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Xi - mariateresasierra.files.wordpress.com · A V111131S VS31131 Vj2IVW L6 ODIX9W 'olauanD ui sly2% pue alndsm uawom :ap!isrifiapuaD pue sa!wouoinv snoua9!pui a34sniaapuaD Joj saffiruls

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Page 1: Xi - mariateresasierra.files.wordpress.com · A V111131S VS31131 Vj2IVW L6 ODIX9W 'olauanD ui sly2% pue alndsm uawom :ap!isrifiapuaD pue sa!wouoinv snoua9!pui a34sniaapuaD Joj saffiruls
Page 2: Xi - mariateresasierra.files.wordpress.com · A V111131S VS31131 Vj2IVW L6 ODIX9W 'olauanD ui sly2% pue alndsm uawom :ap!isrifiapuaD pue sa!wouoinv snoua9!pui a34sniaapuaD Joj saffiruls

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978-o-8135-8793-6

978-o-8135-8792-9

978-o-8135-8795-o

978-o-8135-8794-3 978-o-8135-9069-1

Cataloging-in-Publication data is available from the Library of Congress.

A British Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available

from the British Library.

This collection copyright O 2017 by Rutgers, The State University

Individual chapters copyright O 2017 in the names of their authors

Ali rights reserved

No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means,

electronic or mechanical, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without

written permission from the publisher. Please contact Rutgers University Press,

1o6 Somerset Street, New Brunswick, NJ 08901. The only exception to this

prohibition is "fair use" as defined by U.S. copyright law.

The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library

Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1992.

www.rutgersuniversitypress.org

Manufactured in the United States of America

Preface

Introduction. Demanc

Indigenous Women al RACHEL SIEDER

Ger Media

Inte

1 Between Community The Case of Inés Fern

ROSALVA AÍDA Hl

2 Domestic Violente an

The Political Dilemma Indigenous Women's

ADRIANA TERVEN

3 Between Participation Neoliberal Governmei

RACHEL SIEDER

Indigenous A for

4 Indigenous Autonomi(

Dispute Security and MARÍA TERESA SII

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vi CONTENTS

This book started life when a g and comadres decided we wante experiences and places where w Colombia, Ecuador, and Bolivia. women are framing their demar ent organizational contexts and t forms of legality. Our hope was t amplify those claims through ou could make. Building on our sharl devised a joint project, Women

220 Legal Pluralism, as part of a colla' y Estudios Superiores en Antro' many of us are fortunate to be

242 Chr. Michelsen Institute in Berl researcher and part of an inspiri thanks are due to CIESAS and par García Acosta and Agustín Escot project and commitment to collz Gloppen, director of Bergen's Cer Tonnessen provided input and st

265 Central to our exchanges w Norwegian Research Council (prc work, together with a series of y and representatives from organi grateful to the Council for their at the Hotel 'l'aselotzin, the first E the organization MaseualsivamE space and tare that Doña Rufi the perfect environment to liste In Mexico City, a workshop wit helped us reflect on the challeni on the ethics of engagement, accc

5 Gender Inequality, Indigenous Justice, and the Intercultural State: The Case of Chimborazo, Ecuador 120

EMMA CERVONE AND CRISTINA CUCURÍ

6 "Let Us Walk Together": Chachawarmi Complementarity and Indigenous Autonomies in Bolivia 150

ANA CECILIA ARTEAGA BOHRT

7 Participate, Make Visible, Propose: The Wager of lndigenous Women in the Organizational Process of the Regional lndigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC) 173

LEONOR LOZANO SUÁREZ

PART THREE

Women's Alternatives in the Face of Racism and Dispossession

8 Voices within Silences: lndigenous Women, Security, and Rights in the Mountain Region of Guerrero

197

MARIANA MORA

9 Grievances and Crevices of Resistance: Maya Women Defy Goldcorp

MORNA MACLEOD

10 Intersectional Violente: Triqui Women Confront Racism, the State, and Male Leadership

NATALIA DE MARINIS

PART FOUR

Methodological Perspectives

11 Methodological Routes: Toward a Critical and Collaborative Legal Anthropology

ROSALVA AÍDA HERNÁNDEZ CASTILLO AND ADRIANA TERVEN SALINAS

Notes on Contributors 289

índex 291

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98 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA

are we going to do with the woman who committed that kind of crime? What would you do? As women, how do you understand this case? Several of us participated. (Carmen Ramírez, justice promoter, San Luis Acatlán, Guerrero)

This is how Carmen Ramírez, a Me'phaa woman from Pueblo Hidalgo, munici-pality of San Luis Acatlán, Guerrero, narrated her involvement with the Regional Coordination of Communal Authorities (Coordinadora Regional de Autoridades Comunitarias—CRAC), when they decided to seek women's help with serious cases involving female detainees. This occurred shortly after the CRAC's decision to take on the task of administering justice and not just to provide security for the communities.' With direct and forceful words, Carmen recalled these events and recounted the reasons why women become involved in the institution from its inception. The need to respond to a complex issue related to the death of a newborn baby led to women's active participation in the comunitaria's justice and security institutions.2

Some of the crimes the CRAC authorities confronted were not easily assessed from an exclusively male standpoint; by inviting women to participate in the task of administering justice, they opened alternatives to ensure that crimes committed by women were judged taking into account the context that led them to commit the crime. It has been far from easy to earn a place in this hypermasculine institution, where gender ideologies naturalizing women's subordination prevail. Nonetheless, women have not hesitated to respond to authorities' request for support in justice-related tasks, thus revealing their strong identification with the autonomous justice and security system itself.

