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Children's Television Advertising and Brand Choice: A Laboratory Experiment Author(s): Alan Resik, Alan Resnik and Bruce L. Stern Source: Journal of Advertising, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Summer, 1977), pp. 11-17 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4188119 . Accessed: 15/12/2014 03:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Advertising. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 193.226.34.229 on Mon, 15 Dec 2014 03:37:48 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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Page 1: 4188119

Children's Television Advertising and Brand Choice: A Laboratory ExperimentAuthor(s): Alan Resik, Alan Resnik and Bruce L. SternSource: Journal of Advertising, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Summer, 1977), pp. 11-17Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4188119 .

Accessed: 15/12/2014 03:37

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal ofAdvertising.

http://www.jstor.org

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Children's Television

Advertising and

Brand Choice:

A Laboratory

Experiment ALAN RESNIK

, I. - -

BRUCE L. STERN

Alan Resnik is currently an Assistant Professor of Marketing at Portland State University. He received his undergraduate degree from The Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, his MBA from Tulane University and his D.B.A. from Arizona State University. He has an article in the advertising area in press in the Journal of Marketing. IBruce L. Stern is currently an Assistant Professor of Marketing at Portland State University. His D.B.A. was received at Arizona State University. Dr. Stern's articles have appeared in the Journal of Marketing, Journal of Marketing Research, Journal of Business, and the Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science. He has also presented papers to the American Psychological Association, American Academy of Advertising, Southern Marketing Association, and Western Marketing Educators. The authors would like to acknowledge Scott Seaman and the staff of WMNU-TV for the production of the commercial, Kenneth Bauder and the staff of WLUC-7Vfor program and commercial integration, CBSfor the use of "Jeannie;" Cindy Strong, Mary Martinson, and Donna Kap- ronfor data collection assistance; and Dean Donald Hangen, School of Business Administration, Northern Michigan University, for the finan- cial support for the study.

ABSTRACT This experiment attempts to investigate the vulnerability of children

to television advertising. Subjects between six and eight years of age were exposed to commercial stimuli under varying conditions. Groups were randomly assigned to view segments of "Jeannie," a network children's show, either with an experimenter-produced commercial of a previously-unknown brand or a control ad inserted into the program context. In addition, the effects of traditional methodologies employed in related literature to one which minimizes reactance effects were studied. Children's brand choices were found to be influenced significantly by the communication of the commercial message for the previously-unknown brand.

A Ithough the impact of television programming on children has been a controversial topic for many

years, only recently has attention been focused on its actual effects upon a child's values, beliefs and be- havior (1,2,3,4,5). Critics allege that television com- mercials teach children values which are reflected in choices of and preferences for products that cannot meet expectations and which may be genuinely harmful. Although adults are similarly beguiled by product advertising, studies by Piaget reveal that children are uniqely vulnerable to the misleading equations and suggestions common to advertising (6). Evidence suggests that until about age twelve, the child, unlike the mature adolescent or the adult, is not able to efficiently mediate his perceptions through thoughts and ideas-or in common lan- guage, to discriminate between puffery and fact. This inability to apply judgmental criteria to perceived information leads to a behavior guided solely by the iniformation received and ultimately to unquestion- ingly accepting the exaggerated results and benefits of an advertised product.

On the other hand, supporters of children's ad- vertising claim that there is no "hard" evidence to support the charges that television advertising is harmful to children. To the contrary, many feel that

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such advertising is beneficial in that it creates aware- ness of products that potentially increases one's satisfaction. This issue has largely remained an emo- tional one with industry supporters on one side, and organizations like Action for Children's Television (ACT) on the other side. The FTC is now wedged in the center of the controversy, and is under pressure to make public policy decisions despite the dearth and lack of clarity of available experimental data.

This paper has a two-fold purpose: first, to examine the research presently available in the area, and second, to discuss a study by these authors con- cerning children's vulnerability to television adver- tising which suggests a laboratory method for inves- tigation of these issues.

The vast majority of studies attempting to mea- sure the effect of television advertising on children have employed survey or observational techniques. The survey method generally investigated such ques- tions as: How much television does your child watch? How often do you yield to these requests? How do you feel television advertising influences your child?

A second approach to assessing the impact of television commercials on children is through direct observation. This technique generally employs mothers trained to unobtrusively observe one of their children watching television commercials. Gener- ally, observation periods are determined by the child's normal viewing habits and usually last for a minimum of six and a maximum of ten hours over a seven to ten day period. Participating mothers are often paid for their efforts.

