Architecture and Belonging: Migration, Re-territorialisation and Self-Identity

Microsoft Word - Tanja Glusac_Thesis_Architecture and Belonging.docTanja Glusac
This thesis is presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
of Curtin University
June 2015
Declaration To the best of my knowledge and belief this thesis contains no material previously
published by any other person except where due acknowledgement has been
made.
This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other
degree or diploma in any university.
Signature:
iv
Abstract viii 
Acknowledgements ix
Introduction 1  Problematising the role of architecture in the construction of identity and
belonging 1  Significance of architecture in constructing self-identity and belonging 7  Methodological frameworks exploring the role of architecture in constructing
self-identity and belonging 11  Theoretical enquiry 11  Fieldwork data—population, field trip, interviews and observations 13 
Thesis overview 19 
Establishing the general parameters: Architecture, the built environment and the construction of self-identity 23 
Chapter 1  
Constructing self-identity 27  Identity formation 28  Identity as a story 35  Performativity and reiteration of norms 39  Other ways of constructing self-identity 42 
Chapter 2  
Architecture, the built environment and self-identity 51  Sense of place, sense of belonging 52  Habitus and self-identity 65  Memory and self-identity 75   
PART II  
Chapter 3  
History and theory of migration: Brief overview 89  Community: Defining aspects and migration 90  Types of and reasons for migration 95  Settlement strategies, challenges and benefits of migration 98 
Australian Federation and the White Australia policy 99  Settlement strategies and the challenges they impose 105  Benefits of migration 109 
Chapter 4  
Migration stories: Uprootedness, resettlement and the built environment 112  Examples of displaced communities 113 
New Orleans post Hurricane Katrina 113  The Three Gorges Dam, China 116  Greek immigration in Australia 123 
v
 
Chapter 5  
Practices of re-territorialisation 143  Performativity, reiteration of norms and the built environment 144  Architecture as an expression of the familiar and known 146 
Settlement patterns and institutions 153  Other habitus-informed aspects that assist in perpetuating self-identity in the
new context 159  Objects 159  Ethnic gardens and cuisine 162  Working practices 169 
Chapter 6  
Colonial architecture of Rome and Britain 174  Latinos and Korculani cross-community migration 188 
Mexican and Latino cross-community migrants living in Los Angeles 189  Korculani re-territorialisation in the southern suburbs of Perth, Western
Australia 197   
PART IV  
A critique of the architectural discipline with regard to self-identity and belonging 226 
Chapter 7  
Cultural responsiveness, or the unbridled individualistic expression of the architect’s self—the objective of architectural design? 229 
Globalisation and the architectural discipline's role in homogenising places 239  Heritage and traditional architecture—expressions of national and cultural
identity, or generation of an artificial identity from times gone by? 246   
Conclusion 257 
Bibliography 262 
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List of Figures Deserted House, island of Korcula, Croatia (Glusac 2007). iii
Figure 1. Lion statues at the entrance to some Italian homes (Glusac 2009). 5 
Figure 2. Classical portico entries decorating the entrance of homes belonging
to some South-European migrants (Glusac 2009). 5 
Figure 3. A frontyard featuring edible fruit and vegetables (Glusac 2009). 94 
Figure 4. Appropriating the council verge by planting fruit and vegetables
(Glusac 2009). 94 
Figure 5. Entry gate to Perth’s China Town (Glusac 2014). 169 
Figure 6. Perth’s China Town (Glusac 2014). 169 
Figure 7. Dalmatian cabbage in Matthew’s garden (Glusac 2009). 199 
Figure 8. Anna’s Dalmatian garden (Glusac 2009). 199 
Figure 9. Philip’s wine cellar located underneath the property he is currently
renting out (Glusac 2009). 203 
Figure 10. John’s wine press, which although no longer in use, he kept to
remind him of the old days (Glusac 2009). 203 
Figure 11. Komin in a house in Blato (John’s private collection). 205 
Figure 12. Komin in Matthew’s shed (Glusac 2009). 205 
Figure 13. Komin in Dennis’ second kitchen (Glusac 2009). 207 
Figure 14. Komin in Richard’s second kitchen (Glusac 2009). 207 
Figure 15. Traditional stone fizul located in one of the streets within the town of
Korcula, Croatia (Glusac 2007). 208 
Figure 16. Tables and chairs are used nowadays in front of houses that do not
have fizuls. Town of Korcula, Croatia (Glusac 2007) 208 
Figure 17. Dennis’ fizul located at the main entrance (Glusac 2009). 209 
Figure 18. Matthew’s fizul overlooking the courtyard (Glusac 2009). 209 
Figure 19. A Croatian house featuring blue gutters (Glusac 2009). 210 
Figure 20. Stone walls in Anna’s garden (Glusac 2009). 210 
