the opposite of these are

what is happening. The government and the private sector often protest about how public

places are polluted by vendors. They think that urban public places are their exclusive

property. The upper class perceives urban public places as private spaces and excludes

the poor (Bhowmik, 2010). The government, which consists mostly of the wealthy and

upper class, helps in the proliferation of these ideas. It views vendor‘s use of urban public

space as an obstacle to their plans of ‗modernizing‘ cities. Vendors are also seen as

violating the ‗appropriate‘ use of urban space which supposed to be ‗for the people‘—the

middle and upper class (Milgram, 2011). In simple terms, urban poor vendors only

demand for equal treatment and inclusion to development projects. Basically, they are not

demanding in their propositions and will try their best in adapting to whatever programs

that are deemed by the government and any development institutions as suitable for them

(―Ka Ricky‖, 2016). The urban poor vendors request for the right to be part of the process

of the determination of the legitimate owners of right to the city, right to a decent

livelihood, right to the inclusion in urban planning and planning of development projects,

and right to the use and access of urban public spaces.


53

In the right to the city context, the idea proposes a radical vision for a city beyond

the rule of state and capitalism, beyond the detrimental regulations of the government and

the high regards to profit gains. The everyday experience of living in the city entitles one

the right to the city rather than an individual‘s citizenship. The society should move

towards the idea of a collective ownership and management of space. It should be

inclusive of the vendors and all other sectors in the society. It emphasizes the importance

of the use value of urban space over and above its exchange value. The city is a complex

whole and should not be reduced in mere economic terms and as a marketable

commodity. UN-HABITAT and UNESCO have led an effort to conceptualize the right to

the city as part of a broader agenda for human rights. It encourages urban policies that

promote justice, sustainability, and inclusion in cities. It proposes a large number of new

rights for citizens, such as participation in urban decisions, affordable housing, cultural

rights, physical safety, municipal services, and sustainable development. Their main goal

is to argue that the right to the city should be seen as a human right (Purcell, 2014).

Vendors, which are comprised mostly of the urban poor sector, have a legitimate

right in a decent livelihood and in the use of public space. They are citizens of the

Philippines and have equal rights as other members of this nation. The government

should reconsider the issue of legality of vending and its various forms. Development

programs and projects in its various forms should be more inclusive, more transparent

and more sustainable.

C) Mobilization and organization of vendors in asserting their rights

Group of urban poor vendors strengthens collective action and establishes groups

that will unite their needs and demands to the government. Most of the vendors in the

covered areas strengthen their fight for their rights through collective action and

formation of organization. It can be shown that success in the fight for their rights can be


54

achieved through active participation on planning form of actions against current

problems.

In Sitio San Roque, the vendors were successful in their fight against the planned

demolition in the area that occurred in September 2010. The current established vendors

association in Sitio San Roque helped the vendors and residents in uniting their

standpoint against vague development projects such as the Public-Private Partnership

project of the Quezon City local government and the Ayala Land Incorporated that were

in opposition to the legitimacy of vendors in having a decent livelihood and rights to the

use and occupation of the land. As a means of spreading news and information in the

area, the vendors association utilized a community radio. The device helped a lot in

analysis, understanding and distribution of issues that directly affect the community and

their livelihood.

In the area near Sandiganbayan, the street vendors were currently given a place or

area wherein they can make a livelihood. Through the determined actions of the active

leaders, from the overpass near Sandiganbayan, they were re-situated on the sidewalk

near the public market.


55

Conclusions and Provocations

Either public market vendors, talipapa vendors or street vendors, the situation of

the urban poor vendors in the city is similar and related. The causes of the growth in their

population are results of the incapacity of the government to provide decent livelihood in

the formal sector. The disadvantageous situations in the rural areas are also not changing

thus the migration from the rural areas to the city is still of high amount.

The government‘s lack of action in providing basic social services induces the

urban poor vendors to proliferate in the urban public spaces. High rents and disabling

regulations offered by the private or the public-private partnership programs are not

affordable to the urban poor vendors.

Also, extreme lack of inclusion of the urban poor vendors in planning and use of

urban public spaces are evident. However, despite the local government not regarding

urban poor vendors as an important part of the economy, they play an important role of

providing cheap goods and services to any community.


56

Recommendations

In the analysis of the findings, the researcher found it necessary to discuss and

analyse the right of urban poor vendors in being included in the planning of the

users of urban public spaces. It also important to critically analyze the provision of

formal infrastructures offered by the government under the PPP programs will entail an

effective solution for the recognition, legitimization and inclusion of urban poor vendors

in development programs.

Instead of allocating public funds for the demolition of vendors and the urban

poor, the city government should initiate programs and projects that allocate spaces for

street vendors and other group of vendors that uses public spaces. The government should

recognize the importance and legitimacy of urban poor vendors. Also, the

government should start on building up sufficient funds for urban poor vendors in order

to ensure their basic right for decent living, sustainable income and basic social services.


57

Limitations of the Study

The research aims to discuss the situation of urban poor vendors and their rights

to use and access to public spaces. In this study, two groups of vendors are covered. On

one hand, this may be an advantage because the researcher obtained a general view on

different type of vendors and their related struggle for their livelihood. On the other hand,

this may also be a disadvantage because the researcher was not able to focus on the

situation of a particular group of vendors. The literature and studies for each group of

vendors, although may be similar and related, has each own exceptional cases. Vending

in the streets may be different from vending in the sidewalks and public markets.

The research was not able to discuss the policy and regulations that have a direct

affect to the vendors‘ situation. Laws and regulations of the government serve as one

important factor in the analysis and consideration of the determination of the rights and

privileges the vendors should possess. The research study was not able to explore the

benefits or limitations of policies, laws and regulations that may determine the level of

inclusion or exclusion of vendors in the use and access of public spaces. Moreover, as a

result, the research analyzed the legitimacy of vending of the urban poor, the vendors‘

claims to the rights in the use and access of public spaces but the research does not

discusses how such claims and views can be utilized for possible formulation of policy

propositions.


58

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61

Appendices

Appendix A: Cover Letter for Key Informant Interviews




Petsa: ________________

_____________________

______________________

______________________

Ginoo/Ginang:

Isang mapagpalayang araw!

Ako po si David Gemmil C. Babat, isang estudyante na nasa ikaapat na taon sa kursong

BA Development Studies (Araling Pangkaunlaran) sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas -

Maynila. Ako po ay kasalukuyang nagsasagawa ng isang malalim na pananaliksik

tungkol sa kalagayan ng mga maralitang manininda sa bansa at sa mga iba‘t ibang

pamamaraan sa paggamit ng mga pampublikong espasyo (―A Critical Analysis of

Vending as a Livelihood Dependent on the Occupation of Urban Public Space‖). Ito po

ay isa sa mga rekisitos sa aking pananaliksik para sa aming asignaturang DS199.2

(Research Methods II).

Kaugnay nito, ako po ay naniniwala sa kahalagahan ng inyong mga kaalaman at

karanasan sa inyong larangan o hanapbuhay na lubos na makaaambag sa pananaliksik na

ito at sa iba pang literatura at mga pananaliksik patungkol sa mga maralitang manininda.

Tungkol sa partikular na panahon at lokasyon ng panayam, marapat na magtakda po kayo

ng naaangkop na iskedyul na maluwag sa inyo. Gagawin ko po ang lahat ng aking

makakaya upang umangkop sa inyong nais na iskedyul at makagawa ng isang maayos na

panayam.

Kung mayroon man po kayong mga katanungan o puntong nais linawin, maaari niyo po

akong maabot o makausap sa pamamagitan ng text messaging o e-mail.

Contact information: mobile (+639166487525) |

email ([email protected])

Maraming Salamat po!


62

Lubos na gumagalang, Sa pahintulot ni:

David Gemmil C. Babat Prof. Rommel Linatoc

4th Year BA Development Studies Thesis Adviser


KASUNDUAN

Bago isagawa ang panayam na ito, ang kapanayam ay marapat na mayroong lubusang

pagkakaunawa sa mga sumusunod:

1. Maayos na naihayag at naipaliwanag ng mananaliksik ang mga partikular na bagay at

layunin na nais malaman at maabot ng pananaliksik.

2. Sa panayam na ito, humihingi ng pahintulot ang mananaliksik sa malayang pagsang-

ayon ng kapanayam sa gagawing interbyu.

3. Gagamitin lamang ang mga impormasyong makukuha bilang isa sa mga pangunahing

pagmumulan ng mga impormasyon sa isinasagawang pananaliksik at hindi sa iba pang

layuning hindi naitakda o naipaliwanag ng mananaliksik.

4. Ang pagkakakilanlan ng makakapanayam ay papanatiliing konpidensyal sa pagitan ng

mananaliksik at ng makakapanayam.

5. Ang mga makukuhang impormasyon ay papanatiliing konpidensyal sa pagitan ng

mananaliksik at ng makakapanayam

KATIBAYAN

Ako, _________________________________________________________, ay

ibinibigay ang aking malayang pagsang-ayon sa mananaliksik upang maging parte ng

panayam na ito. Ito rin ay nagsisilbing katibayan ng pagkakatukoy at pagkakaunawa sa

sakop at layunin ng panayam at ng pananaliksik.

_____________________________ ________________________

Lagda Petsa


63

Appendix B: Guide Questions for Key Informant Interviews

MGA KATANUNGAN

Sa pagtitinda:

1. Ano-ano ang mga dahilan kung bakit napili ang pagtitinda bilang kabuhayan?

2. Sa inyong palagay, ano-ano ang mga naitutulong o naikasasama ng inyong kabuhayan

sa inyong pamumuhay, sa lokal na komunidad, sa ekonomiya, at sa gobyerno?

3. Ano-ano ang mga problemang kinakaharap niyo sa pagtitinda?

4. Ano-ano ang mga partikular na hakbang ang ginawa o ginagawa ng lokal na

pamahalaan at ng mga nagdaan at kasalukuyang gobyerno upang maisaayos ang uri ng

inyong hanapbuhay? Ano-ano ang mga positibo o negatibong epekto ng mga ito?

5. Sa inyong kaalaman, paano nakakatulong o nakakasama ang mga kasalukuyang batas

ng ating pamahalaan sa inyong kabuhayan?

6. Ano-ano ang mga problema at programa/serbisyo ang inyong nais pagtuunan ng pansin

para umunlad ang inyong kabuhayan at katayuan sa buhay?

Sa pampublikong espasyo:

1. Ano po ang pampublikong espasyo para sa inyo?

2. Ano po ang naibibigay na tulong sa inyo ng mga pampublikong espasyo?

- Sino-sino ang nagmamay-ari ng nasasakupang lugar o puwesto kung saan

nagtitinda?

- Ano ang uri o estilo sa pag-okupa sa lugar o puwesto sa pagtitinda?

- Paano pinangangalagaan ang mga pampublikong espasyo?

3. Ano-ano ang mga pamamaraan ng paggamit sa mga pampublikong espasyo para sa

hanapbuhay at iba pang mga pang-araw-araw na gawain?

4. Sa inyong kaalaman, paano nakakatulong o nakakasama ang mga kasalukuyang batas

ng ating pamahalaan sa pagtukoy sa karapatan sa pagmamay-ari o paggamit ng mga

pampublikong espasyo sa siyudad?


64

- Kayo ba ay mayroong sapat na kaalaman sa mga batas at regulasyon patungkol

sa mga pamamaraan sa pag-okupa sa mga pampublikong espasyo?

5. Ano-ano po ang maibibigay ninyong alternatibong pamamaraan sa pagtingin at

paggamit sa mga pampublikong espasyo?



65

Appendix C: Sample Transcriptions of Key Informant Interviews

Interviewer: David Gemmil C. Babat

Interviewee: Ka Ricky, San Roque Vendors Association (SRVA) and KADAMAY

[This interview was done thru personal meeting]

Before the interview, the researcher sought free, prior and informed consent including the

researcher‘s identification, brief description on the purpose and objectives of the study, a

guarantee of anonymity, confidentiality and voluntary participation for the participant

and an offer to provide a copy of the findings.

Interview

David: Magandang umaga ako si David Gemmil C. Babat, 4th Year BA Development

Studies, UP Manila. Magsasagawa ng panayam kasama si Ka Ricky, PRO ng SVRC,

SVRA (SRVA dapat).

Ka Ricky: Ako si Ka Ricky na sumasang-ayon sa panayam ng isang estudyante na si

David na mag-interview sa aking mga, yung talambuhay ko bilang isang kaanib ng

SRVA ng San Roque Vendors Association. At bilang tagapagsalita ay sumasang-ayon

ako sa kaniyang panayam sa akin.

David: Maraming salamat po Ka Ricky. Unang katanungan po, ano po yung mga dahilan

kung bakit napili ang pagtitinda dito, partikular sa San Roque, bilang kabuhayan?

Ka Ricky: Bali totally noon, isa akong manggagawang janitor sa isang kumpanya at

kontraktwal yon. At ‗yong panahon na yon 1980‘s ay nagsimula na akong magtinda dito.