Why do women devote themselves to the comunitaria even if male domi-nance prevails? How were they able to open a space for women's participation in an institution that has traditionally excluded them from collective decision making? How do they conceptualize gender violence, and in what sense does the discourse of rights provide them with alternatives to confront subordina-tion? To what extent do women's trajectories in the comunitaria reveal the ten-sions between gender rights and collectives' rights? And, finally, what kind of security and justice constructs do these women elaborate, and what are their connections to the cultural and political imaginaries of indigenous people's autonomy?

In this chapter, I place the agency of indigenous women at the center of my analysis. My examination of this emblematic, pluri-ethnic experience of indigenous autonomy in Mexico pays close attention to language and cul-tural styles, analyzing the forms and local meanings of gender violence and women's responses to this. In their practice women continuously dispute male-established notions of rights, justice, and security within the institution. Their appeals to communal justice have opened new venues to vent their grievances

INDIGENOUS AUT

without necessarily challenging understand the commitment of taking into account the econo] characterizes indigenous comm demands become legible only cultural traditions in which the) have been defining what "gooi forms of life with greater digna: eral views of gender justice (Mo sectional standpoint (Crenshaw women's subordinations—gench experience them. Speaking of ir implies reconstructing the imag

Given the Community Polic jurisdiction and de facto autor spaces for gender rights endorse a whole (Santos 2010). This invol to destabilizing patriarchal order enous law—the so-called usos y c

By examining this experien arisen in other parts of Mexico a 2009; Sieder and McNeish 201 and the chapters in the presea Arteaga), it is possible to identi emerging in the context of ind chapter is based on the results female justice promoters of the (2007-2011). It is structured as collaborative work I did to sur nitaria. 1 then focus on two asp agency regarding the promotioi these women, the justice promo to identify indigenous women's relation to gender violence, righ ation was to establish the fram CRAC. Second, I analyze the exr highlight what it means for won and the challenge they face throl sonal experience in this collabo indigenous women's rights and highlight the political and cultt within an emblematic experienc

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100 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA INDIGENOUS AU

Collaborative Research to Promote Gender Justice: Methodological Notes

In March 2007, three women and four men were elected by a regional assembly to participate in the administration of justice at the highest level of the comu-

nitaria, the Regional Coordination of Community Authorities (CRAC) in San Luis Acatlán, at that time the organization's only Casa de Justicia or House of Justice. Carmen Ramírez Aburto, Teófila Rodríguez, and Catalina Rodríguez fol-lowed in the footsteps of Felicitas Martínez, the first female coordinator of the comunitaria, all of them Me'phaa women. It was in this context that the CRAC's coordinators, men and women, asked me to support women's organization within the institution.4 The background to this proposal was the initiative of a group of women who in 2005 had created a commission to defend women's rights. The chance to support this process was an extraordinary opportunity for me, since it converged with my own research interests on gender justice in the comunitaria. We discussed the importance of developing a collabora-tive project that began by identifying the problems experienced by women in their communities and then went on to organize workshops about their rights. I wanted to avoid imposing an external gender agenda, but at the same time to tale into account advances in national and international normative frameworks conceived to guarantee a life free of violence for women.5 I agree with Macleod (2011: 174), who emphasizes the need to pay attention to the manner in which these topics are addressed in order to avoid partial views of the problems experienced by indigenous women. It was therefore essential to distance ourselves from the vertical workshop styles with which women's rights and topics related to gender violence in indigenous regions tend to be promoted, which usually impose a liberal gender agenda without taking into account the cultural and social contexts of women in the communities. We decided to move in two directions: first, to create a group of promoters who would be trained about gender rights and who would actively collaborate in the participatory evaluation;6 and second, to promote women's organiza-tion in their communities and workshops to be conducted by the promoters themselves. Although men were not the main actors, several of them actively contributed to this process and, most importantly, the CRAC's authorities sup-ported our efforts, which was essential for carrying out the workshops in the communities.

I have analyzed this process in other documents and in a video (Sierra 2013a), all of them resulting from the collaborative research project undertaken with the justice promoters.? This chapter is based on the information derived from this collaboration and highlights what this experience reveals about debates surrounding community justice and security from the viewpoint of indigenous women and their efforts to act on them.

