YOUTH ATLANTIC TREATY ASSOCIATION (Supported by ATA) Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 1 - Flora Pidoux Two years ago, the Wales Summit marked a historic turn for NATO as the Alliance was forced to recognize that its European territory was threatened for the first time in 25 years; menaces emerging from the South and the East made NATO vulnerable despite so many years of peace. The Summit in Newport in June 2014 acted as the first step of what will certainly be a long process of securing the Euro-Atlantic again. It also reasserted the fundamental values the Alliance is based on: collective defense, crisis management and cooperative security. So, in two years, what has changed? The official communiqué of the Warsaw Summit announced that the Allies have worked together to secure the borders of NATO, while recognizing the hybrid nature of threats posed to them. Russia is then directly pointed out as challenging the security of the Alliance. This issue analyzes the focal points of the Summit: the first article focuses on the security situation in the Eastern Flank ; the second article dwells on the Alliance’s new integration of the cyber sphere as its 5th operative domain; and the last article details Macedonia’s membership prospects throughout the years. The Warsaw Summit Volume 6 - Issue 08 August2016 Contents: From the Warsaw Pact to the Warsaw Summit Mr. Mateusz Krupczyński explores the evolution of the security environment of the Eastern Flank from the creation of NATO to today. Russia’s Use of Cyber Warfare in the Conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine Mr. Luka Mgeladze focuses on cyber security which has been largely discussed during the Summit in an effort to integrate this operative domain into the Alliance’s field of action. Security After the Warsaw Summit – Prospects and Expectations for Macedonia Ms. Marija Jankuloska & Mr. Ilija Djugumanov analyze Macedonia’s membership prospect and involvement in the Alliance. Family photo of Allied and Partner Heads of State and Government of International Organizations, 6. July 2016 (Photo:NATO)
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YOUTH ATLANTIC TREATY ASSOCIATION (Supported by ATA)
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 1
- Flora Pidoux
Two years ago, the Wales Summit marked a historic turn for NATO as the
Alliance was forced to recognize that its European territory was threatened for the first time in 25 years; menaces emerging
from the South and the East made NATO vulnerable despite so many years of peace. The Summit in Newport in June 2014 acted
as the first step of what will certainly be a long process of securing the Euro-Atlantic again. It also reasserted the fundamental values the Alliance is based on: collective
defense, crisis management and cooperative security.
So, in two years, what has changed? The
official communiqué of the Warsaw Summit announced that the Allies have worked together to secure the borders of NATO,
while recognizing the hybrid nature of threats posed to them. Russia is then directly pointed out as challenging the security of the
Alliance. This issue analyzes the focal points of the Summit: the first article focuses on the security situation in the Eastern Flank ; the
second article dwells on the Alliance’s new integration of the cyber sphere as its 5th operative domain; and the last article details Macedonia’s membership prospects
throughout the years.
The Warsaw Summit
Volume 6 - Issue 08 August2016
Contents:
From the Warsaw Pact to the Warsaw Summit Mr. Mateusz Krupczyński explores the evolution of the security
environment of the Eastern Flank from the creation of NATO to today.
Russia’s Use of Cyber Warfare in the Conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine
Mr. Luka Mgeladze focuses on cyber security which has been largely
discussed during the Summit in an effort to integrate this operative domain into
the Alliance’s field of action.
Security After the Warsaw Summit – Prospects and Expectations for Macedonia
Ms. Marija Jankuloska & Mr. Ilija Djugumanov analyze Macedonia’s
membership prospect and involvement in the Alliance.
Family photo of Allied and Partner Heads of State and Government of International Organizations, 6. July 2016 (Photo:NATO)
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 2
By Mateusz Krupczyński
he choice of location for a NATO
Summit is symbolic, sometimes even
historical. By hosting the 2002 summit
in Prague, the Alliance sent a strong signal to the
world by holding such an important event in a country
of the former Eastern Bloc for the first time, thus
declaring to the world that times had changed. Four
years later, NATO held its Summit in Riga– first time
in a territory of the
former Union of
Soviet Socialist
Republics -
reaffirming the ties
between the West
and the Baltic states.
