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Supported by
Politics of Architecture Kai Vckler
In post-conflict contexts architecture and urban planning only
have a disciplinary perspective when they consider themselves part
of the overall political system that is to say, of governance. The
profession must also come up with a new planning strategy that can
contextualize itself both internationally and locally, within
various social situations, and by preparing new contexts for
participants in society.
NGOs operating in post-conflict situations have to find their
own place within the global political regulatory system. To do
this, they have to organize more among themselves, so that,
ultimately, they form a political counterweight at an international
level. Independent, international collaborations and associations
would then also help NGOs to formulate comprehensive political
goals.
SEE Archis Interventions in South Eastern Europe
Supplement to Volume 26 Architecture of Peace
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Social and political problems materialize in cities, but since
every city is confronted with these problems and their potential
future development, there is also a chance to actively influence
the optimism of the residents, in ways that go beyond the provision
of basic necessities. The pivotal meaning of the city as an agent
for political and social change becomes particularly obvious in a
post-conflict situation. In this case, a citys development takes
place under mostly unsafe, unstable conditions, and it is
essentially defenseless against the mechanisms of political and
economic events. This kind of city is scarred by conflicts; it is
the expression of the crises in which the city finds itself.
Cities that have to regenerate after a conflict share a
recurring problem: the exchange of population segments that occurs
when many residents flee during periods of armed conflict. Often,
many do not return to their homes for a variety of reasons: they
may have better prospects elsewhere, or the political situation in
their homeland may have altered so much that they have no interest
in returning. Often, the conflicts have not been solved, but have
instead become embedded in the city itself; the numerous divided
cities around the world from Belfast to Nicosia, Mostar to Beirut
are evidence of this. In addition, many people migrate to cities
from rural areas. The result is that existing communities dissolve,
and new neighborhoods are rapidly assembled. The new residents did
not know each other previously, and have little to do with the city
and its history. And in the case of rural immigrants, they are
often not familiar with city life, which requires people to live
closely together with many different types of people. Living
conditions are precarious, production has to be set up again,
business has to develop, and jobs are scarce. Government
institutions have to be rebuilt and do not function well; the
political situation is unstable; corruption is everywhere. Most
crucial though is the fact that, due to the influx of rural
immigrants and the return of refugees after a conflict, the
population of a city will grow rapidly in a very short period of
time. Cities like Prishtina or Kabul tripled or even quintupled
their populations within a few years after military interventions.
This results in an unregulated, informal boom in construction,
since the demand for living space increases dramatically. Not only
does the reconstruction of the city the rebuilding of ruins make
its mark on a post-conflict situation, but the construction of new
buildings also has a significant effect. Political power vacuums at
the national level, along with the absence of self-monitoring in
the civilian population, generate uncontrolled forces which
seriously damage these cities chances for recovery. For this
reason, it is necessary to scrutinize the aid and planning
strategies that are used, and intensify the search for possible
alternatives.1 One fact that often goes unrecognized is that social
and political structures are formed to a great degree by the way a
city is developed. This raises the question of how the expertise of
architects and planners can be utilized, not only to overcome the
consequences of a crisis, but also to avoid more conflict in the
future. What would an architecture of peace look like?
Housing construction is strategically important in war or other
catastrophic situations since it guarantees a minimum of safety and
protection. And it is the key to urban development, as it also
helps to constitute new types of social interaction, which have the
immediate ability to help institutions begin functioning again.
Still, just like the process of rebuilding urban structures that
have been destroyed during armed conflict, the construction of
housing, the restoration of architectural legacies, or the
expansion of industrial and commercial buildings are not merely
questions of architecture or urban planning. Political and economic
interdependencies are embedded in these issues. Architects and
urban planners
have to find their own positions in relation to this complicated
association of intertwining forces.
In recent years, the importance of the international community
in managing local conflicts has increased considerably. Banding
together international aid organizations, it not only contributes
significantly to the regulation of conflicts, but also to the
restoration of political, social and cultural institutions. Even
when the primary task is to provide basic necessities, such as
water, electricity, streets and public transportation, rebuilding a
citys infrastructure means that all of the decisions and steps
taken in the process will profoundly influence the further
development of the city. Thus, the urban transformations initiated
by global players in very diverse regions around the world often
follow the same pattern. However, there are an increasing number of
problems: first, it is becoming ever more difficult to discern who
is involved; and second, large organizations such as the UN, the
OECD and the World Bank, along with countless NGOs, are unable to
coordinate their efforts. In addition, these organizations are
frequently in indirect competition with each other for political
sway, their financial backing is opaque, there is no legal
oversight of their actions, and lastly there are individuals
employed in these organizations who are involved in outright
criminal activities, and they often get away scot-free. Thus, it
has become urgent to subject the methods and procedures of the
international aid community to critical scrutiny.2
Global Governance and NGO ActivitiesIn a post-conflict
situation, the process of rebuilding a city and restoring habitable
living conditions is confronted with the necessity of quickly
adapting to a specific situation marked by a great deal of
ambiguity and insecurity. Most aid and development programs aim to
establish new forms of good governance, which often simply imitate
the political structures of the donor countries and try to apply
generally unquestioned notions of a civil society to the situation
at hand.3 Hence, normalization strategies around the globe operate
with images and concepts from historical reconstruction to the idea
of capacity building. However, despite all of the good intentions,
these strategies disregard the realities of these cities. Ideas and
concepts, such as freedom and democracy, are exported, even though
most of the time, they are mere euphemisms used to cover up the
introduction of the same capitalist principles of property and
market economies that dominate the donor nations. Even the term
human rights is regarded as a political norm that should be valid
everywhere, and the fact that human rights have a history, as well
as a changeable definition, is overlooked. To spell it out, so as
not to be misunderstood: of course, human rights are highly
desirable and worth defending, but they do not represent a neutral
system of values. Rather, they are always permeated by political
claims and ought to be negotiated and adapted to suit local
conditions. Briefly stated, too little consideration is given to
the special circumstances of local political situations, and
frequently, there is little knowledge of local culture and
society.
The result is a kind of donor speak, whose goal is to align
everything with the political aims of the donor; this language is
spoken by all of the members of local initiatives, as well as by
those working for international organizations. Unfortunately, this
is not a phantasm, but a political reality, and every plan in the
crisis situation has to adjust to it. Donors are accountable to
their own countries, and have to consider the political situations
there, too. Consequently, it is all the more necessary to create a
context for planning in crisis situations, and make sure that the
goals of the plan reflect the local
situation and are suitably appropriate. It is imperative that
local political, cultural, and social conditions be considered in
the process. Through urban planning, overlapping problems in the
development of the society as a whole can be dealt with, and models
for solutions can be concocted. However, this means that an
architecture of peace must have a clear understanding of the
specific form of local political governance that arises in a
post-conflict situation, and its own position in relation to
that.
Numerous recent global conferences for example, the 1992 World
Environmental Conference in Rio de Janeiro, the 1996 HABITAT II in
Istanbul, the 1999 URBAN 21 in Berlin, and the 2010 World Urban
Forum in Rio de Janeiro have all rehabilitated planning, in terms
of influencing and managing social processes. Widely implemented by
global players, such as the World Bank in the 1980s, the
predominant neoliberal ideology and its efforts to minimize state
influence has proved crisis-prone and increased the drive to
reconfigure state structures and develop new forms of planning.
This strategy, christened good governance, directly addressed urban
agglomeration as the focal point of social transformation,
referring to a development that has become increasingly apparent
over the last two decades. Further, in conjunction with the
significant expansion of cross-border exchange, new transnational
structures have also arisen, and they express a new kind of
relationship between the local and the global.