Figure 21. Walls and street pavement made out of stone. A street in the town of
Korcula, Croatia (Glusac 2007). 211 
Figure 22. Retaining walls, streets and houses made out of stone. A street on
the outskirts of the town of Korcula, Croatia (Glusac 2007). 211 
Figure 23. A street in Korcula, Croatia (Glusac 2007). 212 
Figure 24. Anna’s storage space built to resemble a tunnel (Glusac 2009). 212 
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Figure 25. Replica of Blato’s loggia located within the Dalmatinac Club,
Spearwood (Glusac 2009). 213 
Figure 26. Stone from Dalmatia built into the loggia (Glusac 2009). 213 
Figure 27. Blato’s campanile. A photograph found in the majority of homes of
the Blacani respondents during this research (Glusac 2009) 221
Figure 28. Objects that Paul and his wife brought from ‘home’ during their visits
to Blato. These are exhibited on the komin he built in his second
kitchen (Glusac 2009) 221
Figure 29. Ethno Village Stanišii in Bijeljina features both examples of original
vernacular barns and houses transported to the site and more recent
imitations of vernacular architecture (Glusac 2007). 248 
Figure 30. Ethno Village Stanišii Bijeljina. An example of a traditional house
transported to Ethno Village Stanišii and the replica of the mediaeval
palace (Glusac 2007). 248 
Abstract This thesis is an investigation into the connections between architecture, culture,
memory and habitus and the role architecture and the built environment play in
defining and perpetuating self-identity and belonging. It uses migration and migrants
as a vehicle to examine and illustrate the importance of the built environment and
architecture in structuring individuals’ understanding of who they are and where they
belong. As well as the overall theoretical enquiry conducted throughout this study,
Bourdieu’s notion of habitus, which outlines the way any system of dispositions is
socially and culturally conditioned, is used as the main theoretical framework. This
thesis maintains that it is habitus, which in conjunction with culture and memories of
built surroundings, defines and forms lasting connections with places and
architecture that more closely inform personal identity and belonging. Together with
the investigation into identity construction, place, culture, memory and migration,
this research offers a comprehensive overview and analysis of the complex
phenomenon that comprise identity, and the role of architecture and the built
environment in structuring and restructuring it.
The highly unstable nature of self-identity that is constantly being defined and
redefined due to external pressures such as migration is examined in this study.
Central to this investigation is the exploration into feelings of longing and anguish
that arise because of leaving behind known and familiar places, and of confusion
and alienation that many migrants feel during their re-territorialisation process when
they are settling in a new built environment. By analysing and exploring the role of
architecture in defining identity and belonging within the context of migrants and
migration, this thesis establishes that connections between architecture, culture,
memory and habitus do exist, and argues that they play a vital role in defining
people’s expectations and their sense of who they are. Ultimately, the knowledge
gained from this analysis is used to form a critique of the architectural discourse and
practice and its failure to genuinely acknowledge and respond to the issues
concerning architecture’s role in informing identity and belonging that the findings of
this research suggest.
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Acknowledgements My sincerest thanks go to my two supervisors, Dr Steve Basson and Dr Nonja
Peters, who have provided me with invaluable expertise, guidance and
encouragement. I am forever grateful for the time and effort you have kindly donated
to reading my drafts and giving me the confidence required to complete my PhD.
Very special thanks go to Dr Basson, whose enthusiasm and exceptional thirst for
knowledge have awakened a researcher in me. Thank you, Steve, for not only being
my supervisor but also being my mentor and role model.
To my mother, father and brother: thank you for believing in me and for supporting
me through some very challenging times. Your love and support are deeply felt.
To my friends and postgraduate students within the School of Built Environment:
thank you for your support and much-needed friendship and understanding.
To Elite Editing: thank you for professionally proofreading my thesis. The editorial
intervention was restricted to Standards D and E of the Australian Standards for
Editing Practice in accordance with the ‘Guidelines for Editing Research Theses’
adopted by Curtin University.
Lastly, I would like to thank all my respondents for sharing with me their stories of
migration to Australia and their experiences of architecture and the built
environment. Your contributions have enriched this thesis with new and valuable
information.
