Women in Fisheries - The Pacific Community

M A R I N E R E S O U R C E S D I V I S I O N - C O M M U N I T Y F I S H E R I E S A N D I N F O R M A T I O N S E C T I O N S

Contents

Community-based managementand conservation

Shellfish monitoring and women'sparticipatory management in Roviana, Solomon IslandsS. Aswani and P.Weiant p. 3Caribbean students team with Fiji to protect reefs p. 12Tiny Mejatto first in Marshalls with fisheries plan p. 12Clams make a comeback through community-basedmanagement p. 13Mussel muscleM. Muralikrishna and Y. Onishi p. 13Small fishers’ views on coastalmanagement and what they mean to national policy p. 15

Socioeconomic status of fishing communities

Coral harvesting and its impact on local fisheries in FijiA. Vunisea p. 17The socioeconomics of reeffisheries in the South Pacific:A methodological approachM. Kronen p. 20Empowering Pacific IslandcommunitiesS.Troost p. 26The mud crab:Victim of its own success p. 29On the brinkJ. Sunde p. 30

Coordinator: Kim Des Rochers, English Editor, SPC, B.P. D5, 98848 Noumea Cedex, New Caledonia. [Phone: +687 262000; Fax: +687263818; Email: [email protected]]. Production: Information Section, Marine Resources Division, SPC [Fax: +687 263818; Email: [email protected]]. Printed with financial assistance from Australia and New Zealand.

ISSN 1028-7752

IntroductionWelcome to the 12th issue of the Women in Fisheries bulletin.

A common thread running through several articles in thisissue is food security. Across the Pacific, and in many otherparts of the world, women’s fishing and reef gleaning activi-ties are vital in providing a source of protein and income forcoastal communities. This is especially true during times wheninclement weather makes it either difficult or dangerous formen to fish beyond the reef. But a combination of factors —including overharvesting and habitat destruction — threatenwomen’s ability to provide for their families. Some areas areexperiencing localised declines in shellfish abundance, yet lit-tle scientific research has been done on many of these shellfishspecies and their sustainable yield. As Vunisea notes (seep. 17), in some areas of Fiji there is growing concern that theovercollection of coral for the marine aquarium trade couldadversely impact long-standing subsistence fishing activities.The coral trade, however, is providing some communities withan opportunity to earn much needed cash, with very littletraining and investment needed. Fisheries officers, NGOs andothers need to determine how the need for cash can be bal-anced with conservation of reef ecosystems so that they maycontinue to provide communities with subsistence livelihoods.

In Papua New Guinea, studies have shown that women con-tribute anywhere between 20 and 50 per cent of total fishcatches annually. Women in Milne Bay Province, PNG, har-vest marine invertebrates in particular. Recently, women’sfishing activities have expanded into small-scale commercialharvesting activities (e.g. beche-de-mer). Women thereforecontribute both to the daily subsistence fish catch — and so totheir families’ food security — and to their households’income earnings. As Kinch notes (see p. 32), however, womenin PNG are still under-represented in national fisheries agen-

WomenI N F O R M A T I O N B U L L E T I N

i n F i s h e r i e sNumber 12 – May 2003

Secretariat of the Pacific Community

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 20032cies, fisheries training courses, and fisheries development andplanning processes. Kinch suggests that more information isneeded on subsistence fisheries production, consumption andenvironmental impacts.

In the Philippines, food security and decreased fish catcheswere named as the most urgent issues of personal concern ina survey of 700 small-scale fishermen (see p. 15). This baselinesurvey was the first attempt to measure the level of people’sunderstanding about coastal issues and to gauge their atti-tudes and practices with regards to fishing and coastalresource management.

In the Solomon Islands, Aswani and Weiant (see p. 3) reportthat the harvest of marine invertebrates, particularly shellfish,is a woman’s activity, and a decline in shellfish resourcescould affect a woman’s position within her household andcommunity, and result in declines in a household’s level offood security. Like Kinch, the authors report that women arefrequently ignored by fisheries developments and conserva-tion projects, and that until recently, very little attention hasbeen paid to the need to manage resources that are vital towomen. Aswani and Weiant’s article, however, presents thepositive outcomes of a women’s community-based marineprotected area project they have been involved with; a projectthat is effective both in sustaining invertebrate resources, andin generating community support.

As always, I hope you will find the articles in this issue ofWomen in Fisheries both thought-provoking and interesting. Iwelcome any feedback on them and encourage you to submitarticles about women and community fishing issues fromyour country.

Kim Des Rochers

PS: Please note that articles from Micronesia and the USAretain American spelling.

Women's fishing

Women in fisheries in Milne BayProvince, Papua New Guinea:Past initiatives, present situation and future possibilitiesJ. Kinch and J. Bagita p. 32

News from the Coastal FisheriesManagement Section

Name change p. 38Review of the Marshall IslandsCommunity-based Coastal Fisheries Management Project p. 38Review of American Samoa’s Community-basedManagement Project p. 39Tuna Development and Management Plan for Kiribati p. 39

Produced with financial assistancefrom the Australian Agency for

International Development (AusAID)and the New Zealand Agency for

International Development (NZAID)

The views expressed in this Bulletin are those of the authors and

are not necessarily shared by theSecretariat of the Pacific Community,

the Australian Agency for InternationalDevelopment, or the New Zealand

Agency for International Development.

Processing clams in the Milne Bay Province,Papua New Guinea. Photo: Jeff Kinch

nzaid

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 3

Introduction

This paper summarizes the results of a women’scommunity-based marine protected area project inthe Solomon Islands that has been successful insustaining invertebrate biological resources and inpromoting strong community support. Marineprotected areas are emerging as a critical means toprotect marine biodiversity in coastal zonesaround the world. In the insular Pacific, mostmarine protected areas and other conservation ini-tiatives have targeted resources traditionally har-vested by men (e.g. Bidesi 1994). Yet, the fishingactivities of Pacific Island women, particularly theharvesting of diverse marine invertebrates, arevital in providing a source of protein and income tocoastal communities. Despite their significant role,women are rarely included in community fisheriesmanagement because governments, industry, andbanks hardly recognize the significance of

women’s artisanal and small-scale commercialactivities (e.g. Chapman 1987; Mathews 2002).Since the harvest of marine invertebrates, particu-larly shellfish, is predominantly a female activity,the decline in these resources may have the dualeffect of altering their position within their house-holds and communities, and causing declines inhouseholds’ levels of food security and operatingincome. In the Solomon Islands, women are fre-quently ignored by fisheries development and con-servation projects, and until recently, scant atten-tion has been paid to the need to manage resourcesthat are vital to women locally. Among the twomost important bivalve species harvested bySolomon Island women are the mangrove Anadaragranosa or blood cockle, and the Polymesoda(Geloina) spp. or mud clam. These organisms arevital subsistence resources for coastal communitiesacross the country as well as in other Indo-Pacificisland nations (e.g. Fay-Sauni and Robinson 1999).

Community-based management and conservation

Shellfish monitoring and women’s participatory managementin Roviana, Solomon Islands

Shankar Aswani1 and Pam Weiant2

Abstract

This paper summarizes the results of a women’s community-based marine protected area that has beensuccessful in sustaining invertebrate biological resources and in promoting strong community support. In1999, the women of Baraulu and Bulelavata villages in Roviana Lagoon, Solomon Islands, created a spatio-temporal marine closure to sustain marine resources that are valuable for nutritional and income-generat-ing purposes. The aim of this paper is three-fold: 1) to outline the project and the associated biologicalresults; 2) to describe the process involved in attaining a committed level of community participation; and3) to review additional lessons that have been learned during the project. We find that a high level of com-munity involvement is achieved when positive scientific results generated by the monitoring protocol arereturned to the community. This educational process, which cross-fertilizes indigenous and Westernknowledge, has increased women’s interest in the project and their direct participation in monitoring andenforcement. Also, the initiative’s perceived success has encouraged several nearby villages, which other-wise would have no marine protection strategies, to launch other conservation initiatives. We hope that theproject’s findings can be generalized to other regions of the world and help to increase the effectiveness ofestablishing community-based marine protected areas (CBMPAs) across the Pacific region.

1. Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology/Interdepartmental Graduate Program in Marine Science, University ofCalifornia, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, USA. tel.: +1 (805) 893-5285; fax: +1 (805) 893-8707; email: [email protected]

2. Interdepartmental Graduate Program in Marine Science, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, USA

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 20034

In the Roviana Lagoon, Western Solomons (Fig. 1),these bivalves are harvested for subsistence and forcash, and their importance stems from their his-toric abundance, large size and accessibility.

Scant scientific research on these species has beenconducted and little is known about the environ-mental requirements, biology, population status,and tolerances of most of these bivalves (Thu andHung 1999). The causes for localized declines inshellfish abundance, for instance, are unknown,and there is little understanding of the effects ofoverfishing or modification of water quality due toland-based activities such as timber harvesting,which is prevalent in the region. The most com-plete studies on the biological aspects of Anadaraspp. are by Broom (1982, 1985) and Narasimham(1969, 1988), but these studies are limited to thePhilippines, Malaysia, Thailand, South Korea andIndonesia. We believe that drawing from indige-nous ecological knowledge is of key importance indesigning scientific research and in building a com-prehensive image of marine species that are poorlyunderstood by marine scientists. By studying dif-ferent aspects of indigenous ecological knowledge,we have been able to formulate a number of work-ing hypotheses regarding the distribution andabundance of various marine invertebrates, andwe have tested these using current marine sciencemethods (Aswani and Weiant n.d.). This informa-tion has been crucial for establishing and improv-ing ongoing resource management plans. In thispaper, we argue that the long-term environmentaland social success of the project depends on a con-tinued incentive that hinges upon a positive feed-

back loop between a strong level of communityinvolvement and scientific research results that aredisseminated through educational campaigns, andwhich are understood by all stakeholders.