This is associated with profound alterations in statehood
itself, and also in planning, for it is no longer the hierarchic
and centralistic state that comprises the center of politics and
controls development when it comes to comprehensive planning.
Governmental action instead distinguishes itself in various kinds
of areas. The state now tends to play the roles of moderator and
coordinator between the international and local levels.
Non-governmental players are increasingly involved in
decision-making and implementation processes, this being the aim of
the term governance. Governance is defined as the sum of all
possible options, within which public and private institutions and
organizations are constantly regulating their common affairs in
order to coordinate their interests and facilitate cooperative
action.4 Within this structure, there are active balances of power
that are worthy of special attention.
Along with the cross-border expansion of communications,
transportation, and information systems, the intensification of
economic relationships in the global market, and the
internationalization of production and labor conditions, new forms
of political regulation have arisen on a global scale. First
attempts at a kind of global governance have been carried out by
NATO, the IMF, the OECD, and the United Nations, more or less
successfully. They act on an international level, wherever there is
a lack of formal democratic institutions. They are the protagonists
in post-conflict situations, since they are the organs of the
international community, which is supposed to guarantee
reconstruction and integration into the global market and the
international community of nations. They frequently replace missing
state institutions, or participate to a large degree in their
formation (nation building). Here, the international NGOs are
important correctives. Evidence of this is the almost dramatic
increase in the numbers of international NGOs that have begun
operating in post-conflict situations in recent decades. However,
their role within the current form of political regulation (policy
regime) is also problematic. Are they simply one component of a
dominant political and regulatory system, or do they represent the
interests of local civil societies?
2 3
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Non-governmental organizations are, according to the general
definition, civil society organizations that do not represent the
state. They are supposed to be financially and organizationally
independent of state apparatuses and private business, and they
should not be involved in the pursuit of commercial interests, but
the interests of the community instead.5 Ideally, the work of NGOs
should conform to the following description:
they represent interests that have no voice in existing
political structures (political advocacy)
they identify problems and topics, and include them in political
negotiations and decision-making processes on both the local as
well as international level (agenda setting)
they mobilize factual expertise and knowledge in order to solve
or debate topics in public
they develop projects that are not undertaken by state and
supra-state players, or else carry them out when governments or the
international community cannot do so for organizational or
political reasons
Their potential lies in their scientific, technical, or even
political expertise, as well as in the fact that they are very
familiar with the problems in their field and with the local
structures. This assumes, of course, that an international NGO
cooperates with local civil society organizations, so that they can
successfully adapt their strategies to the local political, social
and cultural context. One important component in the success of
their work is their ability to mobilize the public at both an
international and a local level, in order to further the goals of
the interests formulated. If they can do this, they can make
essential contributions to the processes of reaching the
compromises and consensus necessary to political decision-making,
and thus play an important role as mediators, since they are
pursuing neither commercial nor wider political interests.
Reality, however, has a somewhat different appearance: very few
NGOs can finance themselves through donations, and therefore, they
are highly dependent upon the financial support of governments,
international governmental organizations (such as the EU), and
their semi-public organizations. For financial support, the only
other alternative is to turn to private foundations, such as Aga
Kahn, George Soros or other foundations financed by international
corporations.6 Therefore, NGOs are forced to adapt their
approaches, to accommodate the goals and programs set forth by
their financial supporters. In addition, professionalizing their
workforce also means paying their employees, which leads to a
factual constraint: having to compromise their own programs in
order to conform to the donors agenda. Over time, NGO companies
have arisen, which are frequently only guided by self-interest. And
the staffs of international NGOs are also part of the elite corps
of managers and functionaries whom Mary Kaldor calls the
cosmopolitans a community of like-minded, well-educated experts,
who work for the United Nations, one of the international or
non-governmental organizations, or for foreign investors (who also
count local experts as part of their membership). This, too, is a
new form of global domination, which Kaldor describes as the new
divide. On one side are the generally impecunious local residents
and migrants, who are seeking a place in the new urban communities,
and on the other side are the global citizens and their allies the
local elite, most of whom have been educated abroad.7 Yet another
difficulty is that NGOs specialize in specific topics, and this
often prevents them from understanding an overarching
complex of problems. Last, but not least, is the NGOs own,
non-elected (and therefore undemocratic) position within the
political negotiation process. In practice, all of this often
results in a condescending, paternalistic way of working.
Accordingly, the policies of NGOs operating in post-conflict
situations should be critically examined, but they should also be
allowed to develop further. An important step toward reinforcing
their position enough to oppose donors, gain independence from
them, and to find their own place within the political regulatory
system, is to strengthen their contacts with each other and to
organize more among themselves, so that, ultimately, they can
become institutionalized on an international level and form a
political counterweight. Independent, international collaborations
and associations would then also help them to formulate
comprehensive political goals. This also means, however, that they
have to develop new forms of democratic politics. New, more
transparent, and therefore more open ways must be found to select
and represent topics and content, as well as to develop
decision-making processes. It is always evident that an
intervention from the outside is only successful when there is
collaboration with local structures and support for political
self-determination. This means that there must be more effort made
to integrate non-governmental organizations and other civil society
groups into the international system, and to increase their
presence on the scene. The search for new ways must begin.
Architects and Planners as Agents of ChangeArchitecture and
urban planning only have a disciplinary perspective when they
consider themselves part of this overall political system that is
to say, of governance. The profession must also come up with a new
planning strategy that can contextualize itself within various
social situations and simultaneously prepare new contexts for
participants in society.8 Should one employ the contextualization
necessary in order to plan (for that, too, can be considered a
political project), fundamental principles consequently ensue. This
is strategic, in the sense that it must react to various social and
cultural contexts, while mediating between the special needs of
individual social groups and the international power structure and
its mechanisms. Yet it must also be cooperative, in as much as it
provides, in its own turn, various participants with new contexts,
in order to open up these spaces, whose effects go beyond local
(and national) contexts. In this sense, planning must be
communicative, because participants can only be mobilized through
dialogue. This dialogue is not just local, however; it must also be
conducted at an international level.
Planners and architects have a seductive perspective of the city
from above, which can block the view of how the city should be
used, as well as the view of the social relationships and political
power relations inscribed in its spaces. Space is not neutral.
Accordingly, neither is the position of the architect or planner;
there is no such thing as architecture for architectures sake, nor
is there any such thing as a neutral plan. Every plan is the result
of negotiation and power relations, and these things are expressed
through the plan. When architects and planners regard themselves as
agents of change, and try to intervene positively in city
development, then they need to realize that they will need
political patronage. This support, however, should not be based in
opaque relationships and closed-door agreements; rather, it should
be transparent and open. Only then would it also be possible to
address the programs set forth by other political factions, and to
include them in the negotiation process. This
Internationals
Locals
Internationals
Local employees
C I T Yin post-confl ict situation
WOR L D
Refugee employees
Us and Them the New Divide
4 5
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Archis Interventions in South Eastern EuropeHere is where the
Archis Interventions project begins. The aim of Archis
Interventions, a community-based, non-profit offshoot of Archis, is
to support cities by supplying ideas and concepts that will help to
revitalize public space and renew faith in public dialogue. Local
partners play the main roles in the process, since they are the
ones requesting intervention in the development of their city.9
Archis Interventions activities in South Eastern Europe began in
2005, when some Kosovar colleagues and myself founded a local
branch in Prishtina (Archis Interventions/Prishtina). Against this
backdrop, Archis Interventions began expanding its activities
across South Eastern Europe.10 A network of independent urban
initiatives and organizations in South Eastern Europe was launched
in 2008 by myself in cooperation with Srdjan Jovanovi Weiss and is
still growing. In almost all larger cities in South Eastern Europe
there exist independent urban initiatives that use their specialist
knowledge and experience to defend the interests of civic
stakeholders. Such initiatives often work in isolation from one
another or have only limited opportunities to participate in
international urban discourse on new urban development and planning
methods and concepts. The aim of the Archis Interventions SEE
network is to network regionally and develop international
cooperation projects, to share past experience and transfer
relevant knowledge. And last but not least to strengthen local
initiatives by embedding them in supra-regional networks. By 2010
the network has been extended to the successor states of former
Yugoslavia, and to Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey and Cyprus.