Iniwan ko yung trabaho ko bilang isang manggagawa dahil medyo may kalayaan sa

pagtitinda. Hawak mo iyong oras at wala kang amo. At hindi ka obligadong sa tamang

oras ay pumasok ka. Kung ikaw ay ma-late, magkakaroon pa ng bawas ang iyong sahod.

Sa pagtitinda, bagamat talagang pagod bilang mala-manggagawa ngayon, ay nasimula

kong mabuhay ko, maitaguyod ko yong pamilya ko, makapag-aral iyong aking mga anak

at hindi pa naman sila tapos nasa highschool pa naman sila. Pero yung kinakian ng mga

anak ko ay.. hindi nga nakatapos dahil sa.. hindi naman pananatili ng sapat na sahod na

kinikita namin sa pagtitinda kundi tama lang at sapat lang para sa aming kabuhayan.

David: Pangalawang katanungan ho, sa inyong palagay.. Yun nga, halos naipaliwanag

nyo na rin ho yung naitutulong sa sarili niyong pamumuhay. Pero (ano) yung naitutulong


66

nyo sa lokal na komunidad, yung mga suki nyo na galing pa nga ho sa ibang lugar, sa

lokal na pamahalaan ho?

Ka Ricky: Bali, kauna-unahan sa panahon na hinantungan namin sa loob ng tatlumpong

taon na karanasan namin ay masasabi namin sa hanay ng mga manininda ng San Roque,

ng SRVA, ay nakapaglilingkod kami sa bayan, sa mga mamimili dahil ang presyo rito sa

Sitio San Roque ay hindi nalalayo sa presyo ng Balintawak, na pinagkukunan namin ng

aming paninda. Kaya mababa ang aming paninda, konti lang ang tubong inaano namin.

Napagkakasunduan ng mga vendors na mababang magpatubo, na dagsa ang aming

pamimili. Malakihan ang pamimili namin, para pagdating dito sa may komunidad ng San

Roque, mababa naming maibigay. Ganun din sa isda, sa mga presyo ng isda. Kaya lang

dun sa may karne, sa manok at baboy ay hawak na yan siyempre ng mga malalaking

kapitalista na iisa ang presyo. Pero kahit papaano, kung sariling katay lang mula sa

baboy, ay mababa ring naibibigay ng mga taga-rito. At ganun din naman sa mga manok,

sa mga nakakahango ng mababang presyo, naibibigay din ng pantay dun sa palengkeng

pangunahing kinikilala. Mas mababa pa rin ang presyo namin dito. Kaya may mga

barangay kaming napaglilingkuran sa aming panindahan, na kami ay nakakatulong at

hindi talaga, hindi kami umaasa sa gobyerno kundi pumapantay kami ng paglilingkod sa

mamamayan sa pamamagitan ng pagtitinda.

David: Kaakibat nito, may mga problemang kinakaharap sa pagtitinda? Yun, sa loob ng

tatlumpung taon.

Ka Ricky: Bali nung una ay maayos at matiwasay ang aming pagtitinda. Pero parang

umigting nung panahon na ngayon ay sa panunungkulan nga ng Pangulong Aquino ay..

Nung kay Gloria pa lang ay naramdaman namin na iginigiit na mapalayas kami sa

komunidad na ito. Na mga lehitimo kaming maralita pero parang napag-initan yung amin

bang, aming samahan dito, yung sa vendors. Unang-una binigyan kami ng violence of

ano.. violence of business dahil wala raw kaming mga permit. Wala daw kaming

kinuhang mga ano. Pero meron naman kaming mga barangay permit. At nung kumukuha

kami netong panahong sinasabi nila na binigyan agad kami ng violence ng pagtitinda,

agad-agad naman kami na noon pa lang kumukuha kami ng permit sa city hall. At ang iba

naman dito ay mayroong nakakakuha ng permit. Pero etong panahon na ‗to, hindi na

kami binibigyan ng permit mula sa city hall kasi ang aming daw lugar ay commercial lot

na. Eto na nga, kaakibat na nito nung September 23, 2010. Malaking demolisyon ang

ginawa rito at kaming mga manininda ay napakahirap ang dinaanan. ‗Serebals‘ kami at

iniwan kami ng gobyerno na wasak ang mga tahanan dito dahil malaki ang nabawas sa

amin. Ang aming mga paninda ay bumagsak at talagang nagsikap kami papaano namin

mapapaunlad pa ulit yung aming negosyong kinamulatan dahil lumaki ang baba ng aming

kita. Pero sa kabila nito, lumakad kami sa aming city hall, sa aming Mayor Bistek at sa

mga congressman para mapagawa yung kalsada namin. Nasira ito. Naging putikan ito

dahil sa mga trak na pumasok nung demolisyon. ‗Di syempre lubak-lubak ito. Pero nung

araw naman, maayos naman. Ineespalto ito. Pero ngayon, magmula noong 2010,

iniwanan kami ng ganyang sistema at talagang kalunos-lunos yung aming lugar, putikan

na putikan. Pero hindi kami tinugunan ng city government tungkol sa kalsada namin dito


67

sa loob ng palengke, yung kahabaan ng Alcoy. Kaya ang pinagkaisahan namin, mula sa

tulong din ng mga kagawad, Kagawad Ardiez at tsaka yung si Lufring, at ang mga

kasamang Muslim sa lugar na ito, ay nagakaroon kami ng meeting. At naimungkahi ko

nga nung una ay nagbaba ang barangay dahil sa dengue dahil mabaho na nga itong aming

lugar. Yung kalsada namin ay putikan. Talagang hindi ka makakadaan. Napakahirap

pumasok ng mga mamimili. Bagsak talaga ang aming kabuhayan. Pagkatapos, binigyan

pa kami ng barangay na ayusin namin, maglinis kami. Eh paano mo naman malilinis

namin, eh puro putik yan. Umulan man.. umulan man at umaraw man, putikan pa rin kasi

sira-sira at lubak-lubak yung daanan kaya nagrerequest kami na maayos pero hindi kami

pinagbigyan. Kaya noong kami ay lalo kaming ginigipit, mula nga sa barangay, sinabing

linisin namin yung mga pasilyo, mga kanal. Ang ginawa namin ay napagkasunduan

namin na itulak muna na maipasemento ito ng galing sa aming sariling pawis: tapat mo,

semento mo. Ayan nakita ninyo, naging maganda na ang takbo ng aming palengke at

naayos yung kalsada. Yun yung hinanakit namin sa aming lehitimong city government,

na hindi kami natulungan pero okay lang. Naipakita pa rin namin sa gobyernong ito na

kayang-kaya naming magsikap ayusin ang aming lugar para sa aming sariling pawis. Yun

yung.. yun yung mga pangyayari na parang may sama kami ng loob sa sistemang umiiral

sa gobyernong ito.

David: Ibig sabihin ho, yun nga, yung nakikita kong sementado na yan, tapos maayos na

bahay na, sariling sikap? Siyempre kolektibong aksyon niyo na. Yun nga, kahit papaano

walang tulong ang gobyerno?

Ka Ricky: Yun. Yun talaga ang nakikita mo naman. Pero may mga ilang kalye dyan na

bandang dun sa dulo na hindi na naasikaso na maipasemento dahil talagang napakahirap.

Pero ngayon okay naman. Pero ngayon, patuloy kaming nakikipagbaka para sa karapatan

namin sa paninirahan at kabuhayan dahil gustong-gusto kaming ilipat. Talagang nakikita

mo naman ngayon, katabi na namin yung matataas na building. At ang katanungan namin

ngayon, sino ang makikinabang sa napakalaking itinitayo na mga building na ‗yan? Na sa

wari at pagkakaalam namin, sa tulong ng KADAMAY, ay naiproklama sa amin na ang

makikinabang lang pala neto ay iilang tao lamang kaysa sa mga libo-libong pamilya na

nakatira dito na dapat mapaglingkuran ng aming gobyerno. Mabigyan kami ng sapat na

serbisyong panlipunan sa lugar na ito. Bagkus para kaming ipinagtatabuyan at inaalok

yung mga bulok na relokasyon na babayaran pa namin, sa tagal naming naninirahan dito

na hindi kami nagbabayad. Nakapagbibigay naman kami ng sapat na buwis sa

pamamagitan ng aming mga produktong binibili. At ang mga paligid ng mga mall dito ay

pangunahing... kami ang number one mga talagang nagbibigay ng ambag para sa kabang-

yaman. At tuloy-tuloy naman din ang mga nagtatrabaho rito na nakapagbibigay ng

pagkuha ng mga pangunahing barangay clearance, NBI. ‗Di syempre may mga bayad yan

at yung mga sedula. ‗Di kasama kami na nag-aambag, nagbubuwis para sa kabang-

yaman. Na hindi yata nakikitang hinihingi namin ang sukli na pagmamalasakit ng aming

gobyerno, ng aming city government. Na ilaban kami sa aming pananatili rito, na huwag

na kaming itulak sa malalayong relokasyon dahil napakahirap ng malayo sa trabaho. At

kung kikita ka naman ngayon, wala namang sapat na suweldo. Ang baba ng suweldo.

Mauuwi lang yung pamasahe mo sa kikitain mo tapos magbabayad ka pa ng bahay doon


68

sa relokasyon. Iyon yung pinakamasakit na karanasan namin. Na hanggang ngayon,

bilang tagapagsalita ng vendors, itinutulak namin ang labang ito kasama ng mga

militanteng grupo para kami ay patuloy na masuportahan at mailaban yung aming

karapatan sa paninirahan at kabuhayan.

David: So.. yan.. siyempre. Siguro kung ako ang gobyerno, ang sasabihin naman namin:

‗may mga polisiya kami‘, yan, may mga batas nga tayo‘, ‗may health ordinance tayo‘.

Kaya, for example, naipasara yung Cloverleaf Market. Pero, yun nga, siguro.. banggit ng

partikular na.. yan.. kasalukuyang umiiral na sistema ng, yung batas po, yung regulasyon.

Ano po, kung meron man, positibo o negatibong epekto nito?

Ka Ricky: Di syempre, para sa amin, negatibo para sa amin yung batas na ipinapatupad

dahil kitang-kita naming mga maralita na tila parang hindi ‗to makataong pagbibigay ng

batas o ng proklamasyon para sa city government. Na katulad nung Balintawak,

ipinakikita pa nila yung larawan ng bagong development. Eh di hindi kasama ang mga

palengke. Na gusto lahat ng palengke, gibain ‗to. At makikita naman yung larawan. Hindi

maitatago. May larawan silang ipinakita roon na ganito ang porma. Dito rin sa amin sa

North Triangle, sa Balintawak, sa Cloverleaf. Kaya kami, dito sa Sitio San Roque, may

alyansa kontra demolisyon kami na sama-samang pagkilos para hadlangan ‗tong

demolisyong ito. Ito ay isang pang-aapi sa mamamayang Pilipino. Na hindi ito binibigyan

ng mataas na pagturing itong mga maralitang lungsod bagkus gusto pang ipagtabuyan sa

mga malalayo. At ilang beses na nangyayari itong paulit-ulit na demolisyon, walang

pirmihan. Maski sa kanayunan, pang-aagaw at pangangamkam ng lupa, ipinagtatabuyan.

Mula sa amin, dun sa karamihan dito sa Sitio San Roque, galing doon sa kanayunan.

Nagpunta dito para tigilan na yung kaguluhan. Tulad ng mga kasama naming mga

Muslim, may mga kaguluhan don dahil sa pagpasok ng mga militar sa kanilang mga

lugar, natatakot sila. Nagpunta sila rito. At matagal nang nananatili ang karamihan dito,

mga Muslim. Pero bakit tila parang walang katapusan ang pagtataboy sa mga

mamamayang Pilipino at tinatanggalan ng karapatan sa lupa. Kailan ‗to matitigil? Kami

ba ay tunay na iskwater lang sa sariling bansa? At ang namimirmihan sa magagandang

lugar katulad ng kalungsuran? Ito ba ay sapat na makikita na kami ay mga Pilipinong

walang pag-aari sa Pilipinas? May karapatan ‗tong mga kapitalista na magtayo at

palayasin kaming mga taga-ritong lehitimo sa lungsod. Yun ‗yung aming hinanakit na tila

hindi pantay ang mga pagbibigay ng batas mula sa city government at lalong-lano na sa

Malacañang. Sa demolisyon pa lang, nakikita mo doon sa papel na notice: office of the

Malacañang, office of President ang nakapirma mismo. Alam ng Presidente, na lalong-

lano na si Noynoy, na kami ay papalayasin at tila pinagbibigyan nitong presidenteng

itong si Noynoy ang mga kapitalistang katulad ni Ayala. Yun ang unang-unang hinanakit

namin. Sa ngayon, patuloy kaming nag-aabang at patuloy naming niyayakap ang

pagsasama-sama para ipaglaban ang aming karapatan.

David: Sa.. yun nga.. siyempre parang naipaliwanag.. ano, yun nga, sa ano n‘yo.. Sa San

Roque Vendors Association, ano yung napagkasunduan niyo, mga punto, mga partikular

na punto na inihahayag niyo sa lokal na pamahalaan, na aksyon o serbisyong

kinakailangan niyo nga ho dito sa inyong komunidad?