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Introduction
It is easy for most adults to recall some architectural setting, such as a church, school, childhood home, or store, that was once known intimately but that has since disappeared. Years later, these vanished settings can still evoke interest, nostalgia, or even a form of mourning. ... Understanding the psychological dynamics of human interaction with the built environment is thus of more than passing descriptive or historical interest. (Roberts and Carlisle 1992, 230231, 235, cited in Peña 2006, 786)
Problematising the role of architecture in the construction of identity and
belonging
Architecture1 and the built environment that people inhabit affect and more closely
define the view they have of themselves. As Roberts and Carlisle (1992, cited in
Peña 2006) suggest, architectural settings that individuals feel connected to form a
part of their psyche even after the built fabric of these structures no longer exists.
Such architecture continues to reside in people’s memories and stories, informing
their image of who they are.
Even though architectural settings form a part of humans’ existence, the traditional
views concerning identity (and indirectly, belonging)2 generally focus on wider
territorial frames and borders such as country, region or city, and often exclude
architecture. For example, the very language that people use to describe
themselves is saturated with adjectives derived from territorial constraints such as
nationality, be it Australian, English or American. These adjectives are commonly
used to express who individuals are, or at least the part of the world from which they
come or with which they associate. Similar associations can be observed on a
smaller scale when people embrace the identity of the place in which they live,
identifying themselves as New Yorkers, Londoners or Sydneysiders. This
identification with the built environment can be refined even further to particular
1 For the purpose of this research, the term architecture encompasses any construct that serves the objective of inhabitation. 2 In this thesis, ‘belonging to a place’ refers to a feeling of being ‘at home’, which individuals develop when they can identify with and relate to the built environment and geographical location they reside in; where they can experience a connection with a place and feel comfortable being themselves; where ‘we hang our hat’.
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suburbs in which individuals reside, enhancing or more clearly denoting the identity
of its occupants. Suburbs such as Manhattan and Bronx in New York City, Surrey
Hills and Redfern in Sydney (New South Wales), and Dalkeith and Balga in Perth
(Western Australia) each communicate a very definite sense of the identity of their
residents to outsiders.3 Although territorial references relating to national borders
and cities are widely accepted as a means of identifying individuals and structuring
their view of who they are, we rarely acknowledge the role that architecture plays in
influencing and constructing personal identity.
Identity is, according to a number of authors and researchers (Bourdieu 2005,
1993b, 1990b, 1984; Croucher 2004; Cooper Marcus 1995; Manning 2005;
Maugham 1949), a product of humans’ continuous exposure to and engagement
with the environment that surrounds them, from social and cultural to built and
physical. Elements as diverse as culturally defined food, music, dance, religion and
traditions are seen as affecting the residents’ outlook and understanding of the
world and their expectations. Much research has been carried out in areas that have
conventionally been seen to contribute to identity formation and construction, such
as culture, memory and habitus. However, there is only limited research that relates
these components to architecture or brings them together with respect to forming
peoples’ sense of who they are.4 Moreover, although many studies on place
attachment and the role that architecture plays in structuring bonds and connections
to places have already been conducted, the architectural discipline has traditionally
remained reluctant to acknowledge and incorporate the findings of such studies into
practice (Rapoport 2000 (1983b), 1987, 1983a; Diaz Moore 2000).
Architecture, as a part of the living environment to which individuals are exposed
from the moment they take their first breath, can be seen as a framework or a
‘stage’ (Walter Benjamin 1924, 417, cited in Caygill 1998, 122; Glusac 2012, 1) on
which the everyday takes place. It serves as a canvas for expressing personality
and individuality whereby the initially bare architecture is adapted and appropriated
to suit the occupants’ needs and wants more closely. In this process, cultural
3 The above-listed suburbs are selected for being representative of the two very different sociocultural conditions within the same city; Manhattan, Surrey Hills and Dalkeith are suburbs or boroughs occupied by the upper socio-economic class, while Bronx, Redfern and Balga are generally populated by people in the lower socio-economic class. 4 Place attachment is a theory developed by a number of environmental psychologists who seek to relate memory, feelings and experiences to the places and architecture in which humans live. The theory of place attachment aims to explain the bonds and meaningful connections that individuals develop with places (Florek 2011; Lewicka 2011).
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aspects that define individuals are projected onto the architecture of their homes,
enabling memories of experiences, habits and habitus to be created, forming a part
of the wider collage that is expressive of their identity. Subsequently, the utilitarian
shell that is architecture subconsciously informs and structures people’s
understanding and expectations of what, for example, a house or living quarters
should be. This supposed expectation regarding architecture is particularly
noticeable in instances when the familiar built fabric is replaced by a new and alien
one, as is often the case when people move house (Ballantyne 2002, 19). This
effect of architecture on the sense of identity and on expectations is even more
strongly experienced when individuals migrate between cultures and countries.5
With this in mind, the reason that the architectural discipline does not readily
consider its effect as a valued contributor in the construction of self-identity must be
examined.
