Cacao, Vanilla and Annatto Three Production and Exchange Systems in the Southern Maya

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three productionand exchange systems in the Southern Maya

lowlands, XVI-XVII centuries^

Laura Caso BarreraiMbaratorio Uttioecologiu

Cole^o de Poslff-aducidos. Campus Puehla

Mario Aliphat FernandezLahora/ono JrLtmecolo^itt

Cole^o de Poslgraduadoi, Cafttpus Puebla

AbstractIn this paper various historic agrosystems in the Maya Lowlands are examined; twD ofthem specialized in semi-intensive and intensive production of three main crops: cacao,annatto and vanilla. The paper also examines the political and military' pressure exertedbv the Itza on the l^candon and Manche Cho! territories which produced these valuedcrops. After the conquest of Verapaz, Spanish civil and religious authorities also exer-cised constant pressure over these territories and the encomimda towns of Verapaz tradedwith them to obtain cacao and annato. The Manche Choi cacao orchards are presentedas an example of true cacao plantations.Keywords: cacao, annatto, vanilla, chocolate, Sauthem Maya lowlands, traiJj'ng systems, U^d Maya,

ManrheChol, Ijjcandon.

ResumenEn este aruculo se analizan diversos agrosistemas en las derras bajas mayas, dos de los cu-alcs se cspecializan en la produccion semi-intensiva e intensiva de tres cultivos reievanies:cacao, achiotc y vainilla. Tambien se cxamina la presion pob'tica y belica que ejercieron lositzaes sobre ks poblaciones de los lacandoncs y choles del Manche, en cuyos territoriosse producian estos apreciados culdvos. Despues de la conquista de La Verapaz, las auto-ridades civiles y religiosas hispanas tambien ejercieton una presion constante sobre estosterritorios, lo mismo que los pueblos de encomienda t^ue comerciaban con los lacandonesy choles para obtener princlpaimente cacao y achioie. Las huertas dc cacao de los cholesdel Manche pueden considerarsc como ejemplos de "verdaderas plantaciones."PaJabras clave: cacao, achiote, vanilla, chocolate, tierras b^as mayas, dstemas de intercctmbio, itn^es,

choles delMamhe, lacandones.

IntroductionMote than fifty years ago, Rene MiUon provided us with the first glimpse of the

complexity of cacao production and trade in Mesoamerica where, in his words, "moneytruly grew on trees". Propert)* rights, production and regions of cacao cultivation wereiirst laid-DUt as a product of his seminal research (Millon 1955).

The regions currently studied in the production and intensification of the cacaocrop, have neglected the analysis of the historic cacao producing region located alongthe reaches of the main river systems in the Southern Maya Lowlands. This region also

journal of Lafin American Geo^aphy, 5 (2), 2006

30 Journal of Ladn American Geography

had a significant production of annatto and vanilla dtiring the XVI and XVII centuries.Cacao, annatto and vanilla are products which, together, comprise a true cultural triad,represented by the consumption of chocolate among the peoples of Mesoamerica. Inthis paper the growing, intensification, exchange and distribution of three products: ca-cao {I'heohroma cacaoh.), annatto {Bixa orellana L.) and vanilla [VanillaplanifoUa G.]2.c\i.'&on)are discussed in the regions occupied by ihe Manche Choi and Lacandon.

Because ot its edaphic and climatic conditions, the central Peten, core of the Itzadomain, is a region of poor productivity' for growing cacao (Schwartz 1992: 23-25; Atran1993: 670, 2004: 129). The consumption of ritual drinks such as cacao, flavored withannatto and vanilJa was a basic element at Itza government and council meetings, onekey reason why these produas were essential for the consolidation of the political andeconomic power of the ruling elite. All of this brought about the imperious need forthe Itza to integrate into their sphere of influence, the cacao producing regions of theLacand(Sn and Manche Choi, located in the southern area of Peten.

The iirst section of this paper describes the environmental characteristics of theSouthern Maya Lowlands. The distribudon of the distinctive ethnic groups occupyingthe region presented here, is based upon an analysis of primary sources.

The progressive encroachment of the Spanish domain beyond the Verapaz re-gion, towards the Peten, is best exemplified by the Spanish entradas which in the XVIIcenturj' brought about the final conquest of the Manche Choi, Lacandon, Mopan andItza, a conquest that had as its underlying purpose control over the rich cacao producinglands, as cacao became a highly priced commodity' in New Spain. The Itza representedthe opposing and competing regional power to Spanish intentions. The conspicuous con-sumption of chocolate by the Itza elite supported (he whole structure of production andtrade of cacao, annatto and vaniiia for the entire Maya Southern Lowlands. An analysisof the agrological components and the ethnohistory of the production, processing andtrade of the three crops is crucial to an understanding of the significant role played bythe Lacandnn and Manche Choi in the regional and wider ctjlfjnid systems. The interme-diate region between Peten and Verapaz occupied by Choi-speaking groups was, withoutdoubt, an intensive producing region which had a major impact over ihe entire area.

The regions here described also endured the impacts of conquest and financialcontrol from ihe later expansion of Hispanic doniinanct:. The Indian \-illages and in-habitants of Verapaz represented a new sector of competition for the control of theproduction of cacao and annatto of the Manche Choi and Lacandon. The Spanishconquest, at the end of the XVII centur\', and the forceful eviction of the Manche Choiand Lacandon from their territories, meant the loss of the complex systems of intensiveand semi intensive production in the re^on.

The Southern Maya Lowlands: settlements and trade routesThe Southern Maya L<jwlands compnse the Lake District of central Peten, Be-

lize and further south, lands which include the large watersheds of rivers including theUsumacinta and its tributaries, as well as part of die Sarstun, Dulce, Motagua and Cha-melecon (Figures 1 and 2). The region's altitude is below 8l.H.i meters and is characterizedby a hot and moist climate and an exuberant vegetation of lush tropical forests (Morleyetal. 1983:31-40).

The Itza, who speak a related form of Yucatec Maya, were the last independentMaya poLty of the Spanish dominion established in the Lake District of Peien (Guate-mala), where they developed an active economic and political resistance in an attemptto pre\'ent Spanish encroachment into their territory. With great determination the Itzarebuilt the old exchange system which existed in the central region of Peten and occupied

Cacao, v-anllla and annatto: three ptoduction and exchange systems 31

the vacuum left after the Spanish conquest of the Chontal Maya of Acalin. Key elementsof this exchange system were cacao, annatto, vanilla, precious feathers, slaves, victims forsacrifice as well as salt, cotton and even iron tools introduced by the Etiropcans. Theyachieved their goal by gaining control of tht Salinas de los Nueve Cerros (Figure 2)from the lacandon. This site is the only source of salt in the entire region. Once theyhad gained control of this important product, the Itza forced the Manche Choi and theLacandon to exchange this vital resource, mainly for cacao and annatto. This economicreorganization was imposed by the Itza by means of violence, especially forcing theManche Choi into submission (Caso Barrera 2002). The Itza were thus able to integrateand control, at some time, the entire production of cacao and annatto in a vast regioncovering the south of Peten, the southeast area of Yucatan and Belize, and as far as theregion of the Gulf of Honduras. This complex production and exchange system lasteduntil 1697, when the Itza were finally conquered by Spanish armies (Jones 1998; CasoBarrera 2002).