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Ka Ricky: Eh, hindi naman mataas ang unang hinihingi namin sa gobyerno. Unang-una,

ang kahilingan namin number one, kung may development man sa aming lugar na ‗to,

isama kami. Yun yung number one. Tungkol naman sa pangalawa, na kung kami naman

ay aayusin nitong mga kapitalistang ito, hindi naman kami nanghihingi. Pangalawa, hindi

kami nanghihingi ng pampapaayos ng bahay namin. Kung ano man ang gustong bahay

nila para maging moderno, kaya naman siguro naming pagtiisan. Kaya naming sikapin na

maiayos ang aming mga tahanan para hindi kami nakakahiya. Bakit ba hindi namin

maayos-ayos ang aming tahanan para mapaganda, kahit papaano maging moderno yung

aming mga tahanan. Hindi naman kami nanghihingi. Kaya naming magsikap ayusin ang

aming mga tahanan. Ilan nga rito, tumaya na na nagpaayos ng bahay na magaganda at

matataas. Tingnan nyo lang yung paligid. Kayang-kayang lahat nito. Kayang-kayang

pagsama-samahin ang aming lakas para ipantay ang kagandahan sa mga itinatayong

building na yan.

David: Kung ano yung konsepto ng modernidad, yung malinis, na ipinapangalandakan

nila, kaya naman natin. At hindi pa nga ho tayo humihingi ng yung tulong dun kasi kaya

naman natin bilang maralitang tagalungsod. Yun nga po, na siyang bumubuo rin ng isang

kalungsuran. Tama po ba?

Ka Ricky: Tama iyon. Iyon yung unang-unang talagang punto. Iyong pangalawa, eh di

siyempre, isama kami. Unang-una, isama kami sa development. Pangalawang kahilingan

namin, hindi naman kami nanghihingi—ang kahilingan, pagbigyan kaming maiayos ang

aming mga tahanan. Ngayon, mahigpit na ngayon. May mga security guard sa amin. ‗Pag

nagbili ka lang nga ng kahoy para ayusin mo yung bubong mo, ayusin yung mga sira-sira

mong dingding, huhulihin, kukumpiskahin. Bawal magpa-ayos. Iyon yung city ordinance

na, hindi ko lang matandaan yung number nung city ordinance na yun, inilatag namin ng

sama-samang pagkilos dito sa Quezon City yung ordinansa na yun. Na pagpapaayos,

kailangang magpaalam ka. Masyadong, masyadong mahigpit eh. Paano kung wala kang

mga kapit? Wala kang malakas na kapit dito sa barangay. Baka hindi ka pagbigyan. Oh

maging sa mga security, napakalupit. Hinihila nila yung mga ano kapag nag-ayos ka lang.

At ‗pag hindi talaga gusto nila, na ikaw ay magpaayos at kaaway ka, hindi ka talaga

makakapag-ayos. Kaya yun ang pangalawang kahilingan namin, na hayaan kami na

makapag-ayos at bigyan kami ng moderno— kung ano ang gusto nilang moderno para

maayos namin ang tahanang ito. Iyon yung pangalawa. Pangatlo, bigyan kami ng laya at

ibigay sa amin ang karapatan namin dito sa paninirahan at kabuhayan. Iyon yung

pangatlo. Maliwanag na siguro iyon at sapat na sa amin kung maibibigay ng gobyernong

ito. Kung sinoman, katulad ng pag-iinterbyu na ito, kung sakali mang lumaganap ito at

malaman nila iyong kahilingan namin, sana ito ay kaakibat ng kasagutan sa aming mga

kahilingan para sa aming karapatan.

David: Yun. Sa pampublikong espasyo naman po, yun, sa mga pag-aaral, pampublikong

espasyo – parke, footbridge, kalsada, bangketa o yung sumunod na kalsada sa mga

tinatawag na talipapa, bangketa. Sa mga ibang bansa, meron nga po itinatalaga nila

footbridge. Nilalawakan po talaga nila para sa vendors. Ano pa po yan, hindi ho ‗yan

kung saan man nanggaling. Sa mga karatig bansa po yan na Asya, Timog-Silangang


70

Asya. Sa inyo pong, sa tatlumpung taon, ano po iyong tingin nyo po sa pampublikong

espasyo? Tapos, ano po iyong mga partikular na naibibigay na tulong na.. nito po sa

inyo?

Ka Ricky: Eh di kung sa Sitio San Roque iyan, malayo kami sa mga ganyang creek at

malayo din naman kami sa pampublikong daanan. Kaya lang, kami ang pinapasok ng

pampublikong daanan. Niwa-widening ng niwa-widening at pinapaliit ng pinapaliit iyong

aming lugar. Pero iyong tinatamaan ng widening, hindi na ito pinapapasok dito sa loob na

may mga espasyo na para mapagtayuan ng bahay kundi talagang itinutulak iyong

pagpapaalis. Wala naman ditong isyu na malapit kami sa creek, sa sinasabi mong mga

daluyan ng tubig. Sa lugar na ito, maayos naman. Pero kami, sa aming kontra-

demolisyon, iyong mga kasama naming maralita dito sa Quezon City katulad ng banlat,

iyong mga tabi ng daanan ng ilog, ang kahilingan ng mga kasama namin doon para sa

kontra-demolisyon, pwede namang isaayos, pero hindi naman dapat palayasin. Dahil

kung isasaayos at papagandahin, puwede namang tirahan yung gilid at kung

ipapasemento ng maayos. Hindi iyong dahil dun ay nanatili na silang nakatira ay dapat na

hindi naman talaga ipagtabuyan kung saan nila gustong dalhin. Pagkatapos nga na

mapatalsik sila, tatayuan ng magandang pamilihan, tatayuan ng mga kung ano-anong

mga ibibigay sa kapitalista. Doon din sa gilid na iyon ilalagay. Di ang nangyari lang,

pinalayas lang yung mga tao roon, taong naninirahan doon, para sila yung makasingit

lang. Yun yung maliwanag, na sa aming alyansa kontra-demolisyon, ang mga taong nasa

creek na dapat bigyan ng pananatili roon at isaayos, hindi ipagtabuyan. Kung gaano nila

pinagbibigyan yung kapitalista, dahil nakikita mo iyong mga sinasabing ilog pagka

pinalayas ang mga squatter dyan na sinasasabing marurumi, lalagyan nila ng mataas na

bakod. Lalagyan nila ng magandang ano yan pag tapos business din ang ilalagay din dun.

Ano yung nangyari ngayon sa mga maralitang nasa tabi niyan? Pinalayas lang,

ipinagtabuyan lang sa malalayo pero ang pinagbigyan yung kapitalista pa rin. Iyon yung

malinaw na ginagawa sa amin. At ganun din ang sistemang ginagawa rito sa Sitio San

Roque. Papaalisin kami tapos lalagyan ng condominium, papaupahan nila. Milyon-

milyon ang kikitain nila pero walang bahagi ang maralita na ibibigay doon para

serbisyong panlipunan sa mga relokasyon. Matapos maitapon dun, wala na ring pakialam

ang gobyerno. Oh. Suriin na mismo ninyo kung mali ang sinasabi ko, kung tama, tungkol

diyan sa mga pangunahing lugar na pampublikong kinatatayuan ng maralitang lungsod.

Kung iyan ay pampubliko, pwede namang iusog at maayos namang sumusunod ang mga

maralitang lungsod tungkol dyan. Pero ang pinakamasakit, matapos mapaalis dyan, ang

mga nasa pampublikong daanan tulad dito sa Sitio San Roque, lalagyan naman nila ng

building. Eh di ngayon, kitang-kita na po ang ebidensya. Ano po ba ang ginawa sa tabi ng

EDSA? Hindi ba malaking building ang itinayo. Nung mapalayas ang ilang libong

pamilya ng Sitio San Roque, ngayon ang itanayo ‗don building, tindahan ng mga

sasakyan. Yun, kitang-kita. Bakit napagbigyan yoon? Bakit kami hindi kami pinagbigyan

pagandahin? Kung pinaglaanan kami ng gobyerno para pagandahin, nandiyan kaming

mga bahay namin. Hindi ba kami pwedeng.. Wala ba kaming karapatan para doon

manirahan sa gilid na ‗yan? Sino ang may karapatan? ‗Yang mga kapitalista na ‗yan?

Sobra namang pang-aapi yan sa mga maliliit. Parang gusto namin na ring magh_______

sa ganitong sistema. Parang gusto na rin naming t_______ ng a____ at m_______ na lang


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para labanan ‗tong lehitimong gobyernong umiiral na ‗to. Parang gusto na namin.

Nanggigigil na kami sa pang-aapi sa aming maliliit. Pampubliko raw daanan. Bakit nila

tinayuan ngayon ng business?

David: Kumbaga, ang itinuturing po nilang ‗publiko‘, hindi iyong maralita. Ano iyong

maralita kundi sila ‗publiko‘? Parang, yun nga, sa sistemang ‗to, public-private

partnership: publiko, mga middle class, mga elitista. Tama ho ba?

Ka Ricky: Yan nga. Iyan ang ayaw na ayaw namin. Sinasabi nilang, sabi nila sa aming..

Kami, totally wala kaming pinag-aralan. Ako, katulad ko, wala akong pinag-aralan.

Parang lubos kong naintindihan sa mga pag-aaral ko, mula sa mga inilalatag ng mga

sektor ng KADAMAY, ng ANAKBAYAN, ng GABRIELA, ng mga MIGRANTE, yung

PPP, iyong sinabi mo kanina, iyon yung ayaw na ayaw namin. Akala ko noon, iyong

PPP, Public Private Partnership, sabi partner kami. Mali pala ‗yun. Yun pala, yung

pampubliko na ibibigay sa mga kapitalista para maging katuwang ng publiko at ng

gobyerno. Iyong pampublikong lupa, ibibigay dun sa private. Iyon pala yung katotohanan

noon. Hindi pala kami kasama. Eh, hindi ba malinaw na malinaw na bulok na bulok na

sistema. Katulad na nga lang ng expressway, ibinigay ang pangangasiwa sa private

partnership, yung private. Pakatapos, hanggang ngayon, nakikinabang sila ng tuloy-tuloy.

Yan na nga. Maski sa lupa. Ngayon, nakatayo na ngayon. Pinalayas na yung maraming

maralita sa tabi ng EDSA, sa Agham, sa EDSA, sa tapat ng PhilAm. Ngayon, ano ang

itinayo? Kapitalistang mga paupahan o bentahan ng mga malalaking sasakyan,

magagandang sasakyan. Pagkatapos, may condominium nasa tabi. Sino ang

makikinabang niyan? Bibigyan ba ng pakinabang ‗yan? Tutulungan ba niyan yung mga

nailipat sa relokasyon? Hindi. Hanggang ngayon bulok. Kasama namin sa pakikibaka,

para ilatag yung karapatan nila dun sa relokasyon. Walang serbisyong panlipunan.

Malayo sa ospital. Pagka nagkasakit ka doon at sinumpong ka sa sakit ng puso katulad

ko, pag sinumpong ka ng sakit sa puso baka hindi na ako umabot sa may Quezon City.

Dun na lang sa Montalban, kung saan patay na ako. Yun ang pinakamasakit na

kasaysayan namin. Na patuloy, na habang nandito kaming natitira, ipaglalaban namin ang

aming mga karapatan.

David: Kumbaga, yun nga.. na yun nga. Ang sinasabing nagmamay-ari nito ay.. Ano ho

ba.. yun nga.. yung.. Paano ho tinutukoy? Kasi ho dati nabanggit niyo relokasyon pala..

Ah, ni Paulo pala. Ni Kuya Paulo pala. Na mismong ito, relokasyon na po ito eh.

Pampubliko pero ginawang.. siyempre pampubliko naman lahat, pagmamay-ari ng

gobyerno. Pero inilalaan para, yun nga, relokasyon. Sa ngayon po, tapos, kumbaga

naiklasipika po nila, sa pagkakaintindi ko po, na pampubliko. Pero, yun nga, ilalatag

naman natin sa public-private partnership. Na nagmamay-ari pa rin, sinasabi ng

gobyerno, ipaparenta lang sa, sa mga private, sa mga mamumuhunan. Tama po ba?

Ka Ricky: Tama iyon. Yung sinasabi na public-private partnership, inalok ng gobyerno

sa mga kapitalista iyong lugar na ito tapos papalayasin ang mga maralitang nakatira dito.

Na dati naman, yung.. sinoman ang nakakatanda, 1980s, ginawa yung SM Annex, iyong

SM mismo. May mga iskwater dyan na naninirahan. Itinulak muna at inilipat dito muna


72

sa.. Eto na nga yung naging Sitio San Roque. Maraming mga tao rito, mga siguro‘y ilang

bahay, mga kulang kulang sa dalawandaang kabahayan o wala pang dalawandaan.

Inilipat dito. Akala nga namin, siyempre sa tagal ng panahon ngayon na umabot na ng 30

years. Eto na yung pirmihan nila, relokasyon na ‗to. Eh bakit ngayon gigibain na naman?

