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YouAreNotWelcomeHere
TheDynamicsofSocio-SpatialExclusion
ACaseStudyofHomelessSheltersinHyderabad,India
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InternationalDevelopmentStudies
DepartmentofSocietyandGlobalizationRoskildeUniversity
Supervisor:BodilFolke-FrederiksenStudent:MalteWarburgSrensen
May2011
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Summary
ThisreportexaminestheestablishmentofhomelesssheltersintheIndiancityof
Hyderabad,focusingparticularlyontheattitudesofcommunityresidents
towardstheshelters.UsingtheconceptofNIMBY(Not-In-My-Back_Yard),the
dynamicsofsocio-spatialexclusionisinvestigated.Theanalysisrevealshow
exclusionisbasedontheconstructionofprejudicesandhowcommunities
constructtheiroppositiontoshelterbasedonthesenegativeperceptions.Also,
theanalysisshowshowcommunityoppositionevolves,andhowdifferent
stakeholdersuseavarietyofstrategiesinordertomakepushtheiragenda
forward.Finally,thereportrelatesthefindingsfromtheanalysistobroader
societalissuesinIndia,particularlythethemesofgovernanceandparticipation.
Acknowledgements
Iwouldliketoexpressmygratitudetowardsallthepeoplewhohavehelped
makethisreportpossible.Firstly,Iwanttothanktheresidents,leadersand
homelesspeopleinMusanagar,Bapunagar,BibleHouse,Kachiguda,Uppaland
L.B.Nagar.Thankyouforsharingyourviewsandallowingmeinsideyour
homesandneighborhoods.Furthermore,IamgratefultoAparnaGayathriwho
helpedwithtranslationandinterviews.Ialsoreceivedinvaluableassistance
fromseveralNGOs;thankyoutoK.Anuradha,andthededicatedstafffrom
AmanVedikaandthankyoutoArunmaiRacherlaandMirzaHamedfromLSN
Foundation.Iamalsoappreciativeoftheassistanceofferedfromtheofficialsof
HyderabadMunicipality;AdditionalCommissionerG.D.Priyadarshini,and
LivelihoodsSpecialistV.PrasannaKumaar.
IamespeciallygratefultoindependentscholarAnantMaringantiandhuman
rightsactivistJeevanKumarfortheiradvice,critique,contactsandlogistical
supportthroughouttheproject.
Lastly,thankyoutoBodilFolke-frederiksen,mysupervisor,forsharpinsights
andthekindofscholarlyflexibilitythatallowsstudentstoexploretheir
interests.
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MapofHyderabadandShelterNeighborhoods
____________________________________________________________________________________________
Thehouseiconsonthemapindicatethethreeneighborhoodsthathaveshelters,while
theotherthreehaveeitherresistedashelterormightgetoneinthefuture.
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ListofContents
AbstractandAcknowledgements
MapofHyderabadandShelterNeighborhoods
Chapter1:Introduction
1.1Introduction.6
1.2TheUrbanDivideandUrbanInequalities6 1.3Governance,CivilSocietyandParticipation7
1.4Socio-spatialExclusionandNIMBY....................8 1.5FieldStudyandResearchQuestions.10
1.6StructureoftheReport.12
Chapter2-CaseBackground
2.1Introduction13
2.2Hyderabad-AnExtremeCity.132.3TheRighttoFoodCaseandItsConnectiontoShelters..14
2.4TheParallelBureaucracy..152.5JudicialActivisminIndia...16
Chapter3:Methodology
3.1Introduction..18
3.2DesktopResearch..18
3.3Fieldwork......18 3.4Delimitation......20
Chapter4:TheoreticalFramework
4.1Introduction..22
4.2NIMBY-Not-In-My-Back-Yard..22
Chapter5:CaseAnalysis
5.1Introduction25 5.3TypesofNIMBYObjections..29
5.4StagesandDynamicsofCommunityResistance.....34
5.5ApproachesandStrategiesofShelterDevelopers.36 5.6ReflectionsonFindingsofCaseAnalysis..39
Chapter6:GovernanceandParticipation
6.1Introduction43
6.2PublicPolicyandItsConsequences.43 6.3GovernmentInactionandGrassrootsInaction44
6.4NationalPerceptionsofMarginalizedGroups...45
Chapter7-ConclusionandDiscussion
6.1Conclusion47 6.2Discussion...49
BibliographyandAppendix
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Chapter1-Introduction
_____________________________________________________________________
1.1Introduction
Thischapterpositionsthereportwithinthegeneraldebateonurbanizationand
poverty.First,thethemeknownastheurbandivideisexploredandrelatedto
theideaofaholisticapproachtourbanplanning.Secondly,issuesconnectedto
urbangovernance,civilsocietyandpublicparticipationareexamined.Oftenthe
urbandivideisstatedastheproblem,andgoodurbangovernanceasthe
solution,whichissupposedtobringustowardsamoreinclusiveandequalcity.
Lastly,theconceptofNIMBY(Not-In-My-Back-Yard)isdescribedandrelatedto
thepatternsofsocio-spatialexclusion.Thisleadstoanoutlineofthespecific
fieldstudy,problemstatementandresearchquestions.
1.2TheUrbanDivide&UrbanInequalities
BridgingtheUrbanDivideisthetitlethemeofthenewestStateoftheWorlds
Citiesreport.Thereporthighlightstheenormousgap,theopenwound(State
oftheWorldsCities,2010:2)betweentherichandthepoor,andhowthatgapis
producingsocialinstability.Myreportisalsoabouttheurbandivide,butnotthe
bigone;thisstudyfocusesonthemanylittlegaps,themanysmallwounds,the
multipleurbandivisions.UsingthecaseofhomelesssheltersinHyderabad,it
focusesonthediscrimination,exclusionandmechanismsofcontrolthatpoor
peopleexerciseuponotherpoorpeople.
Urbanplanningthattriestocountertheurbandivideisoftenbasedonaholistic
approachthatseekstoincorporatefourbroaddimensions:Economic,social,
politicalandcultural(StateoftheWorldsCities,2010:56).Proponentsofthis
typeofholisticapproachtodevelopmentcriticizemoretraditionalurbanplans
forviewingdevelopmentasatechnicalproblemrequiringtechnicalsolutions,
insteadofviewingitasanorganicprocessthatincludesamultitudeofsocietal
dimensions.Ingeneral,theviewofdevelopmentunderlyingthisstudyispartof
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thebroadliteratureinthesocialsciencesthat
doesnotconsiderdevelopmenttobemerelya
questionofeconomicgrowth.
Thebasicideaisthatinequalitiesincities
reflectentrenchedpatternsofsocial
discrimination,exclusionandinformal
ownershipofphysicalspace.Theurbandivide
isnotmerelyaquestionaboutincomeand
consumption.Reflectingaholisticapproachto
planning,thecityofHyderabadhasdeveloped
acityplantakingintoaccountbothsocial,
culturalandpoliticaldimensions.Theplanwas
developedinclosecooperationwiththeUnited
NationsCitiesAlliance,andcontaineda
specificchapteronBasicServicestothePoor,
includingsectionsabouttheGrowthofSlums
andSlumPopulation(HyderabadCityDevelopmentPlan,2002:2).However,
Hyderabadstillremainsanextremelydividedcity.Sowhyisitthatcitiesthat
haveadoptedapro-poordevelopmentplanbasedonaholisticapproachstillfail
todeliver?
1.3Governance,CivilSociety&Participation
Partoftheanswerhastodowithunsuitablegovernancestructures,lackofbroad
participationindecision-makingprocesses,andpoorcapacitiesofplanningandmanagement,particularlythelackofcoordinationacrossnational,provincial
andmunicipalgovernments.Astudyontheexperiencesofurbanplannersin
LatinAmericaandAsiafoundthatfewerthan25percentofrespondentsthink
thatcoordinationwaseffectiveamongthethreelevelsofgovernment(Stateof
theWorldsCities,2010:127).Thesamereportrevealsthatcitiestryingto
addressissuesofexclusionbydevelopingnewpolicies,oftenfailtoturn[the
policies]intogoalposts,sustainedprocessesortangibleresultsthatcanbemonitored(StateoftheWorldsCities,2010:127).Thereasonforthesefailures
Homelessness
ACaseofMultipleExclusions
Thesituationofhomelesspeopleisan
exampleoftheinter-linkagesofthefour
dimensionsoftheUrbanDivide.
EconomicExclusion:Thehomelesspopulation
isimpoverished,whichmeansthatthey
cannotaffordpropershelter.
PoliticalExclusion:Thelackofshelterforces
uponthemthelabelofbeinghomeless.In
India,apersonwithoutapermanentaddress
cannotvote,relegatingthehomelesstonon-
citizens,andherebyexcludingthemfrom
formalpoliticalparticipation.
SocialExclusion:Thispoliticalnon-identitytranslatesintosocialexclusion;forexample,a
personwithoutanidentitycardcannotobtain
foodrationcardsandcannotusepublic
hospitals.
CulturalExclusion:Asthelabelofbeing
homelessisreinforcedindifferentways,
culturalexclusiontakeshold.
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oftenliesintheinstitutionalframeworksthemselves,sinceovertime,theytend
graduallytoincorporatenegativeandratherinefficientattitudes,aswellas
corruptsocialarrangementsthatarenotfavorabletowardschange(Stateofthe
WorldsCities,2010:128).AnindependentresearcherinHyderabadputitthiswayItsindifferenceandgreed,thatsit.Theyreallydonthaveaverystrongidea
aboutsocialjustice(Maringanti,interview,2011).
Sohowcanthissituationbeturnedaround?Howcandifferentlevelsof
governmentbecomeaccountabletothecitizensthattheyaresupposedto
represent?Theanswertothisquestionisoneofthemostwidelydebatedthemes
ininternationaldevelopmentstudies,indeedinsocialscienceingeneral.The
reportdoesnotgiveananswer,butillustratesanumberofwaysthatgroupsat
differentlevelstrytopositionthemselves,eithertomaintainthehighposition
thattheyalreadypossess,ortotrytoensurethattheirvoicesareheard.Thecase
illustrateshowtheSupremeCourtofIndiaestablishesakindofparallel
bureaucracy,onanationallevel,becauseitdoesnottrustthetraditionalIndian
bureaucracy.Asthisparallelbureaucracyexertspressureonlocalmunicipalities,
thecitylevelofficialstrytomanagetheintensifiedtop-downinstitutional
pressure.ThereportalsoexaminesthewaythatNGOscarefullyengagewiththe
municipality;lookingathowtheytrytoadvancethecauseoftheirclients
(homelesspeople),andatthesametimepreserveafavorablerelationwiththe
morepowerfulmunicipality.However,asstatedearlier,thelargestpartofthe
reportisdedicatedtothepowerstrugglesatthecommunitylevelwheresomeof
themostbrutalfightsoverspace,identityandpowerarefought..