Conferences have been organized in cooperation with local partner
organizations in Basel, Bucharest and Vienna. Professionals from
throughout the region have been involved in different local
projects. And the initiatives work has been presented in
international exhibitions such as the Balkanology exhibition at the
Swiss Architecture Museum (2008), Architecture Centre Vienna (2009)
and at the National Museum of Contemporary Art in Bucharest (2010)
, at conferences, and in local and international media.
In the conflict-ridden system of international politics
(localized through governmental structures), a globalized market
and civil society projects developed in cooperation with local,
independent urban initiatives can develop new kinds of cooperative
and communicative planning, which will help to support the societys
weak civil powers in particular. Thus, positioning within this new
framework of governance is of crucial significance, because if an
intervention is to succeed, then it has to develop relationships
with government institutions and the civil sector likewise.
Independent, non-governmental, non-commercial initiatives formed by
professionals play an important part here, because not only do
architects and urban planners bring their expertise to the table,
but they frequently also act as both initiator and mediator,
employing empowerment strategies to facilitate or influence urban
developments.
Noten1 See Sultan Barakat (ed.), After the Conflict:
Reconstruction and Development in
the Aftermath of War (London, New York: 2005); Gerd Junne,
Willemijn Verkoren
(eds.), Postconflict Development: Meeting New Challenges
(Boulder, London:
2005); Kai Vckler, Prishtina is Everywhere. Turbo Urbanism: the
Aftermath of
a Crisis, Amsterdam 2008; Jon Calame, Esther Charlesworth,
Divided Cities:
Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Mostar, and Nicosia (Philadelphia:
2009).
2 See Regina Bittner, Wilfried Hackenbroich, Kai Vckler (eds.),
UN Urbanism.
Post-conflict cities Mostar Kabul (Berlin: 2010); Linda Polman,
War Games:
The Story of Aid and War in Modern Times (London, New York:
2010).
3 See John E. Trent, Modernizing the United Nations System:
Civil Societys Role
in Moving from International Relations to Global Governance
(Farmington Hills,
Opladen: 2007).
4 Ulrich Brand, Stadt als runder Tisch: Zum neuen Leitbild
Global oder Good
Governance, www.bmgev.de/themen/urban21/brand. See also Michael
Zrn,
Regieren im Zeitalter der Denationalisierung, in: Claus
Leggewie, Richard Mnch
(eds.), Politik im 21. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main:
2001).
5 See Ulrich Brand, Alex Demirovic, Christoph Grg, Joachim
Hirsch (eds.),
Nichtregierungsorganisationen in der Transformation des Staates
(Mnster: 2001).
6 Archis Interventions activities in South Eastern Europe have
been mainly
supported by ERSTE Foundation. ERSTE Foundation is the main
shareholder
of ERSTE Group (the savings bank). See
www.erstestiftung.org.
7 Mary Kaldor, Cosmopolitanism Versus Nationalism: The New
Divide?. In: Richard
Caplan, John Feffer (eds.), Europes New Nationalism: States and
Minorities
in Conflict (New York, Oxford 1996).
8 See Nikolaus Kuhnert, Anh-Linh Ngo, Governance, Archplus 173
(May 2005).
9 Documented on www.archis.org.
10 See www.seenetwork.org. The Archis Interventions project in
South Eastern
Europe is supported by ERSTE Foundation.
requires a delicate tightrope walk in the political arena, which
has to be undertaken by all independent groups whenever they
attempt to intervene in the urban space. On one hand, one of their
essential tasks is to formulate the interests of excluded segments
of the population and to scrutinize the process of developing the
city by mobilizing the public. On the other hand, they have to
position themselves within the negotiation process, and,
accordingly, be ready to cooperate or compromise with other
political forces. In short, they have to have the ability to
criticize the predominant political situation, while being part of
it at the same time. This is because critique and public debate
alone are not enough, even though they are prequisites for a
successful intervention for if sustainable change is indeed going
to come about, then it is always brought about by assertive action,
and hence, it is a question of power. The regulation of city
development cannot be left up to societys self-regulation and
customary law, especially not in post-conflict situations.
Accordingly, it is directly linked to the ability of state organs
to act assertively, because they have a monopoly on the legitimate
use of force. However, no plan, regulation or urban development
strategy can be carried out if there is no consensus in society
itself about the meaning and purpose of the plan. Yet, even here,
limitations have to be set: when organs of the state (and the
international institutions and organizations that support them)
offer only repression and corruption, then they also have no
legitimation. Even when they carry out measures through the threat
of force, a critical distance must be maintained. But it is nave to
believe that an architecture of peace can exist independently of an
architecture of power.
Non-governmental organizations in post-conflict situations must
adapt their approach to the local context and thus, only limited
generalizations can be made.
However, it is possible to propose some fundamental principles
for discussion:
reflect upon and communicate ones own position
do not pursue any commercial interests
address different interest groups, in order to incorporate them
over the long term
gather various interests together for projects that require
groups to cooperate in order to carry them out
balance collaborations; advantages and profits must be shared
equally
create transparency: goals and procedures are openly discussed
in public
create room for negotiation, open up perspectives, mobilize
knowledge and place it at everyones disposal
plan and design the process; structure it through dialogue and
keep it open
Correspondingly, the three fundamental pillars of the work are:
(1) communication, (2) cooperation, and (3) shaping the process.
What does this mean, specifically, for architects and planners who
want to intervene in urban development? They should think less
about a project, and more about the process of contriving projects,
especially at first. And, as an aside, they should not assume that
their project will necessarily wind up in a plan or as a building.
As the saying goes, when you have a
hammer, every problem looks like a nail. From the standpoint of
the architect, every problem becomes a construction project.
Frequently, however, an urban problem can also be solved by other
means: a space can be revitalized through public debate, by using
it for something else, or else through an economic strategy or
regulation, to name just a few examples. That means, when figuring
out projects in a post-conflict situation, it always helps to ask a
few basic questions:
where: where is the space? Where are there spaces that are not
disputed and controversial, but neutral?
what: is it possible to create a new space, which will open up
new perspectives?
why: who needs it? Who will profit from it? Who are the partners
involved in the process? Is it in the interest of the public
welfare?
how: what tools and strategies are needed, in order to create
this space? How can collaborations be established, and how can the
process be shaped?
Flexible PlanningThe obvious failure of city government and the
international organizations in post-conflict situations, which are
together responsible for city development, can be traced back to a
problematic understanding of planning and the role of the expert.
Undeniably, plans are needed in order to structure and regulate the
citys development. However, in the traditional top-down approach
that is part of hierarchically structured planning from the
strategic master plan, to land zoning, to regulated building plans
there are already a number of troublesome aspects, which are not
really taken into consideration. The main problem is the extremely
tedious process that often drags out over several years: by the
time it comes to an end, reality has already outpaced it. Also, the
city is regarded as a coherent form an object to be shaped and
designed. The fact that the city has an active, constantly changing
form is ignored. Of course, it is necessary that there be goals in
planning, and that planning be a regulated force in urban
development, but it is an ongoing process that needs to be flexible
whenever circumstances change.