Walang tigil habang mapapakinabangan at maging sentro. Kung halimbawa, sa lugar ng

Bulacan, nagiging sentro na ngayon. Baka yung mga paligid dun na na-relocate dun

papalayasin na naman ngayon. Sa haba ng takbo ng sistema ng.. ng tagal ng panahon na

umuunlad. Pag umuunlad, ibibigay sa mga kapitalista iyong lugar. Papalayasin itong mga

dating naninirahan. Wala talagang pinagkakaiba. Wala talagang katahimikan itong mga

maralita, itong mga mamamayang Pilipino. Kapag nagustuhan at naibigan ng mga

dayuhan, ibibigay ng gobyerno. Kailan matitigil ang ganitong sistema?

David: So.. yan.. Sa laban ng.. Kaya sa laban ho ninyo, paano yung pagtukoy niyo sa

pag-okupa sa lugar? Yung kolektibong aksyon niyo sa paggamit nga ng pampublikong

espasyo? Na unang naitala nga na sa inyo na pala pero yun nga nagiging pribado pala.

Ano yung.. Paano niyo.. Ah.. At sa kabuhayan ninyo, paano po pinauunlad niyo yung

pampublikong espasyo na sinasabing hindi daw epektibo? Mas maunlad daw yung

inilalatag nilang condominium, ganyan.

Ka Ricky: Bali yung ganung sistema, yun nga, sinasabi nga nila na pampubliko ay

malinaw na malinaw na nga kanina na naipaliwanag ko na. Na ganun talaga ang

ginagawang sistema sa amin. Sasabihin ito ay nasa mali kami, nasa pampubliko kaming

katayuan. Eh yan nga, nadabi ko na kanina, pagkatapos kaming paalisin, ang itatayo

naman itong mga kapitalista. Lahat ng mga lugar pagmasdan ninyo, lahat ng mga

dinedemolish. Pagkatapos mai-demolish yan sino.. ano ang ilalagay nila dyan? Di

syempre mga kapitalista. Makatao ba yun? Yun lang, paulit-ulit na lang ganyang

sistemang ginagawa sa amin. Hindi lang dito sa Sitio San Roque, sa pangmalawakan, sa

buong bansa ng Pilipinas. Kahit mapa-probinsya, kahit sa kalungsuran, yan, ganyan ang

nangyayari. Puro pagkakaibigan ng mga kapitalista, ng mga, may mga, naghaharing-uri

sa ating lipunan, sila unang pinagbibigyan. Wala silang pakialam na kung ano man ang

dami ng mga taong maaapektuhan basta mapagbigyan lang itong malalakas na kapitalista.

David: Bilang dagdag, kumbaga, hindi rin po nila nakikita kung paano.. paano po

napaunlad ninyo yung pampublikong espasyo. Kayo po yung nagtayo ng daan, may linya

ng tubig na nakukuha naman sa barangay, sa lokal. Pero kayo na rin po mismo yung

nagdedetermina di po ba? Na yung pabahay, yung mga materyales na ito, hindi naman po

sila yung nagbigay. Tama po ba?

Ka Ricky: Tama. Yan nga yung sinasabi ko kanina, na pinaliwanag ko na kanina, na

parte kami ng buwis. Isipin mo na lang yung tubig namin. Iyong ilaw namin, sa Meralco

yan. Eh di siyempre nag-aambag kami. May mga taxes yan. Yung tubig namin, kinabitan

ba yan basta ng gobyerno? Bigyan kami ng tubig dito. Eh, bagkus, pinagbibintangan pa

kami ng gobyerno, ng city government, na magnanakaw kami rito. Yun yung

pinakamasakit. Hindi nga kami nanghingi sa mga politiko pambili ng pako para

makapagtayo ng bahay dito noong panahon na naghihirap kami. Noong panahon na


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talahiban ‗to, hindi pa ito nadedevelop ito, napalawak namin ito, nadevelop namin ito.

Naging isang barangay ito, isang kanayunan, isang barangay na pinamimirmihan ng mga

tao, mga tulugan ng mga tao. Iyong mga tao na manggagawa, nandito. Nabuo itong

barangay na ito. Nandito kami. Hindi ba nakikita ng gobyerno na mga tao ang nandito?

Hindi ito mga hayop. Pero ano ang ginagawang sistema. Nakita mo, nakaamba ang mga

bakod. Binakuran kami para sa pagsisilbi kay Ayala. Hindi namin malaman kung sino

ang nagbabayad sa mga security na ‗yan. Kung pera ba namin din, galing sa katas ng

aming pawis, yung aming buwis ang pinambabayad sa mga security na yan o yung Ayala

ang nagbabayad. Hindi namin maintindihan. Ano ang sabwatan ng ganyang sistema?

Yun.

David: Ah.. yun ho.. ah.. yun sa.. eh di yun nga.. nabanggit nyo na rin.. sa..Kulang rin

naman po yung pinag-aralan natin, paano.. eh sa side.. ah, siyempre.. yun.. Sa tulong po

ng KADAMAY, mga tumutulong sa maralita, KADAMAY, GABRIELA, iba‘t ibang

mass organizations. Pero sa side po ba ng gobyerno.. Kasi hindi ba minsan pag political

rally, syempre pinapangalandakan po yung kanilang plataporma, ganyan. Pero sa mga

araw-araw na pamumuhay, tapos na ang eleksyon, taon na, meron po bang nangyayaring

parang for example health drive. Ganito dapat ang gawin niyo sa kalusugan. Ganito yung

batas na ipinapatupad. O basta na lang po ipinatupad iyon tapos hindi niyo nga po mismo

alam yung mga partikular na punto nung batas.

Ka Ricky: Eh di tungkol nga dun sa inaasahan namin, na serbisyong panlipunan. Eh di

syempre, dumami na ang mga tao dito. Nadevelop na ito. Nasaan ba ang tulong ng

gobyerno rito? Wala nga eh. Hindi nga namin.. wala kaming nakikita. Katulad niyan,

yung health center, giniba na nga eh. Yun yung pagamutan, yung check-up-an ng mga

bata, yung pagamutan ng mga buntis diyan sa labas na nasasakupan ng Sitio San Roque.

Tinanggal na, ginigiba na. Wala man lang nilipat dito sa looban para dito yung klinika o

kaya eskwelahan. Eh ngayon, yung mga eksuwelahan ng mga nursery dito na galing sa

DepEd, nakaamba na ring tanggalin. Matapos mapaunlad ng mga mamamayan dito na

nagkakalumpol, nagsisikap na mabuhay at hindi nagiging perwisyo sa pamahalaan, bakit

ganito kalupit ang binibigay na pamamaraan sa amin?

David: Kumbaga, yun nga, sa parte ng kaalaman nga, wala man lang information drive

po ba, na parang katulad ng isang kampanya? Ganito yung batas. Ganito yung gagawin.

Kumbaga, lantaran na lang po tayong pinapaalis. Katulad na lang po nung siguro nung sa

Cloverleaf Market, hindi po sila.. madumi, tigil muna. Eh, paano yung impormasyon?

Tapos, yung mga manininda bumabalik rin kasi nandun yung hanapbuhay. Tama po ba?

Ka Ricky: Oo. Pero, eh ano natin yung Balintawak, talagang pinag-iinitan. Eh di ganun

din. Eto na lang sa amin, sa loob ng San Roque. Kita.. kita mo ha. Nakita na lang namin

ang gobyerno ngayon nung kami ay pinapalayas na. Ibibigay na sa amin yung batas na:

‗Hoy, merong batas na karapatan ng gobyernong palayasin kayo dyan kasi nasa ana na to

eh, nasa pag-aaral na, nasa pagsusuri na. Na, ang lupang ito ay komersiyal. Di namin..

Ngayong kaming mga mangmang, parang gusto agad kaming pasunurin sa gusto nila, na

batas na: ‗Umalis kayo dyan kasi sa gobyerno ‗yan‘. Parang ano eh.. tao ang.. Parang ang


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tingin ko dyan, parang hayop ang tingin sa amin eh. Parang kaming mga: ‗Oh, mga bobo

‗to. Madali ‗tong lokohin‘. Kaya, hindi naman sa pinagmamalaki namin yung

KADAMAY, ang.. yung mga Bayan Muna na naglunsad dito ng mga pag-aaral na ito

yung.. ito yung karapatan ng mamamayan. At tama naman. Kahit naman bobo. Kami,

kahit hindi kami nakapag-aral, meron kaming pang-unawa sa tama at mali. Kaya iyon

ang aming pinaglalaban, yung tama. Ano ang mali sa pinaglalaban namin para sa aming

karapatan? Ano ang serbisyo na hindi ibinibigay sa amin ng gobyerno? At ang gusto ng

gobyerno, sumunod kami sa isang salita lang. Na hindi naman namin namulatan na

sinusuportahan kami rito at naibibigay yung tama na serbisyo para sa aming mga

maralita. Pagkatapos, hindi na kami naghahabol doon. Yun na lang karapatan namin

ngayon sa paninirahan at kabuhayan. Sana unawain ng gobyernong ito, kung sinoman

pang mauupong Pangulo sa aming.. sa aming bansa, sana maunawaan ang katayuan ng

mga maralitang lungsod. At dito sa mayor namin, kay Mayor Bistek, sana rin kung sakali,

kung siya pa rin ang manalo, sana naman maunawaan niya yung katayuan namin dito sa

Sitio San Roque. Na huwag ng ibigay sa mga kapitalista ang kabuuan ng North Triangle.

Ipantay ang aming karapatan, karapatan ng mga developer, karapatan ng mga kapitalista.

Yung karapatan din namin huwag yurakan dito. Iyon lang ang aming masasabi.

David: Kumbaga. iyon na rin ho iyong mga alternatibong paraan sa kung paano kayo

dapat tingnan. Na sinasabing kaunlaran para sa inyo. Batas, para kanino ba ‗yun? Sila ang

gumagawa tapos tayo.. tapos hindi pala tayo kasama ‗dun pero tayo ang lubos na

naaapektuhan. Tapos yung sa.. yan.. yun nga.. makataong kaunlaran. Kumbaga, sa ano..

teorya, human rights-based approach to development. Sa punto po ng, yun nga,

partisipasyon na.. partisipasyon sa pagitan ng komunidad at lokal na pamahalaan, halos

nabanggit niyo na nga rin po. Pero, yun nga po, babanggitin ko na lang po para mas

malinaw. Ano po iyong pagsulong ng partisipasyon? Tatlo pong dekada, ano po bang

nangyari sa palitan man lang ng.. bargaining man ba yan? Ano po ba ang nangyayari?

Ka Ricky: Yung anong.. anong parte? Anong?

David: Partisipasyon po. Kung.. Kung isinasama po ba tayo sa paggawa ng batas,

kinokonsulta. Katulad po nito. Pag-aaral po ito para partisipasyon niyo po, ng gobyerno,

ng akademya. Pero sa punto po.. sa parte ng lokal na pamahalaan, ano po yung binibigay

nilang mga tu.. ah.. aksyon para masabing o kaya masabi man lang nila na partisi.. na

kasama kayo.

Ka Ricky: Ah, yung,, yung katulad nyan. Eh, di syempre hinihingian kami ng ano. Pero

wala yun eh. Kasi ang paglapit nila ngayon dito para mapalayas na lang kami eh. Kung

may pumunta man rito at magturo, ang itinuturo: papaano kami lumayas dito; papaano

kami umalis. Pero sa tatlumpung.. Sa tatlong dekada nang paninirahan ko dito, wala

akong maisip na kung ano ang ginawa nila rito eh. Ngayon, kapagka eleksyon, maraming

nagpupunta rito. Noong araw, nung.. nung.. Nung bago mag-2010, iyong mga dating

eleksyon na nauna, yung kay Erap, yan. May mga espalto, inieespalto ‗to, ‗yan. Eh kaso

lang, pagdating naman nung malapit nang magkandidato nung kay Noynoy, wala ng..

wala ng nagawa rito. Wala nang inayos dito eh, para makita namin gumagawa ang


75

gobyerno rito eh. Wala namang pag-aaral dito na ganito ang aming.. ganito yung aming

ano rito. Wala kaming naiisip. Wala akong matandaan. Hindi ko alam. Siguro, maari

kang magtanong sa iba kung meron ginawa rito yung gobyerno, kung anong nilatag dito.

Yan, maraming nilatag dito kapagka eleksyon. Ngayon, katulad nyan, panay ang

mudmod ng mga nakaupong.. Yung mga nakaupo nakakapagpamudmod pero yung hindi

pa nauupo syempre walang ipangmumudmod. At, siguro naman, sa pagsusuri namin,

iyong mga.. mga hindi namumudmod ngayon ay nagtitiwala naman kami na mayroon

namang mga tumatakbong hindi naman aasa at hindi nangungurakot. At yun ay sana

maitayo at mapag-isipan ng aming kasama, mga kasama rito sa North Triangle, na

makapaghalal ng mga totoong tao na uupo sa gobyerno.