1.4Socio-spatialExclusion&NIMBY
Socio-spatialexclusioncanbeunderstoodasacomplexsetofprocessesand
relationshipsthatpreventindividualsandgroupsfromaccessingresources,
participatinginsocietyandassertingtheirrights(Notti&Meyer,2009:12).
Asregardstothespatialaspect,itshouldbenotedthatthemostsocially
excludedarealsooftenthemostspatiallydistant.Inthiswayphysicaldistance
helpssafeguardsocialandmoraldistance.InIndiansocietythesemechanismsofexclusionareparticularlyevidentinthecaseofhomelesspeople.Theyare
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viewedasanti-socialelements,andsocommunitieswillprotestvehemently
againsttheirpresence,tryingtomaintainasafedistance.
ThistypeofcommunaldynamicscanalsobeobservedinconnectionwiththephenomenonofNIMBY(Not-In-My-Back-Yard),whichbroadlycanbedescribed
astheprotectionistattitudesandoppositionthatacommunitydisplayswhen
facedbyanunwelcomedevelopment(Dear,1992:288).Theconceptispartofa
widerliteratureonhumanservicefacilities,andassuchformspartofurban
socialgeography.NIMBYcanbeusedtoassesshowneighborhoodsuse
stereotypes,sometimesunconsciously,toconstructargumentsforexclusion.
Unfortunately,someNIMBYanalysishasatendencytocharacterizecommunity
protestsassimpleexpressionsofself-interestedpolitics.Incontrast,thisreport
triestoremainopentothefactthatNIMBYcansometimesbeconsidered
legitimatesocialactivism,justlikecommunitygroupsprotestingagainsta
nuclearpowerplantorairportintheirlocalarea.Overall,theNIMBYframework
isusedtoinvestigatethedynamicsofurbanexclusion,andhowmarginalization
isstructuredwithinIndiansociety.
Acommunityleader,left,indiscussionwithhumanrightsactivistJeevanKumar
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1.5FieldStudyandResearchQuestions
Asoutlinedabove,thisreportusesthecaseofhomelesssheltersasanentry
pointtounderstandavarietyofurbanchallenges.Bystudyingtheway
neighborhoodsinHyderabadhaveopposedoracceptedhomelessshelters,Ihopetoshedlightonthedynamicsofsocio-spatialexclusion,andhow
stigmatizationisconstructedandmaintainedinfavorofthepoliticalstatusquo.
Theinitialhypothesesthathavedirectedtheresearcharelistedbelow.
CausesforCommunityOpposition:
Iassumethatthereareavarietyofreasonsforcommunityopposition,for
examplelackofspaceinthecommunityorlackofinvolvementintheplanningprocess.However,theprevalenceofstrongstereotypesabouthomelesspeopleis
assumedtobeoneoftheunderlyingcausesofcommunityprotests.
StagesofCommunityOpposition:
BasedonthewritingsofMichaelDear,itisassumedthatthewaythat
communityoppositionevolvesinthreedifferentstages;theyouthstage,the
matiritystageandtheoldagestage.Certainoppositionalactivitiesandtacticsarethoughttooccurateachstage.
StrategiesofShelterDevelopersandCommunities:
Thestrategiesadoptedbyshelterdevelopersinrelationtothecommunities,for
exampleaparticipatoryapproachversusaautonomousapproach,isassumedto
impactthechancesofsuccessfullyestablishingashelter.Takingaparticipatory
approachisexpectedtoincreasethechancesofcommunityacceptance.
GovernanceandParticipation:
Onabroaderlevel,theactionsofcitygovernmentsandNGOsarebelievedto
playadeterminingroleineitherdiminishingorexacerbatingurbandivisions
andmarginalization.Specifically,thestrengthofthecivilsocietyandthepolitical
willofthemunicipalityareconsideredparamountinrelationtoachieving
substantialchange.
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ProblemStatement:
Howarethedynamicsofsocio-spatialexclusionexpressedinthecaseof
homelesssheltersinHyderabad?
ResearchQuestions:
1)Whatarethecausesforcommunityoppositionoracceptanceofhomeless
shelters?
2)Towhatextentdocommunityresidentsperceptionsofhomelesspeople
influencethepossibilitiesofestablishingashelter?
3)Howdoconflictsbetweenshelterdevelopersandcommunitiesevolve?
4)Howdothestrategiesofshelterdevelopersinfluencecommunityattitudes
towardsshelters?
5)Doneighborhoodcharacteristicsshapespecificresponsestohomeless
shelters?
6)Howdoesthecasereflectsocio-spatialexclusioninrelationtothebroader
themesofgovernanceandparticipation?
PhotofromBibleHousehomelessshelter
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1.6StructureoftheReport
Chapter1Introduction:Thischapterpositionsthereportwithinthebroad
debateonurbanizationanddevelopmentinAsia.Thereportsfocusonsocio-
spatialexclusionandtheconceptofNIMBYisalsointroduced.Finally,the
chapteroutlinesthefieldstudyandresearchquestions.
Chapter2-CaseBackground:Thechapterdescribesthebackgroundofthe
casestudywithafocusontheRighttoFoodCaseandtheIndianlegalsystem.
Chapter2Methodology:Themethodologicalconsiderationsarepresented
anddiscussed,includingadescriptionofthefieldworkandareviewofthe
methodsofsampleselection,interviewsandcommunitysurveys.
Chapter3TheoreticalFramework:TheconceptofNIMBYisdiscussed,
includinganexplanationofhowkeyNIMBYmodelsareusedintheanalysis.
Chapter5CaseAnalysis:Thecaseanalysistreatsthedatacollectedat
neighborhoodlevelandincludesanalysisofresidentsNIMBYobjections,the
stagesofcommunityresistance,andthestrategiesusedbyshelterdevelopers.
Finally,thefindingsarereflecteduponatlengthandrelatedtotheresearch
questions.
Chapter6-GovernanceandParticipation:Thischapterlinksthediscussion
ofcommunitypoliticstothewiderthemesofgovernanceandparticipation.
Chapter7-Conclusion:Thischapterbrieflyreviewsthefindingsfromthe
analysisandbrieflyrelatesthesetotheproblemstatementandresearch
questions
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Chapter2-CaseBackground
___________________________________________________________________________________________
2.1Introduction
ThischapterintroducesthecasebyfirstgivingabriefdescriptionofHyderabad
anditsdiversityofethnicandreligiousgroups.ThentheRighttoFoodCaseis
presentedanditsconnectiontothecourtrulingonhomelessshelters.Afterward,
theparallelbureaucracyisdescribedasthemonitoringsustemsetupbythe
IndianSupremeCourt.Finally,thespecialtraditionofIndianjudicialactivismis
inexplained.
2.1Hyderabad-AnExtremeCity
HyderabadisIndiassixthlargestcitywithapopulationofmorethan6million
people.Itisalsooneofthefastestgrowingcitiesonthesub-continentwitha
decadalgrowthrateof32%(HyderabadCityPlan,2002:3).Theeconomyofthe
cityhasbeenboomingforthepastfifteenyearsandthecityhasestablisheditself
asacentreforIT,accountingforapproximately10%ofIndiasITexports.However,Hyderabadisalsoanextremelyculturallyandsociallydividedcity.In
IndiathecityisfamousforitscommunaltensionsbetweenHindusandMuslims
Castedivisionsarealsohighlypronouncedinthecitycomparedtoforexample
Bombay.
HyderabadOldCityPhoto:KishorKrishnamoorthi
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InthecitysCensusReportof1981nolessthan17majorgroupsofspecific
collectiveidentitieswereidentifiedinHyderabad(Krank,2008:3).These
includedethnicgroups,suchasArabs,Marwaris,Marathas,Bohoras,Pathans,
Pardhis,Jotishi,Lodha,ParsisandAndhras,andalsoreligiousgroupslikeShiahs,Sunnis,Kayasths,KhatrisandChristians.Considerthisdiversity,thereisa
considerabledangerofexclusionanddiscriminationbasedongroupidentity.In
theparticularcaseofhomelesspeople,whichisalwaysaveryhetereogenous
groupconsistingofpeoplefromavarietyofbackgrounds,itcanbedifficultto
liveinanenvironmentmarkedbysuchstrongcommunalidentities.
2.2TheRighttoFoodCaseandItsConnectiontoSheltersInApril2001,agroupofactivistsunderthebannerofthePeoplesUnionfor
CivilLiberties(PUCL)submittedapetitiontotheSupremeCourtofIndiaseeking
enforcementoftherighttofood.Thebasicargumentwasthattherighttofoodis
animplicationofthefundamentalrighttolifeenshrinedinArticle21ofthe
IndianConstitution.Sincethehearingsofthiscasehaveproceededinrecent
years,theSupremeCourtofIndiahaspassedaseriesofsignificant,andattimes
evenhistoricinterimorders,thathavetouchedthelivesofmillionsofindigentIndianslivingwithdesperatepovertyandhunger(CommissionersSecretariat-
RighttoFoodCase,2005:13).Themostsignificantordershaveobligedstatesto
providemid-daymealsinallpublicschools,programsofsubsidizedfoodtopoor
familiesandanationalFoodforWorkScheme.Ingeneral,thecourtrulinghas
hadaverywidetargetgroup,rangingfromschoolchildren,elderlyandpregnant
womentoorphansandwidows.
Inthewinterof2009-10themediastartedreportingonhomelesspeople
freezingtodeathonthestreetsofDelhi.Thepublicconsciencewasbriefly
stirredandthecommissionersintheRighttoFoodcaseseizeduponthischance
togethomelesspeopleincludedinthecourtorders.On13January2010the
Commissionerswrotetothejudgesthatmanyofthewinterdeathsofhomeless
peoplecouldhavebeenavoidedhadgovernmentimplementedfoodschemesfor
peoplelivingonthestreetsandprovidedshelterstothem.(Mander,2010:3).TheSupremeCourtrecognizedthelegitimacyofthecaseandintwonightsthe
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numberofsheltersinDelhidoubled.Later,thecourtorderswerewidened
toincludeallstategovernment,whowerethendirectedtobuildsheltersincities
withapopulationofmorethan1million,orcitiesofspecialpoliticalorcultural
importance.Accordingtotheorder,forevery100.000persons,onesheltershouldbebuiltwiththecapacitytosleep100persons.Subsequently,atotalof
62suchcitiesinIndiawereidentifiedandstategovernmentswereorderedto
getthesheltersreadybyMarch31st,2011.Forthefirsttime,theissueof
homelessnessandshelterswastakenupatthehighestadministrativelevels.