If the traditional model of urban planning is rejected, then new
forms of cooperation and processes of negotiation between private
parties and governmental institutions need to be developed. Master
plans that attempt to treat complex layers of political and
economic problems in the same way (comprehensive planning) are of
no significance. Instead, it is necessary to develop processual,
participatory, and hence, communications-based types of plans
(collaborative planning). For this kind of flexible planning, it is
crucial that new ways of collaborating be permitted. However, these
kinds of cooperative efforts should remain transparent. Still, it
has to be transparent enough to be monitored by the public.
Therefore, the forces of civil society should be encouraged to
participate; they need to be regarded as an important corrective to
the planning process. The key to all of this is communication:
public debate had to be stimulated, with the assistance of local
media. Public campaigns should also stimulate active participation
and provide opportunities for people to get involved.
6 7
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CYPRUS
Nicosia / Lefkosa
Dipkarpaz/ Rizokarpaso
MOLDAVIA
ROMANIA
BULGARIA
TURKEY
HUNGARY
AUSTRIA
SLOVENIA
CROATIA
BOSNIA AN
D
HERZEGOVINA S
ERBIA
MONTENEGRO
Kotor
Sarajevo
Novi Sad
Zagreb
Pula
Ljubljana
Belgrade
Vladiin Han
Prishtina
Skopje
Tirana
Podgorica
KOSOVO
ALBANIA
MACEDONIA
GREECE
ITALY
Mostar
Biha
Bucharest
Chisinau
Athens
Ankara
Sofia
Istanbul
BUC
CYP
PRN
SEE
FX
KU
PL
IP
ZP ATFR
PG
UR
NP
AB
IS
J
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PEFA
RCAN
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Split
INITIATIVES
AI Archis Interventions Prishtina CP Co-PLANEX EXPEDITIO Centre
for Sustainable Spatial Development FX FLUX KU New Media
Centre_kuda.org PE press to exit project spacePL Platforma 9,81
Institute for Research in ArchitecturePG Pula GroupPR Pravo na grad
Right to the City UD Urban-Rural and Recycling DesignUJ J21 Novi
Sad Urbanism
Laboratory UR Under Re:cyclingIP Intitut za politike prostora
/
Institute for Policies of SpaceAD ADAPTations1AN AnalogAT ATU
Association for Urban
TransitionZP Zeppelin AssociationNP Novi Put, BihacFR FRONTAL,
BucharestCY Archis Interventions CyprusAB Abart, MostarFA First
Archi Brigade /
Prva Arhi Brigada, SkopjeIS Archis Interventions Istanbul
PROJECTS
SEE networkPRN PrishtinaBUC BucharestCYP Cyprus
Supported by
www.seenetwork.org
8 9
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After NATO intervention ended the war between the Serbian
military and the Kosovo-Albanian liberation army in 1999, a
building boom began in Prishtina. The majority population, made up
of Kosovo-Albanians, immediately started erect-ing urgently needed
housing, while at the same time, the real estate market became one
of the most profitable branches of business, due to the enormous
lack of both residential and commercial space. Demand intensified
when the rural popula-tion began streaming into the city, along
with Kosovo refugees being repatriated by Western European nations.
Within a brief period of time, Prishtina tripled its population,
resulting in the speedy rebuilding of the city. Those who did not
participate in the construction boom were the socially
disadvantaged, who had neither land nor money, and the minority
population of Kosovo-Serbs, who, faced with a new power structure,
were not interested in investing in real estate. Even though
Prishtina had not suffered much damage during the war, about
seventy-five percent of the citys existing structures and with
them, their historical legacy were demolished, until almost nothing
was left. In addition, all of this construction activity was
illegal, due to the breakdown of local government: until 2005 it
was practi-cally impossible to get a construction permit, even if
you want-ed to. Note that all of this occurred under the
administration of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK),
which regarded its main task as not so much to regulate urban
development for the good of the city, but to introduce concentrated
market economy structures. Of course, institutional structures had
to be rebuilt, and there were no fundamental documents (such as a
land registry, for instance) to secure the legal system; but still,
one wonders why the international community, as represented by the
UN mission (whose power was ensured by the KFOR troops), was
incapable of setting at least minimum standards for construction.
The consequences were grave: not only is most of old Prishtina
gone, but public squares are neglected, the in-
frastructure is totally overwhelmed, and almost everywhere,
there are blatant safety violations, such as blocked or missing
emergency exits; insufficient, overburdened structures, where, for
instance, load-bearing walls have been removed in order to enlarge
rooms, or else single-family houses have been erected on the roofs
of five-story apartment buildings from the Social-ist era. Not
least among the difficulties are the massive social conflicts that
have arisen because neighbors have blocked each others entrances,
or even put up new buildings a hands width away from a neighbors
living room window. In short, Prishtina has serious problems in
terms of safety for both people and buildings; it has social
problems as a result of rebuilding of the city, and it has a
problem providing for basic infrastructure and services. So, anyone
who wants to know why planning is neces-sary and sensible ought to
visit Prishtina today.
The task in Prishtina was, first, to analyze the phenomenon and
then to make it comprehensible. In order to do this, we
collabo-rated with Archis Interventions in 2006 to produce a
workshop in which selected situations were analyzed and then
organized by type. The various situations were charted and mapped
in order to make it clear how extensive the rebuilding of the city
actually was. Parallel to this, we worked out an overall strategic
concept, which allowed for a combination of various strategies:
aside from the urban-architectural strategy, this affected
com-munications, the support from the Archis network, the
inclu-sion of different interest groups in a model project, and the
support of local institutions and organizations. These parallel
strategies were pursued from the start.
First of all, it was necessary to communicate the informa-tion
about the newly founded, local NGO, the analysis of the situation,
and the strategic concept. We were able to do this in an
international setting, when the project was publicized in
Volume 11 in Spring 2007; we also presented the project at a
number of different conferences on the theme, some of which were
organized by the European Union and the UN Habitat. This
immediately led to reports appearing in local media, which, in
turn, resulted in greater public interest. We were able to take
advantage of this when we organized a student workshop, which
became a public presentation during the mayoral elec-tion in
December 2007. The students took selected situations and developed
possible future scenarios for them, which they then visualized in
various ways. The visuals made it clear what would happen if the
city were simply to continue development as before. This made such
an impression on the new mayor of Prishtina, Dr. Isa Mustafa, that
he appointed the co-founder of Archis Interventions/Prishtina,
Florina Jerliu, as his personal consultant on urbanism issues. The
altered political situation, along with the great interest in
change shown not only by the politicians responsible, but also by a
large portion of the popu-lation, made it possible for us to
further develop our concept, and some of it has already been
realized. In 2009, for instance, we collaborated with city
administrators and the building ministry to create a Manual on the
Legalization of Structures
Built without Building Permits. The manual set up basic mini-mal
standards that would make it possible to legalize existing
structures, and contained a concept for carrying out this highly
complex process. In July 2009 the City Council used the
funda-mentals of this concept to pass a resolution to start the
legal-ization process. At the same time, we produced a television
show about illegal construction, which was broadcast at the time
the legalization process began. Furthermore, we worked out a
preliminary concept for a set of guiding principles for
ar-chitecture. Currently, we are at the point where we are working
on more actions that might have an effect on the public, as well as
on a possible model project, which would make it possible to apply
a new process for coordinating some sort of agreement between the
various interest groups and the realization of our ideas. What many
representatives of international and local organizations thought
was impossible in 2005 is now coming to fruition: the situation
will be improved for the general good of society. To do all of
this, however, we needed architects and planners, who wanted a
change and who worked on behalf on their city: they can be regarded
as agents of change.