David: Yun sa, yun, level ho ng transparency, yan. Di ba transparency, walang

korapsyon, sinasabi, o kaya yung accountability. Siyempre, ‗pag accountability o kaya

lahat ng bagay, two ways po yan eh. Perong yung accountability po.. Kasi kitang-kita

yung accountability o pananagutan po ba ng gobyerno. Siyempre, sa larangan po ng mga

maralita, kitang-kita naman po yung pananagutan niyo din po sa pananagutan po na ibig

sabihin ay yung sa pagtatrabaho niyo, hanapbuhay. Kung, yun nga po, sa, nililinaw ko rin

lang po, na sinabi niyo na hindi naman po kailangan.. na humingi ng tulong, ganyan. Pero

may pananagutan din po kami na kung mayroong relokasyon, maayos, susunod naman po

kayo di po ba nga?

Ka Ricky: Alam mo, may mga nauna sa amin na relokasyon, na-relocate. Sa nangyayari

ngayon dun sa relokasyon, hindi namin, parang ayaw na naming tanggapin yung

relokasyon. Talagang tanggapin na namin yung laban. Wala man lang kaming makuha na

relokasyon dahil kami ay lalaban. Lalaban na lang kami. Siguro, pagka hindi kami

mananalo dito, magiging.. maraming lehitimong iskwater na lang kung saan kami

pwedeng makapagtayo ulit. Iyon na lang ang aming magagawa. Kaming maiiwan..

naiiwan dito dahil parang ayaw na naming tumanggap dun sa relokasyon. Kasi, sinabi ko

na nga kanina di ba, hindi naman tayo magiging paulit-ulit, wala talagang serbisyo na

ibinibigay ang gobyerno dun sa relokasyon. Walang makitang sapat na serbisyo-

panlipunan kaya lalong tumitindi ang ngitngit namin. Kaya lalo kaming tumitindi, ng

panawagang manatili kami rito.

David: Kumbaga ho nga, yung, sinubukang.. ibig sabihin sinubuka niyo nga ho eh.. na..

pero yung naabutan niyo, wala rin ho. Tapos yung sa transparency, ahh.. yung pondo ho

ba na.. Kasi meron po tayong informal settler fund, yung sa DAP. Yung transparency ho

ba lang ba ng paggagawa siguro ho ng mga kalapit na kalsada, yung ano, public bidding

na tinatawag natin. May mga.. sa.. meron po ba tayong, kahit papaano, masasabing

transparency ng gobyerno?

Ka Ricky: Wala eh. Wala akong makita-kitang ganun. Kasi, katulad sa relokasyon nga

no, ayos naman ang mga kalsada ron pero yung.. yung tinayong mga konkretong bahay

don, eh baka isang suntok ko lang, eh lulusot yung kamay ko dun sa kabila eh. Sana,

ayaw ko na ring maging paulit-ulit dun sa relokasyon na yan, bulok talaga yung

relokasyon. Alamin ninyo yung nasa relokasyon at kung papano yung katayuan nila ron,


76

kalunos-lunos. Maaring marami ring nagtagumpay, oo. Kasi nga may mga hanapbuhay,

may mga nag-abroad. Iyon pa rin yung mga pangunahing nagtatagumpay. Pero yung mga

maralitang talagang umaasa sa kabuhayan, pang-araw-araw, dito nagbabalikan. Ang dami

na naming nagsipagbalikan dito. Kaya yung talagang laban, lalo pa naming pinapaigting.

Pagkatapos, yung pinakamagandang relokasyon na malapit dito, on-city, eh hawak ng

Bistek bill. Sino ba yan? Si Mayor Bistek. Na, ang pwedeng pumunta ron ay yung mga

may kakayanang magbayad ng mahal. Yan ang pinakamasakit. Oh, di ba. Bakit

nakapagtayo sila ng Bistek bill? Pero ang nandon, pinapasok, yun lang karamihan may

mga SS (SSS), may GSIS. Oh, yun mga talagang nasa poder ng kapangyarihan pa rin ang

nakikinabang at lalo pang korapsyon ang mga ginagawang ganon. Dahil, kung sa

pagsusuri lang namin sa kontra demolisyon, na mayroon kaming mga pag-aaral dyan na

tunay na totoo at alamin ninyo, malaki ang korapsyon sa mga ginagawang Bistek bill,

sobra ang kurap. Sobrang.. Bilyon-bilyong.. Malaki ang nakukuha nilang pera sa

pagtatayo ng mga Bistek bill. At maging sa mga relokasyon ng Montalban, ng Gaya-

gaya, bilyon-bilyon ang kurakot na hindi talaga.. Malaki ang pinakinabang nila kaya

parang gustong-gusto nilang itulak ang mga tao roon. At patuloy na gagawa sila ng

relokasyon para makakurakot sila ng malaki. Ginigisa nila kami sa sariling mantika

namin. Na kami ay magbabayad ng mahal pero wala namang totoong pabahay na

maayos, yun. Yun lang. Mahirap na talagang magpaulit-ulit pero sana hindi.. hindi lang

ako ang ma-interview dahil marami namang mga tao na nandito, na talagang ipaglalaban

yung karapatan sa paninirahan at kabuhayan.

David: Yun ho, yun nga, sa.. siguro magpapalinaw na rin, ah.. Halos lahat po nung.. ito

nga, katanungan, yung tinatawag nating human rights-based approach to development,

yung esensiya nya, partisipasyon, accountability. Halos nasagot nyo na nga rin ho sa mga

paunang tanong, pero, kumbaga, yun nga, paliwanag lang ho ulit. Kasi di ba, yung punto

natin ito, ito, ito, ito. Pero naii-compress ho siya sa mga partikular na esensya na naayon

nga dun nga sa makataong kaunlaran. So, sa susunod na talong tanong, siguro mga punto,

partikular na punto, maikling pahayag na lang. Kasi halos nasagot niyo na.

Pagkakapantay-pantay, hindi iyong diskriminasyon. Yung parang hayop, na ganyan pero

mamamayang Pilipino tayo. Tapos. Empowerment. Yan, pampublikong serbisyo at

lehitimo yung laban natin. At mga maikling pahayag na lang po. Una, sa pagkakapantay-

pantay o pagbababa ng diskriminasyon sa mga maralitang tagalungsod.

Ka Ricky: Ano yan? Yung panlima ba ‗yan?

David: Etong pangatlo.

Ka Ricky: Pangatlo.

David: Pagkakapantay-pantay. Sa aspeto po ng pagkakapantay-pantay, equality. At, yun

nga, na halos nasagot niyo na nga rin ho. Pero konting paglilinaw lang.

Ka Ricky: Yun na nga. Yung pagkakapantay-pantay sa uri ng.. pamumuhay namin na..

Ano ba? Iyong tingin ng gobyerno sa amin? Talagang makita mo naman hindi na pantay.


77

Hindi ka na.. hindi na.. Hindi na ‗to kailangang tanungin pa ‗yung mamamayan eh. Hindi

mo na kakailanganing isa-isahin eh. Manood.. Pumunta rito yung gobyerno. Sinong

gustong maka-ano. Siguro, baka may mga media na lalagyan para sabihing.. na pantay-

pantay ang tingin ng gobyerno sa amin. Pero may mga mamamahayag din na

pinagmamalupitan ng sistemang ito sa amin. Pupunta nga lang yung mga media rito eh,

haharangin ng security guard. Nasaan ang karapatan ng mamamayan? Pantay ba? Hindi.

Hindi pantay ang tingin ng gobyerno sa mamamayang maralitang lungsod, hindi pantay.

Mas pabor sila sa mga kapitalista na may kalayaang gumalaw, may kalayaang kumilos,

magpaayos, magpa-upa. Kung tutuusin nga, kami rito eh.. talagang kami.. Kami yung

apektadong-apektado sa mga pinaggagawa ng gobyernong ito eh. Isipin mo na lang

namumuhay kami ng tahimik at payapa rito, nagkaroon ng ganitong sistema. Hindi

pantay. Kung aayusin man lang, sana kami eh di naayos kami. Hindi yung.. Yan na nga

nasubukan na namin, uulitin ko na naman, nasubukan na nga ng ibang tao na nandun eh.

Ba‘t nagsipagbalikan dito eh? Hindi na kailangang tanungin pa yung mga taong ito kung

gaano ang ginagawa. Yun na lang, pagpunta mo rito.. mas may kapangyarihan.. may

batas dito na.. Siyempre ang ginagawa netong lehitimong kapitalista, kung siya‘y

nagbabayad sa mga security guard, maling-mali yan. Isang paglabag sa karapatan ng mga

tao yan na maglalagay ang Ayala rito ng security guard, hihigpitan kami. Napakabastos

naman niya. Sobra naman garapal at ubod siya ng b______ sa ginagawa niya. Kaya hindi

sila makasagot sino ang may-ari ng security guard na yan eh. Sino ang nagpapasahod eh.

Hindi namin maipunto yan. Kung binabayaran ito ni Ayala, p________ kami neto.

B______ itong tinatayo nila. Nilalagyan nila ito ng kapangyarihang busalan kami, pigilan

kami sa aming mga karapatan. Sana mapag-isip-isip ng gobyernong ito na

pinaggagagawa netong kapitalistang ito. At kung ang gobyerno ang gumagawa neto, na

nilagyan kami ng.. kinulong kami rito. Nandito pa ang malakas na mamamayan at

maraming mga naninirahan. Ka-d_________ at isang karumal-dumal ang ginagawa nila

sa aming pagmaltrato. Na ito nga yung tinatanong mo, hindi pantay ang tingin sa amin ng

gobyernong ito. Hindi patas. Wala siyang magandang tingin. Kaya kami, talagang

patuloy naming pinalalakas ang aming hanay. Patuloy kaming kumakausap sa aming mga

kasama na ipaglaban ang aming karapatan.

David: Yun nga, sa.. Nasagot nyo na rin, empowerment. Pero makikita naman natin,

empowerment saan? Sa pampublikong serbisyo, kalusugan. Ahh.. Yan. pabahay, trabaho,

mababang bilihin. na.. konting ano lang po.. na.. yun nga.. Kung ano ang lebel.. ng uri ng

empowerment sa iyo, sa maralita, na halos nasagot nyo na, wala. Pero, tama po ba?

Ka Ricky: Oo, tama iyon. Talagang wala kaming nakikita na ano. Wala na. Parang

nauubusan na rin ako ng sasabihin. Pero parang hinahanapan ko sa isip ko, na ano bang

ginagawa ng gobyernong tulong sa amin? Parang wala akong maisip. Parang nabablanko

ako. Parang nararamdaman ko ay iyong sakit ng loob eh, pagh_________ na eh. Pag

tatanungin nang tatanungin ng kung ano ba ang ginawa ng gobyerno sa amin, parang

wala akong nakikita. Parang sumasama na ang loob ko. Parang gusto ko nang sumigaw at

m______ itong lehitimong nagpapatakbo. Sa totoo lang, sa pag-i-interview mo sa akin,

gusto ko ng magalit. Tila ang pag-iisip ko, lalong.. lalong tumitindi yung galit ko eh dahil

sa maka-demonyong pagtrato sa amin. Masyado kaming niyuyurakan talaga. Yun lang


78

ang maano ko. Ngayon, baka maraming mabait ngayon kasi mage-eleksyon.. makita..

siguro, ngayon.. pero hindi eh. Alam mo may natuklasan pa ako sa mga nakaupong

nagbibigay ng tulong ngayon, pera din namin yung binibigay eh. Kinukarakot pa nga, sa

totoo lang. Totoo yan ha. Tulong, papapirmahin ka. Tulong, dyis mil para sa inyong

kasiyahan pero ang ibibigay niyan P 6,000 lang, limang libo, dalawang libo, apat na libo

lang. Ten thousand yung pipirmahan mo. Eh kami siyempre... kami. Ayan lang ha, hindi

ko na babanggitin. Ayaw kong makipagtalo. Ayaw kong makipagtalo. Pero, ngayon,

sobrang laganap ang korapsyon. Sobrang-sobra.

David: Hindi lang naman ho tayo ang nagsasabi. Lahat.

Ka Ricky: Ayan ha, nabanggit ko na yan. Kasi nauubusan na ko ng sasabihin. Hindi ko

na lam ang sasabihin ko. Pero talagang lalo akong nanggigigil, lalo akong naghihimagsik,

lalo kong gusto kong sumigaw at murahin itong mga taong nakaupo sa aming gobyerno.

Pero, easy lang bilang sa pagkilala natin sa Diyos, timpi-timpi na lang.

David: At yun na, panghuli na rin ho ito. Parang kung.. yun nga.. parang pantapos na

pananalita, yung pagiging lehitimo, legal nung laban natin bilang tao, mamamayan ng..

bilang demokrasya. Kakatapos lang ho ng EDSA natin. Yan. Panglima.

Ka Ricky: Bali ano no. Kung sa amin, ang aming pakikibaka at pamumuhay dito, nasa

tama kami. Sa aking pagsusuri, wala kaming ginagawa at wala kaming ginagawang

paglabag sa batas. May karapatan kami na mamuhay ng maayos, mamuhay ng tiwasay at

may karapatan kaming ipaglaban namin yung aming karapatan sa paninirahan at

kabuhayan. Karapatan namin itong ipaglaban. Na sana matuldukan ng gobyernong ito.

Na tama din yung maging desisyon. Walang masamang pagbigyan kami. Wala ring

masamang pagbigyan itong kapitalista. Pantay na. Pantay na walang naaapi. Yung

gustong umalis, umalis na. Yung mga gustong magpa-relocate sa takot, nagawa na nila.