However,discussingsheltersatmeetingsdoesnotnecessarilymeanthatthe
issuegetsanypriorityontherealagendaofstatepolitics.Thisisconfirmedby
thefactthatinthestateofAndraPradesh,whichhasanumberoflargecities,
onlythestatecapitalofHyderabadhasadvancedontheissueofshelters.In
Hyderabadthemunicipalityproducedalistof40buildingsthatcouldbeusedas
potentialshelters.Comparedtoothercitygovernments,thelistwasamajorstep
forward,andtestifiedtothefactthatsomemunicipalofficerswerededicatedto
theissue.Accordingtothemunicipalitythebuildingswereunusedgovernment
buildingsorcommunityhalls.Unfortunately,asweshallseelater,the
communityhallswereindeedbeingused.Also,theneighborhoodswherethe
governmentbuildingswerelocatedshowedsignificantoppositiontowardsthe
ideaofallowinghomelesspeopleintotheircommunities.Asanendresult,in
Hyderabad,withapopulationofmorethansixmillionpeople,onlysixshelters
havebeenestablished,whichstandsinstarkcontrasttothe40shelters
originallyplanned.
2.3TheParallelBureaucracy
Asareflectionofthepoorimplementationofthecourtordersbythestateand
citybureaucracy,theSupremeCourthassetupanextensivemonitoringand
advisorysystem.Thisparallelbureaucracybasicallyworksonthreelevels:On
anationalleveltheCommissionersarethecentralfiguresandreportdirectlyto
theSupremeCourt.Onastatelevel,theStateAdvisorsassemblereportsand
coordinatestheactivitiesofNGOs.Onthecitylevel,variousactivistgroupsandNGOsconductsheltervisits,produceauditsonqualityandmakeenquiresin
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responsetocomplaints,whicharethensentbackupwardsintothesystem.
Noattemptismadetodisguisethepoliticalorientationofthewholeoperation,
andconnectionsbetweentheSupremeCourtandhumanrightsactivistsisclear
inmanyofficialdocuments.AgoodexampleofthisisthefactthattheSpecialCommissionerfortheRighttoFoodistheformerdirectorofActionAidIndia,one
ofthecountrysmostprominentrights-basedNGOs.Furthermore,thelanguage
employedbyboththeSupremeCourt,theCommissionersandtheStateAdvisers
isverybluntlyinspiredbysocialjusticeideals.
Theestablishmentofthisextensive,alternativebureaucracyisnot,however,a
specialcase.Inmanyotherinstances,theSupremeCourthasestablishedsimilar
structuresbasedontheirgenuinedistrustoftheformalIndianstate
bureaucracy.Skepticshavecriticizedthisparallelbureaucracyforbeing
undemocraticsincenoelectedrepresentativeshaveanypowerindecidingwho
getsappointedandwhodoesnot.Also,withintheranksofleftwing
sympathizers,thereisaconcernthatthesystemisweakbecause,tosomeextent,
itreliesonthegoodwillofafewindividualjudges.Thefearisthatifthesejudges
arereplaced,thenthewholestructurewillcrumble(Maringanti,2011,
interview).However,thistypeofjudicialactivismhasbeenacharacteristicofthe
IndianSupremeCourtformorethanfourdecades,andinrecentyearsithasonly
grownstronger.
2.4JudicialActivisminIndia
WikipediadefinesjudicialactivismasJudicialrulingsuspectedofbeingbasedon
personalorpoliticalconsiderationsratherthanonexistinglaw.IntheAnglo-Saxontradition,judicialactivismisgenerallyusedasanegativetermtodescribe
judgeswhoarenotabletoperformtheirdutiesneutrally.Moregenerally,
judicialactivismisconsideredtobecloselyrelatedtoconstitutional
interpretationandseparationofpowers.However,inIndia,anothertradition
exists,illustratedbythisquotefromaformerIndianChiefJustice:Judgescan
andshouldadoptanactivistapproach.Thereisnoneedforjudgestofeelshyor
apologeticaboutthelawcreatingroles(Bhagwati,1977:1).HecontinuestodescribehowThejudgeinfuseslifeandbloodintothedryskeletonprovidedby
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thelegislatureandcreatesalivingorganismappropriateandadequatetomeetthe
needsofthesociety(Bhagwati,1977:2).
KnowingthatthisisthedominantwayofthinkingwithintheIndianSupremeCourtmakesiteasiertounderstandtheRighttoFoodcase.Thefactthatacivil
rightsgroupcanmakeacourtcaseonbehalfofmillionsofpoorpeople,andthe
factthathumanrightsactivistsareappointedCommissioners,andthefactthat
ahugeparallelbureaucracyisestablishedtocountercorruptionintheoriginal
bureaucracy;allofthisisonlypossiblebecauseoftheexistenceofspecialtypeof
judicialactivism.However,asoneexpertjokinglysaidRightnow,ifyoure
leftwinginIndia,youprobablylovetheSupremeCourt.Butwhatifthejudgesget
replacedwithrightwingpeople?Thatmightchangeyouropinionaboutthe
greatnessofjudicialactivism(Maringanti,2011:Interview).
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Chapter3-Methodology
____________________________________________________________________________________________
3.1Introduction
Inthischapterthemethodsarepresentedandevaluatedinordertogivethe
readerasenseofthemethodologicalstrengthsandweaknesses.Thefieldwork
andempiricaldatahavebeengivenpriority,andsothemethodshavebeen
chosenaccordingtotheirrelevancetocasestudiesandfieldworkdatacollection.
First,Ibrieflydescribethedesktopresearch,andthenImoveontodescribethe
progressionofthefieldwork,includingdescriptionsofthespecificmethodsof
sampleselection,interviewsandcommunitysurveys.Lastly,Icommentonsome
ofthelimitationsofthereport.
3.2DesktopResearch
Researchisrarelyalinearprocess,especiallynotwhenitincludesfieldwork.
ThisprojectwasbasedonabroadinterestinIndiansociety,andonlygradually
didInarrowinonaspecifictopic,geographicallocation,methodandtheoretical
framework.Theinitialdesktopresearchconsistedofbroadreadingsand
personalmindmapstoidentifyresearchinterests.Thenconceptnoteswere
written,whichwereusedindiscussionswithmysupervisor.Later,Ibegana
seriesofemailcorrespondencesandlong-distancetelephoneinterviewswith
Indianresearchers.Thesewereverybeneficialinidentifyingpotentialcase
studies,andidentifyinglocalcontacts.Afterhavingdecidedtostudyhomeless
sheltersinHyderabad,Ibeganaliteraturereviewofhomelessnessandsocio-
spatialexclusion,whichhelpedinlocatingknowledgegaps.
3.3Fieldwork
BelowIdescribethethreeprimarymethodsusedduringthefieldwork;sample
selection,interviewsandcommunitysurveys.Thefieldworkitselflastedthree
weeksandcanbedividedintofourphases.InthefirstphaseIconductedaseries
ofintroductoryinterviewsandsitevisits.ThenIcarriedoutanumberofin-
depthinterviewswithexpertsandcommunityresidents.Thirdly,thecommunitysurveysweredone.Finally,Ididapresentationofmyfindingsatoneofthe
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shelterNGOs,whichleadtoadiscussionthatgeneratednewinsights.Writing
andreflectionwasanongoingprocess.
SampleSelection-CaseStudyasaMethod:Afterhavingvisitedafewneighborhoodsandhomelessshelters,Idecidedto
focusmydatacollectiononsixlocations.Thestrategyusedforselectionwas
information-oriented,whichmeansthatcaseswereselectedonthebasisof
expectationsabouttheirinformationcontent.(Flyvbjerg,2004:426).Inorder
words,thecriticaldimensioninmystudywasthehomelessshelter:Iwantedto
examineavarietyofsheltersituationsinavarietyofneighborhoods.Ineeded
neighborhoodsthathadacceptedtheshelter,whileothersneededtohave
opposedandrejectedit.Ialsowantedtoincludeacommunitythathadbeen
designatedasafuturelocationofashelter.Thereasonforchoosingsuchvaried
sub-sampleswastoobtaininformationaboutprocessandoutcome:Whyhad
somecommunitiesacceptedtheshelter,whileothershadrejectedit?Andhow
werecommunityresidentsreactingwhenfacedwiththeprospectofhostinga
futureshelter?
Interviews:
Individualinterviewswereconductedwithfourcategoriesofpeople;municipal
staff,communityleaders,NGOsandasmallgroupofacademicsandhumanrights
activists.Atotalof17interviewswereconductedofapproximately45minutes
each.Threegroupinterviewswerealsocarriedoutwithhomelesspeopleat
threedifferentshelters.Themethodusedwasqualitativesemi-structured
interviews,whichmeantthatinterviewswerestructuredaroundkeythemes,
butstillflexibleenoughtoallownaturaldiversions.Theinterviewswith
municipalstaff,communityleaders,andNGOsconcentratedontherecent
attemptstoestablishnightshelters,theirperceptionsabouttheirownrolesand
thoseofotherstakeholders.Thegroupinterviewswithshelterclientswere
conductedinordertogainabetterunderstandingofthehomelesspeoplesown
perceptionofthefunctioningofthenightsheltersandtheirviewon
homelessnessassocialphenomenon.
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CommunitySurveys:
Thecommunitysurveyswereconductedinfourcommunitieswithatotalof33
respondents.Theaimofthesurveyswasnottogatherstatisticaldata,butmerely
togetanimpressionoftheopinionscirculatingwithinthecommunity.Initially,thesurveywasdoneusingaratherextensivequestionnaire(seeappendix2),but
itwasquicklyreducedtoafewbasicquestions.Ifarespondentwantedto
elaborateonhisorheranswersthiswasallowed.Inthisway,approximately1/3
oftheencountersturnedintointerviewsof5-15minutesduration.
3.4Delimitation
Languageandtranslationisalwaysachallengeasinformationcangetdistortedtoaconsiderabledegree.Forexample,boththetranslatorandtheinterviewee
mightleaveoutimportantdetailsforavarietyofreasons;maybebecausesome
thingsaresimplyconsideredcommonsenseandtakenforgranted,ormaybe
somethingsareconsideredimpoliteorinsensitive.Inrelationtothelevelsof
analysis,thisreporthasprioritizedananalysisofthecommunitylevel,whilenot
givinglessattentiontothecity,stateornationallevel.Thereasonforthisisa
keeninterestinthemicrodynamicsofexclusion,butalsobecauseaccesstohighlevelofficersandkeydocumentsproveddifficult.Overall,thefocushasbeenon
socio-spatialexclusion,howeveriftimehadallowed,manyothertheoretical
perspectivescouldhavebeenbroughtin,forexampletheconceptofpowerand
communitysurveillance,theRighttotheCity,orastrongerfocusonidentityas
understoodinsocialconstructivism.
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OverviewofDataCollection
Interviews CommunitySurveys ShelterVisists
Atotalof17interviews
conductedwithanapproximate
durationof45minuteseach.