In 2010, choosing
Lisbon was a symbol
of recognition of a
long term
transatlantic
importance of
Portugal. In 2004, mainly due to American
endeavours, the Summit took place in Istanbul due to
the commitment and merits of Turkey to the Alliance.
This year’s summit has borne further significance for
the unity and security of the Alliance as the Heads of
State met to discuss the security challenges in Warsaw
as NATO is facing increasing threats from its Eastern
neighbour, Russia. In addition, the working dinner
took place in the exact room in the Palace of the
President of Poland where the Warsaw Pact was signed
in 1955, 25 years after the collapse of the Eastern
Block. In light of Russia’s renewed assertiveness, there
is little chance that having Poland host the Summit and
choosing the historical room to have one of the most
important discussions was a coincidence.
Reaffirming Collective Security
The Warsaw Summit aimed to further reassure and
develop the decisions made at the Wales Summit in
2014. The official Warsaw communiqué gathered the
focus points and the
decisions made during
the Summit:
collective security
was reaffirmed,
making NATO
refocus on its core
mission. The Summit
also enabled the
Eastern Allies to share
their worries in the
face of Russia’s
threats, making the Member States realise that the
security threats are closer to their borders than had
been the case since 1991, thus also making the Allies
refocus on their own territories rather than deployment
across the globe.
Wales focused on reassuring the Eastern Flank
countries, a few months after the annexation of the
Crimean Peninsula by Russia. At that time, NATO
presence in the East of the Alliance did not have any
From the Warsaw Pact to the Warsaw Summit
Communist Bloc Conclave: The Warsaw Pact conference, 11 May 1955, Warsaw,
Poland (Image: Getty Images UK)
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 3
military potential as it assumed rotational presence for
exercises and trainings of small number of troops. Due
to the lack of consensus in regards to enhancing its
presence in the Eastern Flank, NATO decided to reform
the Response Force by creating the Very High Readiness
Joint Task Force (VJTF), meaning making brigade size
contingencies quickly deployable to the conflict zone in
case of crisis. The decisions made in Warsaw changed
the character of NATO’s engagement in the Eastern
Flank, but has proven insufficient. Indeed, the current
situation requires a higher number of troops deployed to
Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, as well as more
combat readiness.
Warsaw underlined the urgency of the situation of
the Eastern Flank vis-à-vis Russia; these countries mainly
refer to Poland, the Baltic
states and Romania as those
have similar, if not the
same, perception of
security challenges.
Countries of the Visegrad
framework generally feel
threatened by Russia's
military developments in
the region, but they do not
seem to demand that
NATO stations on their
territories like the
countries cited above have. Nonetheless, notably the
Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary, seem to
recognize the potential threat posed by Russia and
pledged to each deploy a company-seized group to the
Baltic states. Bulgaria, on the other end, support’s the
demilitarisation of the Black Sea in order to create a
military free zone. Sofia’s efforts to closer economic ties
with Moscow may explain Prime Minister Borissov’s
position.
The Eastern Flank After the Warsaw Summit
The most important decision made in Warsaw was
to develop an enhanced forward presence in Poland,
Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. Stationed on a rotational
basis, NATO troops are aimed to deter Russia from
undertaking any military actions against the countries in
the Eastern Flank.
The enhanced forward presence will be
multinational, to make clear that an attack against one
Ally is an attack against all Allies, and that NATO will
respond in case of aggression. The battalion-seized
battle groups, bigger and better equipped than
traditional battalions will be stationed in Poland, Latvia,
Estonia and Lithuania -approximately 1000 troops will
be posted in each states. The United States, Germany,
Canada and the
United Kingdom will
be the framework
nations; they will be
supported by
Romania, Norway,
Belgium and
Denmark.
Additionally,
the United States will
locate heavy a brigade
in Poland as part of
the Pentagon’s $3.4
billion European Reassurance Initiative deployed from
2017. The command of the brigade, according to
unofficial information, will be also stationed in Poland.