Laboratory experimentation is the third technique used for assessing the effect of television commercials on children. Within this setting, chil- dren are often asked to view a video-taped segment of a television program with commercial(s) inserted by the experimenter. The child is then subjected to a post-viewing interview and/or a product choice situa- tion.

Each research technique has its own strengths and weaknesses. The survey and observational techniques lack scientific documentation and are subject to experimenter bias, while the laboratory method has been criticized for the artificiality of the viewing situation.

PREVIOUS RESEARCH

It is surprising that more research has not been published in this highly controversial area. Existing

studies have focused on three areas: the effects of commercials on child development, viewing be- havior and effect on family buying patterns and peer group relationships.

Effects on Child Development

The major studies in this area were conducted by Ward who concentrated his efforts in four basic areas (7,8):

Cognitive affective focus, referring to the lack of quality of physical, emotional or intellectual stimuli which are most likely to affect children,

Mode of assiniilation, referring to the ways in which children recall and use the information they receive from television advertisements,

Differentiation, referring to the degree to which children can discriminate fantasy from fact, products advertised from advertisements themselves and ele- ments of commercials,

Level of judgment, referring to the stage of cog- nitive or ego development at which a child judges commercials, or is susceptible to commercial ap- peals.

Ward's sample consisted of children between the ages of five and twelve who were interviewed at home for a period of one hour (8). His results can be summarized as follows, keeping in mind that points 1, 2, 3 and 6 parallel Piaget's descriptions of cognitive development and judgmental faculties (6):

1. As a child becomes older, his understanding of what constitutes a commercial becomes greater. In the 5-7 age group the predominant level of aware- ness of what a commercial is is low, while children of ages 8-10 and 11-12 have medium levels of aware- ness.

2. As a child becomes older, his understanding of the purpose of a commercial increases. For the youngest age group children predominantly do not understand that advertisers seek profit. Children in the older age categories generally feel that commer- cials are designed to induce buying. Even in the older age groups, relatively few children realized that commercials pay for the programming.

3. Younger children were generally not able to discriminate between a program and a commercial whereas the older child (9-12) was generally able to make this distinction.

4. Younger children tended to like a commercial because they liked or possessed the advertised pro- duct. It was also observed that the most frequent reasons for liking or disliking commercials were re- lated to the entertainment content.

5. The complexity of the images that a child recalls from a television commercial increases with

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age. The complexity of recall does not significantly differ for liked or disliked commercials.

6. With the exception of the youngest group, the majority of children believed that commercials do not always tell the truth. Most older children ques- tioned the motives of advertisers. Ward also ob- served that there was apparently no relationship be- tween the child's perception of the truthfulness of a commercial and his reasons for liking or disliking it. Therefore, a child may like a commercial even though he believes it is untrue.

Breen and Powell found that children "generally tended to believe in those commercials they liked and liked those commercials they believed." (1) Even though children found some commercials "stupid" they thought the product was good.

Somewhat in line with the Ward results are the findings of Rossiter and Robertson (8,9). They found that increases in developmental factors (age and grade in school) resulted in greater understanding of commercial content, but a more defensive attitude toward them. This mistrust of commercials which increases with age was also reported by Blatt, Spencer and Ward (10).

In the study by Robertson and Rossiter, the re- searchers found that older children (grades 3 and 5) with more educated parents perceived advertise- ments as being largely persuasive (11). On the other hand, the child who felt that advertisements have the purpose of assisting and informing tend to be either the oldest or the only child in the home. Children who recognized commercials to be persuasive also could distinguish commercials from programming, recog- nize the existence of a sponsor, perceive the idea of an intended audience, show awareness of the sym- bolic nature of commercials and could cite instances where products did not meet advertised expecta- tions. Somewhat similar to the results of Breen and Powell, these authors found that children who per- ceived advertising as persuasive placed less trust in it and tended to dislike it, while those who felt that commercials' intentions were to assist actually liked and trusted commercials to a greater extent (1).