The resource management project

The Baraulu/Bulelavata Women’s Shellfish Project(aka The Baraulu/Bulelavata Women’s SewingProject) was established in 1999 to encourage themanagement of two bivalve mollusks, Anadara gra-nosa (locally referred to as riki) and Polymesoda spp.(locally referred to as deo) with outside supportfrom Dr Aswani. This project forms part of twolarger multidisciplinary initiatives funded by theMacArthur and Packard Foundations entitled the“Roviana and Vonavona Lagoons Marine ResourceManagement Project” (2000–2003) and “Estab-lishing Marine Protected Areas and Spatio-tempo-ral Refugia in Roviana and Vonavona Lagoons,Solomon Islands” (2002–2004). These projects seekto investigate a spectrum of issues concerninghuman dimensions of marine resource utilization.The applied aims are to economically and educa-tionally empower rural communities through ruraldevelopment and capacity building programs (seeAswani 2000), while simultaneously promotingresource management and conservation. Forinstance, a small-scale sewing project has beendesigned to provide local women with a measureof financial independence to support local enter-prises such as the construction of a permanentfacility for women’s activities. This incentive,which is presented as an integral component of theproject and not as a trade-off, has facilitated the

Figure 1. The Western Solomon Islands.


establishment of permanent marine protectedareas and spatio-temporal refugia by providingwomen with an economic venue to offset theincome they lose by not selling shells. In addition,we are assisting several communities in buildingclinics, schools, and water supply systems. Theoverarching conservation goal of the projects is tocreate a network of marine protected areas insouthwestern New Georgia.

In the late 1990s, community leaders in easternRoviana began discussing the possibility of devel-oping and implementing a resource managementregime to arrest the continued decline of marineinvertebrates. The Baraulu and Bulelavata commu-nities joined together to address the issue ofresource loss and discuss the various availableavenues that could be taken to curb the overex-ploitation of marine invertebrates. Members of bothcommunities agreed to the closure of two largemangrove and associated habitat areas — locallyreferred to Duduli and Rereghana (Fig. 2) — toshellfish gathering during the odu rane (daytimehigh-tide) season from September through May.The area was selected due to the anecdotal decreasein shell size and abundance, and high fishing pres-

sure due to site preferences and villageproximities. The spatio-temporal clo-sure mimics the community’s tradi-tional use of the resources: 1) the shell-fish areas within Duduli andRereghana are typically harvested lessduring the odu rane season, and 2) spe-cific shellfish areas within these areashave been previously closed forextended periods in preparation forspecial community and religiousevents at which times ample suppliesof food would be needed (although formuch shorter periods). Since 1999 thesetwo areas have been consecutivelyclosed during the odu rane season. Thisform of preventive management(Johannes 1998) is a less intrusiveregime that allows women continuingaccess during the most accessible timesof the year. Note that other mangroveareas in which the same resources canbe harvested remain open throughoutthe year. To evaluate the appropriate-ness of this management strategy interms of its biological objectives andpotential effects, we set out to design aparticipatory monitoring protocol. Theobjective of the monitoring researchwas two-fold: 1) to assess the effect ofthe temporal refugia on the two over-exploited mangrove-associated bivalvepopulations (riki and deo) by compar-

ing trends in abundance and size over time andbetween control and experiment sites, and 2) to fos-ter community involvement in the project, especial-ly by women and children. This has been accom-plished through education on the monitoringmethodology, direct participation in the monitor-ing, and participatory workshops. The ultimategoal is for the community to conduct their ownmonitoring.

Shellfish monitoring and associatedbiological results

The shellfish monitoring was conducted followingtwo strategies: in situ (in the field) and ex situ(household surveys). Despite the difference inmonitoring approaches, the data collected fromthese efforts is highly integrated and dependsheavily upon community involvement. In situmonitoring was carried out in September 2000(pre-closure), May (post-closure) and August (pre-closure) 2001, and May 2002 (post-closure). Nobaseline data was collected when the closure wasput into effect in 1999, and the number of moni-tored sites fluctuated over time due to financialand community constraint. In September 2000,

Figure 2. The Rereghana and Duduli spatio-temporal marine invertebrate refugia.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 20036eight sites were sampled (threeexperiment and one control sitefor riki and deo, respectively). In2001, the number of sampled siteswas increased to sixteen sites (fourexperiments and four control sitesfor riki and deo, respectively) in anattempt to yield more accurate sci-entific results. In 2002, however,only 14 of the 16 sites were moni-tored due to a local managementdecision (e.g. Koqu Piu was select-ed as a permanent closure andKoreke was closed in preparation for a religiousfestival, thus could no longer be used as a controlsite) (Table 1). The selections of experiment andcontrol sites were based on women’s knowledge ofprincipal shellfish harvesting locations. Employingindigenous ecological knowledge, therefore, wascrucial for selecting the sites in which to conductour scientific monitoring.

Data collection

A rotating team of six to ten Roviana women, andon occasion men and school children, conductedthe in situ monitoring. At each site, the range ofsuitable shellfish habitat was monitored, with thestarting point selected at random. Transects for rikiwere run every 20 feet in the water at the man-grove-estuarine interface and samples were collect-ed every 10 feet using a 0.25 m2 quadrant (Fig. 3).Women customarily collect riki by wading in thewater and digging their feet and hands into themuddy substrate. This method was used to collectthe shells during sampling. Transects for deo werelaid every 40 feet and samples were taken every20 feet using a 1 m2 quadrant. Women collect deo onland in the mangrove forests adjacent to the lagoonwater and deo is gleaned by spotting the shell in themud and then removed by digging (Fig. 4). Thismethod was also used to sample deo. All shellswere counted and sorted by size class (Fig. 5). Sizewas measured using a standard based on the sizerange of shells harvested in the lagoon and onother research regarding size correlation to repro-ductive maturity and fecundity (e.g. Broom 1985)(Table 2). The total number of shells and their per-site number per m2 quadrant was tallied andentered into Excel spreadsheets.

Ex situ monitoring of household harvest yields wasconducted at a time when Duduli and Rereghanawere open to harvest. Five women were trained toinstruct all village households in how to recordcatch data onto a standardized form during May2001. The following were recorded: harvest sites,number of shells gathered sorted by species and

Areas monitored within closed Areas monitored within open area (experiment sites) area (control sites)

riki deo riki deo

Koqu Piu Koqu Piu Miho Rereke Miho RerekeDuvulani Duvulani Kopo I Kopo IKoqu Kanada Koqu Kanada Kopo II Kopo IIDuduli Duduli Koreke Koreke

Table 1. Monitored sites in the experiment and control areas.

Figure 3. Baraulu women monitoring riki.

Figure 4. Baraulu women monitoring deo.

Figure 5. Baraulu women measuring shellsusing size classes.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 7size, number of gleaners per trip, and number ofhours spent foraging. The data was entered intoExcel spreadsheets, and the average householdharvest catch per bout were calculated. The pur-pose was to quantify daily household harvests andto document variation in catches during the openseason, as well as to better understand the fishingbehavior of women (i.e. the choice locations, hoursemployed per trip, and the trip’s purpose).Simultaneously, specialized indigenous ecological

knowledge regarding the ecologyof riki and deo were documented.

Biological results

Shellfish abundance was com-pared by time (pre-closure 2000through post-closure 2002) andtreatment (experiment and con-trol) using the statistical packageJUMP. Post-test comparisons wereperformed using a least squaremeans difference Tukey’s honest-ly significant difference (HSD)test, which compares all possiblepairs of means to predict wherethe significant differences occur.Two significant results are that: 1)there is a statistical difference inabundance of riki and deo in theexperiment sites over time, withno statistical difference at the con-trol sites; and 2) there is a statisti-cal difference in abundance of rikiand deo between treatments, mostnotably during post-closure 2002for both species, and post-closure2001 for riki (Figs. 6 and 7). A lesssignificant difference betweenexperiment and control sites priorto the 2002 open season for deo(Fig. 7) could have resulted frompoaching. Readers interested incomplete results and a full discus-sion of the biological findings

may refer to Aswani andWeiant (n.d.). Resultsfrom the ex situ monitor-ing reveal that the meannumber of riki and deoharvested per house-hold in one fishing eventduring the first month ofthe open period weresimilar, with slightlymore shells harvested in2001 (Table 3). In bothyears, size class 2 con-tributed most signifi-

Species Year No. of Hours Size Size Size Size Total # divers per bout class 1 class 2 class 3 class 4 of shell

riki 2001 1 2.4 15 155 104 6 2812002 2 2.6 54 95 61 14 225

deo 2001 1 2.6 39 89 36 7 1712002 1 1.9 45 66 46 9 167

Table 3. Average number of riki and deo harvested per harvesting event perhousehold during the first month of the “open” season in 2001 and2002.

Size class

1 2 3 4

riki 0–2.9 3.0–4.4 4.5–5.9 ≥ 6.0deo 0–5.9 6.0–7.9 8.0–9.9 ≥ 10.0

Table 2. Size class measurements for deo and rikiin centimeters.

Figure 6. Abundance of riki per m2 quadrant by treatment and time.

Figure 7. Abundance of deo per m2 quadrant by treatment and time.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 20038cantly to the catch, followed by size class 3. In 2002,the contribution to total catch from size classes 1and 4 increased, suggesting time to grow to the nextsize class (with the largest size class being the mostfecund) (Broom 1985).

Project structure and communityparticipation

The increase in abundance of shellfish stocks is asignificant finding, but this project’s most impor-tant contributions come from its investigations ofthe economic and social needs of women ratherthan just men. The women are actively engaged inboth designing and monitoring the conservationstrategy. We find that this high level of their partic-ipation is having a positive impact on managementdecisions, and is encouraging the women to adoptsustainable harvesting practices. The women haveassumed an active role, and have created anappropriate, effective, and equitable reserve designfor the conservation of marine resources. Thiscooperation has been triggered by the growing per-ception among local people that shell beds haverecovered rapidly, and scientific evaluation hashelped to reinforce this belief.

The women have been willing to accept restrictionrarely implemented in other marine conservationprojects. Local communities often opt for closingfishing areas that are either less productive or moredifficult to access. Baraulu and Bulelevata women,by contrast, have chosen to close areas that are ofprimary importance for shellfish collection.Moreover, the women have decided to permanentlyclose a key area for harvesting riki within theDuduli/Rereghana closure as a result of the prelim-inary positive assessment of the closures. This area,called Koqu Piu, is commonly referred to as the riki“hospital” by the community because it is locallyconsidered to be a source population. In Septemberof 2002, this permanent “no-take” zone was extend-ed to cover a larger area (see Zone 1 in Fig. 2).