The historical Lacandon were a Maya group that spoke the Choi language (Chol-chi or Cholu according to Moran 1695), they inhabited the region to the south andsouthwest of Peten. They characterized themselves as being deadly enemies of the Itza.This people used to live originally on Lake Miramar (Chiapas) in a small island calledLacantiin, and throughout the XVI century they were constantly attacking the encomimdatowns in Chiapas. In 15.S5 the AcaSa, a tieighboring group, murdered the Dominican friarDomingo de Vico, whose death became the excuse for continuous Spanish military raids,with the goal of pacifying and conquering both the Acala as well as the Lacandon (de Vos1980: 73:75). The Spaniards started several putiidve raids into the Lacandon region, oneof which took place in 1586, under the command of Captain Juan de Morales Villavi-cencic). These military incursions forced the L.acand6n to leave their original setdements.With time, they established a new town called Sac Balam, near the Lacantiin River, wherethey planted maize, cacao and annatto orchards (T-igure 2).

The Manche Choi also spoke Cholchi or ChoW. They were located south andeast of the Peten. This people were also ravaged by the Itza, who wanted to seize theirproduction of cacao, annatto and vaniDa. However, tliis group has not bu'cn woll-studicdand it is poorly understood since, in relation to the neighboring Lacandon and Itza, itappears that their political and social organization was distinctive (Feldman 2000). Thefact of finding them organized in small setdements under the authority of one or morechieftains, and the apparent non-existence of a principal ruler in tliis group, has led someauthors to consider them as people witli "veri,' simple" social and political organization(Perez Gonzalez 1993). This image of the Manche Choi was created originally by theearly chronicles of the Dominican Order, in relation with their efforts to convert andcontrol this grf)up. The Dominican friars in general accused the C hol of being lazy,indolent, with a constant tendency to flee their towns, lacking true political oi^anization,and of haxHng neither respect nor obedience for their caatjues (Ximenez 1973 Vol. 5; Gal-legos 1676). However, an in-depth analysis of the historical sources shows the great im-portance of the Manche Choi as specialized producers of three main crops, which wereof extreme importance for Mesoamerican peoples in relation to the consumption ofchocolate, tliat: is, cacao, annalto and vanilla. Even if the Dominican friars complainedthat the Choi were lazy and poor, since they only grew smaU plots with maize, at the sametime they do mention their imponant production of cacao and annatto (AGI, Guatemala67, iai;Gallegos, 1676).

The journey towards Higueras (now Honduras) by Kernan Cones in 1525, fol-lowed the routes used by the Itza merchants towards the territory of the Manche Choi,specifically to the city of Nito, which was a great trading center, where even some neigh-

32 Journal of F arin American Geography

borhoods were occupied by people from distant places such as vVcalan" (Cortes 1981).Cortes had the opportunity to visit the Itza capital of Noh Peten and to meet with theprincipal ruler named Canek, who gave him instructions and facilitated guides who wouldtake him and his army to the city of Nito, following the routes used by the Itza traders.Canek reported to Cortes that in ihe vicinitv- of Nito "he had some vassals who servedhim working in certain cacaguataks (cacao groves), because these lands were very goodfor that purpose" {Ibid. 243). /\11 of this demonstrates that the Itza maintained closerelationships with the Manche Choi. Not only Canek had cacao orchards inside theirterritory, there were also profound economic, social and political relationships betweenthe Ir/a, the Chontal from Acalan and the Manche Cho!. The Chontal were large-scaleproducers of cacao and long-distance merchants who traded in cacao, precious feathers,jaguar skins, slaves and turde shell spoons which were very highly appreciated to drinkthe froth of chocolate (Scholes and Roys 1968: 29-30).

Cortes, in the last stretch of his trip towards Nitn, met a Chontal tradesman,which is evidence enough that the merchants did use the nver waterways and the overlandroutes controlled by the Itza. In these routes there were ports, resting places and provi-sions (Cortes 1981: 245-246). Cortes himself describes a river port called Tenciz, wherethe merchants left their canoes to travel from there towards Noh I*eten or towards Choiterritorj'. Cortes' narrative is very clear when it states that there were no cacao orchardstn the Peten core area and that they were only able to find them towards the southeast,which was mainly Choi territory. The Spanish conquest of Tabasco and Campeche putan end to the Chontal's production and control of cacao and to their longdistance trade.The Itza would fill the void left by them and would become the leading force of a newtrade network (Jones 1989; 104; Caso Barrera 2002: 231).

After the first Cortes chronicle of the Maya Southern Lowlands we have manydetailed descriptions written by the Dominican friars who entered this region from theend of the X\T century and throughout the X\'II century, tT>'ing to spread the gospeland to reduce the Manche Choi population pCimenez 1973, Vol. 5). In 1620 Fray Gabrielde Salazar wrote a thorough geographical description of the area in which he made refer-ence to the setdements of the Manche Choi and Lacandon. This friar was the first tomake a trip starting in the Golfo Dulce (close to the Bay of Honduras), traveling to thenorth along the shoreline of Belize until he reached Yucatan, continuing south throughCampeche and Tabasco, and from there traveling overland to Chiapas as a steppingstoiieto Verapaz (Figure 1). He ended his journey back in the Goifo Dulce, his staring point,thus completing the first known circuit of the Maya area. (AGI,' Guatemala 67).

Salazar later undertook a second trip through Choi and Lacandon territories andwrote a highly detailed account of the towns, the cacao and annatto groves, trade routesand exchange places, In his reports he makes reference for the first time to two mainroutes used by the Choi to reach Noh Peten, capital of ihe Itza (Figure 2). These reports,sent by Salazar to the Provincial of his order, fray Alonso Guirao, were originally accom-panied by a map, which to date has not been located. The approach used by this friar todraw his first sketch map is particularly interesting, since he used indigenous informants,mainly merchants who knew well the area, as well as some elderly people, from whomhe coliecicd information on the geography of the entire region. The budy of data puttogether by I''riar Salazar, was enriched by cross-referencing the information provided bydifferent informants as a way to draw comparisons and to confirm their geographical de-scriptions. For example in Coban, the prcmncial capital of Verapaz, he had an interviewwith a bachih. or wise man, at the barrio (neighborhood) of San Marcos. This bachih hadbeen a prisoner of the Lacandon and knew the area ver\^well. The friar gave the informera basket with cacao seeds and asked him to draw with them in the floor, by placing

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three production and exchange systems 33

Gulfof

Mexico

Pacifxc Ocean

S M L = Southern Maya Lowlands

Figure 1. The Maya Region.

rows of cacao seeds where the nvers flowed and in the localities where towns were lo-cated, the bachih was supposed to place three cacao seeds. The old man started drawing amap on the earth using the questions that Salazar was asking him as a guide to locate andname the "mouth of rivers, headlands, rocks, hills and resting places".