Discussing C' Access to Just

One of the main goals of the women's own standpoint, wh they followed to address their The interest was to identify th that influence women's possil end, we conducted a participz model of popular education.8

The evaluation was a ve, tions and outlooks on commu: I examine here some of the pr( workshops, highlighting the d) talk about their problems. Th tral to this endeavor.9 The eva] founding communities: the Na ity of San Luis Acatlán, and the the municipality of Malinalter munity: one for the evaluation final workshop was carried ou in San Luis Acatlán specifical regional coordinators and con well as community police offic

The evaluation focused o the promoters: customs, rights oasis for reconstructing unde: vulnerable condition, allowing having rights and access to ji of the results is beyond the sc 2009), but in order to exempli one of the communities, the ej

Evaluation Buenavista, SI

We arrived at the Buenavista ( 31, 2009, to conduct the first local authority (the comisario), port, and showed us the spac, ground floor of the comisaría, v of the mountains on the other

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102 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA

INDIGENOUS

assemblies tale place. While we waited to be received, the comisario was hear-ing the complaint of a woman who accused her husband of taking the docu-ment that allowed her to receive her monthly payments from the government's antipoverty program, Oportunidades.'2 As is typical in this community, the conversation between the authority and the women took place in the Tu'un Savi (Mixteco) language. In fact this case reflected precisely-the subject of the workshop, so we decided to invite the woman to the two-day meeting, to which she agreed.

Buenavista is a Na'savi community, head of one of the most organized eji-dos in the Mountain region, with considerable participation in the Community Police. This community was also the birthplace of renowned leaders of indig-enous organizations such as the Consejo Guerrerense soo Años de Resistencia Indígena (Guerrero Council soo Years of Indigenous Resistance) and the Community Police itself, which is indicative of a long-standing organizational tradition. The workshop was attended by twenty-two women from the com-munity of Buenavista and from nearby communities belonging to the ejido. We were surprised by the presence of five men from different communities, three of them comisarios from Jicamaltepec, Cerro Zapote, and Llano Silleta, members of the Buenavista ejido, who participated in the entire workshop, in contrast to the Buenavista comisario, who was not present. They had apparently turned up to accompany their wives and to find out which topics we would cover. We interpreted their presence as indicative of male caution, but it was also reveal-ing of masculine control, which sought to keep watch over what women say. We initially feared that their presence would affect the workshop dynamics, and in a way it did create a bias in terms of the emphasis given to some points over others; however, I was surprised at the women's forcefulness and their deter-mination not to be censored and to speak their mind. In the end, the men's participation enriched the discussions and allowed their viewpoints to be known regarding topics of great relevance to both women and men, although the women's standpoint prevailed. Most of the participants were not Spanish speakers, which meant that the promoters had to transiate to Tu'un Savi and make efforts to generate trust in the dialogue. The workshop lasted two days, time enough to facilitate communication and the participation of both women and men. After discussing the general issues that make women's life difficult in the communities—problems related to health, education, lack of income, poor roads, and so on'3—they identified three important topics to be examined in depth: (i) bad customs, (2) men do not allow women to participate, and (3) justice benefits men.

I examine here the topic of "bad customs" because it refers to women's principal concerns regarding their personal integrity within the family and the community. Three aspects of "bad customs" were underscored: (i) men think they can have many women, (2) bad customs such as witchcraft, and (3) gossip

between the families and a issues for women and men,

Men think they can hay than one family, sometimes ried to only one woman. A Casa de Justicia of San Luis , tions against husbands for i abandoning their families a conjunction with domestic whose complaint we had he vulnerabilities and forms of these are concomitant witl experienced by families in one of them a newborn. Sku threatened to kick her out he spent time with another for their children, thus forci] made her decide to present fact that her husband took t through the Oportunidades benefits for her five children

In other words, it was e five children to provide for to the authorities and eventi explained her case in Tu'un ation and the defenselessnes to Paula—"don't know how t this case, Martina wanted h to return the Oportunidade; plained to the local comisaric and later to the comisario of solve her problem. It was in were aware of her case and her husband that had gone munities' authorities for the plight, they suggested that sl-in San Luis Acatlán, an idea tl ers. The next day, Martina fir bring about significant chang sure on her husband to refa insistence on arguing that fo For Apolonia, a justice prorr

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104 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA

rights" and that authorities "don't administer justice right and benefit men." Although Martina did not actually know her rights, the fact that she presented her complaint to the authorities and dared to malee her case public in the workshop revealed her courage in seeking a solution to her situation, which triggered the women's support.

Another issue discussed was the bad custom of "bewitching" women who "meddle in other people's affairs by supporting other women." This tends to happen when women, such as the promoters themselves, accompany other women victims of violence to present a complaint and as a result are the object of gossip. "Bewitching" (echar brujo) is a deep-rooted practice in these commu-nities that functions as a mechanism of internal control and dissuasion. This explains the promoters' proposal that they be officially recognized by the com-munity's assembly in order to avoid being harassed. As an example, Apolonia recounted the time when a neighbor threw rocks at her house because she had accompanied his wife to the authorities. Paula also narrated the harassment she suffered after accompanying a neighbor who had been beaten: "they told us, who are you, you're not authorities [to get involved] . . . they drove by in a pickup truck, shouting at Paty, Apolonia, and me: Those women are busybod-ies!" These recurring complaints reflect the fact that women who dare accom-pany other women victims of violence are highly vulnerable if they do not have the support of communal authorities.