The agreement on enhancing NATO’s forward presence
in the Eastern Flank has been developed in respect of the
NATO-Russia Act of 1997, thus not directly
threatening Moscow.
According to a Rand report based on war games
Working dinner of NATO Heads of State and Government on 6 July 2016 at the
Presidential Palace, in the room where the Warsaw Pact was signed in 1955
(Image: NATO)
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 4
conducted earlier this year, seven brigades, three heavy
armoured brigades supported by air, land-based fires and
other means on the ground at highest readiness, could
prevent the rapid takeover of the Baltic states. Therefore,
the proposed battalions deployed in each state of the
Eastern Flank would not be sufficient if Russia were to
attack any of the countries, and even less so if several at a
time. It is important to emphasize, however, that the
battalions’ aim is to deter rather than stop any kind of
aggression. They are the first step of a complex reaction
mechanism on NATO’s end; the battalions, the way they
stand today, could not possibly stop Russia if they were to
attack but would probably
delay them enough to allow
back up troops to come to
the frontline.
The Summit fulfilled the
postulates of the Baltic
States, which were
formulated by the Ministers
of Defence in 2015, calling
for the deployment of
battalions in each of the
three countries. The Baltic
states will continue their efforts so that the battalions will
be equipped with heavy weapons to complement their
defensive capabilities. When comparing battalions which
will station in the Baltic states to the battalion in Poland,
it is more likely they will have lower combat capability -
mainly due to the frequent rotations and difficulties with
communications and cooperation which may occur. They
will consist of subdivisions of different NATO countries
which will be led by framework nations - Germany,
Canada and the United Kingdom.
Romania’s efforts to get NATO to its presence in the
Black Sea region in the form of a multinational brigade
and a Black Sea fleet was achieved to a certain extent.
NATO decided to establish a multinational brigade
integrated into the Romanian brigade. The brigade will be
under the authority of the Headquarters of a Multinational
Division Southeast in Bucharest. Although a relatively
modest support from the Alliance, it is a gradual
expansion of NATO’s presence in the Black Sea region. It
must be mentioned that there are American troops
already present in Romania. They are stationed there as
part of the American forces deploying to the Middle East
and in Africa. The US Army also put in place in 2010 the
Black Sea Rotational Force to secure the Eastern Allies.
There were, however, no
commitments made in
Warsaw in regards to the
continuous deployment of
a NATO Black Sea fleet; it
is expected that NATO
ships will conduct
exercises and trainings in
the region.
Furthermore,
during the Summit, the
Allies announced the
reinforcement of the ballistic missile defence (BMD)
system whose command has been passed by the United
States to NATO in order to deter any possible aggression
coming from the East. On 19. August, General Wolters,
Commander of the Allied Air Command qualified this
transfer of command as “a significant step toward the aim
of NATO BMD, offering a stronger capability to defend
populations, territory, and forces across southern NATO
Europe.” The installation will consist of SM-3 missiles
Aegis Ashore in Deveselu (Romania), a radar to detect
and track ballistic missiles located in Turkey, submarines
of the Aegis systems based in Spain and missiles SM-3 in
The presidents of Poland and Romania met at the Belvedere Palace for a
working meeting to sum up the two-day NATO Warsaw summit on 11 July
2016 (Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs )
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 5
Poland, of which the construction is underway.
The decision for enhanced forward presence in the
Eastern Flank is certainly an important step for the
Alliance’s deterrence strategy. However, there is a
need for further steps to be taken to allow effective
cooperation of all elements of the NATO chain of army
reaction in order to make this strategy credible and
effective.
Cyber Security
At the Warsaw
Summit, cyber security
played an important role
in the discussions. In
accordance with earlier
information and
announcements by the
Secretary General,
NATO decided to
recognise cyberspace as
the fifth operative
domain of war along
with sea, air, land and space. This decision requires
from the Alliance to create increased defence
capabilities in the virtual space and operate in it without
any obstacles. It also obliges NATO to continue the
integration process of cyber defence in the framework
of operational planning future missions and operations
conducted by the Alliance. Integrating cyber defence
will also increase cooperation in the Cyber Range
framework, meaning wider exploitation of the
educational infrastructure located in Tallinn, Estonia.