With the bachih's answers, Salazar started writing labels that he placed on the "riv-ers" of cacao and with this he drew a sketch map on paper. So as to confirm the infor-mation, he removed the seeds from the floor as well as his labels. He erased the mapdrawn by the old man and asked him to do it again. He did this for three consecutivetimes, undl the friar was satisfied with the old man's answers (AGI, Guatemala 67,

34 Journal of Latin American Geography

Trad* routes -

Figure 2. Routes and localities in the Maya southern lowlands.1) Rcjutc to Noh Peten via Mopan river, 2) Route to Noh Peten \'ia Rio de la Pa-sion, 3) Route to Xocmo "Feria de! Achiote" 4) Route to Noh Peten from Acalan,5) Route to Noh Peten from Yucatan, 6) Route to Noh Pcren from Belize.

f. 24v Feldman 2000: 34-36).In the descripdon made by Salazar of the Manche Choi towns, these arc distrib-

uted in an arch towards the northeast and even reached the southern coast of Belizeand from there, south to the Golfo Duke. The Choi seidements un the southern coastof Belize were Yaxhal, Paliac, Campin and Tzoite. The town of XJbiin (Sibun) was thefirst settlement of people who spoke \'ucatec Maya (AGI, Guatemala, 67, ff. 2t>v-21)(Figure 2). The towns of Tzoite, Campin and Mayapan had been granted in encomienda toHernando Sanchez de Aguilar during the XVI century, and they had been left under thejurisdiction of the province of Bacalar'' (Jones 1989: 83). These towns had large cacaoand annatto orchards as described by Salazar himself "towards the east where the drain-ages of Bacalar were, there is another large town by the name of Yaxal which has fourhundred Indians and beautiful cacao groves, because they are falling towards the lands ofTzoite, where a tot of cacao is grown" (AOI, Guatemala 67, f. 20v). These (^ho! townswhich had been subject to Hispanic dominance at Bacalar since tht* XVI century werein close contact with other Choi towns located further south. The men from Mancheused to visit these towns searching for suitable women to marry and they carried out

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three production and exchange systems 35

continuous trade with [hem. The Cho! people from Bacalar used to go to Manche as well,as happened in 1618 when die town of Campin rebelled because they did not want toobey the parish priest at Bacalar. This was the principal motive why the majority of thepopulation fled south looking for refuge {Ibid.).

The Manche Choi .Jso settled the head waters and main channel of the CancucnRiver, where several towns were located. These towns included San Miguei Manche,Chocahau, San Pablo Yaxha and Santo Domingo Yol, and they produced great quantitiesof cacao, annatto and vanilla, .icling as trade centers from where Choi traders took theirproducts either ovedand or through waterways, to the encomienda towns of Verapaz,such as Cohan and Cahabon and to other Maya towns, including the liza capital.

Frav Gabriel de Salazar also described the westernmost region which was popu-lated by the Lacandon; their principal settlement was called Sac Balam. According to thefriar, the Lacandon were settied "on the bank of the Tiiha! River" (Salinas-ChLxoy River).This river joins the Pasion Rjver and becomes the Usumacinta River (Figure 2). Northof the Tuhai River, beyond a sinkhole, the Lacandon had lands where they grew cacaoand annatto, trading these products with the Chuj of San Matco Ixtatan and with the Itzaof central Peten. There were two principal routes to Noh Peten, the Itza capital: onewent along the Tzibistun (Mopiin) River. This waterway was used by the peoples of thesouthern coast of Belize and by the Manche Choi, who used to travel by canoe for twodays until they arrived at a place called Chacchilan, where they left their canoes and wenton overland until they arrived at Lake Peten, where the Itza capital was located (AGI,Guatemala 67, f. 19v),

The other way was via the Pasion River, which reached the port of entrance of theItza, which, according to Salazar, was fortified and had the name llihec ("From WhereYou Can See the Road"] (Figure 2). This route was used by btjth the Manche Choiand the Lacandon. When the Spaniards arrived in 1695 at Sac Balam, the Lacandonesdenied being in touch or having any commercial relationship with the Itza. However,the Spanish re;iiized that they did have trade relations, because when going through theItza village of Saclemacal they found a very well- traveled trail through which the Itzaand Lacandon had access to the Manche Choi region (AGI, Guatemala 151 bis, f. 128v). There was a trading port that fray Francisco Gallegos descrihed in 1676 as the "An-natto Fair", that took place in the town of Xocmo, on the banks of the Sacaputas River,'where 40 houses had been built and many canoes were moored so that the Lacandoncould go over to Verapaz, and people from Verapaz would he able to cross over to thelands of Lacandon. It was here, at this trading port, where the Manche Choi and theLacandon met to exchange cacao and annatto. The Itza went looking for cacao as did thepeople from the encomienda towns of Coban, San Agustin Lanquin and Sacapulas in theVerapaz (Gallegos 1676: 6).

The route of the Pasion River was the one traveled by the Mercedarian priestDiego de Rivas in 169K, after the conquest of the Lacandon. Rivas left the Lacandontown of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores (originally Sac Balam) escorted by twelve menwith the goal of finding the route towards the Itza capital, which by that time had alreadybeen conquered by Captain Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi. After leaving the town ofDolores, Rivas and his group walked for four days until they boarded boats at the De losDolores River (I-acantiin River) and sailed for two days until they reached a place calledEl Bncuentro de Cristo (where the Lacanrtin River and the PasiiJn River join to form theUsumacinta). Fnjm this place they went on sailing for more than three days until theyarrived at a marsh, from where they went on sailing for two more days, after which theyfinaUy arrived at the port of entry of the ltza, the place where the canoes were left, andstarted making headway overland to the banks of I^ke Peten (AGI, Ciuatemala 345).

36 Journal of Latin American Geography

The existence of several different river waterways and overland routes used by the Choiand Lacandon traders to reach the Itza capital city, confirms the importance that NohPeten must have had as an economic and political center.

The Manche Choi and the Lacandon used different routes which allowed them totrade with peoples who had fled from Spanish domination, such as the Ah Xoy, who wereKekchi fugitives from Coban. They also traded with other peoples, such as the Mopanand the Xocmo (who spoke the Itza language). It has also been argued that the Choi andLacandon also had routes to trade with encomienda towns such as Coban, Cahabon andSan Mateo Ixtatan in Verapaz. All of this allows us to establish the existence of severaldifferent exchange circuits in the X\'II century. The circuit of greatest importance di-rected the production of cacao, annatto and vanilla from tlie Choi and Lacandon townstowards the Itza capital, seemingly exchanging these products for salt. This was a com-ptilsory trade based on the military- power of the Itza, who constantly raided these towns(Caso Barrera 2{tO2: 230-2." !). On the other hand, the Choi and Lacandon barteredcacao and annatto with the encomienda towns in exchange for metal tools and salt. Itshould he noted that the Spaniards and Indians of the encomienda towns of Verapaz,also used violent methods to extort cacao and annatto from the Manche Choi.