Gossip was also a priority in discussions in both communities, identified as a "bad custom" that severely harms families because it usually aims at slander-ing women, creating mistrust and violence. The issue of gossip led to intense participation by both men and women to discuss what Enedina called chismerío ("tittle-tattle") about women who go out to participate, as can be observed in the following interaction between Bonifacio and Apolonia:

B: [Men] give them freedom . . . and the women don't appreciate it because other men come and they start speaking nicely to them and then they go off somewhere [with them].

A: I have to speak up here, part of what Bonifacio says is right and part is wrong. What he's saying, well it depends on the woman if your husband gives you the freedom to go to meetings. . . But it depends on you, one thing is freedom, another is licentiousness . . . it depends on you . . you have to respect your husband if there's good love and care, you have to respect him.

Here women's "bad behavior" is identified as licentiousness, which makes people speak badly of them. This kind of gossip disqualifying women who leave the confines of their homes to participate in community affairs elicited a firm response from Apolonia, who is not only a midwife, but also since 2011 the coor-dinator of the Indigenous Women's Home (CAMI)4 in San Luis Acatlán and as

INDIGENOUS AU1

such has personally experiencel Apolonia's discursive style, a expresses her refusal to be inti refutation of Bonifacio's staten-

The elements identified a concern to women and revea demobilize them. They led to were very interested in lookin suggested developing worksho But they especially insisted on accompany other women, sub: justice promoters elected in

comisario when dealing with wc

I will not examine here in Buenavista—women's partic firmed the obstacles and gens assemblies and in their access when mediating disputes.'5 Th desire to stop being mistreate, gender roles. They reveal the despite the criticism dare to although they do demand reco from being harassed. The mer vigilance, but also a certain wi Na'savi woman observed durin it's not my fault there aren't ar

One of the central aims of 1 and Santa Cruz—was to discus definitions, we were interested surprising to observe how soma as duties, like one Na'savi wo: was "to prepare the food for h men who were present said tl-when he's drunk," a statemer although it did evoke some lau rights became evident, empha the fact that demanding right; that the women promoters haN in communities.

For Rosa, a woman who r

practice of rights is differentiai have to have courage. We have

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106 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA INDIGENOUS A

that the progress made to int security is also reflected at have reached positions of ar the significance of this proa

Rethinking ( from the Pe]

1•

Women's participation in th is especially important becar, confronts state power and ir and justice (Sierra 2013b), w Although women's organizal that they are occupying pos indigenous law, something 1

gender justice within autonc testimonies of some of the y the CRAC, I am interested in collective spaces open up to timones of two women leadi a mark on the institution: Fe differences in their trajector various faces of gender sub( and a critical view of locally as justice promoters has allo which is also one of the aci. the participatory evaluation on women's rights.

because of ignorance or fear. How far will things go, even if they see us beaten because we have no rights? Women aren't allowed to go out, they don't have the right to, men do." The need to differentiate women's rights and duties as part of their domestic unit from their needs in terms of personal integrity also became evident. At the Santa Cruz workshop women stressed the importance of supporting their husbands' commitments to communal activities, revealing notions of complementary between gender roles as members of a domestic unit; such is the case, for example, with feeding detainees undergoing reeducation (a task related to the comunitaria justice system), accompanying their husbands in the rituals and ceremonies that are part of their responsibilities as authori-ties, providing food during community assemblies, and so on. The issue of sin-gle or abandoned women and their difficulties in complying with community commitments such as financial contributions was also discussed. Many other problems related to violence, abandonment, alcoholism, and debts motivated heated discussions.

The methodology we used to analyze the problems was very productive to motivate women to participate and proved central to generating trust and interest, eliciting qualitative information that would have otherwise been very difficult to obtain. The model was based on a tree diagram that provided a metaphor for analyzing problems by identifying the causes (the tree's roots) and the consequences (the branches) related to them (see Corzo, Cruz, and Sierra 2009). A fundamental achievement of the workshops was the production of local knowledge in a dialogical manner framed in the women's own language and cultural styles.