Post-Conflict Planning
ARCHIS INTERVENTIONS IN PRISHTINA, KOSOVOInitiated 2005
Archis Interventions and Kosavarian architects and town planners
began their cooperation in Prishtina in 2005 by co-founding a local
NGO. Collaborators have included Hackenbroich Architekten (Berlin)
and Co-PLAN (Tirana). The legalization concept and the study about
the future development of Prishtina has been developed in
cooperation with the Municipality of Prishtina.
10 11
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INTERNATIONAL
COMPLETEDIN PROGRESS
TO BE DONE
LOCALAiBerlin
AiAmsterdam
NGOAi Prishtina
SupportStrategy
Communication Strategy
ArchisNetwork
ArchitecturalStrategy
ParticipatoryStrategy
NetworkingStrategy
Phase 2 Phase 3 Phase 4Spring 2007
Capacity Building
Activation oflocal knowledge
TV-show Newspaper campaign
Stimulation of interest groups
Leaflet
Prototypical small scale projects
Model Project
Volume issue
Stimulation of Balkan experts
network
Workshops
Integration in the Archis network
Conference
Student Projects
Advisory BoardManual Architectural competition
Architectural exhibition
Strategic Planning
STRATEGY CONCEPTInitiated 2005The strategy concept developed in
2006 (see Volume 11) combined different approaches to achieve
public awareness and impart a sensibility for environmental
qualities and architectural values. It addresses different actors,
local as well as international, and was designed to bridge the gap
between them. An important aspect was the combination of a
communication strategy (including the production of a TV show) with
a support strategy (encouraging students), a participatory strategy
(activation of local knowledge), a networking strategy (integration
in the Archis network) and last but not least an architectural
strategy (developing the manual and starting a model project).
Actually most of these strategies could be successfully
implemented.
12 13
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The Concept for a Manual and Recommendations on the Legalization
Process
Manual on the Legalization of Structures Built without a
Construction PermitThe first step in developing an implementation
strategy was a workshop, in which experts were brought together to
develop a manual that explains the principles (relating to
security, infrastructural networks and social aspects, etc.)
necessary to improve the present situation. The manual was
conceived in cooperation with international and local experts,
including representatives of the municipality, the Institute for
Spatial Planning of Kosova, and other official organizations. The
workshop participants developed joint recommenda-tions and
strategies on how to act in the near future, and jointly formulated
provisos for the manual. They consider this to have made an
important step towards bringing major policymakers into closer
contact and cooperation, with regard to the legalization issue.
Essentials
Legalization is a ONE TIME process
Day X (the start of legalization) is announced 24HRS before
After Day X a FUNCTIONING system for issuing planning permits
must be in place
Buildings constructed after Day X shall NOT BE LEGALIZED
Day Z is THE END of the legalization process.
After Day Z only URBAN PLANNING CRITERIA shall apply.
14 15
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Public Debate and Resolution of the Municipal Assembly of
Prishtina
A public debate on the regulation for legalization of structures
built without a construction permit and the manual for legalization
of structures built without a construction permit took place in the
Municipality of Prishtina, July 23, 2009. On the basis of the
strategic concept presented in the manual, the Municipal Assembly
passed a resolution to start the legalization process after the
elections for mayor, which took place at the end of 2009. The
legalization process started in October 2010.
Download the manual on the legalization of structures built
without a construction permit at: www.seenetwork.org/projects
1.1. Security Aspect
MAIN STREET
MAIN STREET
etuor
nairtse
deproffor one-way street
for two-way street
buildings with max 450 sqmPROTOTYPE 1
1.1. Security Aspect
a)b)
c)
d)
Each building should have direct access to a public road
In case of not having direct access to a public road, agreement
of use of the right to passage with theneighbor should be
reached,
if agreement is reached, passage for pedestrian should be
minimum 1.0 meter wide and the length of thepassage from the
building to the main street should be not more than 100 meters.
In order for the passage to have the character of the secondary
street, it should be minimum 3.0 m wide fora one-way street, or
minimum 5.5 m for a two-way street.
Minimal Standard:
1.1. Security Aspect
if the building is up to 1.0 meter distance fromthe neighboring
building:
:-
.
-
1.1. Security Aspect
if the building is more 3.0 meters from the plot line,the
planning criteria are applied.
1.2. Social Aspect 1.2. Social Aspect
SIDE WAL K
1.2. Social Aspect 1.3. Infrastructure
Neighborhood
Water Supply
Taxes Investment
Sewage Street Open Spaces Bus School
erutcurtsarfnIlaicoSerutcurtsarfnIlacinhceT
Municipality
1.3. Infrastructure
Water Supply
Sewage, etc.
Street Open Spaces
Bus, etc.
School, kindergarden
2.1. Security Aspect
acce
ssas
street
orbu
ildingpa
ssag
e
MAIN STREET
if the building is below 3.0 meters in distance from the
neighboring building:
2.1. Security Aspect
MAIN STREET
if the building is between 3.0 5.5 meters in a distance from
neighboring building:
2.1. Security Aspect
MAIN STREET
if the building is from 3.0 up to one fourth () of its height,
in distance from the plot line:
2.1. Security Aspect
2.2. Social Aspect
MAIN STREET
buildings above 450 sqmPROTOTYPE 2
2. Prototipi 02
2.2. Social Aspect
Conicts between neighbors results mostly out of the blocking of
view (view, insulation) by buildingtoo narrow to the neighbors
building, or out of the occupation of a neighbors plot. A
negotiationbetween neighbors in case of such problems is also basis
for the legalizations of a building.
A1 / Blocking views (view, lighting)
Minimal Standard:
The building should not block the primary view of other
buildings. The neighbor whose primary view isblocked, has the right
to complain against the applicants for legalization permit.
Blocking of the primary view is considered when:- building with
over 450 sqm applying for legalization is in a distance less than
1/4 o ts height from the plotline of the neighbors parcel, who has
a building with max 450 sqm);
- building with max 450 sqm applying for legalization is in a
distance less than 5.5 meters from the borderingwall of the
neighboring building with over 450 sqm which has openings other
than windows of bathroomsand staircases;
In case of blocking, the building can be legalized if agreed by
the neighbor whose front facade is blocked;
In case there is no agreement, the blocking building needs to be
cut back to create the due distance.
2.2. Social Aspect 3.1. Security Aspect
MAIN STREET
2.1. Security Aspect
No building applying for legalization
16 17
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An 8-part TV-Series on Informal Building in Prishtina
TV ShowA public campaign designed by Archis
Interventions/Prishtina accompanies the process of regulating
informal construction (included the legalization of existing
buildings), which commenced in October 2010. Public presentations
and a media campaign will raise public awareness of the most
important aspects of this issue (safety regulations, public
infrastructures and amenities, impact on the community, etc).
Beside public presentations and reports in different media, an
8-part TV series has been produced in collaboration with Pixels
Productions, Prishtina. Visar Geci, co-founder of Archis
Interventions/Prishtina and a renowned TV star in Kosovo, produced
the TV show in cooperation with Florina Jerliu and Kai Vckler. Each
of the series episodes addresses a different aspect of informal
building. Recorded on selected sites in Prishtina, from
AugustDecember 2009, the TV series gave local citizens and
officials a chance to express their opinions on the state of
informal building in the city, in dialogue with Visar Geci.