Although the current trend in marine protectedareas is to ensure community involvement duringall the critical phases of the reserve design process(e.g. planning, establishing and enforcement) (e.g.Salm and Clark 2000; Bunce et al. 2000), few casestudies demonstrate how to achieve this goal, andeven fewer acknowledge the obstacles encoun-tered that may hinder success. Here we focus onthree interrelated factors that have contributed tothe community’s support and the project’s initialsuccess: 1) the project’s time-frame; 2) the partici-patory design of the conservation strategy; and 3)

the direct involvement by the women in the mon-itoring strategy.

Project’s time frame

Two aspects of time contribute to the success of theconservation strategy: the amount of time the pro-ject leader has spent in the region and the long-term duration of the project. The project leader(Aswani) has over 11 years of experience workingwith this community and continues to reside in thearea several months per year. Due to his long-termpresence, the community trusts that the project isnot a fly-by-night operation. Further, the projectleader understands the community’s social mores,customs, ways of living, resource concerns, andneeds, and thus is able to present managementoptions that are locally appropriate. In addition,the field research assistant leading the monitoringcomponent of the project (Pam Weiant) has spenttwo full field seasons working with the communi-ty to ensure that women were sufficiently trainedin the monitoring protocol. Since time constraintsare an issue for almost any project that entails mon-itoring and community assistance, a substantialamount of time during the first field season wasdedicated to properly training the community byholding workshops and preparing an efficient andworkable monitoring schedule. In the future, thecommunity is expected to monitor the shellfishbeds on their own, although the project leader willcontinue to assist the community if needed. Werealize that most projects are constrained by timeand financial restraints. The value of time, howev-er, should not be trivialized, as long-term projectsare more likely to assure a community’s commit-ment and, therefore, to succeed.

Design of the conservation strategy

The conservation strategy, which includes spatio-temporal and permanent closures, correspondswith the women’s traditional use and managementof the marine resources in this area. It also inte-grates an adaptable sea tenure regime with aresource management and development plan (seeAswani 1999, 2000, 2002). Despite a tangentialassociation during the early planning of the pro-ject, an expatriate consultant hired by WWF-Solomon Islands, criticized the closure scheduleand argued that the project was subsidizingwomen with a financial incentive (i.e. a sewingproject) for continuing a practice that they have tra-ditionally done for centuries, the periodic closingof shellfish beds (Foale 2001).3 However, we do notperceive the project’s harnessing of local forms of

3. In fact, Foale’s criticism is based on a single two-day field trip to the area during the project’s initial stages.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 9sea tenure and management to be a weakness, buta tremendous strength, and the managementregime’s foundation. The plan builds upon a prac-tice that the community is familiar with, and there-fore, they can better grasp its biological value andunderstand the use restrictions it requires. Thestrategy is also practical in that it fits the geo-graphical seascape. For example, policing restric-tions on catch size and shell size is a problem dueto the extent of the lagoon area, but spotting poach-ers entering and exiting the closures is not difficult.The project also reinvigorates a management strat-egy that had previously been implemented on anad-hoc basis. Because this is a community drivenproject, we believe that this strategy will result inthe long-term management of the area with long-lasting positive conservation results. In sum, theproject’s preliminary success in terms of improvedshellfish biomass, enhanced local environmentalawareness, and the reinvigoration of cultural man-agement practices has resulted from a realisticmanagement strategy — one that invokes strongcommunity support and adherence, and has pavedthe way for the establishment of more strict con-servation tools (i.e. no take areas).

Women’s direct involvement in monitoring

The monitoring protocol was established to enableall women to participate in the field monitoring,the household harvest recording, the expert work-shops, and in field logistics. Village women whowere physically able to gather shellfish (whichexcludes women with small children, those preg-nant or nursing, and the elderly) were divided intofour groups of approximately 30 women. Eachgroup was assigned to one day each week onwhich a minimum of six and a maximum of 10women were asked to volunteer for the monitor-ing, and two women were asked to prepare lunchfor the team. A leader and an alternate leader werenominated within each group to organize andoversee the monitoring procedure. We attempted,as best as possible, to coordinate the monitoringeffort with the women’s other domestic and com-munity duties in mind. For instance, we did notmonitor on Fridays (women’s local market day),Saturdays (fishing day), and Sundays (church day).Given the size of each group, the women couldselect a week to monitor that best fitted theirhousehold responsibilities and community com-mitments. To bolster enthusiasm, various food-stuffs were provided to women during the moni-toring, and a meal was shared upon return to thevillage. The women repeatedly voiced satisfactionwith their participation in the monitoring, and alsoenjoyed the camaraderie. As is common in so manyareas of the Pacific, their enthusiasm was given itsmost public voice during village feasts.

From the onset, women were aware of the declin-ing shellfish stock and recognized to some degreethe potential impact the project would have fortheir community, especially for their children. Afterthe first year of the closure, however, the willing-ness of the women to engage in the project wasenhanced due to: 1) their involvement in the mon-itoring, 2) the circulation of scientific results show-ing the closure’s benefits, and 3) their perceptionthat the shellfish were once again easier to findafter the area was re-opened. Despite theseachievements, we have encountered a number ofobstacles, and our management strategy has had tobe adaptive enough to work necessary modifica-tions into the management prescription. When anissue arises, expert workshops and group consulta-tions are arranged to discuss possible solutions,such as how to increase adherence to the fishingrestriction and prevent poaching, or how toincrease the effectiveness of the temporal closure.In what follows we summarize some of the prob-lems encountered.

First, despite the long field seasons and thewomen’s dedication, our team was often limited bythe short amount of time available for monitoring.Solomon Islanders have multiple social obligationsthat sometime preclude them from full dedicationto a particular activity. For instance, the groupleaders often had difficulty in assembling theirgroups, which delayed departure and preventedcompletion of the monitoring planned for that day.This of course increased the number of daysrequired to complete the job. Such relatively minorsetbacks in the monitoring schedule were com-pounded with other delays caused by heavy rainsand community obligations (in particular, a deathin the village means all work is suspended for fourto five days). We also found that communityinvolvement and enthusiasm wanes and waxesover time, with a significant slowing of momentumfollowing unplanned pauses in the monitoringschedule. The point is that a project leader must becognizant of these types of logistical problemswhen designing a project that entails a high level ofcommunity involvement, and must structure dead-lines appropriately.

A second problem, from the start of the project, hasbeen the trade-off between a temporal closure ver-sus other management strategies (such as a “no-take” zones and size and catch restrictions) was rec-ognized. The advantage of the temporal closure, asdiscussed above, is that the design formalizes anaspect of traditional fishing practices, and thus thecommunity already understands the strategy, theguidelines, and the restrictions. During the “open”harvest season, however, there are no limits on thetake and this results in a free-for-all use of

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200310resources. The lack of harvest restrictions may hin-der the long-term effectiveness of the closure bypotentially offsetting any increase in shellfish abun-dance that occurs when the area is closed. If wecompare time-period B (monitoring that occurredafter the eight month of closure) and time-period C(monitoring that occurred after the four months ofharvest) in Figures 6 and 7, we see that there is adecline in shellfish abundance. The effect of theopen-access regime during the open season hasbeen recognized by the community, and we are dis-cussing the possibility of setting size and bag limits,although this has not yet gone into effect.

A third problem is poaching. During the closed peri-od of 2002 a small group of women poached in someareas where deo is found. The preference to poachfor deo rather than riki is linked directly to the mar-ket — deo is easier to poach (women can stay dryand can hide from passing boats within the man-groves) and the shells are larger, hence fewer areneeded to fill a palm basket to sell at the market. InAugust of 2002, by-laws were written by theBaraulu Resource Management Committee (RMC),which detail the repercussions of failing to adhere tothe seasonal closure guidelines. This informal stepalso has been sanctioned by the leader of the localChristian Fellowship Church (the “spiritual author-ity”), which gives the project tremendous legitima-cy. Long-term legislative enforcement of manage-ment initiatives to manage riki and deo, and otherspecies, will be achieved though the WesternProvince “Customary Land Resource ManagementOrders” statute. We have begun the formal processof codifying this and other management initiativesthat are being designed to protect important habitatsand species (see Aswani and Hamilton, in press).

Last, although we would like to expand the num-ber of sites currently being monitored, it seemsimprobable given the time and financial con-straints involved. The monitoring of the 16 existingsites already takes approximately a month (due tonon-working days and weather conditions), twotimes a year (pre- and post-closure). We do notthink that we could ask the women to spend moretime monitoring, and when the monitoring dragson for too long community involvement tends todiminish. The bottom line is that, realistically, mon-itoring can only be conducted for several weeksonce a year or every few years.

The community has established other areas as per-manent closures, such as Koqu Piu (and extensionto cover neighboring waters), and we believe theseare good decisions. Preliminary findings revealthat after 18 months of being closed, the abundanceof riki at Koqu Piu had increased significantly.While the adjacent mangrove is also closed for

gleaning deo, the area is not considered prime deohabitat. Thus, the community is considering if itshould establish a permanently closed area for deoas well. While ideally they would select no-takeareas that encompass source and sink populations,no scientific evidence is available to indicate wherethese areas are, or even to test the local wisdomregarding where they are. To make managementdecisions, therefore, we have had to rely on a pre-ventive-management strategy that integratesindigenous and marine science knowledge.

Lessons learned

• While the strategy negotiated with the womenof Baraulu has increased the level of participa-tion and dedication to the project, the commu-nity still seeks financial assistance to motivateand manage the monitoring, as well as directionin modifying the management strategy. It isunrealistic to expect a CBMPA to succeed withonly short-term expert guidance and financialsupport. Nevertheless, continued environmen-tal educational campaigns are of key impor-tance if we are to move beyond the economicdependency created by financial incentives as acentral component of conservation projects.

• Many projects are criticized for their depen-dence on outside assistance. However, outsidehelp is important for two reasons. First, commu-nities may have good intentions to establish aconservation project, but generally lack thefinances and expertise to do so. A project can beexpensive and it is naïve to think that a commu-nity can support it. Second, national and provin-cial governments have had little interest inassisting rural communities to manage theirmarine resources. Marine resources that villagesdepend upon for subsistence are declining dueto population growth and fishery commercial-ization. The long-term implications of this pro-ject are already visible, as other nearby commu-nities are seeking to launch similar conservationefforts in their tenured seas. Without thesesmall-scale CBMPAs, there would be no effec-tive marine-protection strategies in this region.