MunicipalStaff
-AdditionalCommissioner
-ProjectOfficer,SheltersProject
-ProjectOfficer,Uppal
PoliticalLeaders
-Communityleader,Musanagar-Congressleader,Bapunagar
-Cooperator,Uppal
-Colonypresident,L.B.Nagar
-MIMPartyRepresentative
NGOs
AmanVedika:
-Director
-CommunityOfficerinchargeof
BibleHouseShelter
LSNFoundation:
-AssistantDirector
-CommunityOfficerinchargeof
KachigudaShelter
ActionAid:
-RegionalManager
SPARK:
-Director
CONARE:
-Director
Others
-Independentscholar
-PresidentofHumanRights
Forum,Hyderabad
Fourcommunitysurveys
conductedwithatotalof33
respondents.
Musanagar:
-10respondents
-Generallysupportiveoffuture
shelter
Bapunagar:
-10respondents-Mostlyopposedtopotential
shelter,butstillverydifferent
opinions.
L.B.Nagar:
-10respondents
-Verydifferentopinionson
futureshelter
Uppal:
-Only3respondents
-Respondentsacceptingof
currentshelter.
BibleHouse:
Nosurveyconductedsincethe
NGOinchargethoughtitmight
stirnegativefeelingsinthe
community.Theshelterwas
stillintheprocessofbeing
acceptedwithinthecommunity.
Kachiguda:
Nosurveywasconducted,as
thisshelterwasnotoriginallypartofthefieldwork.
Only3ofthe6communities
haveshelters,andallthree
werevisisted.
BibleHouse:
Visitedtwice,includeda1hour
discussionwithclients
Kachiguda:
Vistedtwice,includeda1hour
discussionwithclients
Uppal:
Visistedtwice,includeda1
hourdiscussionwithclients.
Note:
Asmentionedabove,
communitieswithoutshelters
havebeenincludedbecause
theyrepresentadifferent
realityfromcommunitieswhere
sheltersalreadyexist.
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Chapter4-TheoreticalFramework
____________________________________________________________________________________________
4.1Introduction
Thischapterintroducesthetheorythathasguidedboththefieldworkandthe
analysis.TheconceptofNIMBY(Not-In-My-Back-Yard)isdiscussed,includingits
mostimportantanalyticalmodels.Whilereadingaboutthetheoretical
framework,thereadershouldhaveinmindthebroaderconceptspresentedin
theintroduction.
4.2NIMBY-Not-In-My-Back-Yard
Locatingcertainfacilitiesoftenprovokesoppositionfromthepotential
neighbors.ThetermNIMBYisusedtodescribeoppositiontoawiderangeof
facilities,suchasgarbagedumps,dams,airports,elderlyhomes,psychiatric
hospitalsandhomelessshelters.Theconceptcameintobeingbecausemunicipal
officersandactivistswantedtounderstandthespecificsofneighborhood
oppositioninordertoovercomeit.NIMBYcanbestbedescribedasaframework
forunderstandingsocio-spatialstigma.Inthisway,itbringstogetheravarietyof
conceptsinordertoanalyzeandunderstandconflictsconnectedtositinghuman
servicefacilities.ThemostwidelyspreaddefinitionwascoinedbyMichaelDear
ashedefinedNIMBYasTheprotectionistattitudesofandoppositionaltactics
adoptedbycommunitygroupsfacinganunwelcomedevelopmentintheir
neighborhood(Dear,1992:1).
AliteraturereviewshowsthatearlystudiesonNIMBYhavegenerallybeen
preoccupiedwithmeasuringattitudestowardsvariousmarginalizedgroupsor
thedifferenttypesofresidentialfacilities.Thesestudiesaskedpeoplehowthey
theywouldfeelhavingcertaingroupslivingintheirneighborhoods(Piat,2000;
12).Overtimedifferentspecificmeasuresofattitudehavealsoemerged,for
exampletheSocialDistanceScale(Piat,2000:12).However,morerecentstudies
havetriedtoidentifythespecificvariablesthatmaycauseorpredicttheNIMBY
phenomenon.Thismorerecentdevelopmentofanalyticcategoriesandmodels
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canbeveryusefulwhenitcomestoconductingandgatheringoriginalresearch.
Below,themodelsusedinthisreportaredescribedbriefly.
Models:
TheNIMBYIceberg:Thismodel,developedbyJeannieWynne-Edwards,
connectsthreeaspectsofcommunityopposition.Firstly,itassessesthetypesof
argumentsandobjectionsthatcommunityresidentsmightraise.Secondly,it
examinesthestageorplacethatsuchobjectionsareexpressed(Wynne-
Edwards,2003:35).Lastly,itillustratestheapproachorstrategythatshelter
developerscanemploytoovercomecommunityopposition.
StrategiesofFacilityDevelopers:Thismodel,developedbyMichaelDear,
describesthedifferentstrategies,ornon-strategies,deployedbyfacility
developerstosecurethesitingofthefacility.Thelow-profileorautonomous
approachtriestoestablishthefacilitywithouttheknowledgeofthe
neighborhood,hopingthattheywillacceptitspresenceonceitisalreadythere.
Thehigh-profileorcollaborativeapproachactivelytriestobuilda
relationshipwiththecommunityinordertosecurecooperation.
Three-stageCycleofCommunityResistance:Accordingtothismodel,also
developedbyMichaelDear,communityresistancedevelopsinathree-stage
cycle.Theyouthstagedescribeswhenthenewsoftheproposalbreaksand
wheretheoppositionisusuallyconfinedtoasmallvocalgroupverynearthe
proposeddevelopment.Thematuritystageistheperiodwhereconflictis
solidified,andthedebatemovesawayfromprivatecomplaintsandintoapublic
forum.Iftheconflictisnotresolved,thenextstepisdescribedastheoldage
stagewheretheconflictgetsdrawnout.Victorytendstogotothosewiththe
persistenceandstaminatokeepgoing.
Allthesethreemodelswillbeusedintheanalysisinanattempttounderstand
thespecificsofsitinghomelesssheltersinanIndiancontext.Thestrengthofthe
modelsisthattheygroundtheanalysisfirmlyonrealstatementsandarguments
putforthbylocalactors.AccordingtoTakahashi(Takahashi,1998:81)such
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analysiscanhelprevealhowNIMBYpoliticsmaintain,enforce,andreinforce
communityboundarydefinitions,resultinginthemaintenanceofspatialrelations
ofstigma.
LockersusedforstoringpersonalbelongingsatKachigudashelter
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Chapter5-CaseAnalysis
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
5.1Introduction
Thecaseanalysisinvestigatesthedynamicsofestablishinghomelessshelters,
focusingonthetwomainstakeholders:Thecommunityononesideandthe
shelterdevelopersontheother.TheanalysisconsistsoffourpartswhereIstart
outbyprovidinganoverviewofthesheltersandneighborhoodsandexplaining
theNIMBYIceberg.Thenthedatacollectedatneighborhoodlevelisanalyzed
usinganumberofNIMBYmodels.First,thedifferenttypesofNIMBYobjections,
whichwereuncoveredduringthecommunitysurveys,arecategorizedand
analyzed.ThenIgoontoinvestigatethetypesofresistanceandopposition
tacticsemployedbythecommunities.Afterwards,thespecificstrategies(and
non-strategies)bytheshelterdevelopersareexamined.Finally,Iconcludethe
chapterbyrelatingthefindingsoftheanalysistotheresearchquestions.
AmunicipalofficerwritesdownnotesatmeetingwithNGOs
AmunicipalofficerwritesdownnotesatmeetingwithNGOs
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Neighborhood&ShelterOverview
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5.2TheNIMBYIceberg
InordertopresentthecomplexprocessesofNIMBYdynamicsinatangibleway,
IhavedecidedtousetheillustrationofaNIMBYIceberg.Themodel,developed
byJeanneWynne-Edwards,connectsthreekeyaspectsofNIMBYism.Ontheleft
side,itpresentsthedifferenttypesofNIMBYobjections,whichrangefrom
specificargumentsrelatedtoproject,forexampleobjectionsagainstthe
physicallocationofashelter,toargumentsbasedpurelyonprejudice.Secondly,
itdescribesthestage,meaningboththeplace-specificforumwhereobjections
areraised,andthetime-specificevolutionoftheconflict.Thirdly,ontheright
side,itdescribestheapproachesorstrategiesthatshelterdevelopersmightuse
inordertoovercomecommunityresistance.Theanalysisthatfollowsis
organizedaroundthesethreeaspects,however,sincethemodelisacombination
ofdifferentscholarlywork,additionaltheoryandmodelssupportit.
Source:Wynne-Edwards,2003:35
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5.3TypesofNIMBYObjections
ThecommunitysurveysdetectedtwentydifferenttypesofNIMBYobjectionsto
thepresenceofshelters.BelowIgroupthoseargumentsintofivedifferent
categories,ashasbeensuggestedbytheframeworkdevelopedbyWhite&
Ashton.
FiveTypesofNIMBYObjections
Process Objectionsthatrelatetocriticismoflanduseregulationsandthe
publicparticipationprocess.
Project
Objectionsthatcommentonthephysicalcharacteristicsoftheproposal.
Presage
Objectionsthatarelargelyspeculativeinnatureabouttheproposalandwerenotconfirmedorsupportedwithevidence.
Pretext
Commentsthatindicatethattheissueisnotexclusivelyrelated
totheprocessitself,buttopriorconditionsorprevious
developmentexperiencesinthecommunity.
Prejudice Objectionsthatclearlyorimplicitlyareaimedattheoccupantsofthehousingproposal.
Adaptedfrom-White&Ashton,1992,p.36
Bycategorizingtheargumentsitbecomespossibletoseewhattypeof
argumentsaremostcommon,andinthiswayunderstandwhatthecommunity
thinksabouttheshelter,andwhatthemainreasonsforoppositionare.
Process:Objectionsthatrelatetocriticismoflanduseregulationsandthepublic
participationprocess.
Therewasnoanti-shelterargumentthatrelatedtocriticismoflandregulation,
butafewrelatedtolackofpublicparticipation.Icanonlyspeculateaboutthe
reasons,buttwoaspectsmightbesignificant.Firstly,theshelterdevelopers
werenotconstructingnewbuildings,butsimplyoccupyingoldones,which
meansthatuseoflandwasnotbeingchanged.Also,thegeneralawarenessof
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legalregulationsoflandmightbeverylow,whichmeansthatpeopledonot
considerthisopportunity.Inrelationtopublicparticipationagroupofpolitical
leadercomplainedaboutthelackofinvolvement.Also,thecommunitya
Kachigudaraisedthisissue.Ingeneral,though,itcanbearguedthatpeopledonotgenerallyhavehighexpectationsintermsofthemunicipalityinvolvingthem
indecision-makingprocesses.
Project:Objectionscommentingonthephysicalcharacteristicsoftheproposal.
Argument1:Inappropriatebuilding-Wearealreadyusingourcommunityhall
forweddingsandothercommunityactivities.
Thiswasoneofthemostcommonarguments.Italsoseemsverylegitimate;since
manyofthecommunityhallswereindeedbeingusedforweddingceremonies,
religiouscelebrations,dancelessons,karateclasses,etc.Asub-argumentoften
repeatedwasthatpeopleinthecommunityweresopoorthattheydidnothave
themoneytorentaprivatefunctionhallandthereforecouldonlyusethe
communityhall.Inthisway,theirownpovertybecameanargumentagainst
sharingthelimitedresourceswithothers.