18 19
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STUDENT HOUS I NG
PUBLIC ECONOMIC SUPPORT
MINIMAL UNITS 25 m MAX
COLLECTIVE FUNCTIONS
STUDENTS AND YOUNG ENTERPRENEURS
iI NFORMAT I ON CENTER
CAFFE LOUNGE
Wi FiFREE WiFi
NEWS CENTER
SMALL EXIBI TIONCENTER
PER FORMANCE SPACE
PUBLI CCOMMUNI TY
CENTER
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
I NCUBATOR
FI NANCI AL SUPPORT PRIS HT INASMALL OFFICE UNIT
iI NFORMAT I ON CENTER COLLEC TIVE FUNCTIONS
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
Urban Study
Dynamic CityPrishtinas future prospects and how planning might
best support them were the focus of an urban study developed in
2009. It is necessary to offer future prospects to citizens by
developing a realistic strategy that takes the current situation
into account but also establishes the principles of viable future
development. This is strategic planning based both on a vision and
on reliable information, and can therefore offer a solid foundation
for consensus and negotiations. The study develops a key concept by
analyzing Prishtinas potential as the capital of Kosovo, and
identified knowledge and education as the key factors for future
development. The study focused on the latters spatial implications
and formulated the major principles of future urban
development.
Public Community CenterPublic community centers installed in
abandoned or newly erected public buildings shall combine different
functions that are attractive to students, and other citizens
interested in in-formation and cultural exchange.
Business IncubatorThe city can support new start up-enterprises
in the knowledge economy with specific space incubators in which
office spaces are concentrated information centers. Specific
economic pro-grams could support young entrepreneurs.
Student HousingA specific student housing typology is missing.
An investment in this specific housing, with public and commercial
functions integrated at the ground level, could be implemented
strategi-cally in the core zones of an education-related spatial
develop-ment.
Catalysts For students, lecturers and professors, as for future
knowledge based-economies, it needs a good environment and close
spa-tial connections it shall be clustered and connected well. For
that it will need specific catalysts to improve the situation.
The Youth Is The FutureThe highly significant symbolic spaces
and buildings in the inner city of the young nation is the backbone
of future development. The youth is the future the investment by
the nation and the city in developing knowledge among its young
citizens will be returned by the development of a knowledge-based
economy.
New Attraction PointsBy introducing new typologies (incubators,
public community centers, student housing) in the center, the
recommended connection of high symbolic meaning between the nation
to its history, economy and youth shall gain enormous quality.
Those new typologies should be developed as new buildings in mainly
abandoned areas, or should be accommodated in exist-ing buildings
suitable fur such typologies.
20 21
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UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
District behind Youth and Sport CenterNew recreation triggers
small business and larger business development. Spatial incuba-tors
are designed to attract young professionals by offering work space
with low running costs, by bringing together different forms of new
knowledge-based businesses to form a creative atmosphere and
combining this with public functions to enable an interaction with
other citizens. Out of this combination spatial incubators are
giving a lot of impulses to the urban development and become the
nucleus of an urban regeneration and future economic
prosperity.
Recreated Public Space and Business District behind Youth and
Sport CenterA recreated public square leading to urban
regeneration, small business and larger business development.
UNIVERSITY CAMPUS
HISTORIC CENTER
NEW ECONOMIC ZONE
NATION
PEDESTRIAN AREA
ATTRACTION POINTS
STUDENT HOUSING
PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES
INCUBATOR
Bulev
ardi N
na T
erez
Luan
Har
adin
aj
Garibaldi
Agi
m R
amad
ani
Met
o Ba
jrakt
ari
Ylfete
Hum
olli
New Community Center behind the Skanderbeg MonumentA public
community center shall combine different functions which are
attractive to students, and other citizens interested in
information and culture.
22 23
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Economic and social developments are condensed and con-centrated
in cities. Cities offer a place to call home, with the hope of a
better life. They are the pivotal points around which international
economies circulate, and are therefore directly at the mercy of any
economic upheaval that may occur, and any crises that may accompany
it. On the other hand, cities offer opportunities to improve ones
social status and participate in the global economy. Cities are
threatened by social division; by a lack of hope on one side, and
by inconsiderate behavior on the other; by rivalries in between
cities, which not only diminish the sense of community, but have
the potential to turn into ugly violence at any given moment cities
are vulnerable.
One thing that all cities in former socialist countries had in
com-mon was that, after the collapse of the socialist systems, they
had undergone a phase in which they transformed from planned
economies to market economies. This phase took place under
conditions dictated by a globalized economy and the financial
capital coming from around the world. Of course, it had a dra-matic
effect on everyday life and development in the cities. Besides
democratization, the paradigm for this socio-political
transformation involved the speediest possible privatization and
liberalization of the market. In most cases, the result was a
weakening of the states ability to regulate and oversee the market.
In particular, an overly confident belief in market forces ignored
the non-economic factors that are just as important to a
functioning community. This led to turbo urbanism, the
de-formalization of public space that results from unfettered
neo-liberal capitalism and all of its concomitant phenomena. Cities
were overwhelmed by new construction booms, ranging from
questionable investment projects in downtown areas to the large
quantity of informal, private housing developments, gen-erally on
the urban periphery. Characteristically, these booms occurred with
a weak oversight of the city, or even an outright lack of
regulation. Even in the case of collective building stock,
community property was privatized something that was hap-pening
everywhere else in Eastern Europe (with the exception of East
Germany) and the new owners were mostly left to fend for
themselves. Governments quickly unburdened them-selves of their
social responsibilities.
Here is where the Archis Interventions project in Bucharest
be-gins. In 2009 a variety of initiatives and organizations started
discussing a central problem in Bucharests development:
privatization of the old collective buildings had resulted in
ad-ministration problems for commonly held property. Property
owners were plagued by difficulties with the unclear allocation of
responsibility when it came to renovation, or with other own-ers,
who often did not understand the necessity of maintaining not only
their own property, but also the building itself, in order to
prevent the entire property from losing its value. In addition, the
situation was strongly influenced by overriding factors, such as
traffic and roads, or the buildings location in the city, which
affected the market value of the property, which in turn affected
an owners ability to obtain loans for renovation proj-ects. In the
same vein, property owners in a single building, who might have
different interests, do not have good guidelines for negotiating
with each other. Additionally, the question of who is responsible
for the public space owned by the city remains unsettled. And last,
but not least, almost nobody is familiar with the different
possible ways of shaping a city with archi-tecture. The first step
was to systemize this tangle of problems and make them
understandable, and then to develop possible solutions. However, it
is also clear that the public especially those directly affected is
not yet sufficiently aware of the fur-ther problems that will
develop if the current problems are ne-glected. Therefore,
publications, exhibitions, public discussions, and local activity
are an important part of a publically effective intervention, so
that more attention is gained from responsible decision-makers in
government, from private property owners, and from those who
represent their interests. This is just the start of an exploration
of future prospects for a section of the city whose size alone
makes it impossible to conceive of the city without it, as well as
for the people who live there.
Redesigning Modernity
Strategies for Socialist Collective Housing in Bucharest,
RomaniaInitiated 2009
An Archis Interventions, Zeppelin and Point 4 initiative, in
cooperation with Hackenbroich Architekten (Berlin). An initial
workshop was presented in 2009, in collaboration with ATU, Space
Syntax Romania, and Platforma 9,81 (Zagreb). A public intervention
was made in collaboration with studioBASAR.
24 25
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BALTA ALB1
MILITARI4
FERENT
ARI
5
AVIAIEI6
UNIRII3
MOSILOR2STEFAN CEL MARE2
Socialist Neighborhoods
Behind the Concrete CurtainsThe cityscape of Bucharest is
dominated by huge, standardized public housing estates built during
the socialist era, mainly in the 1970s and 1980s in which
approximately 70% of the citys population still live. Following the
collapse of state social-ism and the introduction of a market
economy, most public housing was privatized. Sitting tenants were
able to acquire their apartment for a minimal sum. Market factors
have since come into play: an apartments value falls or rises
according to its location, amenities and local infrastructure; some
apartments are of interest to investors; others are suffering from
neglect. Neither officials in the City Housing Department nor
individual owners (most of whom are owner-occupiers) are equipped
to cope with the new situation.