Na-pwersa nila. Ilang pulis, ilang libong pulis ang ipinadala nila para takutin ang

mamamayang ito para lumayas. Pero nandito pa rin ang mga lumalaban. Ano ba ang

gusto nila? Patayin na lamang kami? sa pakikipaglaban, sa paglalatag ng karapatan. At

pag naglatag kami ng karapatan namin, ano ang gagawin nila sa amin? Pupwersahin

kami. Kaya naman sapat sigurong luminya kami ng makapal na barikadang bayan para

pigilan ang demolisyon ng pagpapalayas sa amin. Yun lang ang masasabi ko. Maraming

salamat sa iyong interview.

David: Maraming salamat rin po Ka Ricky. Dito po nagtatapos yung panayam natin kay

Ka Ricky, PRO ng SRVA dito sa Sitio San Roque, North Triangle, Agham Road, Quezon

City. Maraming salamat.


79

Interviewer: David Gemmil C. Babat

Interviewee: Jun Caingles, Vice President, MANLABAN (Manininda Laban sa

Demolisyon at Ebiksyon)

[This interview was done thru personal meeting]

Before the interview, the researcher sought free, prior and informed consent including the

researcher‘s identification, brief description on the purpose and objectives of the study, a

guarantee of anonymity, confidentiality and voluntary participation for the participant

and an offer to provide a copy of the findings.

Interview

David: Magandang gabi. Ako si David Gemmil C. Babat, 4th Year Bachelor of Arts (in)

Development Studies, ah.. magsasagawa ng isang panayam sa isang vendor. Pangalan po

natin at parang..

Kuya Jun: Si Jun Caingles. Jun Caingles.

David: Gaano na ho kayo katagal nagtitinda?

Kuya Jun: Ah, yung tagal ng pagtitinda namin? Ay.. Siguro mga isang dekada na. Isang

dekada, oo.

David: Bakit niyo ho ba napili yung pagtitinda bilang hanapbuhay? May iba ba kayong..?

Kuya Jun: Siyempre, napili.. Napili ko yung paghahanapbuhay.....

..... ating pamahalaan ngayon ay hindi nasasapat para sa mga maralitang taga-lungsod

naman.. na maralita na tagalungsod. Ngayon, bakit natin.....

..... Ipalagay natin isangdaan din yung pagkain mo. Sa araw-araw, isangdaan iyong

pamasahe. Eh di dalawandaan na lang. Tapos, four hundred forty-four lang yung

minimum. Magkano na lang natitira? Two hundred plus. Iyong pagkain pa ng pamilya

mo sa loob, sa dalawa.. dalawang anak mo. Tapos, yung bagkit (bahagi) dun pa sa pang-

buwanan na bahay, ilaw. Hindi talaga advisable yun. Four hun., kahit mag-five hundred

ka pa. Kaya nga ang ano, kailangan ng minimum wage ngayon na nakatakda dapat, one

thousand plus. Disenteng ano yun, disenteng sahod ng mga mamamayan. Napapakain mo

siya ng tatlong beses sa isang araw. Pero yung nagtatrabaho lang, na.. hindi minimum

wage, hindi mapapakain ang pamilya sa loob, sa tatlong beses sa isang araw. Minsan,

dalawang beses lang. Masuwerte na ‗yung mag-tatlong beses kayong kumain. Eh, kami,

kahit vendors lang, napapa.. nakukuha namin yung tatlong beses na pagkain. Tiyagaan


80

nga lang, magsakripisyo nga lang sa.. Hindi naman.. hindi naman na ano.. Nangungutang

din kami ng kapital namin.

David: Saan ho kayo nangungutang ng kapital?

Kuya Jun: Eh, meron naman mga nagpapautang ng ‗five-six‘; nagpapautang na mga

microfinance.

David: Microfinance? Anong micro..?

Kuya Jun: Parang yung lending na..

David: Ah, may nakakalapit hong ganun dito?

Kuya Jun: Oo, mayron. Lahat naman na.. mayron. Iyong inuutangan namin, yung

Prime,, Prime Consortium. Nangungutang kami sa mga.. Iyong seventy thousand namin

na inuutang sa loob ng.. sa loob ng isang buwan, binabayaran namin yun. Nasa (?)

thousand lang yung tubo.

David: Ah.. Mababa rin

Kuya Jun: Mababa, oo, sa loob ng isang buwan, kaya nananatili kami dyan sa

inuutangan namin. Siyempre utang iyon eh. Ang araw-araw naman naming hinuhulugan

ay nasa two thousand plus, two-five. Para ma-absorb yung tatlong buwan.. ay, isang

buwan na pagbabayad. Eh, ang masaklap, yung biglang nagkaroon ng.. hindi kami pa-

renew-hin ng.. ng permit. Siyempre problema din namin yung utang na yun, kasi matindi.

Kasi..

David: Walang kasiguruhan dito?

Kuya Jun: Oo. Pwede nila kanselahin yung permit na ibinibigay nila eh. Totoo naman na

mayroong ano sila.. ibigay na.. pribilehiyo lang yun. Hindi iyon sinasabi na talagang

nakatulong sila, ng ano livelihood talaga. ‗Pag sinabi talagang livelihood, pang-

habangbuhay yun, pang-habangbuhay mo dapat.. Nakaano yun eh.. naka-program yun ng

pang-habangbuhay. Ganun naman talaga pag livelihood eh. Pag sinabing livelihood,

lubos na tutulungan mo ng ano, hindi iyong pansamantala, ha. Kasi yun naman yung

kailangan. Hangga‘t nabubuhay tayo, kailangan nating magsakripisyo maghanapbuhay.

Yun naman yung ano eh. Kaya nga kami ditong lahat ng ano, kanya-kanya, iba-ibang

presidente, iba-ibang ano, iba-iba, iba-ibang portion. May mga kanya-kanya kaming

organisasyon. Iyong organisasyon namin dito sa amin, yung Muslim Vendors

Association, nakapailalim siya ng KADAMAY, ng KADAMAY ano, yung KAlipunan

ng DAMAYang mahihirap. Yun yung pinaka-ano namin. Kaya sa amin dito, si Ka

Diamond yung presidente. Yan nga, yung presidente namin eh kapos din yung ano, sa

dami rin ng utang. Yun yung ano.. Kaya, kami, nangangamba rin kami na sunod na araw,

sunod na buwan, maaaring hindi kami pagbigyan ng permit.


81

David: Pero ano po ba yung parang pag.. yan.. pag-uusap sa barangay, sa city hall na..

Ano po yung parang pino-promote nila, yung sinasabi nila na..

Kuya Jun: Ay, siyempre, bago naman ibigay kasi sa amin dun sa bahagi, may

organisasyon kami. Galing kasi kami sa footbridge.

David: Oho. Yun nga.

Kuya Jun: Mayroon kaming isang ano.. Mayroon kaming samahan at lumalaban kami.

Hindi katulad sa ibang footbridge na hindi lumaban, wala silang kumbaga.. Binigyan

kami ng espasyo dito dahil dun sa paglaban namin. Hindi naman.. hindi naman ano eh..

Kasi, sinasabi nga nila, nagtitinda kami sa footbridge, mga ilegal. Bawal magtinda sa

footbridge. Ang sabi naman namin, kung pagbibigyan niyo kami o mabigyan niyo kami

ng espasyo o paglilipatan, ay mag-aavail kami dun sa mga requirements na sasabihin

nilang ano para maging legalize kami. Iyon lang naman ang inaano namin eh. Kung sa

realidad, eh hindi kami bibigyan kung hindi kami lumalaban. Pagka walang ingay, hindi

magbibigay ang gobyerno. Tingnan mo naman yung mga ibang footbridge, wala silang

mapuntahan. Mas na bukod-tangi ang Sandigan footbridge, nabigyan kami ng..

David: ..ng puwesto..

Kuya Jun: Oo. Ganito, ganito ang naging sitwasyon sa amin. Kasi, kung kukuha ka ng

puwesto na hindi ano. Naku, five thousand ang sisingilin sa ‗yo, pupwesto ka lang. Kami,

nakuha namin dito walang ano kundi permit lang. Permit lang sa barangay tapos meron

kaming pang-araw-araw na butaw. Singkwenta ang bawat isang puwesto. Ang sukat ng

singkwenta na puwesto ay one point.. one point.. ah.. one twenty meters, one hundred-

twenty meters. Yun yung sukat ng fifty pesos. Kung two forty meters yung ano mo, one

hundred yan. Mayroon yang budget din sa city hall. Bukod din sa one hundred, may

budget sa city hall. May budget din sa ibang.. ah.. Kasi kung hindi kami sasabay, na

kalakaran na yan ng ibang mga organisasyon dyan, na mas malaki pa ang singil kaysa sa

amin. Eh, siyempre, yung binebenta namin dito hindi naman ganung ka.. eh.. Ako naman

din yung Vice President.

David: Kung hindi niyo po mamasamain, parang, saan napupunta iyong butaw?

Kuya Jun: Eh, siyempre, sa..

David: Saan po parang.. livelihood rin po ba yan, ganyan?

Kuya Jun: Siyempre, ang kumukuha sa amin yung barangay. Kaakibat na rin dun yung

city hall. Mayroon din sila. May mga kanya-kanya silang budget, kanya-kanyang budget.

Yung DE, ganun ang kalakaran. Kahit man sabihin natin.. Dapat nga pagka sinabing na

legalize at na magkaroon ng ano, permit-permit, dapat wala ng gaanong singilan. Kung

kinakailangan may singilan na ganun, i-legalize nila na magkaroon sila ng resibo. Para


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papasok siya sa tunay na.. Papakinabangan ng kung ano man ang maipa-project din dun

sa pera na kinuha dito sa amin. Ay, ito wala eh, hindi yan nakakapasok sa kaban.

David: Kasi, bumili ka ng simpleng lapis lang sa seven-eleven, may resibo yan, may

VAT.

Kuya Jun: Oo, kahit sa pinamimilihan namin. Yung ano. Kung gustuhin mong humingi

ng resibo, makakapagbigay sila na may OR (official receipt). Pag hindi naman, okay

lang. Kasi, pero ako, paminsan-minsan, nanghihingi ako kapag malaki ang kinukuha ko,

nanghihingi ako ng OR. Kasi, minsan, ang sinasabi ng mga ibang ano na nandun sa

gobyerno, yung nasa city hall, ay wala kaming tax ang binabayaran.

David: Hindi daw nagbabayad ng tax.

Kuya Jun: Oo.

David: Eh, yung pinamimili niyo may tax.

Kuya Jun: Oo. Ngayon, pati yung ano daw, yung paninda walang tax. Sabi, walang

resibo. Sabi ko, nakadepende po iyon kung hindi kayo humingi ng original na resibo.

Kasi ang mga I_____ din, mga mandurugas din yan. Hindi nila pinapasok yung ano..

Kasi, pagka hiningi yung resibo, kokompyutin yun eh, kaya ganun yung nangyayari.

Pagka ikaw naman ay gusto mo ng original OR ay bibigyan ka kasi karapatan mo yun eh.

Magbigay kayo ng OR. Ganun lang. Kaya minsan, sa bahagi ko, oh sige wag mo ko

bigyan ng OR pero bigyan mo ko tawad. Bigyan mo ko.. babaan mo ko ng ano, hindi na

ako kukuha sa ‗yo ng resibo. Okay na ako, payag naman. Ganun lang sa bahagi, palitan

lang eh. Kasi ayaw niyong magbigay, bigyan niyo ako ng tawad. Ngayon, kung ayaw

niyong magbigay ng mas ma.. tawad na mababa, hihingi ako ng ano.. hihingi ako ng OR

sa kanila, pumapayag. Ganun lang ang kalakaran. Kung hindi mo rin sila yapakan, hindi

rin ano.. Ganun lang naman eh. Mautak sila, dapat mas mautak rin tayo eh. Ganun ang

nangyayari. Kaya, iyon yung nakakalungkot. Hindi naman, hindi namin yun inaano kasi

kahit walang ano, walang resibo na ibinibigay bagamat natulungan. Pero, kung talagang

legalize at nasa maayos ang sinsero sila na magbigay ng livelihood sa mga maralitang

manininda, bigyan nila ng resibo para hindi mawawala yung, may pagpapatunguhan dun.

Yung ano.. For konsiderasyon lang yung nangyayari sa amin dito kasi wala ngang resibo.

Iyon yung malinaw na kikita sila doon. Yun na talaga yun, napakalaki.. malaki ang

kinikita. Ganun yung, kung titingnan natin yung ano.. yung nangyayari sa ano namin.

Kaya hindi mo masasabing na tunay nilang dininig yun. Kasi, kapagka sinabing legal ka

na, ang kailangan natin yung may resibo na kaakibat sa, para mapasok siya sa kaban ng..

David: ..bayan talaga..