CommunityhallusedforschollinginMusanagar
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Argument2:Lackofspace-Ourneighborhoodisalreadytoocrammed,thereis
nospacehere.
ThisargumentwasonlyusedbypeopleintheneighborhoodsofMushanagarand
Bapunagarwherethelackofspacewasindeedamajorobstacletoanynewconstruction.
Presage:Objectionsthatarelargelyspeculativeinnatureabouttheproposal
andwerenotconfirmedorsupportedwithevidence.
Argument1:Non-beliefinshelters-Itdoesnotmakesensetomakeashelter
becausethey(theclients)willleavewithin2weeksanyway.Theyhavethat
roamingbehavior.
Thebeliefthathomelesspeoplehaveaspecialroamingbehaviorwas
widespread.Insomecasesitistruethathomelesspeoplewhohavebeen
withoutshelterformanyyearswillfeeluneaselivinginsidearoom.However,
basedonexperienceswithsheltersinDelhi,itisclearthatmosthomelesspeople
willnotleaveaftertwoweeks.
Argument2:Decliningpropertyvalues-Ifsomeonegottheideaofputtinga
shelterhere,peoplewouldfightit,alsobecausepropertyvaluesmightgodown.
Onlyonepersonmentionedpropertyvaluesasanargumenttofightthe
establishmentofashelter.Thisisinteresting,sincethepropertyvalueargument
isoneofthemostwidelycitedinforexampletheUSandCanada.Areasonfor
thisdifferencemightbethatmostoftheintervieweeslivedinpoor
neighborhoodsthatarenotpartoftheformalrealestatemarket.
Pretext:Commentsthatindicatethattheissueisnotexclusivelyrelatedtothe
processitself,buttopriorconditionsorpreviousdevelopmentexperiencesin
thecommunity.
Argument1:Misuseoffacility-Suchaplacewillbemisusedbyothers.Theywill
bringprostituteshere,theywillhangaroundandplaycards.Also,peoplewith
powermightwanttouseitfortheirownpurposes.
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Afewindividualsstatedthatashelterwouldprobablyendupbeingusedfor
othermeansifitwasnotcarefullymanaged.Suchworriesseemedtobebasedon
previousexperiencewithsimilarprojects,however,nodetailswereobtained.
Prejudice:Objectionsthatclearlyorimplicitlyareaimedattheoccupantsofthe
housingproposal.
Morethaneightdifferenttypesofargumentsbasedonprejudicewasleveled
againsttheshelterclients.
Argument1:TroubleMakers-Ihavenothingagainsthomelesspeople,butinthe
longrunproblemsmightoccur.Soitwouldbebettertoplacethemoutsidethecity
orjustfurtheraway.
Thiswasthemostfrequentlyexpressedprejudice.Itindicatesthatpeopledonot
considerthemselvesprejudiced,butstilltheargumentdoesnotconcealthefact
thatresidentswanthomelesspeopletobelocatedasfarawayaspossible.
Argument2:Otherness-Homelesspeoplearenotfromhere.
Thisargumentwasputforthveryoften,anditbecameclearthatnotfromhere
includedavarietyofidentitymarkerssuchascaste,religionandlanguage.
Argument3:Lackoffamily-Homelesspeoplehavenofamily.
ThisargumentiscloselyrelatedtoOtherness.However,thetwististhatpeople
assumethatifahomelesspersonisnottogetherwithhis/herfamilythenitmust
bebecausetheyhavedonesomethingwrong,forexamplecommittedamurder
orstolensomething.
Argument3:Disease-Homelesspeoplemighthavecommunicablediseases.
Thisextremeformofdiscriminatorythinkingmightberelatedtoideasofcaste
andstrongreligiousbinariesofpurity/impurity.InIndialowcastepeoplewere
oftenrequiredtocovertheirmouthswiththeirhandswhentheyspoke,because
uppercasteswereafraidofgettingpollutedbytheirbreath.
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Argument4:Crime-Homelesspeoplearecriminalorattractcrime.
Manyintervieweesgaveexamplesofthingsgonemissinginthevicinityof
homelesspeople.Also,thereisawidespreadfearthathomelesspeopleare
escapedprisoners.
Argument5:Drugaddiction-Homelesspeoplearedrugaddicts.
Knowledgeaboutdrugsisextremelylimited.Thereislittleknowledgeaboutthe
bio-physicaleffectsofdrugs,whichmeansthatmanypeoplethinkthatdrug
addictsaresimplyweak-willedinrelationtoquittingtheiraddiction.
Begging:Homelesspeoplearebeggars.
InIndia,asinmanyothercountries,beggingislookeddownupon.Furthermore,
inIndiathereisafearthatbeggarsalsosteal.
Alcoholism:Homelesspeoplearealcoholics.
InIndia,asinmanyothercountries,alcoholismiscloselyassociatedwiththeft,
violenceandinappropriatebehavior.Manypeoplementionedthattheydidnot
wanttheirchildrentobenearalcoholics.
Pro-shelterarguments
IntheliteratureonNIMBYlittleattentionisgiventopro-shelterargumentsby
residents.However,MichaelDearbrieflydescribesthatsuchargumentsare
oftenbasedonhumanisticorreligiousvalues.Indeed,thepro-shelter
argumentsinHyderabadseemedtobemostlyfoundedonethicalconsiderations.
Argument1:TheRighttoShelter-Todaywehaveahouse,buttomorrowImight
not,sohowcanIdenyothersaroofovertheirhead?
Argument2:Class-basedSolidarity:Wearepoorandtheyarepoor,sowe
understandthesepeople.
Surprisingly,itwasnotpossibletoidentifyanypro-shelterargumentsbasedon
religiousideas.Thisseemsmightbeduetotranslationissues.
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ReflectionsonNIMBY-objections
Lookingatthestatementsabovetwotypesofanti-shelterargumentsstandout
asthemostcommon.Firstly,themostcommonanti-shelterargumentsarebased
onprejudicesandhostilityagainsthomelesspeople.Theothermostcitedargumentwasthatthecommunityhallswerealreadybeingused,whichisan
argumentmoredirectlyrelatedtothespecificlogisticsoftheproject.
Consideringthesetwoarguments,itbecomesclearthatthemunicipalityhas
madeamistakeinsuggestingthatsheltersshouldbelocatedincommunityhalls.
Alsothereisaneedtoworkwiththecommunitiesinordertosensitizethem
aboutthesituationofhomelesspeople.Anotherinsightfromthecommunity
surveysisthatinIndiaethnicityseemsmuchmoreimportantasacausefor
discriminationcomparedtotheUS.Ingeneralitmightseemsurprisingthatso
muchprejudicewasopenlyexpressed.BecauseaccordingtotheNIMBYIceberg,
prejudiceislocatedbelowthesurfaceandissupposedtoonlybefoundin
privatearenas,notusuallyvocalized.Apparently,valuejudgmentsabout
marginalizedgroupsdonotseemtabooinHyderabad.
5.4Stages&DynamicsofCommunityResistanceOppositionaltacticsandtypesofresistancetohomelesssheltersincludeabroad
rangeofactions.InmuchoftheNIMBYliterature,communityoppositionis
describedusingconflictresolutiontheory.However,inmyanalysisbelow,Iwill
limitmyselftoasimplethree-stagemodel(Dear,1992:290)andusethisto
examinetheoppositionobservedinHyderabad.
Three-stageCycleofCommunityResistanceYouth Newsoftheproposalbreaks,lightingthefuseofconflict.Oppositiontendstobe
confinedtoasmallvocalgroupresidingveryneartotheproposeddevelopment.
NIMBYsentimentsareusuallyexpressedinaverydirectway,oftenreflectingan
unthinkingresponsebyopponents. Maturity
Theconflictissolidifiedasthetwosidesassemblesupporters.Thedebatemoves
awayfromprivatecomplaintsandintoapublicforum.Asaconsequence,the
rhetoricofoppositionbecomesmorerationalandobjective. OldAge Theperiodofconflictresolutionisoftenlong,drawn-out,andsometimes
inconclusive.Victorytendstogotothosewiththepersistenceandstaminato
keepgoing.Typically,atthisstage,somekindofarbitrationprocessisadopted,
usingprofessionalorpoliticalresources.
(Dear,1992:290)
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Youth
Theinitialreactionofthecommunitydependsalotontheapproachofthe
shelterdeveloper.InthecaseoftheshelterinUppal,theresponsiblemunicipal
officerhadcollectedalistofthehomelesspersonswhomightstayattheshelterifitwasopened.Thissentasignaltothecommunitythatthemunicipalitywas
wellorganized,andatthesametimetheyknewwhatkindofpeopletoexpectat
theshelter.Allofthisfacilitatedalesshostileattitudefromthecommunity.In
contrast,inBapunagarneighborhood,thecommunityhadnotbeenproperly
informedabouttheshelter,whichcausedaviolentreactionontheopeningday.
Agroupofmorethan10youthsgatheredanddrovetheshelterdevelopersoutof
thearea.
Maturity
Duringthematurestageoftheconflict,abroadrangeofactionswasobservedin
Hyderabad.IntheneighborhoodofKachiguda,agroupofresidentsgathered
andstagedadharna,whichisaformofpublicprotestusedduringIndias
independencemovement.InBapunagar,theresidentsstartedlobbyingthelocal
electedrepresentative,whohadoriginallybeenpositivetowardsthe
establishmentofashelter.Afterinternaldiscussionsamongstagroupof
residentsinUppal,aformalcomplaintletterwassenttothemunicipality.After
thecomplainthadbeensent,themunicipalofficerorganizedameetingwhere
thepresenceofatrustedseniorpoliticianhelpedpavethewayforcommunity
approval.AftertheUppalcommunityhadacceptedtheshelter,thecommunity
cameforwardtooffersupporttotheshelter,likesecondhandfoodandclothes.
OldAge:
AsmentionedbyDear,violentorillegalactionisrelativelyrare,however,atthe
BibleHouseshelteroneofthestaffwasphysicallyassaultedbyresidents.The
reasonwasthatangerandfrustrationhadbeenbuildingup,whichwastrickered
bythefactthatsomeofthehomelessclientshadbeenmakingnoiseandsleeping
intheneighborhoodoutsidetheshelter.Oneofthereasonswhytheconflictdid
notescalatewasthatthemunicipalityhadotherofficesinthesamebuildingwho
hadactivelyenteredintoadialoguewiththecommunityresidents.Inthisway
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theyhadbeenabletocalmdownthecommunity.Duringtheoldagestage,it
sometimesbecomesuncleartoboththecommunityandtheshelterdevelopers
whetherornotaconflicthasbeenresolved.InthecaseofBapunagar,the
communityclearlyconsideredthecaseclosed,whiletheNGOthatwastryingtoestablishtheshelterstillbelievedthattheremightbeachancetoreopen.