The Non-Spaces of BucharestThe totalitarian planning of the
1970s and 1980s produced un-interrupted, uniform rows of apartment
blocks along the main axes. Behind them are empty land and the
parts of the historic center that just managed to avoid the
reconstruction process. The vacant space behind the concrete
curtain has enormous potential if upgraded, it could successfully
bring together the two disparate worlds: the historic fabric and
the new city.
Strategy on an Urban Scale In order to build up a strategy for
the areas behind the concrete curtains, the first step would be to
consider the bigger context of the city and to define essential
types of areas and their spe-cifics to be developed in the future.
A zoning of the territory de-fined or influenced by the
totalitarian axes comprises of three categories. First,an
intervention area covering the left-over empty space behind the
rows. It is essentially public property and that can be
trans-formed into a system of public spaces through refurbishment
actions conducted by the administration. Second, a protection area,
more or less coinciding with the one defined by heritage
regulations. Third, a buffer area in-between the other two
cat-egories, made-up of old streets, private plots and buildings,
whose development should protect on one hand the urban fabric of
the protection area by giving new commercial housing projects a
possibility to invest under urban regulations, which will enforce
the function of the buffer area to improve also the space behind
the blocks along the boulevards. The interven-tion area has an
important bridge-function between the blocks along the boulevards
and the urban fabric behind. The develop-ment of the space behind
the blocks cannot be seen without a strategy of developing the
neighboring new building projects, which should appear in a buffer
area with clear urban regula-tions in relation to the existing
structure.
26 27
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NGOs PROFESSIONALS
- IDEAS- PRACTICAL SOLUTIONS
ACTIVATING THE COMMUNITY / EMPOWERMENT
IMPROVEMENT OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT CAPACITY- CONSULTANCY FOR
STRATEGIC PLANNING- DIAGNOSIS- DATA COLLECTION
SOLUTIONS CASE 03
THERMAL INSULATION
GREEN BUFFER
POSSIBILITY 1 POSSIBILITY 2
GREEN BUFFER
ELEVATORSUN PROTECTION / SECURITY ELEMENT
MOV
E
SOLAR PANELS
The project combines different strategies:
> a governance strategy: by supporting the municipality with
concepts and ideas of how to improve the situation, to support
home-owner associations and to empower residents to articulate
their needs.
> an urbanistic strategy: by defining different zones, an
intervention zone (the non-space behind the blocks), which should
be activated and improved and a buffer zone behind, where new
building projects can be developed and which will have a positive
impact on the existing situation by taking the pressure out of the
protection zone behind.
> an intervention strategy: by defining chill points to
activate through peformative actions which will attract residents
to interact.
> an architectural strategy: developing new concepts of
financing the complex rehabilitation of buildings is an important
part of an architectural strategy. A possibility is to create new
roof apartments to accommodate the residents currently living on
the ground floor. The space that becomes available on the ground
floor could then be leased as commercial space. That revenue could,
in turn, be used to cover the cost of maintenance and enhancement
of the building and the outdoor space. To this end, coordinated
finance and refurbishment concepts are necessary.
Top Down StrategiesGovernance StrategyUrbanistic Strategy
Bottom Up StrategiesIntervention StrategyArchitectural
Strategy
28 29
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PP
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P P
P P
@
50% P
terraces extension cafe cafe kioskcom
mer
cial
analysis proposal icons
flea market
carpet cleaner garbage disposal technical area
tech
nica
l
fountain covered roof secret place square viewing
platformmee
ting
plac
e
sunbath/shower fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic
semiprivate garden barbeque playground swimming pool
recr
eatio
n
underground
in new buildings
underground
parkingparking
parking on top
of new buildings
parking
structure
vertical
parking
raised green
parking
shared parking
space
empty lot used
for parking
50% of space
used for parking
rearangable
parking
park
ing
indoor meeting
owner associasion)
places (home
youth club community center
soci
al
outdoor gallery public space art outdoor stage
cultu
ral
outdoor cinema music / concert dancing event
ente
rtain
men
t
basketball skating bycicle parking bycicle park chess ping pong
small footbal field outdoor gym
spor
t
gym-conversion
open
gre
en
passageways path between
fences/gardens
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
open
gre
en
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
public space fenced playground privat fence
on public
ground
residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
green around
technical
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
underground
area/building
technical
park
ing
official parking
border parking
informal
pedestrian
parking
informal informal
street parking in unused areas
informal parking
individual
garrages
informal official parking
stra
tegy
/con
cept
green
parking area
for children
commerce
groundfloor
/terciary
shopping
senior center
graffiti zoneinternetinfo point
access point
bycicle lane
fee parking
densification reorientation reorganization activationof
plots
commerce
/terciary
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
face to back
old & new
collision place
new
intervention strategies overview
extension urban activation activation
of non-space
community
action
inte
rven
tion
stra
tegy
of public
space / use
connection
/ urbanisation
of unaccessible
space
passageways path between
fences/gardens
fenced playground privat fence
on public
ground
residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
green around
technical
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
underground
area/building
technical
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
face to back
old & new
collision place
new
park
ing
official parkingborder parking
informalpedestrian
parking
informal informalstreet parking in unused areas
informal parkingindividual
garrages
informal official parking
parking
acces
P P
P P
@
50% P
terraces extension cafe cafe kioskcom
mer
cial
analysis proposal icons
flea market
carpet cleaner garbage disposal technical area
tech
nica
l
fountain covered roof secret place square viewing
platformmee
ting
plac
e
sunbath/shower fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic
semiprivate garden barbeque playground swimming pool
recr
eatio
n
underground
in new buildings
underground
parkingparking
parking on top
of new buildings
parking
structure
vertical
parking
raised green
parking
shared parking
space
empty lot used
for parking
50% of space
used for parking
rearangable
parking
park
ing
indoor meeting
owner associasion)
places (home
youth club community center
soci
al
outdoor gallery public space art outdoor stage
cultu
ral
outdoor cinema music / concert dancing event
ente
rtain
men
t
basketball skating bycicle parking bycicle park chess ping pong
small footbal field outdoor gym
spor
t
gym-conversion
open
gre
en
passageways path between
fences/gardens
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
open
gre
en
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
public space fenced playground privat fence
on public
ground
residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
green around
technical
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
underground
area/building
technicalpa
rkin
g
official parking
border parking
informal
pedestrian
parking
informal informal
street parking in unused areas
informal parking
individual
garrages
informal official parking
stra
tegy
/con
cept
green
parking area
for children
commerce
groundfloor
/terciary
shopping
senior center
graffiti zoneinternetinfo point
access point
bycicle lane
fee parking
densification reorientation reorganization activationof
plots
commerce
/terciary
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
face to back
old & new
collision place
new
intervention strategies overview
extension urban activation activation
of non-space
community
action
inte
rven
tion
stra
tegy
of public
space / use
connection
/ urbanisation
of unaccessible
space
passageways path between
fences/gardens
fenced playground privat fence
on public
ground
residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
green around
technical
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
underground
area/building
technical
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
face to back
old & new
collision place
new
park
ing
official parkingborder parking
informalpedestrian
parking
informal informalstreet parking in unused areas
informal parkingindividual
garrages
informal official parking
parking
acces
Series of analytical icons are representing the general
condition as problems identi fied with regards to parking, the
green space, open space and the urban fabric.
HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION
DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD
COURTYARDS
ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK
P
P
terraces cafecom
mer
cial
analysis icons
proposal icons
squaremee
ting
plac
e
fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic semiprivate
garden playground
recr
eatio
n
underground
in new buildings
parking
park
ing
cultu
ral
basketball skating bycicle parking chess ping pong
spor
top
en g
reen
passageways
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
open
gre
en
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
public space fenced playground privat fence
on public
ground
residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
park
ing
official parking
border parking
informal
pedestrian
parking
informal informal
street parking in unused areas
informal parking
individual
garrages
informal
stra
tegy
/con
cept
green
parking area
commerce
groundfloor
/terciary
shopping
internet
access point
densification reorientation reorganization activationof
plots
commerce
/terciary
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
face to back
old & new
collision place
new
@
@
P
P
P
@
technical
area/building
park
ing
official parking
parking
acces
ANALISYS
PROPOSAL
fee parking
Sometimes setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard,
interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built
behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and
the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly
separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard,
can be created.
Direct Collision
Compact Socialist Area
HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION
DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD
COURTYARDS
ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK
P
P
@
P
terraces cafecom
mer
cial
analysis icons
proposal icons
carpet cleaner
tech
nica
l
secret place square viewing platformmee
ting
plac
e
sunbath/shower hammock seating picnic semiprivate garden
playground swimming pool
recr
eatio
npa
rkin
g
community center
soci
al
outdoor gallery public space art outdoor stage
cultu
ral
outdoor cinema
ente
rtain
men
t
basketball skating bycicle parkingping pong outdoor gym
spor
top
en g
reen
passageways
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
open
gre
en
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
public space fenced playground residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
green around
technical
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
park
ing
official parking
border parking
informal
in unused areas
informal parking
stra
tegy
/con
cept
green
parking area
for children
commerce
groundfloor
/terciary
graffiti zoneinternet
access point
fee parking
activation
urba
n fa
bric
collision place
new
technical
area/building
park
ing
official parking
parking
acces
P
@
P
@
fruit trees pocket park
P P
P
P
The totalitarian axes are an interrupted project, one that aimed
at the complete remaking of the central area. In certain areas, the
operation was pushed into the depth of the fabric, creating a
homogenous structure of apartment buildings and empty spaces.
Still, the more or less defined interior courtyards have the
potential to be turned into more defined neighborhood units.
Diffuse Border
HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION
DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD
COURTYARDS
ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK
Sometimes, setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard,
interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built
behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and
the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly
separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard
can be created.
@
terraces cafecom
mer
cial
analysis
proposal icons
garbage disposal
tech
nica
l
fountain secret place squaremee
ting
plac
e
sunbath/shower hammock seating pocket park
recr
eatio
npa
rkin
g
indoor meeting
owner associasion)
places (home
soci
alcu
ltura
l
bycicle park chess
spor
tst
rate
gy/c
once
pt
green
parking area
commerce
/terciary
internetinfo point
access point
densification reorientation
commerce
/terciary
parking
acces
@
DIFFUSED BORDER
INTEGRATION INTO NEW FABRIC
P
open
gre
ensp
ace
open
gre
en
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
public spacepublic space
/green area
fenced off
park
ing
informal
pedestrian
parking
informal
street parking in unused areas
informal parking
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
collision place
new
green around
technical
park
ing
official parking
P
P
P
P fee parking
P
P
When the concrete front and the limit of the surviving
historical area come extremely close together, an active public
space behind the apartment blocks would be impossible to achieve.
But reinforcement of the semi-public character and the
reconstitution of an urban block is possible and would improve the
environmental condition.
Enclosure
HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION
DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD
COURTYARDS
ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK
open
gre
ensp
ace
privat fence
on public
ground
park
ing
border parking
informal
individual
garrages
informal
urba
n fa
bric
collision place
newcovered roofm
eetin
g pl
ace
sunbath/shower hammock seating semiprivate garden
recr
eatio
n
underground
parking
park
ing
community center
soci
al
outdoor gym
spor
tst
rate
gy/c
once
pt
densification
parking
acces
ANALISYS PROPOSAL
com
mer
cial
P fee parking
P
Sometimes setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard,
interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built
behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and
the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly
separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard,
can be created..
Hybrid Backspace
HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION
DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD
COURTYARDS
ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK
terraces cafecom
mer
cial
analysis
proposal icons
garbage disposal
tech
nica
l
fountain secret place squaremee
ting
plac
e
sunbath/shower fruit trees hammock seating pocket park
semiprivate garden playground
recr
eatio
n
underground
parking
park
ing
basketball bycicle parking ping pong outdoor gym
spor
tst
rate
gy/c
once
pt
green
parking area
densification reorientation activation
commerce
/terciary
parking
acces
P
HYBRID BACKSPACE
CLEANING UP
P fee parking
P P
P
open
gre
en
passageways
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
open
gre
ensp
ace
public space residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
/undeveloped
public space
park
ing
border parking
informal informal
street parking in unused areas
informal parking
individual
garrages
informal
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
collision place
new
underground
area/building
technical
park
ing
official parking
Calea Moilor Analysis
Five selected areasThe concept is focussing on five selected
areas that are typical for the intervention area. The developed
proposals can be also used for similar situations in the area.
-
@
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
P
@
P
P
P
P
P
i@
P
P
P
P
P
P
@
P
PP
@
P
P
P
P
P
carpet
cleane
r
HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION
DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD
COURTYARDS
ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK
P
P
terraces cafecom
mer
cial
analysis icons
proposal icons
squaremee
ting
plac
e
fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic semiprivate
garden playground
recr
eatio
n
underground
in new buildings
parking
park
ing
cultu
ral
basketball skating bycicle parking chess ping pong
spor
top
en g
reen
passageways
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
open
gre
en
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
public space fenced playground privat fence
on public
ground
residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
park
ing
official parking
border parking
informal
pedestrian
parking
informal informal
street parking in unused areas
informal parking
individual
garrages
informal
stra
tegy
/con
cept
green
parking area
commerce
groundfloor
/terciary
shopping
internet
access point
densification reorientation reorganization activationof
plots
commerce
/terciary
urba
n fa
bric
back to back
old & new
face to back
old & new
collision place
new
@
@
P
P
P
@
technical
area/building
park
ing
official parking
parking
acces
ANALISYS
PROPOSAL
fee parking
The direct collision of the old urban fabric with the new
created a left-over space, which can be improved by clear
differentiation into public and semi-public zones, and
vehicle-related areas. The program in the intervention area is
focussing towards an urbanization of the area.
Direct Collision > Urbanization
Compact Socialist Area - Neighborhood Courtyards
HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION
DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD
COURTYARDS
ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK
P
P
@
P
terraces cafecom
mer
cial
analysis icons
proposal icons
carpet cleaner
tech
nica
l
secret place square viewing platformmee
ting
plac
e
sunbath/shower hammock seating picnic semiprivate garden
playground swimming pool
recr
eatio
npa
rkin
g
community center
soci
al
outdoor gallery public space art outdoor stage
cultu
ral
outdoor cinema
ente
rtain
men
t
basketball skating bycicle parkingping pong outdoor gym
spor
top
en g
reen
passageways
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
open
gre
en
street vendors
mee
ting
plac
esp
ace
public space fenced playground residualpublic space
/green area
fenced off
green around
technical
technical
area/building /undeveloped
public space
park
ing
official parking
border parking
informal
in unused areas
informal parking
stra
tegy
/con
cept
green
parking area
for children
commerce
groundfloor
/terciary
graffiti zoneinternet
access point
fee parking
activation
urba
n fa
bric
collision place
new
technical
area/building
park
ing
official parking
parking
acces
P
@
P
@
fruit trees pocket park
P P
P
P
The basic strategy consists of restructuring the empty spaces in
order to transform the apartment buildings and the existing
amorph