Viewing Behavior

Ward, Levinson and Wackman investigated the areas of attention to, consequences of and alterna- tives to commercial viewing (12). Using the trained mother observational approach, the researchers found that approximately one-half of the 65 children were paying full attention, while one-quarter were paying partial attention to a program before the onset of a commercial. The child usually did not change his viewing pattern, but the degree of attention did vary with age. Their study also supported Ward's findings that children of all ages were more interested in

commercials for products that they consumed and enjoyed (8). In addition, they found that regardless of commercial length, the older child paid less attention to commercials than did younger children.

Effects on Family and Peer Group Relations

McNeal's research shows that children are influenced by commercials, and that they attempt to influence parental buying (13). Additional studies provide reinforcing and more detailed evidence.

A Study by Ward and Wackman investigated the relationship between television advertising and intra-family behavior (5). The study analyzed data from 109 mothers in the form of self-administered questionnaires. The mothers indicated that younger children attempted to influence purchasing more than older children. However, although frequency of influence attempts decreased with age, acquiescing to requests was found to increase with the child's age. In addition, mothers who watched more televi- sion and who had a more positive attitude toward commercials yielded more often to children's influences.

A study by Frideres investigated the persuasive- ness of television commercials and their effect on parental buying (2). Researchers interviewed both parents and children of 82 randomly selected house- holds in a large Canadian urban area. Children indi- cated that 78 percent of the toys they would like to have, they had first seen on television. The remain- der learned about the toys from peers, which suggests a two-step flow of communication. As ex- pected, as the number of hours of television viewing increased, the probability that the toy was first seen on television also increased. A second phase of the study involved questioning parents concerning their rationale for toy purchases. The child's desire was the prevalent reason given, especially for toys cost- ing more than five dollars. Thus, toy preferences and eventual accommodation of these preferences are shown to be related to television advertising.

Strength of preferences reflected in a child's motivation to obtain an advertised product was examined by Goldberg and Gorn (14). A child's per- sistence (measured by the length of time it took to finish a puzzle-completion task) to obtain an adver- tised product was viewed as a function of expectancy and numbers of exposures. Expectancy was manipu- lated by communicating different probabilities of ob- taining the desired toys. This study represents a rare attempt to study phenomena related to children's advertising in controlled laboratory conditions. Their findings showed that seeing a single commer- cial for a valued toy produces more favorable reac-

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tions to the toy and increases motivated behavior to obtain it. However, further exposure to commercials did not increase these effects. In addition, Goldberg and Gorn found that children who approached the television viewing situation with high expectations that they would get what they saw advertised had more favorable attitudes toward the toy and exhi- bited greater efforts to obtain it (14).

Conclusions

These studies and others have confirmed the ad- vertisers' and public's conviction that television commercials do affect children. The exact nature and magnitude of that effect, however, still remains un- clear. It is believed that two areas need special re- search attention. First, a laboratory experimental methodology which permits cause and effect infer- ences to be made in an environment which minimizes reactive variables needs to be pursued. Second, baseline data is needed to establish whether or not advertising a product on television gives that product an edge over similar products in their category. The following study attempts to partially satisfy these objectives.

VULNERABILITY STUDY

The specific purpose of this experiment is to de- termine whether mere exposure to a non-informative product advertisement on television is sufficient to create a desire for that product. To this end, the investigators will first obtain a baseline measure of the vulnerability of children to television advertising, and second, will establish a check on the reactive effects of the traditional laboratory methods used to research this area. The null hypotheses to be tested are as follows:

I. There is no significant relationship between a child's selection of a particular brand and whether or not it was advertised on television.

2. There is no significant difference between the research findings obtained by utilizing quasi- natural and traditional artificial experimental methods.

Sample

The subjects for the study were chosen from chil- dren in the Marquette, Michigan public school sys- tem. It was impossible to obtain names and phone numbers of children from school principals because of a policy established by the superintendent. This problem is pervasive for studies using children as subjects. In lieu of an ideal random selection process, five hundred letters were sent home with students in

the second, third and fourth grades. These grades were selected because Ward, Levinson and Wackman suggested that younger children tended not to comprehend advertising messages (12).

The letter to the parents was carefully designed in order not to reveal the exact nature of the experi- ment, thereby dampening the potential for specific parental influence. Parents were given a telephone number to call to make an appointment for their child. The response rate was slightly less than 10 percent (45 parents). Since addresses and telephone numbers of the total population were unknown, non- response bias was impossible to measure.