ReflectionsonStagesandDynamicsofCommunityOpposition
ReflectingonthetypeofoppositiondynamicsobservedinHyderabad,itisclear
thatDearsthree-stagecycleshouldbeunderstoodasageneralizedmodel.It
cannotaccuratelydescribetheprocessesinanyoftheneighborhoods.Group
dynamicsandthetypeofcommunityleadershipseemtobetwoofthemost
importantfactorsindeterminingthewaythataconflictmightevolve.
Furthermore,thestrategychosenbytheshelterdeveloperalsoinfluencesthe
finaloutcometoasignificantdegree.Alloftheseaspectswillbeexamined
furtherinthefollowingsection.
5.5Approaches&StrategiesofShelterDevelopers
Reviewingthehistoryofsitinghumanfacilityservices,MichaelDeardescribesfourdifferentapproachesthatfacilityprovidershavetakentowardshost
communities.
(Dear,1992:294)
Approaches&StrategiesofShelterDevelopers Low-profile/
Autonomous
Developerssecretlyestablishthefacilityhopingthatbythetimeits
operationisdiscovered,itwillalreadyhavedemonstrateditssuccessful
integrationintotheneighborhood.
High-profile/
Collaborative
Thisapproachseekstoinvolvethehostcommunity.Itgrantsrelative
prioritytothecommunitysrighttobeinformedofandparticipateindecisionsaffectingtheirneighborhood.
Risk-free
Locations:
Developersseekoutrisk-freelocations,whichmeanslocationswhere
thehostcommunityismorethoughttobemoretolerantbecauseof
moremixedlanduseandlesshomogeniccommunities.
Fair-share
Principles:
Fair-shareprinciplesisastrategybymunicipalitiesfair-shareprinciples
areimplementedtoensurethatensureallthecityscommunitiesshare
theresponsibilityofhostingcertainfacilities.
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TheworkinHyderabad,andothermajorcitiesaroundIndia,isclearlythefirst
largeexperimentwithhomelesssheltersinIndianhistory.Thismakesit
particularlyinterestingtoobservetheapproachesadoptedbyshelter
developers.InthefollowingIusethefourstrategiesdescribedabovetoexaminetheapproachestakenbystakeholdersinHyderabad.
Low-profile-Autonomous:
InKachigudaneighborhoodtheresponsibleNGOestablishedtheshelterwithout
givingnotivetoanybody.Justastheshelterwasabouttoopen,theytheninvited
thelocalpoliticalleadertoinauguratetheplace.Thecommunitywasinitially
skeptic,butwaslaterconvincedbythesheltermanagerwhogavethemhiscard,
addressandcontactnumber,andassuredthemthathewouldtakepersonal
responsibilityforthemanagementoftheshelter.WhenthesameNGOtrieda
similarstrategyinBapunagarneighborhood,itfailed.Thecommunityin
BapunagarisfromthescheduledtribeLambardi,whichisanomadicethnic
groupinfamousfortheirrashtemperaments.IntheareaaroundBibleHousethe
responsibleNGOtriedoutasemi-low-profileapproachinasmuchastheydid
contactthecommunityleaders,butnotinaparticularlyplannedway.The
attemptatcommunityinvolvementlaterbackfiredwhenelectedrepresentatives
becamebitterandturnedagainsttheshelter.
High-profile-Collaborative:
InUppalneighborhoodadedicatedmunicipalofficerwasabletoimplementand
succeedwithahigh-profileapproachwheresheinvolvedthecommunityfrom
thebeginning.Sheinvolvedanumberofrespectedleadersandofficials,whileat
thesametimeconductingmeetingswithresidents.Shealsogaveconcessionsto
thecommunityandgavethemassurancesindifferentways,forexamplesaying
thatthemunicipalitywouldprovideawatchman,thatitwouldonlybea
womensshelter,andthattheshelterwouldbecloseddownifanyproblems
occurred.
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Risk-freeLocations:
Sofarnoneoftheshelterdevelopershaveactivelyformulatedastrategyof
seekingoutrisk-freelocations,butbasedontheirdifficultieswithcertain
communitiesandcommunityhalls,theyhavebegundiscussingitinformally.Amunicipalofficer,whowantedtoestablishalargeshelter,hadfoundalocationin
acommercialareaindowntown,whichshedescriedasarisk-freelocationinthe
sensethatThereisnocommunitytothrowusout,sincethereareonlysmallshops
inthatarea(anonymous,2011,interview).
Fair-sharePrinciples:
TheHyderabadMunicipalityhasnofair-shareprinciplesanditdoesnotseem
likelythatanywillbedevelopedintheforeseeablefuture.Fromthelistof
buildingsproposedforfutureshelters,allthestructureswerelocatedinpoor
neighborhoods.Atthesametime,therehasnotbeenanypoliticaldemandfrom
theseneighborhoodsthatfair-shareprinciplesshouldbedevised.Thereasonfor
thisisprobablythatnocommunityhasyetbeensaturatedbyhumanservices
facilities,simplybecausethemunicipalityhasestablishedsofewfacilitiesofany
kind.Also,manyneighborhoodsmightnothavethepoliticalimaginationor
capacitytochallengethemunicipalitytocreatesuchnewlegislation.
Theanalysisofstrategiesofshelterdevelopersrevealsanumberofthings.
Firstly,itappearsthatthecategoriesdevisedbyDeararenotsufficientto
describewhathasbeenhappeninginHyderabad;boththeNGOsandthe
municipalityhavenothadaconsciousstrategyorbasedtheiractionsontraining
orguidelines.Tosomeextenttheirapproachhasbeenadhocplanningbased
onpersonalintuitionandindividualexperiences.However,aninteresting
developmentisthatanallianceofNGOshavecometogethertolauncha
sensitizationcampaign,whichwasfinancedbythemunicipality.Inthisway,the
emergingstrategypreferenceinHyderabadseemstobeahigh-profileapproach.
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5.6ReflectionsonFindingsfromNeighborhoodAnalysis
Oneofthemostsignificantfindingsintheneighborhoodanalysisisthatthe
processessurroundingeachshelterhavebeenextremelyvaried.However,isit
possibletoobserveanyoverallpatterns?Theanswerappearstobeyes.InthefollowingIwillre-assessthefindingsfromanalysisandrelatethemtofiveofthe
sixresearchquestions,thesixthresearchquestionongovernanceand
participationwillbetreatedinthenextchapter.Lastly,Imakesomebroader
reflectionsontheusefulnessofNIMBYasananalyticaltool.
CausesforCommunityOpposition:
Thefirstresearchquestionaskswhatthecausesforcommunityoppositiontowardsthehomelesssheltersmightbe.Theanalysishasrevealedthattherecan
beanynumberofreasonsforrejectingashelter,howevertwomajorcauses
appearedsignificantinHyderabad.Firstly,theprejudicesandhostilityinthe
communitiesagainsthomelesspeoplearepervasive.Ingeneralitmightseem
surprisingthatsomuchprejudicewasopenlyexpressed.Becauseaccordingto
theNIMBYIceberg,prejudiceislocatedbelowthesurfaceandissupposedto
onlybefoundinprivatearenas,notusuallyvocalized.Apparently,valuejudgmentsaboutmarginalizedgroupsdonotseemtabooinHyderabad.
Consideringthis,itbecomesclearthatboththeNGOsandthemunicipalityhave
underestimatedthedegreeofhostilitytowardshomelesspeopleasa
marginalizedgroup.
Anotherimportantcauseforoppositionwasthefactthatthecommunityhalls,
whichthemunicipalityhadsuggestedasshelterlocations,werealreadybeingusedbythecommunity.Toassumethatthecommunitieswouldwillinglyletgo
oftheircommunityhallswasafundamentalmistakebythemunicipality.The
nameitself,communityhall,shouldwarnofficialsandNGOsthatthe
communitynaturallyfeelsownershiptowardsthatbuilding.Actually,the
municipalitysmisjudgmentseemssobigthatitposesanewquestion:Didthe
municipalityknowthatthecommunityhallswouldneverworkoutassites,but
simplygoaheadinordertojustletthecasefizzleoutinaquirkmireoflocal
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resistance?Basedonconversationswithmunicipalofficers,itseemsunlikely
thattheyhadsuchashrewdplan,butthequestionremainsunanswered.
TheInfluenceofPerceptionsofHomelessPeople:Thesecondresearchquestionaskstowhatextentcommunityperceptionsof
homelesspeoplemightinfluencethepossibilityofestablishingashelter.As
mentionedabove,theprejudicesofcommunityresidentshavebeenconfirmedas
oneofthemajorreasonsforopposition.Itisevidentthatthesestereotypes
functionasbuildingblocksforexclusion.However,outofallthedifferentgroups
ofhomelesspeopleitseemsthatyoungormiddle-agedmalesfromlowcastes
andlow-classappeartobethemostdiscriminatedagainst.Atleastthiswasthe
groupthatpeoplehadthedeepestfearof.Manyoftheprejudicesalsobordered
onliteralmisconceptions.Forexample,manycommunityresidentsperceived
homelessnesstobeasortofmentaldisorder,whichclearlywouldonlyaddto
theirfearandthusdiscrimination.Also,homelessnesswasperceivedbymanyto
bechronicandsomewhatcontagious.Thesefindingsposemoreprofound
questions,suchas;howdocertainprejudicescometomakesensetopeople?
Whatistheframetheyusetomakesenseoftheirworld?Whatarethe
ideologicalresourcesthatpeoplehaveattheirdisposaltocreatemeaning?
TheEvolutionofCommunityOpposition
Thethirdresearchquestionaskshowconflictsbetweenshelterdevelopersand
communitiesevolve.Asmentionedearlieritisdifficulttoobserveanyparticular
patternasregardstothedevelopmentofconflictsbetweenthestakeholders.
However,thestrategychosenbytheshelterdeveloperandthecharacteristicsof
theneighborhoodsurelymakesadifference.Alsogroupdynamicsandthetype
ofleadershipfoundinthecommunitywillbedetermininginsettingoutthe
courseoftheconflict.Inrelationtoleadershipitwasinterestingtonoticehow
muchthecommunitiesdiffered.Insomecommunitiespeoplerefusedtotalkto
beforewehadspokentotheleader.Duringthecommunitysurveysmany
residentssimplysaidthattheydidnothaveanyopinionandthattheywoulddo
whatevertheleaderdecided.However,inothercommunities,particularlythe
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onesinnewlyestablishedperi-urbanareas,thiskindofcentralizeddecision-
makingwascompletelyabsent.