In short, the workshops conducted in the two communities generated highly valuable materials from an emic perspective that uncovered women's feelings regarding fundamental problems that affect their integrity. They also revealed that meanings are contextual and embedded in cultural models that define gender roles, as is the case with the notions of duties and rights dis-tributed by sex. This also points to the multiple subordinations experienced by women, which determine the way they live, the grievances they identify, and the solutions they seek. Those grievances and solutions cannot be viewed from an a priori standpoint of gender subordination without taking into account the worldviews and structural marginalization that characterize the lives of indigenous women, intersecting issues of gender, class, and ethnicity. Undoubtedly, these contexts aggravate the exclusions and obstacles women face to gain access to justice and confront gender violence, thus revealing the severe insufficiencies of community justice. Nevertheless, for the women and men present in the workshops, talking about their problems, analyzing them, and identifying some alternatives to facilitate access to justice have had a lib-erating effect that has to be underlined. There is still much work to be done to ensure that women's rights become central to the communitarian system and

Felicitas Martínez: Betting or

As emphasized aboye, wom( inception, as a women's cor supporting the CRAC, and h However, it was not until Fel

administration of justice an Assembly. According to Felic dinator of the Regional Secta

Only in February 2006 wr

that there were women invisible to justice. . . YE

assisting with security, bt

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all the Assembly has to authorize it, if the assembly doesn't elect you, you're not in the decision making, because decisions are made by the justice board, .. . but it isn't easy, you don't have the full support of your male colleagues, it's a minority, it's an everyday struggle between the women and their male colleagues. [Women's participation] makes a big difference because there's more trust with the women, there are closer relations because women value you more. We are there to listen to both versions . . to see who is in error, not only to support women.'9

Felicitas emphasized women's daily struggle to address issues that concern them in a space dominated by men, such as the CRAC. Their participation entails new ways of administering justice, which implies earning the trust of the women involved in complaints or offenses so they feel free to state their griev-ances, without however losing sight of errors they may have committed. In her testimony, Felicitas emphasizes that rather than tipping the scales of justice in favor of women, this is about exercising justice in a way that considers the ver-sions of men and women.

Felicitas Martínez is a thirty-six-year-old Me'phaa woman from the com-munity of Potrerillo Cuapinole, San Luis Acatlán, and currently the single mother of a five-year-old girl. She was able to study law at the University of Guerrero in Chilpancingo due to enormous personal efforts, making her an exceptional case in the context of the women in the comunitaria. Through the Guerrero Coordination of Indigenous Women—a regional organization of indigenous women—she has long participated in organizational processes related to the defense of indigenous rights in Guerrero, and of indigenous women's rights in particular.2° Aboye all, Felicitas stands out for her eloquence and self-confidence when speaking to any audience, both within and outside her region. She has significant experience in regional, national, and international indigenous women's organizations, which has considerably broadened her perspectives and has given her access to knowl-edge about women's rights. For that reason, her interest in participating in local processes rooted in her own region and to promote women's involvement is par-ticularly noteworthy. In her position as regional coordinator at the headquarters for San Luis Acatlán, she had to devote her efforts to the justice-related tasks of the CRAC, which implied an almost complete commitment in terms of her avail-ability and time. Felicitas is the only woman to have been appointed coordinator for three different periods (one year in 2006, a few months in late 2010, and five months in 2012), which reflects both her commitment and her local legitimacy.

But what type of justice do women exercise, and to what extent does it reveal gender sensitivities that contribute to more adequate justice for women? Felicitas's following testimony offers some glimpses:

We had the case [at the CRAC] of a Mixteca woman from Tlacochistla-huaca, her husband always got home drunk, insulted her, beat her...,

and the worst thing we not her partner's, a two-man admits that he did her in the face twice," ti him again. I told the wo her love and attention, knew he wasn't going t. everything, but he's not

This case highlights Felicita to understand not only the also its effects on the chile everyday dramas experienc cases require the personal women, in the face of diffici trying to determine how to year-old child.

Felicitas's experience a

tional commitment that is r in positions of authority ar dramas, but the ways they pr sense that women tend to al (Arteaga 2013). This also exp women detainees' health wl of the crime committed. It personally check on the wor center to be cared for, as I wl time, the experience of admi especially women's, strongl' to listen to people's drama: the spaces of community ju

strategies.22 In that respect, to vent my feelings but I ker that didn't help unburden rr complex situations every day greater because many situar not very different from prob.

The tendency to seek n. something that is very clear (including some of the wom the parents of the young cc

payment for the "damage"

108 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA INDIGENOUS

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Felicitas has been quite firm in questioning such arrangements in cases of rape, thus criticizing long-standing practices in community justice.

In spite of the personal costs for a woman participating in a male space such as the CRAC, because of the gossip involved and the implications for their spouses, the deep commitment of women like Felicitas to their position of authority is remarkable: "I am proud of my people for participating in the CRAC, but let me tell you it isn't easy being in this system as a woman. I would like to see more women participating. . . [There have been] 16 years of the Community Police, there has been bloodshed, harassment, detentions . . . it hasn't been easy being an authority. My knowledge, what I've learned about justice, I owe it to the CRAC. . . . I still have a very big challenge, my dream of preparing new women leaders who are convinced of this project.n24 With these words, Felicitas synthesized the collective and personal dimensions that involve her in the comunitaria project, disputing her place as a woman, proud to be a member of the institution, and at the same time aware of what confronting the state has meant in political terms. She thus reveals the links that tie her to the collective process, stressing her personal growth in the administration of justice but aboye all her commitment to promote women's participation in the institution, which remains one of her main long-term projects.