Kuya Jun: Oo, na mayroon ding makitang project. Eh, siyempre, katwiran, kung sa

barangay yan, pangpa-suweldo din nila sa mga volunteer na BSDO, yung mga barangay

tanod. Dun din daw nila sinasagot. Oo. Iyon yung sinasabi. Kasi, sa bahagi sa amin, dito


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sa organisasyon namin ay one thousand ang nakukuha nila a day. Sa amin, araw-araw,

araw-araw ay ano.. ay malaki ang makukuha nila. Sa loob ng, sa thirty days, mayroon

silang thirty thousand. Ay, thirty thousand times twelve, magkano yun? Malaki yun, ‗di

ba? Ganun lang yun eh. Thirty thousand times..

David: Mga three hundred-sixty thousand..

Kuya Jun: Oo, mga ganun. Ganun lang yun. Kaya, kung titingnan natin, siyempre, gusto

nila yung ganiyan. Ano lang naman yun eh, sabi nila, bigayan. Naaano naman kami.

Siyempre, ang nakakalungkot lang, hindi ano.. hindi pang.. hidni pang-permanente.

Kumbaga sa ano sa, yumaman na sila tsaka na kaming bibitawan, ha. Kasi three hundred

sixty thousand sa loob ng isang taon, di ba? Kaya iyon yung masakit. Pero, ganunpaman,

sabi nga namin, hangga‘t nagagamit pa yung bangketa, unti-unti ring mag-ipon.

Kailangan din higpit-sinturon. Iyon yung kailangan. Pero, mas maganda sana na, para

sabing natulungan kami, yung panghabangbuhay na ano. Meron dapat programa na

nakaano na hindi na dapat gagalawin. Kung may galawan man, mabigyan din ng espasyo

na mas maayos. Bigyan ng ano. Kumbaga sa ano ba, hindi na lang kami iwanan nang

basta-basta na lang na ano, basta na lang kami alisin. Siyempre, kung napakinabangan

kami, dapat ayusin din nila kung saan kami ilagay. Kung, halimbawa, ililipat, kailangan

yung lilipatan hindi din malayo dito sa pinagtitindahan. Kasi, kung lilipatan, kung lilipat

naman kayo, walang tao, wala rin. Hindi rin ano, advisable na ano. Durog ka rin dun eh,

wala rin eh, gutom din. Kaya, ang mangyayari babalik at babalik ang vendors sa

bangketa. Magkakaroon ng kung saan-saan mag-aano. Kaya, kung mayroong paraan ng

ano, ang pamahalaan na maayos, dapat bigyan nila ng maayos na.. Bigyan nila ng

konkretong ano, konkretong karapatan, konkretong ano, konkretong.. tawag rito.. Yung

pagka-legalize, para mapakinabangan ng ano, ng lokal na pamahalaan yung pera, hindi

lang sa iilang tao lang ang..

David: Kasi, ang ano ho eh, ang pagbebenta, hindi naman ho bagong hanapbuhay yan eh.

Kuya Jun: Hindi.

David: Kahit siguro, 1900s, mayroon ng nagtitinda sa bangketa.

Kuya Jun: Oo, ganun talaga. Kaya yun yung ano, yun yung isa sa inaano.. talagang.. ano

man, mayroon mang ganun.. Kagaya sa inyo, kayo ay nagre-research at mailalagay man

sa.. mayroon kayong babalangkasing libro, matutukoy niyo kung ano yung mga

nangyayari, ano ang mga kalakaran, na mailalagay niyo dun sa ano niyo. Na mas mainam

din na kagaya sa inyo na mga estudyante, makapag-interview sa mga maralitang

tagalungsod, maralitang manininda. Hindi naman lahat ng manininda ay may lumalaban

sa tamang ano, pamamaraan. Kami, lumalaban kami sa pamamagitan ng karapatan at

nababatay din sa batas. Kasi, ganun naman eh, sila mapagpapaalis sa mga maralitang

manininda, batas din ang ginagamit. Mayroon din tayong mga pang-international na batas

na pwede nating gamitin. Walang sinuman ang makapag-ano sa.. Kasi, ano tayo eh,

malayang.. sinasabing..


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David: Demokrasya.

Kuya Jun: Oo, bansa. Mayroon taong.. mayroon tayong batayang ano. Kaya lahat ng

mga, may karapatan. Karapatan nating mabuhay. Iyon pa lang sa karapatan na mabuhay,

tatlong pamamaraan na pang-internasyunal. Unang-una, karapatan nating

maghanapbuhay, karapatang mag-ano, mabuhay sa sariling bansa natin kaya tayo

lumalaban. Iyon naman yung.. iyon naman yung lumalaban na walang karapatan kundi

yung pinagtatanggol natin, iyong kabuhayan. Ganun yun. Walang pagkakaiba sa mga

maralitang tagalungsod na mga dinedemolish na lumalaban din. Ganun yun. Kasi ang

ipinagtatanggol mo diyan yung paninirahan. Ibebenta lang naman nila sa kapitalista na

puwede naman din.. puwede naman din i-programa ng gobyerno sa mga mahihirap na

abot-kaya. Ganun naman eh. Kung gusto nilang ano, gusto nilang umunlad ang mga

mamamayan, eh dapat isaayos hindi yung i-pribatisasyon. Kasi, kahit na, dadating ang

panahon, dahil dun sa PPP, yung public partnership ng gobyerno, ang mga vendors sa

bangketa ay magiging private yan. Magkakaroon yan ng massive na ano yan, darating

yan. Makikita iyan dun sa mga programa kung papaano kikita. Siyempre, kikita ang mga

lokal pamahalaan dyan kasi sila yung mag-aayos dyan. Iyong mga private na

namumuhunan, kikita din yun. Siyempre, katakot-takot na bayarin yun. Mas mahal, oo.

Na konti lang naman yung kinikita din. Ay, kami nga, may utang, nagtitiyaga, lalo pa

kaya. Sa one hundred nga lang na bayarin namin araw-araw eh, kapos pa kami. Paano pa

kaya kung mag-five hundred, one thousand ang isang araw, na hindi ka naman kumikita?

Kaya iyon yung problema kung mapupunta sa mga private kasi magiging bahagi yun eh.

Magkakaroon ng mga tent na ipapagawa, ang magpi-finance private. Nasa likod yung

mga local government. Sila-sila na lang ang kumikita. Hindi na kumikita ang, ang mga

vendors. Kaya iyon yung problema. Isa dun yun eh. Eh, tent pa lang, babayaran mo kung

mapupunta na sa ganung ano. Six thousand ang 1.5 na sukat. Six thousand ha. Cash yun,

babayaran mo yun ng cash. Paano kung namumuhunan lang ng ten thousand-twenty

thousand yung ano, utang pa. Papaano makabili ang.. ng tent na six thousand? Bigla mo

kaagad ano, singilin ng ganun, six thousand. Eh, mayroon pa siyang hulugan. Kasi hindi

naman namumuhunan ng.. Lahat naman ng manininda eh nangungutang. Kahit nga

mayayaman eh, nangungutang ng milyon ‗yan. Kahit nga ‗yung mga milyonaryo, tatlong

milyon, sampung milyon, nalulugi pa ‗yun dahil nasasapawan sila ng fifty million. Pagka

ininteresan ‗yung lugar mo, matatalo ka talaga dyan ng mga milyonaryong ano. Kaya yun

yung.. Walang pagkakaiba sa mga milyonaryo na maliliit sa maliliit na manininda.

Nagkakaroon ng ano talaga. Kaya yun yung ano namin dito. Iyon yung bahagi sa naging

problema. Tungkol naman dun sa, tungkol naman dun sa ano, sa ano ng gobyerno, ang

nakikita naming mga tulong, wala, lalo na ang national. Wala naman may tulong o

maibigay sa mga maralitang tagalungsod. Wala pa akong nakita na politiko na nagbigay

ng batas para sa pagpapabor ng sa mga vendors. Mayroon nagpanukala, iyong

Anakpawis. Hindi ko pa alam kung ano ang naging sitwasyon na doon sa para sa

kasiguraduhan sa mga vendors. Mayroon eh, iyong Anakpawis. Matagal na naiano yun,

buhay pa si Congressman Beltran. Hindi ko alam kung ano na ang naging sitwasyon.

Mainam sana yun kaya lang, siyempre, hindi lahat ng mga congressman ay papabor doon

sa para sa mga maralitang manininda kasi mga kapitalista din yun, mga ano. Kaya yun

yung.. Kahit man may panukala at magsusulong para sa kasiguraduhan sa mga


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manininda, useless din. Hindi rin matutugunan yung ano kasi mabibitin lang yung batas,

yung resolusyong batas na gagawin eh. Hindi pipirma lahat yung mga ano.

David: Parang nangyari dun sa SSS.

Kuya Jun: Oo. Ganun ang nangyari, gaya nga sa SSS. Kung tutuusin, kaya namang

ibigay iyon. Bakit? Bakit naman hindi eh pera naman ng mga manggagawa ‗yan. Tsaka

pinapautang nila ‗yan, tumataas ang.. sasabihin malulugi. Hindi malulugi iyong ano nun.

Kaya ‗yun lang ‗yung ano, ‗yun yung ano namin. Masasabi ko, yung mayroong maibigay

batas para sa mga vendor. At mayroon maibigay na batas para dapat sa mga vendors, na

sinasabing iligal, na hindi kaptyurin yung mga paninda. Iligal iyon eh. Kinukuha nila sa

mga vendors ang paninda, kabuhayan, ay hindi ibinabalik. Iyon ang malungkot. Iyon

‗yung nakakalungkot. Paano kung maysakit iyong anak ng, ano, nagtitinda sa bangketa?

Nakuha pa iyong paninda. Abot-langit ang problema niya, makapag-isip kung ano-ano.

Kaya nga minsan may mga.. may mga nanghuhuli, may mga nanghuhuling.. may mga

nanghuhuling mga inuutusan nila, _________ din ng mga vendor, gumaganti. Kaya,

siyempre, kabuhayan na iyong naano sa iyo. Doon ka kumukuha ng pang-araw-araw din

na pagkain, tapos maysakit pa iyong anak mo. Eh hindi ka naman puwedeng magnakaw,

hindi ka puwedeng mag-ano kung may takot ka. Except na lang siguro kung mga

magnanakaw, magnanakaw ka talaga. Anong gusto mong gawin, puwede. Eh kung may

takot ka, mas mainam na lang mag-vendors ka kaysa.. Ang akin lang, na magkaroon ng

batas dapat sa, para sa vendors, yung paninda nila hindi dapat nila, ano, kunin. Kesyo

sinasabi nila idino-donate daw nila sa DSWD para dun sa mga ano. Hindi naman lahat

iyon may pupunta doon eh. Kukunin nila iyong iba, iyong iba, iyong ibang portion, iyong

ibang parte doon. Pero hindi pa rin iyon maganda. Ipapakain nila doon sa mga.. galing sa,

galing din dito sa, kinuha nila sa naghahanapbuhay nang marangal. Ipapakain lang doon

para lang may katwitran sila, para may katwiran sila, para may katwiran sila na, na may

napuntahan sa mga hinuhuli nila. Iyon naman ang katwiran, bahagi na ‗yan eh. Marami

na sa kanila ang n________, mga nanghuhuli dahil nga kabuhayan ang kinukuha. Iyong

mga task force, task force komo, iyong ano ng Quezon City, ni Herbert (current Mayor of

Quezon City), ilan na ang n________ sa kanila dahil lang dun sa mga nanghuhuli. Iyong

hepe ng task force, n______ din yun dahil sa mga ginagawa nila na hindi maayos. Kahit

sino naman eh, naghahanapbuhay ka, marangal. Iyon ‗yung masaklap. Kahit sa bahagi ko

minsan, kung ako mahuhuli napag-isip ko sa sarili ko walang problemang mahuli ako

pero darating ang panahon, makakaganti ako. Ganun lang naman eh, ganun ang naging

ano eh, ganun ang magiging isip ng tao. Sa bagay iyong mga nag-uutos naman niyan,

iyong mga opisyal na nasa ano mayor, safety naman ‗yon. Iyong mga tauhan lang niya

ang nagiging problema. Kaya ‗yun din ‗yung isa, na ginagamit lang din yun, wala din

‗yung trabaho. Pero ang masaklap doon, nanghuhuli sila, hindi nababalik ‗yung paninda.

‗Yun ‗yung ano. Kasi katulad na lang niyan, kaya wala din silang masabing mga tulong

dito na maayos. Iyon ‗yung karanasan na nakikita sa kasalukuyang sitwasyon. Kaya wala

silang naibigay na tulong talaga rito, livelihood, sa amin. Andun na, andun na tayo.

Nabayaran na natin, nagbayad tayo ng permit. Pero may mga portion naman na, darating

ang panahon, pwedeng i-donate, may mga kasunduan. Ganun lang ‗yun, pansamantala.


86

David: Ah, Kuya, pwede ho pasabi uli yung pangalan. Naputol po kanina.

Kuya Jun: Ako si Jun Caingles.

David: Opo. Tagal sa hanapbuhay?

Kuya Jun: Sampung taon na naghahanapbuhay.

David: Pasensiya na po, naputol. Sa halos higit isang dekada niyong paghahanapbuhay,

ano po iyong naitutulong niyo sa lokal na komunidad, sa barangay, sa lokal na

pamahalaan, na taliwas dun sa sinasabi nilang na iligal nga tayo, ganiyan?