During the military exercise Anaconda which took
place in Poland at the beginning of 2016, cyber defence
was tested for the first time as an integral part of the
military operations. While troops were conducting
military manoeuvres, the telecommunications systems
were disrupted causing problems with relocation.
Immune tests were also tested in order to prepare for
cyber-attacks. In both cases, shared American
experience in cyberspace was an added value and was
used where possible, helping to develop good case
practices and prepare for the eventuality of such
scenarios.
It is an important aspect of the collective defence
because weak security systems of one of the NATO
members threaten the
whole organisation. By
targeting the weakest point,
hackers can install malware
software which can
jeopardize the Alliance’s
telecommunication system.
Unfortunately, after
the Warsaw Summit there
are still pending questions
on when retaliating to a
cyber attack is deemed
acceptable. Leaders limited the discussion only to
repeating what had been stated in Newport without
providing details about what kind of a cyber-attack may
trigger Article 5. Due to the lack of clear answers,
NATO may be challenged by adversaries on that front,
risking to undermine the security and credibility of the
Alliance.
Nevertheless, some of the decisions taken during
the Summit will strengthen the Alliance’s posture in
regards to the cyber domain and showed that changes
in the security environment were recognised.
Post Summit Challenges
The implementation of decisions, the adaptation of
the military structures and all political processes in
order to create a cohesive and reliable deterrence
NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg meets with the President of Poland,
Andrzej Duda on 6 July 2016 (Photo: NATO )
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 6
strategy will be confronted with challenges of political
nature in the coming months.
Many in Western Europe may consider decisions
made in Warsaw a strong political signal to Moscow,
which do not require further military developments
by the Alliance but which should also be
counterbalanced with intensified dialogue and
cooperation with Russia. With the upcoming
elections in the United States, France and Germany,
and the potential political changes they may cause, it
can be expected that these Allies may come to adopt a
different approach to Russia depending on who wins.
Decisions made in Warsaw may then be affected and
need to be revised considering the weight of these
three NATO member states.
NATO solidarity
and credibility was
already challenged by
some in their post
Summit statements.
For instance, French
President François
Hollande stated that
“For France, Russia is not an adversary, not a threat. Russia
is a partner which, it is true, may sometimes, and we have
seen that in Ukraine, uses force which we have condemned
when it annexed Crimea”, which goes against the
Warsaw communiqué. Frank-Walter Steinmeier,
Germany’s Foreign Minister, criticised large scale
military exercises in the Eastern Flank, despite
German soldiers taking part in them.
Furthermore, an unsuccessful coup d’état took
place in Turkey, reflecting the increasing instability
and division currently shaking the country. This
geostrategically important NATO member could then
further complicate the already fragile security of the
Euro-Atlantic. As a result, the Incirlik air base, located
in Southern Turkey, used by the US, was temporarily
closed. Weakening relations between Ankara and
Washington led to a more worrying initiative: on
August 9, Turkish President Erdogan met President
Putin in St Petersburg, in order to "restore relations"
and discuss issues of military cooperation. A
rapprochement between Turkey and Moscow was
never part of the plan developed in Warsaw.
Meanwhile at the beginning of August Moscow
displayed its aggression acts checking NATO reaction
capabilities by deploying for "an anti-terrorist exercise"
on the Nistru river - an armed forces operational group
in the Republic of Moldova's secessionist region of
Transnistria, close to Romania, a NATO member.
Conclusions
The NATO Warsaw
Summit from the
Polish perspective as
well as for countries
constituting the
Eastern Flank was a
significant strategic
success, which also proved that NATO has fully
integrated its geographical extension to the East. The
security of the Eastern Flank is a priority for the Allies,
and NATO has shown solidarity and understanding of
the security threats which are particularly seen from
Poland and the Baltic States.
NATO has also made important steps forward in the
context of cyber security. However, to completely
assess the meaning of recognising cyberspace as the fifth
operational domain, we shall wait and see. The only
way forward would be that the Alliance fully invests
into its cyber capabilities by developing its own cyber
strategy, command and engage in cyber activities.