Carmen Ramírez Aburto: The Strength of Commitment

Finally, I examine the testimony of Carmen Ramírez Aburto, perhaps the most emblematic woman in the comunitaria, whose presence has marked the institution since its inception. Although Carmen had little formal education-she completed only fourth grade of elementary school—she participated in different organizations such as the Rural Association of Collective Interest, but especially in the comunitaria, to which she devoted eight years of her life, sac-rificing even her family, as she emphasized in several interviews and conversa-tions. A Me'phaa woman born in Pueblo Hidalgo, Carmen has four daughters and one son and currently lives with her partner, after spending several years as a single mother. Not only was her participation in the comunitaria vital in the beginning when she was part of the women's commission to support the CRAC, conceiving ideas for reeducation; she has also participated in protection, detention, and security tasks without being assigned to a specific position to that end. Carmen's courage was tested on several occasions during operation to detain people together with community policemen.

I know what it mean to be in an operation,... no commander is going to deceive me telling me how an operation is done. . . . We arrived there

we went to look for the individual who had killed [the person], he was under some trash, there were banana leaves covering him, there he was and we had to surround him from a distance, each of us with our

weapons, and he carne ot shot Commander Luis. H

and shot in the COMME behind. . . I've been in

With courage and resolve, Community Police. She is in security tasks, which are usu her audacity and her deep accounts that demonstrate 11, cessfully detaining a prisoner rienced when her two-year-4 dudes at the comunitaria, sh that in those difficult momet tutional support from her co praising the CRAC's solidarit pain. Later, Carmen was elec women—Catalina Rodríguez opportunity to share in and a the comunitaria during that pi Carmen in particular kept goi ing in the complex assignmer neously fulfilling her duties as and cleaning tasks at the CR the security and health of wc monetary support from local police and on several occasior tor, she participated in tours t cation to ensure that they we and to address justice-relatec nessed and accompanied all when, in a regional assembl) authorities were dismissed, ti them were never proven, and than on the men. Similar case ous times within the CRAC w

the women this was a very tot bias in the comunitaria, since than men. Beyond the fact of Carmen's testimony of what ti

Because of a mistake cc detainee] ended up with u

110 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA INDIGENOUS A

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112 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA

the Public Prosecutor's Office [and the comunitaria] and they took on the

case, which was already there [at the Public Prosecutor's Office]. The family put pressure on us. They had a big problem with me. On July 7 [2007], [the Assembly] raid "we want the women out." . . . Women's par-ticipation [in the justice board] was dismantled, I don't know what hap-pened to the councilors. Why does that happen? Because we're women! The comisarios, the policemen have made many mistakes and no one says anything. Oh, but with the women it's different: out with the women! I was really hurt. . At that moment I told myself that I would never return to the CRAC: I lost a child, I abandoned my daughters, all of it to support the people, and all of this happened.26

In the end, Carmen was a victim of conflicts between different factions within the CRAC, which in her case meant disregarding her commitment to the institu-tion. Because of that, when I accompanied the female justice promoters to pres-ent the work we had been developing to the recently appointed CRAC authorities in April 2010, they were all deeply hurt when the new regional coordinators requested to see their justice promoter IDs: "We want to know who appointed you as justice promoters. Where are your credentials?" More than an under-standable caution as authorities, this was an unfriendly gesture (to say the least) directed against all of us, myself included, resorting to unnecessary formalities in order to disqualify the women's work and emphasize the new power relations within the CRAC. Although the new coordinators later attempted to attenuate this unfortunate action, it left a deep mark and points to the offenses faced by women when trying to legitimize their work in the institution.27

In spite of everything, Carmen is still a very important figure for the comu-

nitaria. Her experience has been central for elaborating alternative proposals for women, especially in the field of reeducation and community security.28 In

this respect, she made the following assessment of the role of female justice promoters:

Maybe we weren't able to make that much progress [as promoters] because there was a lot of gossip, and the gossip sometimes makes us believe that we're weak. There were several things that damaged us [including] slander and gossip. But that doesn't mean we're going to give up, on the contrary, we have to make an effort . as justice promoters. That's why it's so important for there to be more women [at the CRAC board of justice]. . . . Because we have to fight for a space where women can take care of women's cases. Yes, we need more women to look after the female detainees.29

In spite of the difficulties female justice promoters have had in consolidating themselves as a group, Carmen is very clear about the reasons why women's

INDIGENOUS

presence in the various tasks o

have two female delegates fro policemen, there have to be fer manders . . . because I have dz spects a female detainee, as wo I think the proposal of appoini to go to the communities . . . what's missing [in the CRAC].' women's participation at all lev Her critical outlook derives fro tal in generating changes witl community police officers as ex rience of women like Carmen. l the roles and tasks of the con. even though this intervention

In short, committed femal internal critique, exposing thc continuing to defend the coma female promoters do not have e-

promote women's participatior with frequent setbacks, signifii gender identities they assert al identities of their peoples, with tution would be impossible.