Procedure

Individual subjects (Ss) were accompanied by a parent to the Learning Resources Building of North- ern Michigan University. One subject at a time was then escorted by an experimenter to a small, sparsely-decorated conference room, while parents waited in another room. The experimental room con- tained a television set at a sufficient height to prohibit the child from changing channels. The set was on when the child entered the room. A video-taped seg- ment of "Jeannie" was obtained to show the chil- dren. The tape was activated at precisely the same time for each S from a central control center. The Ss were randomly assigned to one of the three condi- tions, to be referred to as the quasi-natural, quasi- natural control and traditional groups. In two condi- tions the Ss were told to wait in the conference room and the interviewer would be with him as soon as he was free. These groups will subsequently be called the quasi-natural and quasi-natural control groups. There were no cues present to lead the subject to believe that the program was controlled by the exper- imenter. In fact, in post-experiment interviews, using probing techniques, Ss were not aware of the deception involved. Although this quasi-natural set- ting was not precisely equivalent to the child's nor- mal viewing situation, it did provide exposure to advertising stimuli within the program context, while minimizing the effects of the laboratory environ- ment. Thus, demand characteristics and evaluation apprehension, reactive variables that have plagued advertising researchers in this area were, theoreti- cally, substantially reduced. Children in the quasi- natural group were shown "Jeannie" with a potato chip (experimental) commercial, while the quasi- natural control Ss viewed the same segment of "Jeannie," but with the original network advertising intact.

A third group of Ss in the traditional condition were actually requested by the experimenter to

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watch television for 15 minutes, after which time they would be questioned. Other than this additional insight given the Ss, the traditional and quasi-natural condition were identical. The traditional condition as previously described is similar to the techniques used by Wartella and Ettema and Goldberg and Gorn, also referred to as the artificial viewing method, which is indicative of the methods used in the limited volume of experimental research done in the area (15,14).

The experimental tape insert was produced by professionals from WLUC-TV, a CBS affiliate in Marquette, Michigan. In place of two 30-second commercials that appeared during the first fifteen minutes of the actual program, a commercial which the authors produced was substituted. The commer- cial was made in the studios of WNPB-TV, the local public television station. The commercial was for a potato chip brand produced and distributed only in the Southwest which was selected in order to avoid bias from previous exposure.* The dialogue was carefully constructed to avoid any references to any- thing that could be construed as useful information. Even marginally informative words like "delicious," "crispy," or "crunchy" were not used. Elaborate camera techniques and highly appealing models were also avoided. The end result was a commercial that in essence communicated the existence of a heretofore unknown brand, using a minimal amount of persua- sion.

For all three groups the videotape was shown in color with careful attention given to control of ex- traneous variables (i.e. physical environment, ex- perimenters' dialogue and timing, length of the taped segment, potential for hearing of the experiment or products involved). After the videotaped segment ran for exactly fifteen minutes an experimenter en- tered the room and 'turned off the television. This procedure ensured equivalent exposures and av- oided the need to arouse suspicion by terminating the program from the central control point. The experi- menter then proceeded to interview Ss by asking them questions unrelated to the present study but consistent with what parents were informed was the purpose of the study. The interview continued for precisely five minutes regardless of how many ques- tions were completed. The purpose of the "dummy" questions was twofold; first, it provided a rationale to the child for his being there and for his subsequent reward for participation, and second, the time span of the interview lessened the probability of a child connecting the videotape and subsequent choices he would ultimately be asked to make.

At the completion of the interview the experi- menter thanked the subject and offered him a choice of one of two large bags of potato chips, apparently a reward for participation. One brand was the one rep- resented on the commercial inserted by the authors. The other was another potato chip brand that was only distributed in the southwestern United States. The order of presentation of the two brands was randomly varied. After S's choice was recorded, he was asked if he would rather have a toy, which all Ss preferred to the potato chips. Ss were given an edu- cational game or toy as a gift for participating and as a measure to reduce the possibility of future Ss gaining specific knowledge of the experiment. Each S went through the identical interview and choices, the only differences between groups being the commercials viewed or the context in which they were seen.

Results

The data collected in this study are dichotomous, that is, a S chooses the advertised or unadvertised brand of potato chip. Hence 2 x 2 contingency analyses were used to test both hypotheses. Because some of the cell sizes contained less than five obser- vations, the Fisher Exact test was used in lieu of chi-square analysis.