• The ultimate long-term success of the projectdepends upon a positive feedback loopbetween a strong level of community involve-ment and positive scientific results. In theRoviana case, positive scientific findings havefacilitated and secured community support forthe project. The project leader’s long-term com-mitment to the region will assure continuedmonitoring and assistance after the project isconsidered “complete”.

• Children must be involved in the conservationstrategy. In our project, children were able toaccompany women during monitoring and

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 11assist with the ex situ counting the householdharvests (when they are most enthusiastic aboutsorting and counting the shells). Through con-versations with the researchers, children learnabout the purpose of the project, about howtheir marine resource fit into the larger globalpicture of marine conservation, and about thevalue of their resources.

A number of environmental and socioeconomicchallenges remain to be addressed before the futureof this conservation and development project canbe assured. We believe that it is important to assessthe early effects of the Duduli/Rereghana closureon the abundance of riki and deo to determine if theproject is a success from a biological perspective,but the results from monitoring need to be widelydisseminated to increase community support forthe project and to provide the community with theinformation to formulate additional managementpolicies. This integrated approach should con-tribute to the project’s long-term success.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the women of Baraulu andBulelavata for their commitment to the monitoringeffort. We also thank the communities at large, andpraise the leadership of the Christian FellowshipChurch for their valuable assistance. We would beremiss if we did not thank our research assistants,particularly, Ole, Andy, Selina, Nixon, and a num-ber of other women for their dedicated help,patience, and leadership skills. This project hasbeen funded by the MacArthur and PackardFoundations. For more information on this andother initiatives please visit http://www.anth.ucsb.edu/faculty/aswani

References

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Aswani, S. 2000. Women, rural development andcommunity-based resource management inthe Roviana Lagoon, Solomon Islands:Establishing marine invertebrate refugia. SPCTraditional Marine Resource Management andKnowledge Information Bulletin 12:11–22.

Aswani, S. 1999. Common property models of seatenure: A case study from Roviana and Vona-vona Lagoons, New Georgia, Solomon Islands.Human Ecology 27(3):417–53.

Aswani, S. and Hamilton, R. In press. Integratingindigenous ecological knowledge and custom-ary sea tenure for bumphead parrotfish(Bolbometopon muricatum) conservation in the

Roviana Lagoon, Solomon Islands. Environ-mental Conservation.

Aswani, S. and Weiant, P. n.d. Scientific evaluationin women’s participatory management:Monitoring marine invertebrate refugia in theSolomon Islands. Human Organization (underreview).

Bidesi, V.R. (1994). How ‘the other half’ fishes:Accounting for women in fisheries in thePacific. p. 123–30. In: Sustainable developmentor malignant growth? Perspectives of PacificIsland women. A. Emberson-Bain (ed). Suva,Fiji: Marama Publications.

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Broom, M.J. 1982. Size-selection, consumptionrates and growth of the gastropods Natica mac-ulosa (Lamarck) and Thais carinifera (Lamarck)preying on the bivalve, Anadara granosa (L.).Journal of Experimental Marine Biology andEcology 56:213–31.

Bunce, L., Townsley, P,. Pomeroy, R. and Pollnac, R.2000. Socioeconomic manual for coral reefmanagement. IUCN: Global Coral Reef Moni-toring Network.

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Johannes, R.E. 1998. The case for data-less marineresource management: Examples from tropicalnearshore finfisheries. Trends in Ecology andEvolution 13(6):243–46.

Matthews, E. 2002. Integrating women’s subsis-tence fishing into Pacific fisheries conserva-tion. SPC Women in Fisheries InformationBulletin 11:13–14.

Narasimham, K.A. 1988. Biology of the blood clamAnadara granosa (Linnaeus) in Kakinada Bay.Journal of the Marine Biological Association ofIndia 30(1/2):137–150.

Narasimham, KA. 1969. Studies on some aspects ofbiology and fishery of the cockle Anadara gra-nosa (Linnaeus) from the Kakinada Bay.Proceedings of the Symposium Mollusca,Marine Biology Association of India 2:407–417.

Salm, R. and Clark, J. 2000. Marine and coastal pro-tected areas: A guide for planners and man-agers, 3rd edition. IUCN.

Thu, N., Dao, H. and Hung, P.. 1999. Some biologi-cal characteristics of blood cockerel Anadaragranosa. Fisheries Review No. 4.


A group from Seacology and Grand Cayman HighSchool in the Caribbean has pledged to establish akindergarten in Fiji in exchange for approval toestablish a 17 square mile marine reserve.

Seacology, a nonprofit organization set up to pre-serve the environment, says the special partnershipbetween the Caribbean and the South Pacific is amilestone.

Seacology promotes projects where islandersreceive a critically needed benefit they request inreturn for making an important sacrifice on behalfof the environment.

The remote Fijian village of Naikorokoro, on thehistoric island of Ovalau, has been selected as therecipient. In exchange, the village has agreed toestablish a no-fishing reserve on a 17 square mileportion of their ancestral fishing area, enabling thecoral reefs and marine life to be replenished.

Based on the nature of this innovative project, JohnGray Recyclers, an environmental club based atJohn Gray High School on Grand Cayman Island,volunteered to raise funds for the project.

The students have dedicated themselves to pro-moting recycling in the Cayman Islands and help-ing to keep the islands beautiful.

The club has worked to help protect the CaymanIslands’ coral reefs, considered to be among themost pristine in the Caribbean, as well as theislands’ beaches and wildlife. The club hasannounced a donation of USD 1600.

Seacology Executive Director Duane Silversteinsays he is thrilled to have John Gray Recyclers sup-port Seacology efforts to build a kindergarten inthe remote village of Naikorokoro.

“The fact that young people in the Cayman Islands,which are known far and wide for their beautifuland threatened coral reefs, are raising funds to pre-serve the coral reefs of a village halfway around theworld is remarkable,” said Silverstein.

Christine Whitehead, faculty coordinator of JohnGray Recyclers, says, this is a unique project thatcovers all areas of the curriculum and will alsoenrich the lives of the club’s members.

“The John Gray Recyclers are planning to make avisit to Naikorokoro Village for the opening of thekindergarten. It will be an unforgettable experienceand we would like to thank Seacology for theirinsight and understanding in involving us withthis project,” said Whitehead.

Jeremy Forbes, the 18-year-old president of JohnGray Recyclers, says the club decided to donate themoney they won from the Commonwealth YouthServices Award to Seacology’s Fiji program.

“Because we thought that in this way we couldreach out and help people who would not normal-ly have the means to protect their coral reefs.

We can hardly believe that we are now making anactive international contribution to coral reef pro-tection,” said Forbes.

Caribbean students team with Fiji to protect reefSource: Pacific Islands Report, 31 January 2003

Tiny Mejatto first in Marshalls with fisheries planSource: Pacific Islands Report, 14 January 2003

In the face of depleted marine resources andincreased pollution, the Marshall Islands MarineResources Authority is pushing for local manage-ment and enforcement of fisheries throughout thiscentral Pacific nation.

Earlier this month, the remote outer island com-munity of Rongelap Islanders, living on tinyMejatto Island on Kwajalein Atoll, became the firstto adopt a community-based fisheries manage-ment plan, and fisheries official Terry Keju says

that four more atolls will follow shortly with theirown plans.

Over the past year, Marshall Islands MarineResources Authority staff have worked with tradi-tional, elected and community leaders, as well asmeeting with men’s, women’s and youth groupson Mejatto Island to hammer out a plan of action toprotect fisheries resources on this distant island. AFisheries Management Advisory Committee wascreated that includes elected leaders, men, women

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 13and youth to oversee enforcement of the new plan.This group helped to design the plan and is set upto enforce it, said Keju, who is heading the nation-al government’s effort to get local communitiesdeciding their own fisheries’ plans.

The Mejatto community’s fisheries assessment saidthat:

• there’s too much rubbish on the beach and inthe lagoon, which makes the area ugly and pol-lutes marine habitats;

• unregulated fishing by local fishermen of smallfish and shellfish is wiping out supplies;

• the use of chemicals, including Clorox, to catchfish destroys corals and kills many small fish.

The Mejatto community agreed to establish marineprotected areas around the island, using customaryconservation practices, and has asked the govern-

ment’s fisheries program to restock the lagoon withimportant shellfish.

Keju said now that Mejatto is done, the atolls ofLikiep, Arno, Majuro and Jaluit will develop simi-lar community-based fisheries plans. The fisheriesoffice is initialling targeting atolls that haveJapanese-funded fish bases for management plans,Keju said.

While the fisheries office’s community-based pro-gram follows the same format, “each communityhas different needs and problems,” Keju said.“The plan depends on the particular issues in eachcommunity.”

Keju said there are four Majuro-based agencieswhose cooperation is key to successfully imple-menting community-based fisheries programs.

Clams make a comeback through community-basedmanagementSource: World Resources Institute (http://ideas.wri.org/success_stories.cfm?ContentID=20)

For the Verata people of rural Viti Levu Island inFiji, the Anadara antiquata clam is a symbol of cul-tural identity. But in recent years, the Anadara clamhas experienced a precipitous decline in popula-tion due to overfishing, coastal development, andurban runoff.

In collaboration with partners at the University ofthe South Pacific, World Resource’s Institute’sGlobal Marine Strategy team is working with theVerata people to study the effects of a temporaryban on fishing and harvesting of the clam andother marine resources.

This provisional marine protected area, declaredthrough traditional practices, has experiencedremarkable success. Using newly gained skills inscientific measurement and data collection, com-munity members reported an 800 per cent increasein clam population. Such encouraging resultsdemonstrate that, with minimal outside support,local communities can employ temporary marinereserves to improve their resource base, even inconjunction with formal protected area initiatives.

Mussel muscle M. Muralikrishna and Yumi Onishi

Source: Samudra, November 2002

Beyond the palm trees and shining waters of theenchantingly beautiful backwaters of Kerala, India,some community initiatives towards estuarineresource management are taking place that deserveattention. A specific example is located in theAshtamudi estuary in Kollam district, the secondlargest estuarine system in the state.