Official logo of the NATO Warsaw Summit (Image: NATO)
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 7
Despite successful meetings in Warsaw, NATO
continues to face challenges to which it must respond and
adapt. Following the Summit, the Alliance should take a
series of measures in order to enable comprehensive
cooperation in the NATO chain of military response.
NATO should develop decision mechanisms in order
to improve the decision making process in case of crisis.
An alternative solution is to find a consensus on
transferring responsibility for making decisions about the
use of NATO troops (battalions or VJTF) from the North
Atlantic Council to the Supreme Allied Commander
Europe.
Furthermore, NATO must look into the idea of a
Schengen zone, as suggested by Lieutenant General Ben
Hodges. Although the idea is challenging for many
European countries for a number of reasons, it would
undeniably be a useful tool as a response to the access-
denial capabilities deployed in Kaliningrad and Crimea by
Russia. Those capabilities are a serious threat for NATO
therefore “military forces should have pre-arranged
coordination that allows us to move quickly back and forth inside
the alliance”.
One month after the Warsaw Summit, it is easy to see
that NATO needs to make some fundamental changes to
its overall strategy to security and deterrence. It is time
to address the conflicting views and interests of all the
Member States while acknowledging that all have their
own interests. Maybe going back to NATO’s core
mission is the way to bring everyone back in sync and find
the threats to the integrity of the Euro-Atlantic the only
challenge that brings everyone together.
Mateusz Krupczyński is an expert at the National
Centre for Strategic Studies in Warsaw. He is also an
Atlantic Council Future NATO Fellow. He previously
served as an advisor to the Deputy Prime Minister of
Poland. He holds an MA in International Relations
from the University of Dundee, and a MA in Global
Security from Keele University. His areas of interest
are transatlantic security, cyber warfare, and NATO-
Russia relations.
NATO HQ Allied Air Command Ramstein, 2016, https://www.airn.nato.int/archive/2016/allied-air-command-takes-over-nato-first-permanent-ballistic-missile-defence-resource
NATO Warsaw Summit Communiqué, 2016, http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_133169.htm
The Sofia Globe, 2016, Bulgarian PM Borissov: Black Sea should be a demilitarised zone, http://sofiaglobe.com/2016/07/09/bulgarian-pm-borissov-black-sea-should-be-a-demilitarised-zone/ 20.08.2016
David A. Shlapak and Michael W. Johnson, 2016, Reinforcing Deterrence on NATO’s Eastern Flank
Nino, Hybrid war and changes of Euro-Atlantic security
landscape. Political and Economic consequences Economic
Policy Research Center 2016
About the author
Bibliography
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 12
order to be capable to tackle with the new risks to
security.
As stated in the London Declaration (1990)“(…) in
the new Europe, the security of every state is inseparably
linked to the security of its neighbors. NATO must become an
institution where Europeans, Canadians and Americans work
together not only for the common defense, but to build new
partnerships with all the nations of Europe”. This wording
was a precursor of what was to come.
The shifting nature of the current threats and
challenges, as seen in the emergence of hybrid and
cyber threats and the proliferation of non-state actors
that in recent years have seriously affected the new
security landscape, have also unambiguously challenged
the Alliance’s traditional approach in countering them.
The Alliance has found itself confronted with the
necessity to adapt itself to the new security reality. The
necessity to readjust implied refocusing its agenda and
redirecting its actions and policies toward a more
flexible and broader approach to security.