The triad of chocolate: cacao, annatto and vanilla as traditional cropsThe existence of semi-intensive and intensive production of cacao, annano and

vanilla in the regions occupied by the historical Lacandon and Manche Choi, demon-strate that these products were consumed in !arge quantities in the form of chocolatebeverages by members of the Itza ruling elite (Casu and Aliphat 20U2). (Chocolate hasa symbolic paraUelism with blood and it was therefore considered as a precious fluid inMesuamerican cosmogony (Thompson 1956; Coe 2004: 208; Coe and Coe 19^9; 59).In this sense we can say that it was a drink reserved strictiy for nobles and the indigenouselites. The symbolic complex represented by chocolate and its relationship with royalpower and lineage is stated as a riddle in a text in the language of Zuyua'', in the so-calledbooks of Chilam Balam:

"My son, bring me four Chac Dzidzib, Cardinal Birds, those that canbe found at the entrance of the cave and bring them standing on myprecious food. Let me see them with their head tufts rendered red andlet them come standing straight on my precious food when you comebefore me"."And so it will be, oh Fatherl This that he is asking for is the Ciui, An-natto-in-a-paste, the head-tufts he is speaking about is the foam of thechocolate and his precious breakfast is freshly ground cacao". (BarreraVasquez and Rendon 2005: 134).

It was precisely annatto that gave chocolate the red color that made people as-sociate it with blood; in addition, it must have given it a characteristic flavor (Coe 20tl4:206-208). In addition to annauo, the Maya of the lowlands seem to have seasoned andaromatized their chocolate with vanilla. In several different Mesoamerican cultures wefind a close association between drinks prepared with cacao and vanilla. Among theMexicas, honey, vanilla, fragrant plants and (lowers were added to chocolate with whichthey were able to obtain drinks of several different colors and flavors (Durand-Forest1967:164).

In addition to finding a close relationship between the growing and tending ofcacao, annatto and vanilla and their consumption under the form of chocolate, we note

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three production and exchange systems 37

that all three require transformation processes that give these products unique charac-teristics. Fuentes y Guzman (1932, Voi.2: 390) states thai a Maya lord by the name ofHunahpu was the one who discovered the processing of cacao. According to this author,Hunahpii is a historical Quiche ruler, but we think that this is a direct reference to themythical personage mentioned in the Popo] Vuh. C'acao requires a chemical and physicalprocess that takes four basic steps which are: fermentation, drying, toasting and sieving.This process, that allows the transformation of cacao seeds into high quality chocolate,dates back to at least 3,000 years (Enriquez 1985: 183-208; Coe and Coe 1999: 30-31).

Vanilla also requires a modification process, similar to thai of cacao; thefruit of the orchid which originally has a green pod must be cured and dried sothat it will become a thin, dark-colored pod which produces a characteristic fra-grance (Bruman 1948: 361). Annatio does not require a fermentation process, but itdoes need the extraction of die dye, by means of soaking and cooking the seeds. Inthe Reladones ge^raficas of Guatemala we can find a description of how the Indiansfrom Verapaz obtained the annato dye and moUletl into cakes tt) be sent to market:

Among the milpa and among the houses there are various evergreentrees full of leaves which produce fruit, similar to chestnuts, which haveinside of them several tiny grains covered in a crimson colored wax. TheIndians lake these grains in large amounts and cook them during longperiods of time, until all color is drawn out together with the grease ofthe grains which floats on the water. With this dough they form somecakes. It is a kind of spice which provides color to their drink.s, and theladies of this land can bear witness to this happening.(Acuna 1982: 231).

The Lacandon and particularly the Manche Choi, had ample knowledge of iheiragro-ecosystems, which allowed them to grow cacao, annatto and vanilla in a semi-inten-sive and Intensive manner. In addition they must hax-e had abundant and highly special-ized labor devoted to the necessary transformation processes demanded for these prod-ucts. We also know that not only did they plant and transform the crops associated withthe cf>nsumption of chocolate, but that they also maintained a complex trade network,which allowed them lo exchange these products in on-going long distance trade.

Agricultural systems in the Southern Maya lowlandsThe different Maya peoples, during prehispanic times and at present, have dis-

tinguished themselves by their efficient and complex agricultural milpa system (a polyc-ulture agro-ecosystem of maize-beans-squash and tubers) (Hernandez-Xoiocotzi et al.1995), and by intensive agTO-ecoIogical systems for the traditional growing of crops inraised fields, terrace systems, bounded fields, in the fertile lowlands along the rivers, etc.(Turner 1978; Harrison and Turner 1978;Gliessman e/d/ 1981). From the standpoint ofarboreal species, the Maya have an outstanding background in the management of thetropical rainforests, by growing home gardens, planting trees in rejoyadas (soil traps inkarstic landscapes), constructing tolches, which are fields for cultivation clearly boundedby tree hedges acting as shaded pathways, and orchards with intensive and semi-tntensivecultivation of arboreal species, as well as in managed or artificial rainforests which, ina simplified manner, replicate the structure and composition of the tropical rain forest(Barrera et al V)ll; Gomez-Pompa 1987; G6mez-Pompa et al 1990; Wiseman 1978,1983).

In the Maya lowlands, under the milpa system, a pk>t of land is cleared to plant

38 Journal of Latin American Geography

maize associated with corn-beans-squash and tubers. However, many arboreal species arenot destroyed when the original vegetation is being cleared. Some trees are protected andeven encouraged to grow thus giving these species an ecological advantage in the succes-sion process which is being established when the milpa is abandoned after two or threeyears of agricultural production (Baer and Merrifield 1981; Nations and Night 1980;Gomez-Pompa 1987; Atran 1993: 682-687, 2004: 14-15). AU of this is an example oftargeted ecological processes and it implies an intentional modification of the course ofecological succession which produces the enrichment of the tropical rainforest diversitywith useful plants and trees which results in a "man made" rain forest (Barrera et al \ 977;Martin 2001). There is therefore a relationship of succession in the management of thetropical forest by the Maya, which starts from the clearing of the land and ends with thereestablishment of the original forest, by a series of steps: primary tropical rain forest> milpas > secondary vegetation > orchards/plantations of arboreal spp. > secondary-tropical forest.

The miipa system of the present-day Lacandon, consists in cutting down theprimary or secondary tropical rainforest and then burn the stubble and plant selectedspecies in the milpas. They plant and harvest their milpas for two to five consecutiveyears, but before abandoning the milpa lhey piant different species of trees which haveeconomic value, this allows the reestablishment of tlie vegetation with an "enriched"rainforest (Baer and Merrifield 1981: 177-209; Nations and Nigh 1980: 8). The centralidea which can be gleaned from the agricultural system of the modern Lacandon, is theslow replacement of the non-economic species for economic ones, always trying to pre-serve the ecokigical balance of the tropical forest ecosystem. The present-day Lacandonmilpas are characterized by the large diversity of species under cultivation, because, inaddition to planting maize, beans and squash, they grow several different t\'pes of rootsand tubers, fruit trees, cacao, annatto, cotton, tobacco, among many other species (Na-tions and Nigh 1980: 10).