Historically, the town of Kollam flourished as acentre of trade with China, and later with theDutch and the Portuguese. The renowned travellerMarco Polo set foot on Kollam during his journeys,when black pepper was one of the most sought-after merchandise there.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200314The landscape surrounding Ashtamudi haschanged little since the time of Marco Polo.Everywhere one looks, deep green palm treesstand still. On the edge of the estuary, palm treeshang over, as if watching their reflections on thecalm water.

The region’s prosperity derives from trade-relatedactivities, and the most prominent economic activ-ities in and around Ashtamudi estuary today arefishing and coir manufacturing. Although fishinghas been the traditional occupation of the inhabi-tants of the region from time immemorial,Ashtamudi’s vibrant fishing practice entered theestuary in the 1950s and early 1960s, when fishingturned into a localized industry of artisanal fisher-men using traditional craft and gear. By the late1960s, the international demand for prawnsopened up a possibility for commercial fishing inthe region. The construction of the Neendakarafishing harbour led to the flourishing of commer-cial fishing activities in the region. Norwegian aidnot only contributed to the development of fishingcraft, but also to the mechanization of fishing craft,which created an apparent economic class differ-ence among the communities.

The inland fisheries in Ashtamudi estuary includeboth capture and culture fisheries. For capture fish-ing practices, stake net (locally called kutivala),Chinese net (cheena vala), gill net (vysali vala), castnet (veesu vala), drift net (ozhukku vala) and trawlnet (koru vala) are used. Although the fishingindustry supports the livelihood of the majority ofpeople in this region, the inland fisheries remain atthe subsistence level. The decrease in per capitacatch is also evident partly due to the increasingnumber of fisherfolk in the region. Consequently,the fishing industry in Ashtamudi estuary is nolonger on the rise. Rather, it is on the decline due toinadequate management of the estuary. Moreover,despite the fact that the estuary supports a lucra-tive fishery, no effort has been made so far to assessthe exploited fishery resources.

In this market-driven resource milieu, Ashtamudiestuary has a few examples of community initia-tives in managing inland fisheries resource. Thoughoften overlooked, the initiatives are certainly worthstudying for their distinctive practices.

People’s plan

Nurturing fish by marking off a protected areawithin the estuary is a community initiative, a firstof its kind in inland fisheries in Kerala. Fisherfolkhave recognized the importance of allowing fish togrow and, thus, have set aside a “fishing prohibit-ed” zone in the estuary. Motivated by the Kerala

State’s Peoples’ Planning Campaign, one hectare ofestuary was fenced off and declared as a no-fishingarea, with the financial support of INR 100,000from the Chavara block panchayat (local governingbody) and the technical support of the BrackishWater Fish Farmers Development Agency. (As partof the decentralizing Peoples Planning Campaign,a three-tier administrative structure exists in theState, comprising district panchayats, block panchay-ats and grama panchayats.)

They created artificial reefs with tree branches andconcrete slabs. The fisherfolk of four grama pan-chayats — Chavara, Thekkumbhagam, Thevelakaraand Neendakara — are benefiting from this biore-serve. The catch has tremendously increased, espe-cially of pearl spot (Etroplus surratensis), locallyknown as karimeen, a delicacy in Kerala cuisine.

Collection of mussels for their meat is recent, com-pared with other inland fishing activities inAshtamudi estuary, and is only a generation old,though shell collection for lime is an ancient prac-tice. The shell collectors used to consume the mus-sel flesh sometimes, if the mussels were caughtlive, but only marginally. However, with theincreased demand in the export market for musselmeat, a small group started collecting the liveshells, which are abundant in some selected pock-ets in the estuary. The participation of family andcommunity in the mussel collection makes thepractice unique and noteworthy.

There are about 1000 families at Dalawapuram vil-lage in Thekkumbhagam involved in harvestingthe rich mussel bed of the region. The nature of theresource necessitates a proper regulation of whocatches where. This has been well observed by thecommunity, even though there is pressure from themarket for more mussels.

Each household has demarcated its fishing groundin the estuary by placing tree branches in the waterabout 20 to 50 m away from the land border of theirhouses. The males in the family collect shells man-ually, standing chest-deep in the water, and using asmall handnet. Shells are collected in the morning,when there is an ebb tide and the water column islow. By noon, the collected shells are taken home,adjacent to the fishing ground. The female mem-bers and the children of the family sort the shells,returning the young mussels to the estuary togrow. In other parts of the estuary, some peopleexploit the mussels for cattle and duck feed, irre-spective of their maturity.

The fishermen receive an average of 150–200 rupeeeach day; however, the catch is available only for athird of the year. During the breeding period, the

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 15community has to frequently cope with the deathof mussels due to the high nitrate content in thewater. The community claims that this is caused bythe runoff of fertilizers and pesticides heavily usedin the upland regions.

There is no organized society in the mussel collect-ing community that facilitates the collection of themeat for the export market, and so, a few agentswho act as middlemen reap the profits. They col-lect the mussel meat from each household andtransport them to the export businesses, basedmostly near the Neendakara fishing harbour, 6 kmfrom the village.

Scientific studies have indicated that the breedingperiod of the mussels is during November toFebruary, and the state government has imposed aban on shell collection during that period. In reali-ty, the actual breeding period is never fixed, butdepends on tide character and weather variables,and may sometimes prolong for another month orso. The community is very aware of this, andobserves a consensus not to collect shells duringthat time, in addition to observing the governmentrestriction.

Nonetheless, such community initiatives are notfree of the profit motive. In the case of the inlandfishery, influential fishermen in the area have piledup tree branches close to the fenced-off area. Fishaggregating devices prevent fish from moving toother parts of the estuary. As a result, they make alarge catch, while denying other fishermen theircatch. To an extent, it can be said that these fisher-men have privatized the fishing ground, whileother marginalized fishermen suffer from lowcatches. Moreover, those fishermen who use fishaggregating devices outside the fenced-off area alsocatch juvenile fish, which affects future catches.

A collective community-level effort of this kind isimportant in managing resources for sustainablefisheries. Given the scenario of dwindling man-grove vegetation, which traditionally functioned asnatural bioreserves, more initiatives are needed todevelop bioreserves in the estuaries and backwa-ters of Kerala.

Community initiatives of this kind lend hope forthe sustainable management of inland fisheryresources.

Small fishers’ views on coastal management and what theymean to national policySource: Over Seas, August 2002

In 2000, the Coastal Resource Management Projectof the Department of Environment and NaturalResources funded by the United States Agency forInternational Development, contracted a privateresearch firm, Trends MBL, Inc. to conduct a quan-titative knowledge, attitude, and practices (KAP)survey to benchmark current levels of knowledgeand concerns of small fishers in the Philippinesregarding coastal issues, attitudes and practices.The survey is significant in that it is the first everattempt to measure, using accepted surveymethodologies, the current level of public knowl-edge on coastal issues, and gauge people’s atti-tudes and practices as they relate to coastalresource management. This article provides a sum-mary of the survey results, and identifies someimportant issues for government policy to consid-er in addressing the concerns of small-scale fishers.

Profile of respondents

Respondents were 700 males, all regarded as headsof households, whose primary livelihood is small-

scale fishing. The survey was conducted in 16provinces: Bohol, Cebu (Olango Island), NegrosOriental, Palawan, Davao del Sur, Sarangani,Quezon, Albay, Aklan, Negros Oriental, Leyte,Misamis Oriental, Davao del Norte, DavaoOriental, Lanao del Norte, and Zambonga del Sur.Eighty-nine per cent of respondents were marriedand had been residing in their locality for morethan 10 years; about 46%, however, were not bornin their present town of residence.

All respondents were at least 20 years old, withmore than half (58%) belonging to the 20–44 agebracket. Eighty-nine per cent have not completedhigh school and 47% have either no schooling orfinished only some elementary education. Theaverage household size is 5.5 persons. Sixty-sevenper cent do not own or rent a residential lot, but95% own the house they live in. Their houses aretypically one-room, poorly constructed structuresmade of light and cheap materials. Sixty-three percent of respondents use non-motorized boats. Thetop three family expenditures are food (93%), fish-

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200316ing-related supplies and goods (60%), and hous-ing (42%).

Summary of survey results

Food security, poverty are the primary issues

In general, the respondents’ views reflected theirdifficult economic situation. When asked to nametheir three most urgent personal concerns, 74% ofrespondents answered “having enough to eateveryday”, 64% said “health of family members”,and 62% “to provide schooling for my children”.Expectedly, “decrease in fish catch” and poverty —cited by 67% and 55% of respondents, respectively— were seen as the top two most pressing prob-lems in the community.

The problems are recognized, but notadequately understood

Respondents demonstrated a fairly high level ofknowledge of the coastal ecosystem, althoughmany had some misconceptions about fisheriesand coral biology. For example, 89% correctly stat-ed that grouper live in crevices of coral reefs, butonly a few (10%) correctly agreed that these fishmature slowly and must reach a body weight ofmore than 1 kg before they can breed. Eighty-threeper cent recognized the importance of mangrovedetritus in the food web of invertebrates and fish,but only 42% believed mangroves help preventland erosion. And 70% said corals are rocks, withonly 6% correctly describing corals as animals.

Moreover, while more than 90% of respondentsagreed that throwing waste in rivers and the sea,cutting trees in the forests, and industrial pollutionpose very great or great danger to coastalresources, just over 50% considered overfishing asa very great or great danger to coastal resources.

Problems can be solved, and fishers accept thesolutions

Answers to questions related to coastal manage-ment issues and solutions are encouraging, withrespondents demonstrating a high level of aware-ness of the problems and what needs to be done toaddress them — between 64% and 97% said theystrongly agree or agree with knowledge statementson different aspects of coastal resource manage-ment. More reassuringly, respondents expressedstrong support for local government initiatives incoastal resource management. More than 70% saidthey would support or strongly support totally ban-ning the use of compressors for fishing, banningcommercial fishing in municipal waters, imposingheavier penalties for illegal fishers, and establishing

marine sanctuaries to rehabilitate fisheries and coralreefs. Moreover, some 50% said they would supportlimits to the amount of fish they could catch.