The change of security environment encompassed
by the emergence of new and unconventional threats
such as the rise of terrorism, the emergence of non-
state actors, nuclear proliferation and cyber threats
indicated the need of more globalized approach in
dealing with the new security challenges. NATO
successfully managed to adapt itself to the changed
security environment realizing the necessity of
expanding its network by creating partnerships with
countries that are not formally member states. The
Alliance has gradually transformed itself moving from a
strictly formalized to a more flexible and inclusive
Cooperative Security After the Summit—Prospects and Expectations for Macedonia
By Marija Jankuloska & Ilija Djugumanov
he 2016 NATO Summit held in
Warsaw once again reiterated and
reaffirmed the importance of NATO
and its partnerships as platforms for cooperation,
consultations and political dialogue. NATO’s
Partnership Policy directly contributes to the
Alliance’s open door policy enshrined in article 10 of
the North Atlantic Treaty as it assists and prepares
countries to accomplish full-fledged membership. At
the same time, the cooperative security remains a key
opportunity for countries like Macedonia that aspire
toward integration into the Euro-Atlantic structures.
Revamping the Alliance
Although many predicted that the fall of the ‘Iron
Curtain’ would also mean the downfall of the Alliance,
the latter survive the paradigm shift. However, the
new security reality meant that the reconstruction was
more than necessary in order to effectively address the
challenges generated by the newly emerged political
and security landscapes and the void left by the
collapse of the USSR
Over the course of time the Alliance has undergone
a variety of structural, political and substantial changes
that shaped and defined its present role as a global
security actor on the international scene. The collapse
of the Eastern Block and the disintegration of the
Soviet Union marked a new era of the Alliance’s
functioning. The global disorder accompanied by the
complexity of the contemporary threats and challenges
that ensued in the Post-Cold War environment have
signaled the necessity of reforming the Alliance in
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 13
structure.
What Has Been Done so Far?
The tendency toward reconstruction, re-organization
and transformation that was anchored by the adoption of
the New Strategic Concept of 2010 offered new
opportunities for the aspiring countries. By listing
cooperative security as one of its core tasks besides
collective defense and crisis management, NATO
affirmed its aspirations toward a more decentralized and
partner-oriented structure. The New Strategic Concept
demonstrated once again the Alliance’s determination to
continue in the same direction by building sustainable
partnerships with countries that show willingness and
preparedness to act toward achieving the goals put
forward by the Allies.
The Lisbon Summit
(2010) reaffirmed
NATO's new role that
has been rebuilt and
redefined after the
collapse of the bipolar
world as an Alliance
with a wide range of
tasks that are not limited
solely to security and
defense related issues. It
is not anymore a
classical military alliance
that served as a counterbalance to the Warsaw Pact with
sole defense objectives. This integration-driven process
helped to build confidence, increased the active
contributors in NATO-led operations and reinforced the
Alliance itself.
Until now, the Partnership for Peace (PfP) program
from 1994 under the auspices of the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council (EAPC) - centered on Central and
Southeastern European countries, as well as Central Asia
- has proven to be most effective of all partnership
initiatives which resulted with 12 countries being
integrated in NATO. Montenegro is another successful
story due in part of its PfP membership. The other
partnership networks are concentrated outside Europe
and include: (1) the Mediterranean Dialogue (MD)
initiated in 1994 is predominantly focused on
Mediterranean States and its network includes Algeria,
Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia;
(2) the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI) launched in
2004 NATO Summit in Istanbul which covers the region
of Gulf States includes Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and
United Arab Emirates with Saudi Arabia and Oman
expected to join; and (3) the Partners around the Globe
consisted of Australia, Japan, South Korea and New
Zealand.
Simply put, NATO’s
Partnership Policy
offers benefits for both
sides. On one hand,
NATO receives
support in its military
missions, while the
partners obtain
assistance in enhancing
their military and non-
military capabilities
through trainings,
education and cooperation. Although the utility of the
partnerships is indisputable, as well as the advantages
that the NATO partnership policy offer, there are
certain questions and dilemmas that have to be
addressed.
First, the problem with the heterogeneity of the
countries covered by NATO’s partnership network
cannot be ignored. The differences that exist are largely
shaped by different political realities, different threat
NATO Secretary General meets with President Gjorge Ivanov of the former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia on 25. November 2015 (Image: NATO)
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 14
perceptions and different national interests of the
partner countries which usually have their own
preferences how to deal with the challenges they face
and how to cooperate with NATO. Second, although
these partnerships are individually-based and the
cooperation is on bilateral level (NATO-partner
country), one should keep in mind the resources
required to ensure their sustainability in times of
austerity and budget cuts.