Both the mixed-cropped orchards as well as the milpas, show a close relationshipsand continuity- with the agricultural systems existing in the Maya Lowlands during theXVI and XVII centuries, even though some distinctive variations exist between them.We have found several historical descriptions of three agricultural systems, two of themarc very similar to the present day Lacandon milpas, and a third system represented bythe orchards of the Manche Choi, might be considered akin to true "plantations" (Go-mez Pompa 1987: 6). The ecological succession bears an intimate relationship with themanagement of the exposure of certain species to the conditions of light and shade.In this sense we may say that the Laeandon milpas and the specialized orchards of theManche Choi, had an extremely sophisticated form of management which allowed thegrowing of cacao, vanilla and annatto together with other plant species. Cacao and vanillaare planted in the shade, whereas maize is grown under the open sky, because of its de-mand of sunlight. Annatto is a small tree which grows weU in open sky and requires litdeshade, it occupies an intermediate position between the pre\-iously described extremes.At the level of home gardens, the combination of arboreal species, bushes, herbaceousplants and other species imply great sophistication in the management of the structure,composition and function of the vegetation from the ecological standpoint (Gliessmao1998).

The Itza milpasThe soils of Central Peten are neither fertile nor deep enough for the intensive

growing of cacao orchards (Schwartz 1992: 23-25; Atran 1993: 670, 2004: 129). In histravels towards Honduras, as has been stated above, Cortes did not find cacao orchards in

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three production and exchange systems 39

Peten, Me mentions the presence of cacao only upon arrival at the Choi province of Ta-huytal (Cortes 1981: 245). Canek pointed out to Cortes, that his lands in Peten were notgood for the production of cacao and that it was the reason why his cacao orchards werelocated in the region close to Nito. It should be emphasized that the Itza ruler possessedcacao orchards, which were grown by "his vassals", a fact that emphasizes what Millonestablished about the private property of trees; basically cacao trees were the exclusiveproperty of the elites (MiUon 1955: 698-712).

The Spaniards described the Itza as "lazy" people because they had small milpas.However this strategy had proven to be successful in reducing the danger of loss ofcrops cau.sed by pests and diseases. By having several small plots of land in differentplaces, agricultural stability is increased; if one milpa is lost as a result of pests or adverseweather conditions, there is always the possibility of having some other milpas flourish(Wiseman 1978: 98). The Itza had several types of milpas cultivated by individuals orfamilies, as well as community plots which had large granaries which were used to storethe crops to meet the needs of the community and to pay tribute. There were also milpasthat belonged to rulers and pnncipaks, such as the ones that were cultivated for Canek bythe people of his domain called canekes (Caso Barrera 2002: 228).

In these different ty'pes of agricultural plots, the Itza grew a great variety of dif-ferent piant species, a type of polyculture, which allowed them to harvest a great diversityof products during the annual cycle. According to the documentary sources consulted,we find that the most frequent crops present in the Itza milpas were maize, beans, iJi£i(Phaseolus lunatus), squash, chayote, cotton, tobacco, annatto, yucci,j/cama, yams, tarn, pine-apples, few cacao trees, vanilla, indigo and grana (Figure 4a). They also planted speciesintroduced by the Spaniards, such as sugar cane, bananas, \i,'atermelons and citrus trees towhich they had access via their contact with fugitive Indian towns and encomienda towns(Hellmuth ]977; 433-438; Caso Barrera 2(K)2: 228-229).

In abandoned milpas (acahua/es), the Itza planted useful trees and cared for otherwild species of economic importance such as it is done by the modern i^candon in Chi-apas and the present day Yucatec Maya (Baer and Merrifield 1981; Batrera Marin 1981;Gomez Pompa 1987; Nations and Nigh I9S0). There were cacao trees in these orchards,carefully gTown and protected together with pataxte, (Theobroma bicolor \ iumb. & Bonpl.)copal {Pnitium iw/trf/Schltdl. et Cham,), annatto {Hixa orellana L.), allspice {Pimenta dioica [L]Mer.), rubber (Castilla elastica Sesse et Cerv.), sisal [A^anepourcrqydes Lemaire), logwtjod{Haemataxilum campecbianum L.), balsamo {Myrox^lon balsamum L.) and other plants suchas vanilla {Vanilla planifolia G. jacksonj, zarzaparrilla (Smilax aspera L,) and plants thatproduced dyes of great importance for the manufacture of spun threads for textiles.They also grew medicinal plants such as the tree called santamaria {Calopljyllum hrasiUcnseCamb.) (AGI, Bscrihania 339B n.5, f.356; Patronato 237 R.11, f.633; Guatemala t51 bis,f.l26v).

Itza orchards with cacao, pataxte, annatto and vanilla produced only enough forlocal consumption at a much reduced scale, since most of these valued products wereobtained by means of trade. The Ilza elite consumed large amounts of beverages madefrom cacao flavored with annatto and vanilla, and to satisfy their ever increasing cacaoneeds, the Itza established regional control over the production and exchange of theseresources which came to an end in 1697 with the Spanish conquest (Caso Barrera 2002;Jones 1998).

The Lacandon milpasin 1586, Captain Juan de Morales Villavicencio wrote a detailed report on the en-

40 Journal of Latin American Geography

trada that he oi^anized to pacify- the Lacandon who were settied at the time in Lacantun,close to Lake Miramar (Chiapas). After the fall of their main settlement., the Lacandonfled and took refuge in their milpas which were located as far as eight or ten leagues (44to 55 kms,) from Lacantun towards the east (Archivo General de Centroamerica,' L, 3.33Ex. 7011). Morales Villavicencio's strategy was to give relentless chase to the Lacandon,locate their tnilpas and their granaries, destroying both, so they would surrender. Theoriginal report has valuable information on the types of agricultural plots and crops ofthe Lacandon. According to this testimony, they had, like the Itza, different types ofagricultural plots: milpas that belonged to individuals and families, miipas of the commu-nity, and miipas that belonged to rulers and principals. The first plots that Captain Mo-rales ordered to destroy belonged to the cacique Cabnal. These were 40 large and smallmilpas, which had maize ready to be harvested. In their milpas the Lacandon planted, inaddition to maize, yams and other tubers, fruit and cacao trees. The Spaniards uprootedall plants and trees and burned them together with six or seven granaries filled with maizeand legumes (AGCA, L. 333 Ex. 7011, f. 7v).

The Lacandon carried out multiple cropping. In addidon to maize they plantedbeans, chile, yams, other tubers and roots, pineapples, bananas and fruits (Figure 4b).Distinctively from the Itza., the Lacandon had many cacao and annatto trees in their mil-pas, because their soils were definitely apt for these crops and they had a semi-intensivearrangement of protluction. (Figures 3 and 4b). In his report Captain Morales statesthat he himself destroyed, cut and burned 90 of these milpas plus other small ones whichwere not taken into account (Ibid. 1.3v).