To the small fisher, government means thelocal government unit

Among possible sources of assistance for specificcoastal resource management concerns, thebarangay captain (village chief) and the mayor, inthat order, appear to be the most accessible torespondents. Respondents said the barangay cap-tain, in particular, is the person they are most like-ly to approach about various coastal resource man-agement concerns ranging from illegal fishing totraining in coastal management. However, themajority (63%) regarded the mayor as the mostinfluential person in their municipality.

National policy considerations to addressfisherfolk concerns

• Food security, as the number one most urgentpersonal concern identified by small fishers, canonly be addressed by strict implementation ofnational and local laws, adopting sustainablemethods of fishing, restricting access to fisheryresources, restricting use of fishing gear andpractices, such as payaos (fish-aggregatingdevices), bottom-setting gill nets, and othermethods that promote overexploitation of fish-eries resources, protecting coastal habitats, andadopting strategies to rehabilitate coastal habi-tats and fisheries.

• Overfishing is widespread and the impactsclearly articulated by small fishers as increasedeffort required to catch fish, smaller fish caught,and poorer quality of fish and must be viewedby national government as a crisis with no-nonsense policies to alleviate overexploitationof fishery resources while protecting the rightsof sustenance and marginal fisherman.

• Most small fishers prefer or insist on fishing astheir primary livelihood, therefore, national gov-ernment programs should carefully identify thesmaller percentage of individuals interested in oraccepting of alternative livelihood programs.

• Small fishers support local government initia-tives in coastal resource management in con-trast to commonly held perceptions of LocalChief Executives that coastal resource manage-ment is politically unpopular.

• Local government, in particular, municipalities,is the most important level of government withwhich to address small fishers’ concerns andmust continue to be the focus of national poli-cies and plans that are designed to assist coastalmunicipalities deliver coastal resource manage-ment as a basic service.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 17• Mayors and barangay captains, in particular, and

other local government staff members must betargeted for continued capacity-building pro-grams as they serve as the community’s prima-ry support system for all coastal resource man-agement concerns.

• Awareness of coastal resource managementissues among fisherfolk is fairly high. However,formal education in elementary and high

schools and local colleges and non-formal edu-cation in the coastal and marine environmentare needed to expand community understand-ing of the basic concepts of fisheries biology,marine ecology, the relationship between envi-ronmental quality and fish catch, and root caus-es of coastal resource decline, in particular therole of population growth, habitat destruction,and overfishing.

Socioeconomics statusof fishing communities

Coral harvesting and its impact on local fisheries in FijiAliti Vunisea1

Coral harvesting for the aquarium trade has becomeone of the major economic activities for manycoastal villages on Viti Levu, Fiji. Rising village un-employment and increasing demand for cash haveencouraged community participation in this activi-ty, which is easily entered by villages, and offerspotentially lucrative incomes. Villages have beeninvolved in the trade for between two and nineyears. The major challenge currently facing the Fiji-an government and fisheries officers and managersis the need to establish management and monitoringstrategies that ensure the collection of and trade incoral is sustainable and does not adversely impactlong-standing subsistence activities.

Communities, industry developers and resourcemanagers all face a difficult task in balancing theneed for access to new income opportunities whileat the same time ensuring that the non-monetaryvalues of natural resources that provide for subsis-tence livelihoods are also recognized. Given com-munities’ limited access to other means of earningmoney, the coral trade provides them with anexceptional opportunity. Community involvementin the trade has allowed coastal communities toearn needed income and build basic amenities, andhas provided some villages with much needed eco-nomic development. But in addition to the poten-tial cash income from the coral trade, coral reefsalso form the mainstay of subsistence livelihoodsin most rural coastal communities. Many people

are concerned that extended periods of coral col-lection will result in the loss of and changes to reefecosystems, habitats, and species, and in a lessen-ing of villagers’ knowledge and skills about reefsand reef organisms. The net result may be a reduc-tion in long-term food security.

Over generations, coastal peoples have fine-tunedtheir fishing skills and knowledge relating to reefsand marine species within their fishing grounds.Women — who are regular fishers of thenearshore coastal area and reef flats — have awealth of knowledge, fishing skills and lore thatassists them in their fishing activities. In contrastto the specialized knowledge and techniques thatreef fishing and gleaning requires, coral harvest-ing involves modern collection methods thatrequire no special skills.

Any changes in either the condition or use of reefecosystems will greatly impact on women, whosefishing activities are predominantly within thenearshore reef area. Women fish primarily for homeconsumption, therefore, food security at the house-hold level largely depends on them. Threats to theirfishing areas can affect basic food security and mayresult in the loss of what has, until now, remained afallback option for rural coastal populations.

Currently, there are 10 companies involved in theaquarium industry in Fiji. Two of the companies,

1. Coastal Fisheries Management Officer, Secretariat of the Pacific Community, BP D5, 98848 Nouméa Cedex, New Caledonia. Email: [email protected]

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200318Seaking Trading and Aquarium Fish (Fiji Limited),have been operating since the start of the industry15 years ago, while others have been operating forperiods ranging from between two and nine years.These coral harvesting and aquarium fish collectingactivities have concentrated in certain areas of Fiji,and there is concern about the impact of long-termextensive coral collecting within these fishing areas.2

Methods used to collect coral include the use oflarge iron bars to pry or break off coral pieces. Fishfences, scoop nets and an assortment of rods andchisels are used to catch fish and other marineorganisms. Many local people harvesting theseresources lack a basic biological understanding ofcoral reefs, or of the impact of their collecting andassociated activities on the reefs, which includetrampling over non-collecting areas, and draggingbamboo rafts to the dry shore areas.

Collecting and packing usually involves 20 to 30men from each village. Money paid out to packersand collectors ranges from FJD 90 per week forpackers to FJD 228 per collector per week in someareas. Approximate goodwill payments to fisheriescustodians ranges from FJD 3000 per year for onecompany to FJD 28,000, for another, depending onthe regularity and extent of collecting activities.Export earnings from the six companies involvedin the trade has been estimated to be between FJD250,000 per year and FJD 6,000,000 per year. Livecoral, live fish and other marine products are pri-marily exported to North America (US andCanada), Europe (Germany, England, France,Belgium, and Denmark) and Asia (Hong Kong,Taiwan/ROC, and Singapore).

In 2002, the International Marine Alliance (IMA),an international NGO with an office in Fiji, wascontracted by the Fiji government to conduct astudy on the coral harvesting/aquarium fish col-lecting industry. The purpose of the study was toestablish the importance of the industry to localcommunities and to determine implementing,monitoring and management strategies. The studywas commissioned as a result of concerns raised bythe government, NGOs, and various institutionsand individuals regarding the long-term impact ofthe industry on coastal people’s livelihoods. Someof the discussions and observations includedbelow are initial responses to rapid village visitsand interviews with village leaders, which theauthor conducted as part of the IMA visits to vil-

lages in Nadroga District (currently a major coralharvesting area).

During some village visits the general perceptionwas “this was a unique opportunity to earnincome”. Among the factors that encouragedinvolvement in the trade were: fish scarcity; thelack of a market to sell seafood; lack of access togood agricultural land; lack of formal and informalemployment opportunities; and transportation andother associated problems that complicated mar-keting of local products. During discussions, someyoung men stated that coral harvesting (whichinvolves instant payment of money by the compa-ny for coral collected) was more profitable than sit-ting at the local market all day trying to sellcoconuts (previously one of the major economicactivities pursued).

Companies offer short training stints in coral har-vesting, instructing collectors in the identificationof desirable species and in good collection prac-tices and methods, which ensure minimal damage.During harvesting men divide themselves intothree groups, so at any one time there are threeteams at a harvest site. Coral harvesting works asfollows: harvesters (tuki) identify and break offcoral. The next team comes along and places thecoral pieces onto bamboo rafts. This is usuallydone at the turn of the tide. The third team cleansthe coral and separates out the undesirable pieces.The coral pieces are then stacked in large buckets,which are later collected by the company forimmediate transportation to the factory, where thecoral is weighed and paid for. For coastal peoplewho have been fishers all their lives, these are easytasks, requiring at most a half-day of work severaldays a week to earn a substantial amount ofmoney. Harvesting depends on demand from thebuyers, however.

Both harvesting and the distribution of money arecommunity-organised in nearly all instances.Companies have a contact person in the villagewho liaises between the village and the company.This is usually a village elder or one of the qoliqoliowners (fishing rights owners). The companiesapproach the qoliqoli owners directly and negotiatewith them. In some of the villages visited, the deci-sion to allow coral harvest in their qoliqoli wasbased on communal financial demands, and thelack of employment and alternative ways for peo-ple to earn money.

2. Most of the activities of Seaking Trading and Aquarium Fish have been in the Beqa reef area and Ra Province. Ocean 2000,Acropora International Limited and Waterlife Exporters have operated for at least seven years with most of their activities con-centrated in the provinces of Tailevu and Rewa. Ocean 2000 has also operated within Nadroga Province. Walt Smith International,which has been operating for four years, has worked mainly with communities in Nadroga Province.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 19Traditional and religious obligations place heavydemands on rural people. Fijians’ traditional oblig-ations and customary rituals at times require sub-stantial amounts of money from individuals. TheMethodist church (which is the dominant church inmost of these areas) has special levies on commu-nities, which amount to thousands of dollars ayear. The levy depends on the village population;for Sanasana, in Nadroga, for example (which hasa large population), the annual levy is more thanFJD 10,000.00. This financial demand on the com-munity, plus the need for village development,encourages rural coastal communities to engage intrades or fishing activities that promise quick mon-etary returns. Immediate and clearly evident finan-cial benefits can influence the willingness of a com-munity to participate in the industry.

Once the coral has been delivered and paid forthere is a meeting for the distribution of moneywithin the village. In most cases an agreed distrib-ution criterion is used. In Sanasana village, forexample, the liaison man (who owns the harvest-ing license that is being used by the communityand is responsible for all outside dealings relatingto the village’s coral harvesting activities) receives25 per cent of all earnings. Ten per cent of themoney is allocated for vanua or communal obliga-tions, while another 10 per cent is allocated for reli-gious obligations. The rest is then shared amongstthe working team, with the team identifying andbreaking coral getting a slightly larger share thanthe other two teams. The distribution method iswell known and accepted by those involved.