Conclusions: from the Persp

This chapter has analyzed the ri main objective was to support i rights within the Community leged vantage point for understz justice, revealing the intimate also their commitments to an in with Charles Hale (2008)3' abc research and its implications fol a deeper understanding of fun involved. I have been following Guerrero for many years (Sierra with the female justice promot( space to which I have had acces ties involved in the comunitaria':

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114 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA INDIGENOUS Al

particularly I have had the privilege of getting to know incredible women who shared with me not only their lives but also their decisions to support other women who do not know that "they have rights," as Paula Silva stated. The idea of not having rights, together with the coupling of "rights and duties," was in fact a subtext that emerged in the discussions we had with the promoters of justice, the women involved in the research.

Gaining access to indigenous women's own notions of gender violence, rights, and justice constituted the main research challenge. In this respect the evaluation (diagnóstico) motivated women in the communities to participate in the workshops, sharing sensitive and complex issues that involved their per-sonal lives. Instead of starting from abstract concepts regarding gender roles and legally established rights, we ensured that the women themselves named the problems that were relevant to them, taking into account their own con-texts and worldviews. A wide range of issues was brought forward that revealed multiple subordinations: the marginalization and structural inequality of indig-enous communities has a direct effect on the way women experience gender subordination. From an intersectional perspective gender violence cannot be understood in isolation from other social and cultural determinants that affect women's lives. In the face of problems such as mistreatment, abandonment by men, bad customs such as gossip and slander, and the fact that men can have other women, our analysis tried to identify the meaning of those grievances for women, reconstruct the ways in which they affected their dignity, and put into relief the actions women proposed to confront them. For example, rather than discussing forms of domestic violence, they emphasized the importance of hav-ing the support of other women when taking their complaints to the authori-ties, hence the importance of obtaining formal recognition as female justice promoters from the local community assembly. This type of concrete action, where the personal dimension is linked to collective action, can have a greater impact on reducing gender violence than appealing to abstract rights that are unattainable in the context of indigenous communities.

A cultural gender policy defined from the perspective of indigenous women necessarily will have to link the material and cultural dimensions of life (Hernández 2010; Mejía loto) when speaking of rights. Indigenous women's expectations cannot be separated from social reproduction and access to resources that restrict them or the cultural models that define their worldviews. Notions of "good treatment" for women in the comunitaria include a critique of "bad customs"—gossip, violence, and abuse—and, most important, creating spaces for women's participation, without necessarily challenging male hege-mony. Women's desires and aspirations develop in their cultural and social contexts. Mahmood's (2008) misgivings about judging women's expectations in the context of non-Western cultures are important references for the discus-sion of indigenous women's grievances and demands.32 It is a matter not just

of "vernacularizing" gender needs, but rather of identifyii demand rights. If we are to cc ing national and internationa we need to understand the before imposing external age] In the case of indigenous wc being part of a grassroots insi as indigenous peoples and th( is what the justice promoters

The research discussed i lytical elements. First, indigc ticipation in the CRAC point the history of the comunitari justice and security model. I

encountered, women have be CRAC's security and justice s gies that subordinate them. the women of the comunitaria their rights as women to del under constant attack by the women's role in addressing s( In their role as members of t ers, or justice promoters, wo also explains why their gend their collective identities. Th tem has significantly enriche ence does not guarantee acce about important changes bec women's demands. Women a dispensing justice and condu holistic model of justice cent( emotional dimensions. This a health, and violence as a nec( rights, an issue that was recu] the subject, women in the CR/ indigenous women have done Fourth, the improvements ac] munitarian security and just in the context of an emblem Women's participation as au indigenous justice regarding

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116 MARIA TERESA SIERRA

rights. Fifth, advances at the level of regional justice need to be more consistent in order to guarantee women's participation at the local level including com-munity justice. There is still much to be done at this level to ensure women's access to adequate justice, as the women themselves expressed during the workshops. In both spaces (regional and communal), deeply rooted patriarchal customs, which tend to favor men, prevail in the exercise of authority. One of the biggest challenges faced by the female justice promoters is consolidating their place in the CRAC's regional system while creating spaces for women's participation in local power structures.

New obstacles have arisen due to the increase in violence and threats to the comunitaria's territory from external factors, such as drug cartels, mining companies, and new forms of state control at the national and local levels. But the principal challenge is due to the internal conflicts that are fragmenting the system, as part of this cumulative process of violence and insecurity, which once again brings into relief the dilemma of women's place. It remains to be seen whether indigenous women's participation will be consolidated or dimin-ished in the context of the new challenges faced by the indigenous peoples of Guerrero.

NOTES

I. The Community Police force was formally created on October 15, 1995, to combat the insecurity and violence that plagued the communities, while the state's inac-tion fostered impunity. Twenty-seven communities from three Na'savi, Me'phaa, and Mestizo municipalities from the Coastal-Mountain region of Guerrero joined forces to create security patrols. In February 1998, they decided to stop handing over detainees to the Public Prosecutor's Office, and to create their own institution for the administration of justice—the Regional Coordination of Communal Authorities (CRAC). Hence the Regional System of Community Security, Justice, and Reeducation was born (see Sierra 2o13b).