In spite of the harassment and persecution suffered by tbe Lacandon, they wereable to resist the Spanish attacks and finally reestablished their main settlement namedSac Balam, near the Lacantun River. Their lands were described as "very fertile withcacao, cotton, honey, maize and many other legumes and lots of fish" (AGCA, Leg. 1546Ex. 31534, f. 3v), After several adverse confrontations with the Spaniards, the Lacandongot gradually weaker and lost control of the saltworks a( Nucve Orros, at the hands ofthe Itza. Forced by the need to obtain saJt, the Lacandon were required to trade with theItza, providing them their production of cacao and annatto. The Lacandon also tradedwith the Chuj of San Mateo Ixtatan, a town located 66 km, southwest of Sac Balam.They used to exchange cacao and annatio for salt and iron tools of the Chuj (Caso Bar-rera 2tK)2: 259), Bishop Navas y Quevedo described this trade in 1684:

[....] ITie Lacandon Indians have dealings with those of San Mateo Ix-tatan and bring to this town cacao and annatto from their land to bebartered for salt, reates and iron tools for tilling, T have been able to buyvery good and thick cacao." (AGI, Guatemala 158)

The Lacandon traders were engaged in regular and constant dealings with theChuj and continually visited their town for trade purposes and even hid in their homeswhen any Spaniard arrived suddenly and unannounced. \X'ith the Kanjobal from SantaEulalia (some 88 to 1 !0 kms. from Sac Balam), the Lacandon were in constant con-frontation. Historical documents mention that an Indian named Luis Cotta, from SantaEulalia, entered into the Lacandon mitpas where they had "some fruit trees such as cacao,bananas, sugar cane and zapote" to steal their fruit (AGI, Guatemala 158). As has beenmentioned, for several different Mesoamerican cultures, especially the Maya groups, treeswere considered private propert}', particularly cacao trees, which generally belonged tothe governing elite. Taking fruit from these trees without permission was considered amajor offense, so much sf) that starting from the incident with Luis Cotta, the Lacand6n

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three production and exchange systems 41

declared war against the people of Santa Eulalia, which was raided on many occasions,even reaching the extreme of taking prisoners for human sacrifice (ibid).

The importance of the milpas and orchards is also reflected in Lacandon reli-gion: their gods were revered so that they wouid protect tbe milpas, cacao orchards andanimals. Drinks made from cacao as well as gn)und cacao were offered to their gods:

(...) they shaped a big bundle in the courtj'ard, made of sticks and leaves,while burning lots of pine [Pinus sp] and copal [incense] and offered itfood and drink, and sprayed cacao and maize upon the bundle and atits feet on top of a slab of stone, they placed large amounts of groundcacao and animal fat.(AGI, Guatemala 153, f. 274v).

It was not until 1695 ihat the Spaniards were able to conquer the "fearful" lacan-don nation, when they took their last capital Sac Balam by surprise, which then receivedthe Spanish name of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores. They were forcibly removed fromtheir lands and were taken to the highlands of Guatemala where most of them ultimatelydied (Ximcnez 1973 Vol. 5; 446447; de Vos 1980:190-211). The tbrceful removal of thelacandon left their lands abandoned, which surely meant the regional collapse of theproduction of cacao and annatto. The Spaniards were unable to reestablish the produc-tion of these crops, because with ihe disappearance of the Lacandon. knowledge of theirsemi-intensive production and traditional management was lost forever.

The Pakaboob or Manche Choi orchardsCacao orchards could unly be established successfully in the fertile valleys with

deep soils neighboring the region of central Peten, along the large rivers such as the Usu-macinta, Pasion-Salinas, the rivers in Belize and the Potochic-Izabal- Dulce river system,as well as in the valley of the Sula River in Honduras. The core area of this extensive re-gion was occupied by the Manche (^hol and was a zone of intensive production of cacao(Figure 3). This region has not been mentioned in the relevant works of the specialistson the topic (Beigmann 1969; Coe y Coe 1999; McLeod 1973). Until now, there wasno description of the intensive management that the Choi carried out in their orchardscalled in C.\\o\t.\pakah. The ethnohistorica! data we analyzed, indicate that in these grovesthe (;hol intensively produced cacao, x'anilla and annatto (Figure 4). The large extensionand high productivity of these pakab as well as their remarkable specialization makesthem true "plantations."

To the northeast this type of orchards were found along the Belize coastal region,where there were Choi people living in close vicinity of >'ucatec Maya populations (ACJI,Guatemala 67). ,'\t the encomienda town of Tipu, which was a Yucatec Maya settlement,descriptions are made of cacao plantations such as the ones of the Manche Choi. Inthis town one principal possessed 8,000 cacao trees. Seemingly, since Prehispanic times,this town had been producing cacao, annatto and vanilla. Twelve leagues (66 kms.) fromTipu, was the town of Lucu, also of Yucatec Maya where, according to the Franciscanfriar Fuensaiida, they had "the best annatto in all of the New Spain, as well as an excellentthick cacao, red in color and with an excellent flavor, as well as vanillas that they call

42 Journal of Latin American Geography

cIntensive CacaoProduction

^^S SemWntenslve Cacao^^^ Production

Low CacaoProduction

Figure 3. C-icao producing regions in the southern Maya lowlands, ca. !6th-17thcenturies.

s., very good and fragrant for chocolate" (Lopez de CogoUudo 1971 Vol, II: 215).Lucii was considered a very prosperous town because of its large number of cacao or-chards. These specialized orchards in the Yucatec villages must have been introduced bythe neighboring Ch(.)l populations.

The main Manche Choi settiements were distributed from the south of Belize andlower part of the Poiochic River, north to a region around Lake IzabaJ. Their lands hadlimits to the north and to the west with those of the Itza, Mopan, Xocmo and Lacandonas well as with other peoples to the soutb such as the Kekchi towns of Cahabon andCoban in Verapaz, As has been mentioned, the Choi planted small mllpas and concen-trated their agdcultural activitj' in tiietr orchards of cacao and annatto (AGI Guatemala67,181). These crops required hard and highly specialized work, which started with theplanting ()f nurseries (called in CJhoWipetconob or petpacai^ to obtain seedlings. These wereplanted with extreme and constant care so as to avoid infestations or any damages.

The Manche Choi grew two kinds of cacao: the normal called ceicau (cacao) and alarge cacao called uaalcab (Moran 1695). They also had two harvests a year of annatto

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three production and exchange systems 43

Milpa: Zea. Xanlhosoma.Manihat,Phaseotus. Cucurbila. etc.

Bixa orellana Vanilla planifoiia

Leguminous irees forshade and support.

Theobroma cacao

Figure 4. Agrosystems of the southern Maya lowlands, a) Itza milpa, b) Lacandon milpa,c) Manche Choi cacao orchards, ca. 16th - 17th centuries.

44 Journal of Latin American Geography

or quit'i in Cholti. The first was called ^ut^ilijuii.'i or winter annatto, Andyaxkjnil quivi otsummer annatto. The growing and processing of this spice and colorant also requiredvery hard work, since tbe dye had to be extracted and shaped into cakes, for the market.Vanilla was called chisbic in Cholti, its processing was also highly specialized and demand-ed much work since the pods had to be cured and dried to (obtain a superior qualityproduct. The historical sources do not specify to whom these orchards belonged, but,it is almost cenain they were the property of their rulers and principales. In Cholti theterm hit^inbil mc&ns "forbidden tree", which supports the interpretation of trees as pri-vate property'.