There have been instances of dissatisfaction inwhich people were not happy with their allocation.In one of the villages along the Nadroga coast theconflict affected the entire community, and involve-ment in the trade was temporarily halted as a result.In this instance the chief or owner of the qoliqoli wasreceiving a very large portion of the money earnedand collectors were not receiving sufficient rewardfor their efforts. In such cases, communities typical-ly solve their differences through village meetings,or otherwise come to a consensus.

Also obvious through discussions with people atthe community-level was their very limited under-standing of the biology of coastal ecosystems, andof the impact that removing coral has. People didnot see any reason for concern regarding the abun-dance or distribution of marine resources withinthese areas. Villagers’ perceptions and attitudesincluded the following:

• Collectors maintained that regrowth of coral toa former state occurred within a period of three

months, and that coral reefs were in better con-dition following harvesting activities.

• When they were questioned about resource sus-tainability, community members commonlysuggested declaring reef “no take zones” as ameasure to regenerate reefs after harvesting.Feasibility studies on the appropriateness ofareas declared “no take zones” was almost nil;instead, communities simply put such zonesinto place themselves. There was thus a sense ofself-assurance that even though coral harvest-ing took place at a significant rate, communitieswere taking effective action by putting someareas aside for regeneration. The willingness todeclare “no take zones” could be exploited formanagement purposes.

• In some instances people believed that harvest-ing conducted “far away from the village”would not impact village fisheries; they did notappear to consider interdependence of differentreef areas, or migratory movements of fish.

Communities supported the activities of compa-nies involved in the coral trade, and appearedmore willing to work with them than with theFisheries Department or with “outsiders”. This isthought to have come as a result of the frequencyof visits by company personnel, and the immediatebenefits that derived to communities from involve-ment in the trade.

Exporters have argued that coral harvesting and col-lecting is not the only contributor to loss of coralreefs in Fiji. Other contributing factors to loss ofreefs include: expansion in the tourism industry;landscaping and coastal development; poor landuse practices in catchment areas; and logging activi-ties. Impacts from these activities are exacerbated byfrequent storms, cyclones and subsequent flooding.

Companies have tried to put in place precaution-ary measures to ensure that only targeted speciesare collected, and that proper certification of prod-ucts under a Marine Aquarium Council agreementis carried out. Unfortunately, collecting activitiesare conducted by community members withoutsupervision or monitoring, by either governmentor industry. Large amounts of waste coral were evi-dent in nearly all the villages visited.

Extensive coral harvesting activities can constitutea threat to reefs and the livelihood of coastal popu-lations. The attraction of quick monetary returncan override traditional management systems andresult in degradation of resources. In some villages(e.g. Sanasana) coral harvesting was introduced toensure that traditional (and especially religious)obligations are met. Thus, ironically, a traditional

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200320source of food security is threatened by a combina-tion of the cash demands of modern society andtraditionally defined obligations.

Social benefits and disadvantages of involvementin the coral trade are many and varied at this stage.Most villages began their participation at differenttimes and are therefore at different stages.Communities that have been involved in theindustry for more than six years stated that theyhad benefited immensely from the activity, citingthe funding of children’s education and building ofbetter homes as some of the benefits.

In Vatukarasa village, discussions with people liv-ing away from the village revealed concerns aboutrising alcohol abuse and the lack of any planneduse for money earned. Discussions within the vil-lage, on the other hand, revealed direct benefits toboth the community and individual households.

Most people interviewed defended the activity,which may be expected from people who havelived on very meagre incomes, and suddenly haveaccess to significant amounts of money.

In Nadroga District there is no vocational or ter-tiary institution where young school dropouts cantake up studies or pursue a career. These youthenter the coral trade due to a lack of alternatives.Efforts to develop alternative employment activi-ties must offer comparable wages. Rigorous cam-paigns need to be conducted to create awarenessand educate the people to make informed deci-sions about their coral reefs. The initiative began bythe government and currently conducted by theInternational Marine Alliance needs to be support-ed. Findings and strategies identified need to beconsidered and implemented to ensure propermonitoring and management of the trade.

The socioeconomics of reef fisheries in the South Pacific:A methodological approach

Mecki Kronen1

Introduction

Two projects emerged from continuous discussionsbetween representatives of the Secretariat of thePacific Community and the World Bank on howbest and most effectively to address the assessmentof the status of the Pacific Island reef fisheries. TheWorld Bank funded “voices from the village”, thefirst project to be designed and implemented. Aparticipatory approach was used to investigate fac-tors contributing to the successful management ofcoastal resources in the Pacific Island region, fromthe perspective of coastal communities (WorldBank 1999).

The second project, “DemEcoFish”, is funded bythe MacArthur Foundation and implemented bythe Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC).DemEcoFish is the first attempt to link quantitativeand qualitative resource and user surveys to assessthe status of reef and lagoon fisheries. The projectuses an interdisciplinary approach involving ecol-ogy, fisheries and socioeconomics. This paperfocuses on the socioeconomic component of theDemEcoFish project, and aims to 1) provide anoverview of the methodological approach devel-

oped, and to 2) discuss its advantages and disad-vantages based on experience during the imple-mentation phase.

Site selection

Two Pacific Island countries, Tonga and Fiji, wereselected to represent a Polynesian and Melanesianculture. Within each country three major regionswere chosen, and in each region, two coastal com-munities were identified and surveyed.

The site selection criteria applied ecological andsocioeconomic parameters. At the regional selec-tion level, only those islands that had reef andlagoon systems were considered. In Tonga, theisland groups of Ha’apai and Vava’u, as well as themain island of Tongatapu were selected; in Fiji, theLau group, Vanua Levu and the main island of VitiLevu were selected (Fig. 1).

At the community selection level, four criteria wereapplied:

a) Methodological comparison between the WorldBank and MacArthur Foundation project

1. Community Fisheries Scientist, Secretariat of the Pacific Community, BP D5, 98848 Nouméa Cedex, New Caledonia. Email: [email protected]

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 21approaches. DemEcoFish targeted two commu-nities in each country that had been included inthe World Bank survey.

b) Comparison of communities with a varyingdegree of urban influence in each region.Geographical isolation (i.e. small island loca-tion, and distance from the next centre) wasused as a proxy.

c) Interest of local authorities and their demandfor information on specific communities thatcould be accommodated in DemEcoFish’s fieldresearch; and

d) Logistical viability to ensure successful imple-mentation of socioeconomic and ecological sur-veys.

Survey development, design andimplementation

Approach

A comparative snapshot approach was used for theDemEcoFish project. Sites or communities werevisited only once, regardless of the time of the year.However, major festive occasions, when villageactivities diverted from normal routines, wereavoided. The snapshot approach taken excludedreplications, thus there is only one dataset for eachsurveyed site or community.

The socioeconomic survey rendered informationon the location and popularity of fishing groundsharvested by fishers from the surveyed communi-ties. Information gathered about fishing groundsprovided the basis for planning and lay-out ofunderwater resource surveys.

Preparation

All relevant data for each country and, in particu-lar, selected sites (i.e. communities), were collectedand reviewed prior to final planning and imple-mentation of field surveys. Such data includeddemographic information, aerial photographs, andtopographic and nautical charts. Technical and sci-entific reports, if available, were also used. Theseall gave insight to fisheries, fishery systems, ver-nacular names, localities and habitats of marinespecies and rural development projects associatedwith any of the sites envisaged for survey.

Local, national counterpart authorities were con-tacted to assist in the preparation of field surveys.Usually, the two communities in each region weresurveyed within one field trip. Local preparationsrequired appointing socioeconomic survey teammembers and talking with the respective regionalfisheries officer (RFO) in charge. The RFO wasresponsible for informing selected communities

Figure 1. Fiji Islands and Tonga

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200322about the objective and purpose of the survey, andfor arranging a suitable time for its implementa-tion. The RFO was also in charge of ensuring thatall necessary traditional protocols were followed.

According to basic demographic data (i.e. approxi-mate number of households and total population),the necessary survey material was prepared.Information provided by the RFO, in particular ontraditional protocols to be followed and on surveyteam members appointed, assisted in the prepara-tion of budgets for socioeconomic surveys.

Major components determining and/or closelyassociated with “fishing pressure” are depicted inFigure 2. Accordingly, the survey design aimed toelicit answers to the following:

• what fish/seafood is caught where? (habitat-fishing ground)

• when? • how? (technique, means of transport)• by whom? (fisher, gender)• for what reason? (autoconsumption, sale, gift).

Answers were derived from households, individu-als, fishers, boat owners, marketing agents, andstudents.

Survey design

Overall, the socioeconomic survey followed fourdistinct levels (see Fig. 3). Level 1 is the first contact

between the survey team and the target communi-ty. This initial contact usually occurred through acommunity meeting, where men and women of allage groups were encouraged to attend; participa-tion at these meetings was voluntary. These com-munity meetings served to introduce team mem-bers, and to present the objective, purpose andactions to be taken, as well as the expected cooper-ation expected from community membersthroughout the survey. During these communitymeetings, fishing grounds were identified oncharts. The popularity of these areas were deter-mined using participatory scoring and ranking forfishers and individual groups.

Provided that participating community membersreached approximately 20 people, participatoryscoring and ranking was done for gender agegroups, old and young men and all women. Eachgroup was asked the same questions, which aimedat gaining an overview of the main preferences andconsumption of fish and invertebrates, fisheriescharacteristics and overall food preferences withinthe community.

Community meetings were also used to identifykey persons who were later addressed with open-ended questionnaires in order to learn about themanagement of marine resources, general prob-lems, and perceptions of local fisheries.