The contingency table associated with hypothesis one, concerning the relationship between seeing an advertisement and choosing the brand presented, is shown in Table 1.

Table I

AN ANALYSIS OF BRAND CHOICES IN THE QUASI-NATURAL AND

QUASI-NATURAL CONTROL CONDITIONS

Number of Number of advertised non-advertised

Conditions brand choices brand choices

Quasi-Natural 8 6 Quasi-Natural Control 1 13

The Fisher Exact value is 5.88, p. < .02

The contingency table associated with hypothesis two concerning the viability of the two divergent methodologies is presented in Table 2. *A pretest indicated a total lack of awareness of either brand utilized.

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Table 2

AN ANALYSIS OF BRAND CHOICES IN THE QUASI-NATURAL

AND TRADITIONAL CONDITIONS

Number of Number of advertised non-advertised

Conditions brand choices brand choices

Quasi-Natural 8 6 Traditional 11 4

The Fisher Exact value is .275, and is not statistically significant

Discussion

The small sample size and limited scope some- what limits inferences that can be drawn from the study. However, the experiment has dramatically demonstrated a generalized cause and effect rela- tionship that is rarely present in the previous re- search. As reflected in Table 1, 57 percent (8 of 14) of the Ss in the quasi-natural condition chose the adver- tised brand compared to 7 percent (1 of 14) of the Ss in the quasi-natural control condition. Although the 57 percent proportion is not impressive when viewed in isolation, it compares quite favorably to the over- whelming non-preference for the same advertised brand offered to the control group Ss. Apparently, the non-advertised brand, by virtue of its brand name or package, was inherently more appealing to those who were not exposed to the experimental manipula- tion. Because of the statistically significant results and the tightness of the experimental design, it can be said (keeping limitations in mind) that a child is more likely to choose a brand that he has seen advertised on television over another previously unknown brand that he has not seen advertised.

The important question remaining is why the ad- vertised product is chosen. A myriad of potential explanations exist. Perhaps television lends credibil- ity to advertised products. Equally likely is that the advertised brand was fresh in the child's mind and it was chosen due to unconscious familarity. Possibly the child really believed the model's use of superla- tives in describing the product. The outcome may be a result of a conditioned response guided by the information received (6,15). The list of possible exp- lanations could be vastly expanded with little effort. Unfortunately, although previous research gives some clues concerning the reasons for the choice of the advertised product, it would be difficult to justify one explanation based solely on their findings. Even theoretical explorations of the area do not provide in-depth or predicative foundations for evaluating the process involved. One major problem in this area

of consumer behavior, or in most areas for that mat- ter, is the eclectic approach to its exploration.

The test of the second hypothesis demonstrated that the reactance effects associated with the tradi- tional condition did little to produce statistically dif- ferent results compared to the quasi-natural condi- tion. However, when the Ss were told to watch the television, a higher proportion of them (73 percent) chose the advertised brand, compared to 57 percent of the quasi-natural Ss. Although the Fisher Exact score was not statistically significant, there was a difference in brand choice between the two groups which would have to be attributed to the special instructions given to the traditional Ss and/or chance. The lack of statistical significance could well be due to the small cell sizes, and therefore, deserves further investigation. If successive samples yielded similar results, the findings should reflect a moderate caution to future researchers in the area. The implications are that placing children in an unnatural, forced (versus optional) viewing situation might produce subtle con- tamination toward the advertised products which might overstate the effects of normal viewing situa- tions on brand choice behavior.

CONCLUSIONS

The issue of children's vulnerability to advertis- ing messages is central to determining the aggregate effect of advertising. When one thinks of a child watching an average of 25,000 commercials annually, it is understandable that there is great concern over their potential effects. When one further considers that the majority of a child's television viewing is not done during children's programming (i.e., Saturday morning) times but during prime adult hours, the concern increases. Does constant exposure to simi- lar messages increase or reduce their credibility? Does a child, because of the sheer number of com- mercial messages, develop a type of cynicism toward them as some research results suggest? The answers to these and a myriad of other questions relate to the malleability of a child's mind-the degree to which it can be manipulated by the advertiser.

This potential for manipulation has made chil- dren's television advertising a highly emotional topic. The scenario of the innocent child exposed to hundreds of drug ads, as an example, and developing the philosophy that "drugs can cure all of Man's ills" is an outgrowth of such emotion with no empirical support. However, it is an undeniable fact that tele- vision plays a major role in a child's development and such a scenario cannot be dismissed as utter non- sense. Of course children are not passive receivers of all commercial messages, but we know very little

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about how they interact with these messages and how the cornmercials ultimately affect their de- velopment.