It is indisputable that the new approach to defense
introduced by the New Strategic Concept brings
advantages and benefits to NATO and its partners,
but it also has its drawbacks. It presents new
challenges that need to be addressed. There are still
questions whether NATO can provide effective
management for its partnership network and whether
it has capacity to adequately address the different
demands and expectations from its partners.
Another question is whether the ‘uniformity’ formula
can be operable in a complex security environment
converged by the sometimes incompatible interests
and expectations of the partners and their different
threat perceptions. It is important to remember,
however, that NATO’s partnership policy has positive
impact on the whole perception toward NATO and
its activities. It proved the importance of cooperation
between states in fields that are of common interest.
Perspectives on Macedonia
Given its aspiration toward full-fledged
membership, cooperative security is the key point
which Macedonia can benefit from. It is perceived as a
framework that would include a broad range of
activities and different areas of cooperation with the
primary goal to strengthen the cooperation between
countries that aspire toward the same goals and share
the same democratic values. It can be argued that
NATO’s new approach to defense and reliance on
partners in attaining the defined goals is beneficial for
Macedonia being assisted in implementing reforms and
reinforcing its military capabilities. Macedonia became
part of the Partnership for Peace program in 1995.
Blocked in its efforts to acquire full-fledged membership
due to its bilateral dispute with Greece, Macedonia has
been forced to remain a NATO partner-country.
The benefits for the Republic of Macedonia from the
transformation of the Alliance are irrefutable and they
have never been questioned. Aside from declarative
political commitment, Macedonia has undertaken an
active role in the NATO-led operations, including in the
International Support Assistance Force (ISAF) in
Afghanistan and the support operations in Kosovo. It has
proven its commitment and dedication to NATO
integration not only through active participation in cross
-border operations, but also through a successful
implementation of the Membership Action Plan. To
date, Macedonia has undergone structural and
institutional reforms in variety of sectors and has made
significant progress regarding NATO integration
criteria. Macedonia successfully completed the process
of defense and judiciary reforms, normative and
legislative changes, transformation and
professionalization of the armed forces and
modernization and standardization of the equipment in
accordance with NATO standards. By taking these steps,
Macedonia demonstrated a capacity and will to
contribute to the Alliance, despite not being a member
state.
Viewed from this perspective, the Republic of
Macedonia should posit itself as a proactive contributor
to international peace and stability continuing with the
tempo of reforming itself. Active partnership should
include greater efforts in ensuring the internal stability
by building political, economic and social stability, and
through stabilization of inter-ethnic relations and greater
Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 08 15
promotion of human rights. Macedonia, on its way to
NATO, should consider active endeavor by building
military capabilities and cooperation platform intended
to intercept the new security challenges. Part of the
endeavors should entail development of the national
capabilities for crisis management, strengthening the
interoperability of the armed forces and the military
equipment with proper and optimal use of military
resources aligned with NATO’s Smart Defense
Initiative. The imperative should remain reinforcement
of good neighborly relations through regional
cooperation and the strengthening of cooperation at the
bilateral level. Although the Republic of Macedonia has
continuously demonstrated consistency in its
commitment to NATO integration, regular
reassessment and reconsideration of the current
policies to meet the integration requirements are also
needed. The Republic of Macedonia should also aim at
using its experience as a troop contributing country in
order to take a leading role in the region with greater
involvement in training and education activities and
proactive engagement in the wider range of PfP
activities.
The Way Forward
In light of the recently concluded Warsaw
Summit there are several important points that
should be considered:
1) Boosting partnerships and establishing more solid
bonds with partners is essential for NATO in order to
preserve the balance and to solidify its role as a global
player on the international stage.
2) Expanding its network and introducing new
forms of partnerships is also important in order to fill
the security vacuum in areas that are out of the reach of
NATO’s formal borders.
3) As for Macedonia, it is worth noting that
Macedonia should continue to prioritize further
pragmatic cooperation and proactive action in direction
of strengthening the partnership and fostering closer ties
with NATO. As already noted and elaborated in the text
only a committed partnership and active cooperation in
the fields of common interest can lead to integration.