The fertile valley systems were not only important for the growing of cacao or-chards, but also allowed the development of important trade routes. There were wa-terways and overland routes linking Choi towns that served as ports, resting places andtrading centers (AGI, Guatemala 67). We know that some Choi principales were greattradesmen who monopolized the trade with the Itza and with the encomienda townsin Verapaz. Before the arrival of the Spaniards an intricate commercial network existedbetween the Manche Choi, Itza and the Chontal of Acalan. After the Spanish conquest,the Choi took advantage of their Wcinit ' to the Kekchi encomienda towns of Cahabonand Coban to carry out a continuous trade with them for salt and metal tools in exchangefor cacao and annatto, as stated in 1605 by Fray Juan de Esquerra:

And later they have come many other times, I had once twenty two[Manche Choi] here in Cahabon on the day of the festivity of thetown which is the NativHty of Our Lady. Hvcry time that they came wepreached to them and told them to receive the gospel and they alwaysgave the same answer. I sent messengers many times and sent them salt(they do not bave any in their country) and some knives and machetes thatthey hold in great esteem. (AGI, Guatemala 181).

Among the Manche Choi different wurds are used to refer to tradesmen: one is aical,which translates as rich person and refers to traders belonging to the elite. There are alsothe terms flA/'o&« and tfA fAoff which refer to common merchants (Moran 1695). It seemsthat the kinsmen of the rulers acted as aicatoob, as must have been the case of the son ofthe great lord yXcusaha, as cited in the testimony of Andres Fernandez Pareja in 1600:

[....] and then, at that time, they came |the Manche Choi) to buy salt andother necessary things under the mandate of their great lord, whose sonwas there amongst them, and whom they respected very much. He toldme that on behalf of all [Spaniards], I should UTite to their great l(jrd hisfather, named Acusaha [Sh Cusaha?) and should send him messengers,so that they would deal with the case. He promised to tell his fatherabout the good treatment that he and ail the other Indians had received(AGI, Guatemala 59, ff. 2-2v).

In spite of the constant statements of the friars over the simple political organi-zation of the Choi and the littie respect they had for their authorities, the above docu-ment gives us a different perspective by pointing out the existence of a great lord whom"they respected very much". This document, dated 1600, seems to demonstrate thatthe political organization of the Manche Choi w.is gradually being modified through theXVII century. We assume that tliis was due to the C(jnstant attacks carried oul by theItza polity, as weU as the fact of being under continuous pressure by the Spaniards and

Cacao, vanilla and annatto: three production and exchange systems 45

the Dominican Order, which tried to convert them whatever the cost (AGI, Guatemala179; Tovilla 1960: 265), To the inntation extended in 1600 by the Alcalde Mayor ofVerapaz asking them to convert to the Catholic faith and to become vassals of the Span-ish Crown, the Choi excused themselves by saying that they "were busy harvesting theircacao and milpas" (AGI, Guatemala 59),

Throughout the XVII century the efforts of civU and ehurch authorities of Gua-temala to conquer and convert the Choi, did not come to an end (Ximenez 1973). It wasa long and troubled process because of the resistance presented by the Manche Choi, asstated by Fray Agustin Cano, "the barbarous Indians of those mountains are trouble-free,just as they easily accept the faith, they easily abandon it" (AGI, Guatemala 152 f. 36). Noone can blame the Manche Choi for their "lack of constancy" because, once reduced,they were easy prey to the Spanish and Indian authorities of the encomienda towns ofVerapaz, who soon enough started exploiting and extracting them their resources andlabor. This was the case in 1678, when the Alcalde Mayor of Verapaz, Sebastian deOlivera, decided to "seize from the poor, newly converted [Manche Choi] their annatto,cacao and vaniJlas" (Bancroft Library, Documents of Chiapas, Yucatan and GuatemalaMM-433*), This was done by ap)xjinting as Indian governor of the town of Cahab<in, acertain Bartolome Coe, his accessory, who imposed compulsory trade practices with theManche Choi and forced them to receive metal tools and other wares at extremely highprices in exchange for annatto, cacao and vanilla. Bach machete was sold to them fora xiquipil oi cacao (8,000 grains of cacao), when in Guatemala City a machete used tocost four reales {Ibid). Through the same historical source, we know that up to seventymachetes were acquired by one Manche Choi town, as well as many other goods in thesame visit. If one takes into consideration that one grain of cacao weighs around onegram, a xiquipil of cacao weighed approximately eight kgs., which gives us an idea ofthe production of cacao of one town. In the aforementioned case, the price paid by theManche Choi for seventy machetes was 560 kgs. of cacao.

After cacao, the second important product for exchange was annatto. In 1626,only one Manche Choi town produced 920 kgs., at that time worth \J^{) pesos (.'XGI,Guatemala 181). From the standpoint of the exploitation endured by this group at thehands of the Alcalde Mayor Sebastian de Olivera and his associate, the Indian governorBartolome Coe, it is important to note that in Tipii (Belize), one xiquipil of cacao costaround 10.5 reales in the mid XVII century (Jones 1989: 112). In addition we know thatin Guatemala in 1678, one iron machete cost four reaies. The seventy machetes whichhad been sold to the Manche Choi for a total of 7(1 xiquipiles of cacao, were worth theequivalent of 735 reales; if they had been acquired in Guatemala Cit\\ their price wouldhave been 280 reales, which means that Olivera and Cx)c were left with a huge profit of455 reales. The Manche Choi were forced to pay 2.5 times their original price. In an in-direct way this is evidence that the Choi (orchards were under intensive production, sincethey had to meet not only the demands of the Itza, under the threat of violent retribu-tion, but they also had to meet the demands of the Spanish authorities who imposedheavy tribute and even more, this cacao production had also to fulfill the needs of theencomienda townsfolk who had to resort to trade with the Choi, to have access to theseproducts which were being demanded as part of their own tax and tribute burden. Aswas emphasized by Fray Francisco Gallegos in 1676:

The Catholic Indians living in the neighborhood of Manche, believe thatthose mountains are their Indies, from where they receive a large rev-enue, which on the one hand consists of a lol of cacao, and on the otherhand the more than thirty six thousand pounds of annatto which exit

46 Journal of Ljitin American Geography

through Verapaz and the Castillo [del Golfo[.The Indians of Verapazhave ver - few, if any, plants of annatto, and this latter part is for certain(Galiegosl676: 3; italics added).

The production of cacao and annatto of the Manche Choi orchards became in-corporated at the end of the X\^I century into the colonial market of Guatemala bymeans of trade and the repartitniento system. Such cacao production has not been quan-tified nor its significance adequately considered by scholars. A careful analysis of thesignificance of this production and the effects of its collapse should be considered instudies of the cacao booms in colonial Guatemala.