2. The term comunitaria is used here to refer to the community security and justice system as a whole, in other words, both the Community Police (security forces) and the CRAC (administration of justice), known collectively by their Spanish acronym as "CRAC-PC."

3. For Santos, "ecology of knowledge" implies making visible and giving value to other knowledge unknown to hegemonic, Western knowledge; here I use the term to refer to the various forms of signifying rights and gender.

4. The project was called indigenous Women and Access to Justice: The Women of the Community Police of Guerrero, sponsored at first by the Tides-Angélica Foundation (December 2008—December 2010) and later by the collective project that gave rise to this book.

5. See especially the General Law on Women's Access to a Life Free of Violence (2007). Available in English at http://www.summit-americas.org/brief/docs/Law_on_access_ to_a_life_free_violence.pdf.

6. In total, eight women participated as justice promoters, several of whom had con-siderable organizational experience, including Felicitas Martínez, Catalina García,

INDIGENOUS Al

Carmen Ramírez, Apolonia Galindo. I would like to than ment. Úrsula Hernández als, ing (mid-2o15), in a context different interna] and exter function as such.

7. Some of the project's in (Hernández and Sierra 20o! a book in progress on the ( Sierra 2009).

8. 1 would like to thank Imek Chiapas, whole contributio tion and the workshops.

9. Part of these dynamics can 1 effort (Sierra 2o13a).

lo. The initial workshops took later conducted a second p May 2011.

u. El Ejido is a rural property recognized by the Mexican Guerrero includes severa] c( (https://es.wikipedia.org/wil

12. Oportunidades is a federal hold, who receive a certain they have enrolled in school

13. A central aspect of the eval communities, which led to environment. This revealed fields of health, education, a

14. CAMI was established in San the Commission for the Dev( of Health.

15. The dynamics generated in t (Sierra zo13a).

16. Intervention translated frorr

17. During the workshop at Sant adequate justice for women gossip (see Corzo, Cruz, and

18. In 2005, the women's board held in Pueblo Hidalgo, San

19. Interview by the author, jun,

20. Felicitas Martínez's life story

21. Interview by the author duri

22. Ana Cecilia Arteaga also un( styles of administering justic alternative strategies appliec

23. Interview by the author, Juno

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Macleod, M. 2011. Nietas del PI mayas. Guatemala: FLACSO

Mahmood, S. 2008. "Teoría femi renacimiento islámico en desde los márgenes, edited by Ediciones Cátedra.

Mejía, S. 2010. "Los derechos de feminismo indígena desde resistencia, 453-502.

Merry, S. E. 2006. Human Rights Justice. Chicago: University

Molyneux, M., and S. Razavi. 20 University Press.

Sánchez, E. 2012. El proceso de a comunitaria en la Costa-Mon

Santos, B. 2010. La globalizacit emancipación. Bogotá: Univ∎

Sieder, R., and M. Macleod. 200 Rey. Desacatos y: 51-72.

Sieder, R., and J. McNeish, eds. African Perspectives. New Yo

Sieder, R., and M. T. Sierra. 2010 working paper. Bergen, Noi

Sierra, M. T. 2009. "Las mujeres la interculturalidad y los de

- 201o. "Indigenous Justic Mexico." NACLA Report of tl

- 2o13a. "Abriendo brecha. I Mexico City: CIESAS. http:// fXgSALowd-BXZDHWQ.

- 2013b. "Desafiando al E experiencia de la policía c Violencias contemporáneas, 159-193. Mexico City: PLACE

- 20130. "Indigenous Wome Mexico." In Gender Justice a edited by Rachel Sieder and

Speed, Sh., R. A. Hernández, ano Politics in Chiapas. Austin: U

118 MARÍA TERESA SIERRA INDIGENOUS A

24. Ibid.

25. Interview by the author, April 18, 2008.

26. Interview by the author, July 21, 2011.

27. In the end the justice promoters received formal approval to continue with their activities in the Regional Assembly held in Jolotichán, San Luis Acatián (September ro, 2010).

28. Reeducation is the last phase of the process of justice administration in the comunitaria: through social labor, detainees are expected to make up for the harm they caused.

29. Interview by the author, July 21, 2011.

3o. Women's roundtable at the sixteenth anniversary of CRAC in Paraje Montero, October 15, 2011.

31. See also Leyva, Burguete, and Speed 2008.

32. Mahmood's (2008) research on Muslim women reveals that their notions of griev-ance, dignity, and autonomy differ radically from the liberal views of gender equality proposed by Western feminists, whose categories of emancipation and agency are questioned for their colonial gaze.

REFERENCES

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Canaval, B. 2008. "Mujeres de la Montaña de Guerrero. Nuevas actoras sociales." In Hernández, Etnografías e historias de resistencia, 361-414.

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