Kuya Jun: Siyempre, ang naitutulong namin yung.. Ang naitutulong namin sa lokal na

barangay ay di iyong pagpepermit namin at tsaka yung pagpepermit sa city hall at tsaka

yung araw-araw na butaw. Iyon yung bahagi ng magiging tulong, bagamat ay walang

resibo. Hindi na namin.. Iyon ‗yung bahagi naitutulong. Pero kung para sa akin na

nakakaunawa, nakakaunawa sa kalakaran ng kung ano ang dapat na maii-legalize at

magiging legal ka, matatawag ka na legal kung may resibo. ‗Yun yung ano. Sa bahagi ng

permit, legal ‗yun kailangan may resibo sila. ‗Yung ano, yung permit sa barangay at tsaka

city hall, may resibo ‗yan, legal ‗yan. Tapos ‗yung butaw lang ang hindi, ‗yung araw-

araw na.. Siyempre, dapat, ay pampublikong espasyo, pampublikong lugar iyan, eh dapat

papasok ‗yan sa lokal na pamahalaan para mai-audit, magkaroon ng audit. Kasi may

konting alam naman tayo sa mga ano, kaya lang nagbubulag-bulagan na lang tayo. Pagka

hindi nakikisama, ‗pag-iinitan naman din ‗yung mga vendor. Ganun lang, ganun naman

‗yung ano eh. Iyon ‗yung katanungan, ano ang naitulong? Iyon, naitulong namin iyon.

Tulong na rin iyon namin doon sa ano bagamat walang resibo.

David: Maliban ho sa pagkakaroon ng resibo, espasyo na talagang magiging permanente,

ano pa ho ‗yung parang kinakailangan niyo? Yun, bilang sa pagtitinda niyo, serbisyo,

mga kinakalingang serbisyo.

Kuya Jun: Siyempre, ang kinakailangang serbisyo sa kanila, ang kailangang serbisyo na

maiaano dito, na ang kailangan lang naming serbisyo o maitutulong nila doon sa amin, ay

iyong tunay na ano, ‗yung tunay na livelihood na programa nila na pang-habangbuhay

para mabigyan ng kasaganaan ‗yung mga manininda. Iyon lang naman ang hinihiling

namin, na abot-kaya rin ‗yung mga bayarin. Kasi mahirap naman bibigyan niya kami ng

livelihood na pang-habangbuhay, kung mataas naman din yung bayarin, ay hindi rin

magtatagal iyon, ang mga ano ng vendor. Kung gusto nilang magtagal ang ano, matagal

ang ibinibigay nilang livelihood o kabuhayan sa mga maralitang manininda, ay hindi nila

dapat mataas ‗yung mga bayarin. Kasi pagka mataas ‗yan, hindi magtatagal iyan,

mahihirapan din ‗yung mga manininda. Binigyan ka nga, eh hindi ka naman.. hindi

naman sapat, hindi naman kaya bayaran. Eh sasabihin naman ng local na government, eh

bingyan na kayo eh, ng espasyo. Mauuwi lang din.. At least eh nagbigay sila. Sabi nga

natin, oo nagbigay, wala namang libre. Ang inaapela lang, ang kailangan lang namin dun

‗yung hindi mataas na mga bayarin. Iyon ‗yung kailangan na serbisyo, serbisyo na tunay


87

nilang ibigay. Kasi serbisyo nila, serbisyo nila, serbisyo nilang gumawa ng paraan

papaano nila.. paano nila matugunan ‗yung pagka-legalize ng ano. Iyon ‗yung kailangang

serbisyo. Iyon ‗yung kailangan ko na maiano, mabigyan ng maayos na ano. Wala ng..

wala ng iisipin ang mga manininda na maalis. Iyon ‗yung kailangang serbisyo talaga.

David: Halos naitanong ko na rin ho lahat. Ah, yung parang.. Siyempre, nabanggit po

natin kanina ‗yung tulong rin pagka organisado ho tayo. Ano ho ‗yung parang, parang

maikukuwento niyo, parang, gaano po nakatulong iyong pag-oorganisa niyo na, ‗yun

parang, kahit papano nailagay tayo sa isang mas maayos na lugar?

Kuya Jun: Ang malaking naitulong sa organisado, iyong pagkakaisa. Iyong pagkakaisa

ng manininda, na may isang boses. Iyon ‗yung pinakamagandang advantage ng pagka

may alam at namulat sila sa.. Iyon ‗yung pinakamalaking tulong, na kailangan magkaisa

para magkaroon ng boses. Hindi naman pakikinggan.. Hindi naman pakikinggan ng..

Hindi naman pakikinggan ng ano.. Hindi naman pakikinggan ng gobyerno kung watak-

watak kayo. Kagaya nga sa sinasabi ko, bukod tangi kaming manininda sa footbridge ay

nabigyan ng nalipatan. Iyong mga ibang footbridge wala – Litex, Ever, yung Don

Antonio, Luzon. May mga footbridge ‗yan. Wala silang.. wala silang.. walang naibigay

na.. Walang naitulong ang barangay o LGU sa kanila. Basta na lang silang pinaalis kasi

wala silang boses. Hindi sila nagkaroon ng ideya papaano, hindi nila alam. Karamihan

kasi walang pinag-aralan, ‗yung ibang magtitinda. Hindi naman lahat nakapag-aral. Hindi

naman sabihin na lahat ng manininda ay hindi nakapag-aral. Marami naman ding mga

anak, marami ng mga anak ng mga manininda nakapag-aral, nakapagpatapos dahil lang

dun sa pagtitinda, napakaraming mga nakakatapos. Malaking bagay ang pagtitinda,

nakapagpatapos ng mga kolehiyo – mga pulis, may mga teacher, o mga 4 years-course na

ano. Maraming mga nakakapagpatapos. Kaya sa bahagi ng pagtitinda, malaki ang

naitutulong. Kaya ‗yun yung malaking tulong bilang organisadong, organisadong ano,

grupo at nagagabayan din kami ng mga nasa KADAMAY na kung papaano namin iano

‗yung laban. Ito, sa bahagi ng pagkakaisa namin, ay isang maliit na tagumpay. Maliit lang

ito. Hindi pa tagumpay na ano.. So, sa pamamagitan ito ng pagkakaisa ng mga vendors.

Kaya ‗yun ‗yung pagka-advantage ng organisado. Hindi masyadong malaki ang bayarin

kasi namumulat sa ano, ‗yung kaya. Hindi katulad sa iba na napakalaki. Kasi sa amin

dito, mas maliit ang aming allotment para sa, pagdating ng December. Kaya maliit ‗yung

binabayaran namin, ‗yung iba sampung libo (P10, 000). Kami wala pang five thousand

(P5, 000) ang nababayaran namin dito nung mga nakaraang taon. Pagdating ng December

kasi, ganun ang kalakaran dito, may malaking singilan pagdating ng December.

David: Bakit ho?

Kuya Jun: May moratorium silang sinasabi. ‗Yun ‗yung moratorium, ‗yon ‗yung one

month na twenty four hours na pagtitinda ng mga vendors sa bangketa sa panahon ng

Kapaskuhan. Magsisimula siya ng November 15 hanggang January 5. ‗Yun ‗yung

ibinigay na.. Pero malaking allotment ng sa vendor. Iyong ibang organisasyon, may

naniningil ng two thousand (P2,000), may naniningil ng five thousand (P5, 000). Kami

dito, ‗yung abot-kaya lang. Iyon ‗yung pagkakaiba dito. Kami ‗yung bukod-tanging


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mababa kahit saang ano. Mayroon din namang ‗yung ibang mga organisasyon na mulat

din sila, siguro, na hanggang ganun lang din, nakadepende sa ano nila. Kami dito ‗yun

‗yung naging tulong sa, sa organisadong ano, mga vendor. Iyon ‗yung tagumpay na

inabot namin.

David: Ayun po. Halos naitanong ko na rin po ‗yung mga.. Maraming salamat po.


89

Appendix D: Cover Letter for Survey




Petsa: ________________

_____________________

______________________

______________________

Ginoo/Ginang:

Isang mapagpalayang araw!

Ako po si David Gemmil C. Babat, isang estudyante ng kursong BA Development

Studies (Araling Pangkaunlaran) sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas - Maynila. Ako po ay

kasalukuyang nagsasagawa ng isang malalim na pananalikisik tungkol sa kalagayan ng

impormal na ekonomiya ng bansa at sa mga karapatan at bentahe ng pagtitinda sa kalye o

‗street vending‘ (―A Critical Analysis of Street Vending as Livelihood Dependent on the

Occupation of Urban Public Space‖). Ito po ay isa sa mga rekisitos sa aking pananaliksik

para sa aming asignaturang DS199.1 (Research Methods II).

Kaugnay nito, ako po ay naniniwala sa kahalagahan ng inyong mga kaalaman at

karanasan sa inyong hanapbuhay na lubos na makaambag sa pananaliksik na ito at sa

literatura at iba pang pananaliksik patungkol sa mga manininda.

Maaari po lamang na inyong sagutan ang mga katanungang nakapaloob sa survey na ito.

Alin mang impormasyon na inyo pong ibibigay ay ituturing na konpidensyal at gagamitin

lamang sa nasabing pananaliksik.

Kung mayroon man po kayong mga katanungan o puntong nais linawin, maaari niyo po

akong maabot o makausap sa pamamagitan ng text messaging o e-mail.

Contact information: mobile (+639166487525) |

email ([email protected])



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Lubos na gumagalang, Sa pahintulot ni:

David Gemmil C. Babat Prof. Rommel Linatoc

4th Year BA Development Studies Thesis Adviser



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Appendix E: Survey Form

KASUNDUAN

Ako, si ___________________________________________, ay ibinibigay ang aking

malayang pagsang-ayon sa mananaliksik upang maging parte ng survey na ito. Ito rin ay

nagsisilbing katibayan ng pagkakatukoy at pagkakaunawa sa sakop at layunin ng survey

at ng pananaliksik. Ang mga makukuhang impormasyon at pagkakakilanlan ay

papanatiliing konpidensyal.

_____________________________

Lagda Petsa

Instruksyon: Lagyan ng tsek ang naangkop na kasagutan. Maaaring pumili ng isa o higit

pa.

1.) Edad: Tagal sa hanapbuhay :

2.) Kasarian: [ ] Lalaki [ ] Babae

3.) Kalagayang Sibil :

[ ] Single [ ] Kasal [ ] Divorced [ ] Widow

4.) Kung kasal o may kinakasama, ano ang trabaho ng asawa:

5.) Kung mayroong anak, ilan:

6.) Lugar ng kapanganakan:

Siyudad Probinsya/Lalawigan Bayan

7.) Natapos sa pag-aaral:

[ ] Nursery

[ ] Kinder

[ ] Elementarya - hanggang anong baitang/grado

[ ] High school - hanggang anong baitang/grado

[ ] Kolehiyo - hanggang anong taon

[ ] Vocational course - hanggang anong taon

8.) Ano ang uri o estilo sa pagtitinda?

[ ] permanente sa isang lugar

[ ] semi-permanente sa isang lugar

[ ] palipat-lipat ng puwesto


92

[ ] naglalako o nagbabahay-bahay

[ ] Ibang porma o estilo, maaari lamang na tukuyin

9.) Sino ang nagmamay-ari ng tindahan at mga paninda?

[ ] Sariling pagmamay-ari

[ ] Mayroong kasosyo/kasama sa kita sa pagtitinda

[ ] Nagrerenta

[ ] Ibang dahilan, maaari lamang na tukuyin

10.) Ano-ano ang mga partikular na bagay o pagkain ang inyong itinitinda?

[ ] damit, maaari lamang na tukuyin

[ ] pagkain, maaari lamang na tukuyin

[ ] kagamitan sa bahay, maaari lamang na tukuyin

[ ] Iba pa, maaari lamang na tukuyin

11.) Anong oras nagsisimula at nagtatapos ang inyong pagtitinda? _______ - _________

12.) Sa anong mga partikular na mga araw kayo nagtitinda?

13.) Ano ang uri ng kapital ang inyong ginagagamit upang matugunan ang mga

pangangailangan sa

puhunan sa pagtitinda?

[ ] Sariling ipon

[ ] Banko o kooperatiba, maaari lamang na tukuyin

- interes

[ ] Utang, maaari lamang na tukuyin

- interes

[ ] Iba pa, maaari lamang na tukuyin

- interes

14.) Sa inyong palagay, nakasasapat ba ang inyong kinikita sa inyong sarili at sa inyong

pamilya?

Komento:

15.) Kayo ba ay mayroong sapat na kaalaman sa mga batas o regulasyon patungkol sa

inyong

hanapbuhay?

Komento:

16.) Ano-ano ang mga problemang kinakaharap niyo sa pagtitinda?

Komento:


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17.) Ano-ano ang mga partikular na hakbang ang ginawa o ginagawa ng lokal na

pamahalaan upang maisaayos ang inyong hanapbuhay na pagtitinda?

Komento:

18.) Ano-ano ang mga programa o serbisyo ang inyong nais pagtuunan ng pansin para

umunlad ang inyong kabuhayan at katayuan sa buhay?

Komento:


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