By 1689, with the assistance of the Indians of Cahabon, the Manche Choi popula-don was collected together and then forcibly relocated to the Valley of Urran in the high-lands (Ximenez 1973, Vol. 5: 281: 462-465). Such forced relocation brought about theabandonment of their orchards and finally led to their disappearance. In 1699, CaptainMarceic Flores, assigned at the Presidio of Peten, and who participated in the conquestof the Itza, stated that some Choi and Mopan Indians were still living in what had beentheir lands, and that he had been able to realize this because of the great care that wasevidenced in the cacao and vanilla groves;

|,...j that I sent sergeant Martin de Montoya to follow some trails bus-tling with Indians who live in villages in those mountains, which, accord-ing to my way of thinking, are the ones that have limits with those ofthe Gulf [Dulce] and which belong to several different nations such asthe Mopan and Choi, and nowadays there is a tcjwn of more than fourhundred people that belongs to the doctrine of the priests of Santo Do-mingo, which is the town of Belcn, close to Rabinal. And in all of theselocalities there is evidence that there are Indians using these paths andtrails at their own manner and habits, as is evidenced in the care and tidinessof their catao and vanilla orchards and other fruits. (AGI, Guatemala 151 bis,f. 134v; italics added).

By the year 1710 in the town of Belen, in the Valley of Llrran, there were onlyfour Manche Choi left. The whole population had died from disease, famine and "mel-ancholy" (Ximenez 1971, Vol. 6: 220), With the disappearance of the Manche Choi,all knowledge about the speaalized orchards in the producdon of cacao, annatto andvanilla, was lost

ConclusionsThe Cbontalpa, Soconusco, Suchitepequez and lzalco, ha\x been considered by

scholars to be the all inclusive regions of intensive cacao production, for prehispanic andcolonial periods (Bergmann 1969; Fowler 1993; Gasco !900; Scholes and Roys 1968;Voorhies and Gasco 2004), Hctwever, research on the relationships of the Itza polity withthe Manche Choi and with the historic Lacandon (Caso Barrera: 2002; Caso Barrera andAliphat 2002), has allowed us to outline and define the Lacandon and Manche Cho! ter-ritories as a new and vital cacao pniducing region, which in addition pro\-ided significantquantities of annatto and vanilla, crops of great relevance for the Maya. This region wasa liminal area between the independent territory of the Itza and the Kekchi populationsunder Spanish rule at Verapaz.

The study of different regional agrosystems, from the standpoint of environ-mental history, has helped us to differentiate at least three historical agrosystems present

Cacao, vanilla and annatto; three production and exchange systems 47

in the region, which show different degrees of integration and intensification of cacaofarming (Figure 4). These three agrosystems imply the management of the ecologicalstructure and diversity and represent a practice whose goal was to modify and controldifferent stages of ecological succession of the tropical rainforest. Cacao requires thepresence of shade trees which can pro\*ide support for the vines of \-aniila. Annattodemands light, placing it in an Intcrmctiiate position on the luminosity requirements ofmaize and other species grown in milpas.

The Itza milpas and orchards created a complex mosaic of productive manage-ment of multifaceted interactions among the species of the Uopical rainforest and theareas under cultivation. The Itza growers transformed the structure of the forests ofthe Peten region and enriched them with arboreal species of economic importance. Theagricultural limits imposed by the shallow soils of medium and low fertility characteristicof centra! Peten, defined the agroecological limits of the intensification processes of ca-cao annatto and vanilla production. These ecological limitations are basic to understandthe expansion of the Itza to the south, to gain control on the one hand, of the saltworksof Nueve Cerros, as weU as the neighboring cacao producing regions, of the I..acand6nand Acala to the southwest and on the other hand, to bring under their sphere of influ-ence the territories of the Manche Choi, in the fertile valleys of the Pasion River and itstnbutaries. All of these Choi-speaking populations had to face the constant and ferociouspressure of the Itza.

The Lacandon of Sac Balam, at the time of their conquest by the Spaniards, hada system of mitpas in which they grew not only maize, beans, squash, and tubers but alsokept under cultivation a significant number of arboreal species among which, were theirsemi-intensive cacao and annatto orchards, In the other band the Manche Choi weredescribed by the Spaniards as an apathetic people, who grew very small milpas and livedin little settlements dispersed in the region. However, a careful analysis of the historicalsources shows that ihe Manehe C;hol were highly specialized cacatj farmers and produc-ers of annatto and vanilla. The orchards of the Manche Choi, can he considered anexample of intensive cultivation and due to their productivity, extension, labor demandsand marked specialization can be defined as true plantations.

The region of the Southern Maya lowlands is shaped like a fertile crescent whichextends from Tabasco to the Gulf of Honduras (Figure I). This region formed thegeographical and economic landscape of the exchange system established during thepost-classic period by the ChontaJ of Acalan, which were specialized in lung distancetrade on luxury goods including cacao. The collapse of the Chontal realm caused by theSpanish conquest left a vacuum which was filled by the Itza, who for eight hitun periods(160 years) were able to reestablish and exploit a commercial system based on cacao, an-natto, vanilla, salt, axes and iron machetes, as well as defending their autonomy againstthe Spanish. The I-icandon people of Sac Balam, Petii and Map, the Choi of Yol, Yaxha,Chocahau, Manche, Yaxhal, Campin and Tzoite, the Yucatec setdements ot Tipii and Xi-biin as well as the encomienda towns uf the Kekchi from Coban, Lanquin and CahalKinwere witnesses to the Itza supremacy, which collapsed abrupdy with the capture oi NohPeten by Martin de Ursiia y Arizmendi in 1697.

Notes' The authors wish to thank CONACYT (National Council of Science and Technology)for the financial support through the Project "Relationships among the Mayas of Yucat-an, lil Peten and Li Verapaz, XVII-XIX" 40088-H, to do research and present an earlyversion of this paper at the II Symposium of linvironmental Histor)' on Latin Americaand the Caribbean in the Session "New stories on the rainforests of Ladn America and

48 Journal of Latin American Geography

the Caribbean" coordinated by Christian Brannstrom at Havana, Cuba. The anonymousreviewers of the original paper and their pertinent commentaries are graciously acknowl-edged. David Robinson bas also provided a great number of critical and always helpfuleditorial comments for which we are immensely grateful.

^ The province of Acalan was Chontal and was located in Tabasco and south ofCampeche. It was ruled by Paxbolonacha during the time of Cortes.

' Archivo General de Indias, hereafter ACiI.

' The province of Bacaiar comprised the southern part of Quintana Roo and the northof Belize.

^ Actually it was located on the tributary called Icbolay, which joins the Chixoy down-stream from Salinas de lus Nueve Cerros.

'• The Zu^iu language consisted of a series of riddles that the Maya rulers of Yucatanwere under the obligation to know and provide answers to, in order to have access to

• Archivo General de Centroamerica, hereafter AGCA

" Bancroft Library Documents of Chiapas, Yucat-in and Guatemala MM-433, hereatterBL-CHYG-MM-433. Informe del prior del convento de Coban al arzobispo de Guate-mala, Andres de Navas y Quevedo, Coban 6 de febrero de 1685,

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