TheSignificanceofStrategiesandNon-strategiesbyShelterDevelopersThefourthresearchquestionaskshowthestrategiesofshelterdevelopersmight
influencecommunityattitudestowardsshelters.Asmentionedabove,itappears
thatthestrategycategoriesdevelopedbyDear;low-profile,high-profile,risk
free-locationsandfair-shareprinciples,arenotsufficienttodescribethe
developmentsinHyderabad;boththeNGOsandthemunicipalityhavenothada
consciousstrategy.However,shelterdevelopersthatadoptedahigh-profile
collaboratoryapproachlaterintheprocessreportedmoresuccessthanthose
organizationsfocusinglessoninvolvingthecommunity.Anotheraspectisthe
importanceofhowopponentstrytoframeeachother.SomeoftheNGOstaff
clearlyframedthecommunitiesasbeingselfishandcoldheartedfornot
allowingthedevelopmentoftheshelters.Thiskindofframingistypicalin
NIMBYconflictswhereonesidetriestounderminetheactionsoftheother.
Similarly,thecommunitiestriedtoframetheshelterdevelopersbylabeling
themasunprofessionalanddisorganized.Somecommunityleadersaccusedthe
NGOsfornothavinginvolvedthemintheprocessandherebydenyingthemof
thechancetoparticipate.However,itshouldalsobenotedthatmanyNGOstaff
andcommunitymembershadaverynuancedviewoftheconflictsandgenuinely
listenedtotheargumentsputforthbytheotherside.
NeighborhoodCharacteristicsasaDeterminingFactor:
Thefifthresearchquestionasksifcertainneighborhoodcharacteristicsshape
theattitudesofcommunitiestowardsshelters.Thisquestionshasnotbeen
treatedinaspecificsectionoftheanalysis,butcanbeansweredbyconnectinga
numberofobservations.Oneclearpointisthataheterogeneouscommunitywill
oftenbemoreacceptingtowardssheltersthanveryhomogenousneighborhoods
Forexample,thereligiouslymixedcommunityofMusanagarseemedrelatively
acceptingtowardstheestablishmentofashelter.Incontrasttheethnically
closedknitLambardicommunityinBapunagarappearedveryhostiletowards
outsiders.Otherhomogeneousgroupsthatseemedveryintoleranttowards
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homelesspeoplewerefoundinricherareas.However,heretheirhomogeneity
wasnotbasedonethnicity,butratheronlifestyleandeconomicstatus.An
interestingobservationinrelationtoclasswasthatmanypeopleexpresseda
beliefthatpoorneighborhoodswouldbemoreacceptingtowardsshelterthanwealthierneighborhoods.However,thecommunitysurveysshowedthatpoor
neighborhoodswereasopposedtohomelesspeopleasothers.Infact,thepoor
neighborhoodofWarasigudastagedapublicdemonstrationagainstaproposed
shelter,whilethemiddleclassareaofUppalendedupacceptingtheshelter.
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Chapter6-GovernanceandParticipation
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
6.1Introduction
Althoughmostcommunityoppositionargumentsarerootedinlocalattitudes,
communityresistanceisnotpurelyalocalphenomenon.Itisalsotiedtowider
discoursesthatstigmatizeparticulargroupsandbehaviors,andtoinstitutional
sourcesofpower.Thispartofthereportisashortattempttolinksomeofthe
issuesintheneighborhoodanalysistobroaderthemesandstruggles.The
reflectionsarenotbasedonastricttheoreticalframework,butinstead
structuredlooselyaroundtheconceptofinequitableexclusionalliances,which
wasformulatedbyagroupofresearchersaroundBarbaraTempalski.The
conceptdescribeshowlocalNIMBYphenomenaarelinkedtohighersystemic
levelsofgovernmentandnationalculture.Theyspecificallyinvestigatehow
NIMBYisconnectedtothreeareas;publicpolicy,governmentinactionand
nationalperceptionsofmarginalizedgroups(Tempalskiet.al.,2007:1251).The
reflectionsbelowarestructuredaroundthesamethreethemesandshouldbe
seenasanattempttoanswerthesixthresearchquestionongovernanceand
participation.
6.2PublicPolicyandItsConsequences
Inrelationtopublicpolicy,Tempalskiet.al.usetheexampleofdrugaddictsto
describethreewaysthatharmfulpoliciescanaffectmarginalizedgroups:Firstly,
harmfulpoliciesincreaseseliteandlaytendenciestodiscriminatebroadly,
therebyincreasingresistancetofacilitiesofferingservicestomarginalized
groups.TheBombayActofBeggingisanexampleofsuchpoliciesinIndia.The
actwaspassedunderBritishrule,butisstillinplacetodayandcontinuesto
framethepracticesofgeneralharassmentofhomelesspeople.Thearrestsof
streetvendorswhoareoftenhomeless,andtheconfiscationoftheirgoods,are
otherexamples(CardoReport,2001:3).
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Secondly,Tempalskiet.al.arguethatdiscriminatorypoliciesincreasetherateof
incarcerationofmarginalizedgroups,inthiscasehomelesspeople.InHyderabad
storiesofimprisonmentwerewidespread.Infact,oneofthehomelessshelters
waslocatedrightoppositeapolicestation,butonlythreepersonsusedit.Otherhomelesspeopleconfirmedthattheystayedawayfromtheshelterduetofearof
thepolice.AnotherexampleofharassmentisillustratedbystoriesofBill
Clintonsvisitin2005wheremassesofpeoplehadbeenloadedontotrucks,
transportedoutofthecityandleftontheperiphery.
Thirdly,Tempalskiet.al.mentionhowdiscriminatorypoliciescreatebarriersto
safelivingpracticesundertheguiseofpolicingandlawenforcementactions.
Forexample,theydescribehowtheUSWaronDrugshasfuelledcommunity
oppositiontodrugaddictsandhowpoliticalleadersatcity,stateandnational
levelhavecontributedtostigmatizationbycommentingnegativelyondrug
addictsinthemedia.InIndiathediscussionsaboutcreatingworldclasscities
inordertoattractforeigndirectinvestmenthasformedthebackdropofbroad
hostilitytowardshomelesspeople.Forexample,theevictionsofhomeless
pavementdwellersforloiteringanddisorderandthetearingdownofmake-
shiftshelterscreateexactlythekindofbarrierstosafelivingthatTempalski
describes.
6.3GovernmentInaction&GrassrootsInaction
Commentingonthesecondaspect;institutionalandpolitical(in)actionand
opposition,itisdescribedhowpoliticalresistancetowardsestablishingcertain
facilitiesiswidespreadamongpoliticiansbecausetheyfearloosingvotes.Tempalskietal.showthatprovidingcrucialfacilitiesarenotalwayshighonthe
politicalagenda.Reflectingthis,oneactivistsaid:Thereareonlytwothingsthat
motivateIndianpolitician,andthatismoneyandvotebanks.Ifcannotofferthem
oneofthese,yourprojectprobablywonttakeoff(JeevanKumar,2011,
interview).Furthermore,Tempalskiet.al.arguethatthefailureofgovernments
toinitiatenationalprogramstosupportmarginalizedgroupsoftenresultsinthe
responsibilitybeingshiftedtostatesandcities,andthatthisoftenresultsinaveryvaried,andoftenpoor,response.Thefactthatthestategovernmentwas
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completelyabsentfromtheprocessofestablishingthesheltersalsotestifiesto
anastonishinglackofpoliticalandbureaucraticwill.Thelackoffair-share
principlesinsitingisagoodexampleofhowimportantlegislationsimplydoes
notexist.Also,thedecisiontoonlylocatesheltersinpoorareasshowsthatthatstateandlocalgovernmentsarepredisposedtofavoringmorewealthyurban
residents.
Onabroaderlevel,thewholetraditionofIndianjudicialactivismandtherecent
rulingsoftheSupremeCourtcanbeunderstoodasareactiontogovernment
inaction.ThefactthattheinitiativecomesfromtheSupremeCourtandnotthe
governmentindicatesthatpoliticalwillislacking.Thefactthatthemoveto
establishsheltersisnotrootinginpartypoliticsmightbeapartofthereason
whythingsaremovingsoslow.Thelocalgovernmentsmightnotfeelthesame
urgencytowardsestablishingthesheltersasiftheorderhadcomefromtheir
politicalheadquarter.Anotherreasonwhythesheltersarenotbeenestablished
isthatthereisnomobilizedmovementbehindthedemands.Thecourtruling
comesfromthecentralcapitalofDelhiandlackslocalrooting.Basically,the
homelesspeoplearenotorganizedinsuchawaythattheycanputpressureon
themunicipalities.
Oneofthereasonsforthisisthatmanyoftheorganizationsworkingwith
homelesspeopleinHyderabadarenotveryattentivetowardspoliticsand
politicalmobilization.However,therearesignsinothercitiesthatsuch
movementshavegrownandbecomepowerful.Also,duringmytimein
Hyderabad,theclientsintheBibleHouseshelterdecidedtoformaHomeless
WorkersAssociation,whichmighthelpthemtocarveoutsomespacefor
themselvesinurbanpolitics.
6.4NationalPerceptionsofMarginalizedGroups,.
Inrelationtothethirdaspect;nationalperceptionsofmarginalizedgroups,the
significanceofpublicimagesisexplored.Tempalskiet.al.describehowmedia,
businessandvariousinstitutionscontributetoproducingcertainimagesthatreinforcestigma.SpeakingbroadlyaboutstigmatheyconcludethatAsasocial
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process,stigmaoperatesbyproducingandreproducingsocialstructuresofpower,
hierarchy,class,andexclusion,andbytransformingdifferenceintosocial
inequality.Theimageofthehomelesspersonasdirtyworksasanexample:A
personcategorizedasbeingdirtywillautomaticallybeexcludedfromallplacesconsideredclean.
InanessayontherestructuringofurbanspaceinIndia,LeelaFernandes
explainstheprocessaboveasspatialpurificationandlinksittotheriseofthe
Indianmiddleclasses(Fernandes,2004:2416).Thisideaisconfirmedbythe
factthatwealthyresidentsinHyderabadweredescribedasbeingreadytopay
moneytomunicipalofficerstoavoidhavingashelterintheirlocality.According
toFernandes,anewmiddleclassidentityisassertingitselfinpublicdiscourses.
Shepointsspecificallythedevelopmentofnewurbanaestheticsandarguesthat
formsoflocalspatialpoliticspointtotheproductionofanexclusionaryformof
culturalcitizenshipdominatedbythemiddleclasses.Thismightbetrue,butin
Hyderabaditwasclearthatprocessesofspatialpurificationnotonlyoccurin
connectionwithupperormiddleclassdevelopment.Spatialpurificationwasalso
observedintheverypoorestneighborhoods.Peoplefromallsocialclasses
expressedhostilitytowardsthesheltersandmanyarguedthattheyshouldbe
placedoutsidethecity,echoingamentalityofpeoplezoning.