The discourse on identity that has traditionally been established within the social
science disciplines views architecture and the built environment as fleeting
components in identity construction, often overlooking them or taking them for
granted. Questions pertaining to architecture’s role in expressing identity are seldom
raised or openly discussed. The architectural discipline itself has possibly
contributed the most to the dismissive outlook that currently persists. For a number
of decades, the design of architecture, at least in Australia, has been approached
from a very impersonal level. Architectural projects that are currently fashionable in
Australia, especially on a domestic scale, are rarely expressive of the occupants’
identity, expectations and needs. Instead, they are governed by market forces and
prevailing global trends, dictated by iconic architects of our time: for example, Glen
Murcutt and Peter Stutchbury dictate the appearance of domestic projects in
Australia, while Frank Gehry and Daniel Libeskind dictate the public ones on a more
global scale. Arguably, it is no longer the culture of the occupants or their
expression of identity that are considered in designs. Rather, it is the ease with
which the ‘low-end’ architectural outputs,6 in particular generic domestic projects,
5 Susan Stanford Friedman (2004, 202, cited in Du, 2010, 38) argues that ‘home comes into being most powerfully when it is gone, lost, left behind, desired and imagined’. 6 According to Glendinning (2010, 87), there is a clear division in the architectural profession between ‘upmarket’ and ‘downmarket’ architecture. Upmarket architecture generally includes collective and generic projects such as office buildings, apartment blocks, commercial premises or affordable housing. The success of collective and generic projects are, however, judged by ‘upmarket writers and commentators such as Koolhaas’ who, by downplaying the quality of the design of these projects, are ensuring their own status as elite architects remains unchallenged (Glendinning 2010, 87).
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can be sold (Stevens 1998, 84).7 In regard to the ‘high-end’ building designs, it is the
implementation of the architect’s own signature style which determines their identity.
These considerations take the centre stage during the design process, influencing
and governing the way architecture is considered and executed today.
This problem is not new. Ever since Modernity, the conventional approach to
architecture has involved addressing issues of function, aesthetics and form, paying
very little attention to anything else (Leach 2005, 297; Brand 1994; Rapoport 2000
(1983b), 1987, 1983a). Architecture that is produced in this fashion is usually over-
designed, with every detail being resolved to fit the overall scheme of the project,
making it inflexible and poorly adapted to individual needs. One simply needs to
think of Frank Lloyd Wright’s prairie-style houses (Brand 1994) or Mies van der
Rohe’s Farnsworth House to see the problems of over-designing. The architecture
of these houses is difficult to modify or make personal without ruining the overall
appearance and the intended impact. The occupants of such projects are described
by Stewart Brand (1994, 58) as curators, as rather than inhabiting homes they own,
they are safeguarding the architect’s creations. It is this narrow focus on aesthetics,
styles and trends, coupled with the rejection of matters concerning the occupants’
cultural and personal identity, which has ultimately led to questions of architecture’s
relevance in today’s society.
This thesis, by demonstrating the importance of architecture and the built
environment in forming self-identity and belonging, aims to raise awareness among
architects of a looming crisis if the discipline refuses to change its ways.8 To achieve
this end, migration and migrants9 are used as a vehicle to demonstrate the
significance of the built environment and architecture for the creation and
perpetuation of personal identity.
As a significant number of Australian residents are born and raised in substantially
different built environments to those found in Australia (Glusac 2012, 1), it is
imperative to ask—What effect has the loss of the familiar and known architecture of
migrants’ homes had on their sense of identity? Equally, what effect has settling in
7 Crawford and ADOBE LA (1994, 12, drawing from Harvey 1987, and Holston 1991) suggest that ‘by investing their dwellings with the personal values’, Mexican and Latino migrants to the US ‘remove them from the context of mass-market values, and thereby decommodify them’. 8 Stewart Brand (1994, 53) suggests that the architectural profession in America ‘regards itself these years as being in crisis’. 9 Examples of both transnational and internal migration are considered and discussed in relation to architecture and the built environment in Parts II and III of this thesis.
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the unfamiliar architecture of the new built environment had on their well-being, on
their sense of belonging? Do migrants appropriate the architecture of their new
homes to express their identity, their expectations and understanding of what
architecture is or should be, and if so, what architectural aspects do they introduce,
and more importantly, why? Some evidence of ‘foreign’ additions, such as classic
porticoes and lion statues safeguarding the…