Ilija Djugumanov is currently pursuing a Master’s
degreein International Relations – Conflict Resolution at
the University of Skopje and as part of a joint program
withthe University of Goteborg, Sweden (TEMPUS
Joint Program). Ilija is a member of the board of ATA
Macedonia and President of YATA Macedonia.
Marija Jankuloska holds a Master’s degree in
International Law and International Relations from the
University of St. Cyril and Methodius in Skopje She is
currently a researcher and member the Euro-Atlantic
Council of Macedonia. Her research interests are at the
intersection of public international law, international
relations, human rights, and Euro-Atlantic integration.
Cooperative Security: NATO’s Partnership Policy in a Changing World”, DIIS Report, 2014, https://www.ciaonet.org/attachments/24491/uploads
Vivien Pertusot, “NATO Partnerships: Shaking Hands or Shaking the System?”, https://www.ifri.org/fr/publications/enotes/focus-strategique/nato-partnerships-shaking-hands-or-shaking-system
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ATA Programs Created twenty-one years ago, in 1994, The Mediterranean Dialogue
reflects the Alliance’s view that security in Europe is closely linked to
security and stability in the Mediterranean. Inspired by this initiative,
the Youth Atlantic Treaty Organization of Spain (COAJE), will host,
again this year, the Youth Mediterranean Dialogue in Madrid, Spain on
September 12-18. The program seeks to give information and education
about the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, its history, its values, its
principles, its tasks and its decision making process to young people from
both sides of the Mediterranean. Delegates will take their seats in the
NATO decision making process, defending the interest of a member state
or a MENA country to discuss the following topics: NATO & the Eastern
Flank; NATO Projection Of Stability Towards The South; Commission
On The Future Of The Alliance.
For more information and to apply, head to http://www.coaje.es/
On the 17th and 18th of September, the NATO Days in Ostrava &
Czech Air Force Days will present the wide spectrum of the resources
and the capabilities of the Czech Republic and its allies in the field of
security provision to the general public. The main programme, taking
place at Ostrava Leos Janacek Airport consists of presentation of heavy
military hardware, police and rescue equipment, dynamic displays of
special forces’ training, flying displays and presentations of armaments,
equipment and gear of individual units.
More details here: http://www.natodays.cz/about-the-event
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Atlantic Voices is the monthly publication of the Atlantic Treaty Associa-
tion. It aims to inform the debate on key issues that affect the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, its goals and its future. The work published in Atlantic
Voices is written by young professionals and researchers.
The Atlantic Treaty Association (ATA) is an international non-
governmental organization based in Brussels working to facilitate global net-
works and the sharing of knowledge on transatlantic cooperation and security.
By convening political, diplomatic and military leaders with academics, media
representatives and young professionals, the ATA promotes the values set
forth in the North Atlantic Treaty: Democracy, Freedom, Liberty, Peace,
Security and Rule of Law. The ATA membership extends to 37 countries from
North America to the Caucasus throughout Europe. In 1996, the Youth Atlan-
tic Treaty Association (YATA) was created to specifially include to the succes-
sor generation in our work.
Since 1954, the ATA has advanced the public’s knowledge and understan-
ding of the importance of joint efforts to transatlantic security through its inter-
national programs, such as the Central and South Eastern European Security
Forum, the Ukraine Dialogue and its Educational Platform.
In 2011, the ATA adopted a new set of strategic goals that reflects the
constantly evolving dynamics of international cooperation. These goals include:
the establishment of new and competitive programs on international
security issues.
the development of research initiatives and security-related events for
its members.
the expansion of ATA’s international network of experts to countries in
Northern Africa and Asia.
The ATA is realizing these goals through new programs, more policy acti-
vism and greater emphasis on joint research initiatives.
These programs will also aid in the establishment of a network of internati-
onal policy experts and professionals engaged in a dialogue with NATO.
The views expressed in this article are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Atlantic Treaty Association, its members, affiliates or staff.