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Chapter-7ConclusionandDiscussion
___________________________________________________________________________________________
7.1Conclusion
Socialandspatialstigmasurroundinghomelesssheltershavedramatic
consequencesforthepeoplethatneedtheirservices.Asaresultofthelackof
sheltersmanyhomelesspeoplequiteliterallydieorsimplenevergetthechance
togetbackontheirfeet.Thisreporthasexaminedhowthedynamicsofsocio-
spatialexclusionareexpressedinthecaseofhomelesssheltersinHyderabad.
Belowisabriefoutlineofthemainconclusionsofthereport.
Thecausesforcommunityoppositionwillalwaysdependonthespecific
communityorneighborhood.However,theanalysisrevealsthatcommunity
objectionsaremostoftenrelatedtoeitherprejudicesagainstthemarginalized
group,frustrationwiththeproposedbuilding,orlackofinvolvementinthe
initialprocessesofshelterdevelopment.Incontinuationofthis,theperceptions
ofcommunityresidentstowardshomelesspeoplehavealsoprovedtogreatly
influencethechancesofestablishingshelters.Theideaofthehomelessperson
ignitesdeep-rootedfearandresultsinstrongdiscrimination.
Furthermore,thereportdocumentsthatnoparticularpatternscanbe
distinguishedinrelationtotheevolutionofconflictsbetweenshelterdevelopers
andcommunities.However,thestrategychosenbytheshelterdeveloperandthe
specificcharacteristicsofaneighborhoodsurelymakesadifference.Asregards
tothestrategy,itappearsthatorganizationsfocusingonahigh-profile,
collaboratoryapproachweremoresuccessfulthanorganizationslessfocusedon
involvingthecommunity.Bycomparingthecharacteristicsofdifferent
communitiesandassessingtheirlevelofacceptancetowardsshelters,thereport
showsthatheterogeneouscommunitiesaremorelikelytoaccepthomeless
shelters.Ontheotherhandthecommunitysurveysalsoshowsthatpoor
neighborhoodsareaslikelytoopposeashelterasmorewealthyareas.
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Thesocio-spatialexclusiondescribedinthisreportdoesnotoccurinavacuum,
butiscloselytiedtobroaderissuesofgovernanceandparticipation.Thestudy
documentsthisbylinkingthelocalNIMBYphenomenatopublicpolicyand
governmentinaction.Forexample,thereportshowshowtheexistenceofanti-homelesslegislationlegitimizespoliceharassmentandimprisonmentof
homelesspeople.Finally,theinactionofgovernmentsisassumedtobelinkedto
thefactthatthehomelesspopulationstillremainspoorlyorganizedintermsof
politicalmobilization.
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7.2Discussion
Howcanthedynamicsofexclusionbeturnedaroundsothaturbanspaceis
openeduptomarginalizedgroups?Howcanthenegativespiralofstigmatization
anddiscriminationbereversed?Thisreportdoesnooffermanyanswerstothesequestions,sincethefocushasbeentounderstandingtheunderlying
factors.However,inotherreports,theanswerisoftenformulatedwithinthe
paradigmoftherighttothecity.Thisconcepthasevolvedduringthepastdecade
tobecomeawidespreadideal,whichishasbeenusedinconnectionwithsocial
actionagainstexclusionaryurbanprocesses.Inotherwords,therighttothecity
hasbeenusedasabannerunderwhichavarietyofcriticalvoiceshaveraised
theirconcernsaboutsocio-spatialexclusioninthecitiesoftheworld.
Overall,therighttothecityisthevisionthattriestoprojectadifferent,inclusive
citycontrastedwiththedividedcity.Also,therighttothecityisnottobeviewed
asyetanotherlegalconcept;rather,itrepresentsadynamicandpragmatic
combinationofthemultiplehumanrightstowhichurbandwellersareentitled,
andthattheywantfulfilled(StateoftheWorldsCities,2011:57).However,ina
citylikeHyderabad,thesenseofarighttothecityisparticularlyweakamongnewlyarrived,homelessmigrants.Theysimplydonotconsiderthatthecityis
somehowalsotheirs.Thefactthattheyhavenospecificplacetocallhomemeans
thattheyalsorefrainfrommakingotherlegitimateclaimstocity-citizenship.
Consideringthis,anumberofquestionsmightbeposed,forexample:howmight
arights-basedapproachbeimplementedinAsianmegacitieslikeHyderabad?
Whataretheexperienceswiththerighttothecityinotherpartsoftheworld,particularlyinLatinAmerica?Howistherighttothecityrelatedtocitizenship
andparticipation?
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Berreman,Gerald(1972)SocialCategoriesandSocialInteractioninUrbanIndia,
AmericanAnthropologist,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley
Bhagwati,P.N.,interviewwithformerChiefJustice,unknownuniversity
magazine,yearunknown.
CommissionersSecretariat,RighttoFood(2005),SecuringStateAccountability
forRighttoFood-ManualforStateAdvisors
Dear,Michael(1992)UnderstandingandOvercomingtheNIMBYSyndrome,
JournaloftheAmericanPlanningAssociation,58
Fernandes,Leela(2004)ThePoliticsofForgetting:ClassPolitics,StatePowerand
theRestructuringofUrbanSpaceinIndia,UrbanStudies,Vol.41,No.12,2415
2430
HyderabadCityDevelopmentPlan,2002
Krank,Sabrina(2008)Cultural,spatialandsocio-economicfragmentationinthe
IndianmegacityHyderabad,unpublishedmasterthesis
Lauber,D.(1990)CommunityResidenceLocationPlanningActCompliance
Guidebook.Evanston,IL:Planning/Communications.
Mander,Harsh(2010),SheltersfortheUrbanHomeless,HandbookforStateand
LocalGovernments
Notti,F.andMeyer,N.(2009)MissionreportonexcludedgroupsinNepal,
contributiontoVEGM,OHCHR
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Piat,Myra(2000)TheNIMBYphenomenon:Communityresidents'concernsabout
housingfordeinstitutionalization,Health&SocialWork;ResearchLibrary
Speak,S.andTippleA.G.(2001)TheNatureandExtentofHomelessnessinDevelopingCountries,CardoReportSchoolofArchitecture,Planningand
Landscape,UniversityofNewcastleuponTyne
StateoftheWorldsCities(2010)UN-Habitat
Tempalski,Barbaraetal(2007)NIMBYlocalismandnationalinequitable
exclusionalliances:ThecaseofsyringeexchangeprogramsintheUnitedStates,
Geoforum
Wynne-Edwards,Jeannie(2003),OvercomingCommunity,Oppositionto
Homelessness,ShelteringProjectsundertheNationalHomelessnessInitiative
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52
Appendix1
FieldworkOverview-Calendar
Date Locationandparticipants
Thursday24th
March
Meetingw/LSNFoundation
Friday25th Meetingw/AmanVedika
SheltervisitatKachiguda
Saturday26th Intervieww/PresidentofHumanRightsForum
SheltervisitatBibleHouse
Sunday27th Writing
Monday28th Interviewmunicipalofficers
InterviewatActionAidIndia
Tuesday29th Intervieww/independentresearcher
Wednesday30th Writing,visittoUppalWomensShelter
Thursday31st Writing
Friday1st Organizingfieldvisitstocommunities
Saturday2nd Preparingquestionnaire
Sunday3rd Coordinationmeetingwithtranslator
Monday4th CommunitysurveyinMusanagar,interviewwithcommunyleader
Tuesday5th InterviewwithdirectorofNGOCONARE
SurveyofopinionsinwealthyneighborhoodBanjaraHills
Wednesday6th CommunitysurveyinL.B.NagarandUppal,interviewwithUppalcorporator
Thursday7th CommunitysurveyinMusanagar,L.B.NagarandBibleHouse
Friday8th Relaxation
Saturday9th Writing
Sunday10th Writing
Monday11th Writing
Tuesday12th Intervieww/PresidentofHumanRightsForum
Wednesday13th Intervieww/independentresearcher
PresentationoffindingsatAmanVedika
Thursday14th Writing
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Appendix2
Questionnaire-CommunitySurvey
Researchfocus:
-Howdidthecommunityreacttoashelter?
-Whatarepeoplesperceptionsabouthomelesspeople?
1)IntroquestionsPurpose:
-Findoutiftherespondentknowsabouttheproposedshelter-Getafeelingofhowtherespondentviewstheproposedshelter
1a)Doyouknowthattherewasaplantoestablishadestituteshelterinthisarea?
1b)Whatdoyouthinkabouthavingsuchasheltersinthisarea?2)CommunityReactionstowardstheshelterPurpose:
-Knowaboutthecommunitysimmediatereactions-Knowaboutlocalactivismormobilizationagainsttheshelterbybastileaders,
corporator
4A)Whatwasyourimmediatereaction?
4b)Didpeoplecometogethertoprotestornothingmuchhappened?
4c)Whatwerethereasonsthatpeopleprotested?4d)Istheircommunityhallbeingusedforanyactivitiesornotreally?
IftheC.H.isnotbeingused:
-Woulditbefinetouseitasashelterforhomelesspeopleaccordingtothem?
Why/whynot?
Iftheshelterisbeingused:
-Wouldtheymindifanotherbuilding,suchasanunusedgovt.building,wouldbe
usedasashelterforthedestitute?Why?whynot.4c)Howdidthecorporatororotherleadershandlethesituation?
3)CommunityknowledgeaboutestablishmentofshelterPurpose:-KnowiftherehasbeenanysensitizationabouttheshelterbyGHMCorNGOs
-Knowhowinformationtravelsinthecommunity,e.g.throughkeyindividuals
orpeers
2a)Didanybodytellyouabouttheshelter,orhowdidyoucometoknowaboutit?2b)Wasitafriendormaybethecorporatorwhotoldyouabouttheshelter?
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2c)Whydoyouthinktheychosethisareafortheshelter?
4)AttitudetowardsthemunicipalityandNGOsPurpose:-KnowhowresidentsperceivetheGHMCinrelationtotheshelter
-KnowhowresidentsperceivetheNGOinrelationtotheshelter
6a)HowdoyouthinktheGHMCorlocalofficrhandledthesituation?
6b)HowdoyouthinktheNGOshandledthesituation?
4)Attitudestowardshomelesspeople
2a)Whatdoyouknowabouthomelesspeople?2b)Haveyouhadanyexperienceswithhomelesspeoplegoodorbad?2c)Doyouthinkthehomelesspeoplehavearighttostayinthecity?
5)Attitudestowardshomelessshelters(similartoquestionsabove) Purpose:
-Toknowaboutpeoplesperceptionabouthomelessshelters.
-Toknowhowthepersonthinkstherestofthecommunityviewsshelters
3c)Howdoyouthinkotherpeopleinthecommunityviewedtheproposal?
3d)Howclosedoyoulivefromtheproposedshelterbuilding?
3e)Woulditbebettertohavetheshelterinanotherarea?Why/whynot?
6)MediaInfluencePurpose:Toknowhowthemediaisportrayinghomelesspeople
7a)Haveyoureadanythingabouttheshelterinthenewspaper?
7)Personalresidentinformation
-Name-Age-Gender