Exploring this vital area is fraught with methodological difficulties. The problems parallel those of studying television violence, where, despite years of research, little substantial evidence exists that links television violence with real-world vio- lence. Despite the difficulties, the need for a firm empirical basis on which to base public policy deci- sions in the area of children's television advertising necessitates a broader-based research effort. Greater emphasis on laboratory and field experimentation is needed to lend convergent validity to the results ob- tained through surveys and observation. The estab- lishment of cause-and-effect relationships is a requis- ite for decisive action by legislators and government agencies, and the use of experimentation is critical for establishing these relationships.

The need for decisive action is critical because in a very real sense the children's television advertising issue rocks the foundation of the free enterprise sys- tem. The system is based on the freedom of the individual consumer to choose a mix of products that maximizes his satisfaction based on his own evalua- tive criteria. The extent to which television advertis- ing contributes to a child's development as a con- sumer and conditions his future responses to market- ing stimuli may represent an implicit reduction in economic freedom.

The present study gives a baseline indication of the power of children's television as an advertising medium. To gain further insights into the extent and intensity of the effects of this medium requires that new research paradigms be explored. To this date the research efforts have been confined to a small group of investigators. There is a great need for increased emphasis on children's advertising with additional researchers providing new perspectives in a methodologically-complex area.

REFERENCES 1. Breen, M. P. and J. T. Powell. "The Relationship Between Attrac- tiveness and Credibility of Television Commercials as Perceived by Children," Central States Speech Journal, Vol. 24 (Summer, 1973), pp. 97-101. 2. Frideres, J. S. "Advertising Buying Patterns and Children," Journal of Advertising Research, Vol. 13 (Feb., 1973), pp. 34-36. 3. Ward, S. and T. S. Robertson. "Adolescent Attitudes Toward Televi- sion Advertising: Preliminary Findings," in E. A. Rubenstein, G. A. Comstock and J. P. Murray, Television and Social Behavior, Vol. 4, Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1972. 4. Ward, S., T. S. Robertson and D. B. Wackman. "Children's Atten- tion to Television Advertising," Proceedings. Second Annual Confer- ence Association for Consumer Research, 1971, pp. 143-56. 5. Ward, S. and D. B. Wackman. "Television Advertising and Intrafam- ily Influence: Children's Purchase Influence Attempts and Parental Yielding," Working Paper: Marketing Science Institute, Cambridge, Mass., 1971.

6. Piaget, J. Biology and Knowledge. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. 7. Ward, S. "Effects of Television Advertising on Children and Adoles- cence: An Overview," Working Paper: Marketing Science Institute, Cambridge, Mass., 1971. 8. Ward, S. "Children's Reactions to Commercials," Journal of Adver- tising Research, Vol. 12 (Apr., 1972), pp. 37-45. 9. Rossiter, J. and T. S. Robertson. "Children's TV Commercials: Test- -ing and Defenses," Journal of Communication, Vol. 24 (Autumn, 1974), pp. 137-44. 10. Blatt, J., L. Spencer and S. Ward. "A Cognitive Developmental Study of Children's Reactions to Television Advertising," Working Paper: Marketing Science Institute, Cambridge, Mass., 1971. 11. Robertson, T. and J. R. Rossiter. "Children and Commercial Per- suasion: An Attribution Theory Analysis," Journal of Consumer Re- search, Vol. 1 (June, 1974), pp. 13-20. 12. Ward, S., D. Levinson and D. B. Wackman. "Children's Attention to Television Advertising," Working Paper: Marketing Science Insti- tute, Cambridge, Mass., 1971. 13. McNeal, J. U. "An Exploratory Study of the Consumer Behavior of Children," in James U. McNeal, Dimensions of Consumer Behavior. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1969. 14. Goldberg, J. and G. Gorn. "Children's Reactions to Television Ad- vertising: An Experimental Approach," Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 1 (Sept., 1974), pp. 69-75. 15. Wartella, E. and J. Ettema. "A Cognitive Development Study of Children's Attention to TV Commercials," Communications Research, Vol. 1 (Jan., 1974), pp. 69-88.

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