At level 2, a closed questionnaire type of survey-ing was adopted, which mainly focussed on the

Level

1

2

3

4

Subject

community meetingvillage authorities

household censushousehold consumption

fishing and marketingconsumption and fishingfishing boat surveymarketing survey

children’s survey

Methodologicalapproach

PRAopen-ended questionnaire

closed questionnaireclosed questionnaire

closed questionnaireclosed questionnaireclosed questionnaireclosed and open endedquestionnaires

PRA

Output

overview on fishing andseafood consumptiongeneral information onmanagementname of boat owners, seriousfishers, etc.

demography, socioeconomicshousehold consumption onfinfish and other seafood

fishing systems, marketingconsumption and generalfishing activitiesquantitative and qualitativeinformation on fishing vesselsmarketing and price systems

children’s participation invillage fisheries

Target group

village populationvillage elderskey persons

all individual householdsall individual households

all serious fishers>30% of adults >15 yearsall boat ownersagents, middlemen,shop owners, etc.

primary school students(≈12 years)

Figure 3. Overview of DemEcoFish project methodological design


Fig

ure

2.Fl

ow-c

har

t m

odel

of

Dem

Eco

Fish

pro

ject

ap

pro

ach

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200324collection of quantitative and complementaryqualitative data. All active households in eachcommunity were numbered and consequentlysurveyed about demographics, basic economics,and household seafood consumption patterns.The target group responding to both question-naires were heads of households for demographicand economic data, and women responsible forpreparing the family meals for seafood consump-tion patterns.

At level 3, various groups within each communitywere asked questions that would provide the neces-sary information for understanding, quantifyingand characterising fisheries in each surveyed vil-lage. Thus, all boat owners and so-called “serious”fishers were identified. Closed questionnaires wereeither filled in on a strictly individual basis or, as inthe case of Tonga field surveys, by individuals but ina group setting. Boat owners include all members ofthe community that own a motorised or non-motorised boat. “Serious fishers” are persons whofish more frequently, more successfully and more forselling purposes than the average community mem-ber. The status of a “serious fisher” is either based onsocial community recognition only, and/or on indi-vidual perception. Very often, the status of a seriousfisher coincides with ownership of motorised boatsor regular use of motorised boats.

In addition, usually more than 30–35% of all womenand men over 15 years of age were interviewed onthe basis of a closed questionnaire in each commu-nity to learn about individual preferences andseafood consumption patterns as well as fishing(finfish and invertebrate collection) and marketing.

Complementary data on seafood marketing andpricing were obtained by interviewing agents,middlemen, shop owners and cooperative man-agers where applicable.

At level 4, an additional and experimental part ofthe socioeconomic survey targeted older primaryschool students. Children’s fishing activities arenot included in any official statistics because theyare not considered a significant factor of fish har-vesting and, thus, fishing pressure. The socioeco-nomic part of the DemEcoFish project attemptedto estimate the amount of children’s fishing con-tribution to family fish harvesting rather thanobtaining comparative quantitative data as in caseof the individual adult surveys.

Survey implementation

In Tonga, villages were visited on a daily basis,whereas the survey team stayed in the village dur-ing Fiji survey implementation. Community meet-ings were held in places proposed by villageelders, at a pre-arranged time. In both countries,the survey team participated in traditional kava2

ceremonies upon their arrival and departure.

Total length of stay in each village community waskept to a minimum so as to not unnecessarily dis-turb normal life and routines. Village elders werecontacted first to obtain all necessary permission,useful advice and names of people falling in one ofthe specialised target groups (serious fisher, boatowners, etc.).

Local counterparts were used to communicate withvillagers in their native language, and to conductthe surveys; they were trained and guided by theexpatriate socioeconomic team leader. Local cus-toms were adopted in approaching householdsand individuals. The headmaster of various prima-ry schools was contacted to approve and organisethe participatory primary school student survey.

Any agent, middleman or shop owner living out-side of the surveyed community was contactedand interviewed, accordingly.

Data analysis

All survey data were entered into Excel worksheets,and a database for each surveyed community wascreated. Credibility and reliability of data were test-ed by filtering out extreme values. Also, the designof the survey questionnaires included a comparisonof various approaches. For seafood consumptiondata, total household figures can be compared withinformation provided in individual questionnaires.Likewise, for examining fishing pressure, dataderived from “serious” fishers and by general fish-ers, is regarded complementary. Boat owners can becross-checked with information on boat ownershipincluded in the household and individual surveys.

Finally, research hypotheses were formulated anddata sources for statistical analysis were identified(Table 1).

Statistical analysis includes descriptive to non-parametric multivariate analysis depending on the

2. Guests offer kava, the bare and dried roots of a pepper bush/tree to the chief or head of a village. During the kava (or yaqona inFiji) ceremony, the chief or head of the ceremony mixes the powdered root with fresh water in a large hardwood bowl (tanoa inFiji), then strains the root powder with a cloth and offers each participant at the ceremony a small cup, usually made of half acoconut shell, (bilo in Fiji) of the liquid.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 25degree of complexity ofeach hypothesis to be test-ed. Various statisticalpackages such as Micro-soft Excel, SAS and Statis-tica will be used to per-form the analysis.

Discussion

All socioeconomic fieldsurveys from the DemEco-Fish project have beencompleted. Due to the factthat data analysis is cur-rently underway, resultspresented and discussedhere only focus on themethodology and fieldsurvey components.

Timing

Field experiences indicate that although the limita-tions imposed by applying a one-time snapshotapproach are acceptable, timing is still crucial.Visiting a village community within a certain peri-od preceding or following a major holiday andother event does not render typical/normal infor-mation on seafood consumption and fishing pat-terns. Also, competition of time requirementsbetween survey and increased social activities sig-nificantly reduces village interest, participationand cooperation.

In addition, survey implementation also needs totake into account unpredictable social events thatrestrict or prevent the presence of the survey teamand the participation of village population (e.g.funerals, major church or chiefly gatherings).

Survey design

Overall, the survey design proved to be successfulin both countries. The successful organisation of avillage community meeting, however, was foundto be highly dependent on three major factors:preparatory steps taken, status and relationshipbetween local counterparts and communities tar-geted, and the strength of social networking.Taking into account that participation at communi-ty meetings was voluntary, turn-up rates of genderand age groups at these gatherings varied consid-erably. There are no clear selection criteria for par-ticipatory survey design to ensure representationof the community. Also, participatory surveysinvolve a high risk of manipulation and the relia-bility of results is therefore questionable. Thus,

information gained from participatory scoring andranking performed during community meetingsmay be misleading. Consequently, in the case of theDemEcoFish project, data gathered from participa-tory surveys will not be used in the final analysis.However, validation of participatory surveyingwill be performed by comparing data obtainedfrom both, participatory ranking and scoring andindividual surveys. This will also assist in deter-mining how far results from the World Bank andthe MacArthur-funded studies can be compared.

The reliability and accuracy of closed question-naires are dependent on the training, effort andcooperation of the survey team members and coop-eration and interest of the persons interviewed.Overall, the questionnaire should follow an easy tounderstand and simple to fill in design. The use ofpictures for determining species and sizes (quan-tification of fish consumed for example) proveduseful (Fig. 4).

Objective Hypothesis

Indicators for fishing pressure (a) fish consumption(b) dependency on marine resources,(c) fishing strategies, and/or(d) a combination of allare possible indicators

Consumer typology there are different consumer groupswithin and between each of the twocountries surveyed

Dependency on marine resources is determined by fishing activity level

Fishing strategy fishing strategies are distinguishableaccording to specific characteristics,resulting in fishing activity level

Methodological comparison PRA is more likely to suffer from between PRA and individual manipulation, hence rendering less reliablesurveying data than close questionnaire surveys

Table 1. Hypothesis for data analysis

Figure 4. Fish size–weight charts

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200326The numbering of each household in the commu-nity proved to be very useful as this number waseasily used as a reference to link all different sur-vey results to a particular household dataset.

Household census and consumption surveysserved to estimate the community’s total seafoodconsumption of the community and its economicdependency on marine resources. While in fact100% coverage of all households was achieved inmost Tongan and Fijian villages surveyed, a muchsmaller coverage percentage is presumably neces-sary to reliably estimate both parameters.

Cooperation

The success of this type of survey was highlydependent on the availability and cooperation oflocal counterpart staff. Experience indicated thatconnection and familiarity with the communities isthe most crucial factor rather than technical or sci-entific background. The support of local extension,technical or scientific staff members can shortenthe time required for preparation, and increaseinterest and cooperation of target communities.Also, the incorporation of young women with sec-ondary school education from the target communi-ties in the survey team proved to be successful.Once familiarised and trained with a particularcomponent of the survey, they had easy access tolocal community members.

Fishing grounds

Identifying names and localities of finfish fishinggrounds proved feasible by using enlarged hydro-logical — or if lacking — topographic maps.Information on names and locations was obtainedfrom individual persons or group gatherings. Thepopularity of fishing grounds could be easily

established by encouraging fishers to perform scor-ing and ranking. However, fishing grounds usedby reef gleaners and collectors of other seafoodthan finfish required resource mapping. The scaleof hydrological and topographic charts, even ifcopies were enlarged, did not allow recognition ofmost invertebrate fishing grounds.

Fishing pressure

Complementary use of survey results from the“serious” fisher and individual groups inter-viewed requires avoidance of double counting (i.e.the same persons having filled in both question-naires as well as the possibility for an a posterioriclassification of fisher groups). Social status withinone community does not necessarily reflect currentfishing activity levels. Particularly in the case ofTonga, women’s fishing activities are chronicallyunderestimated and socially undervalued.

Experience demonstrated that the comparison andalignment of vernacular and scientific names forboth, finfish and invertebrates is crucial. However,this task poses a major challenge as both systemsfollow different logic, and hence are not necessari-ly comparative at the species level.

The quantitative transformation of invertebrateunits caught, marketed and consumed poses anoth-er difficulty. This part is much more diverse than fin-fish and requires in-depth field measurements.

School children survey

Although a complementary activity, participationand engagement of school children was extremelyhigh. Field experiences also suggest that the role ofchildren is an important factor in village fisheries,yet is underestimated.

Empowering Pacific Island communitiesSilvia Troost

Source: Pacific Ecologist, issue no.4, summer 2002/2003

The global community’s image of Pacific Islands isone of paradise — azure water, palm trees, andother tourist brochure cliches. In reality, PacificSmall Island Developing States (SIDS) face seriousand unique development challenges that renderthem as vulnerable as the poorest nations of Africa.Pacific Islands are geographically small and isolat-ed. They have a limited and extremely fragile nat-ural resource base with “no room for error” interms of management decisions.

Pacific Islands have small populations with rela-tively limited opportunities for advanced educa-tion. The few people who do manage to receivehigher education and skills are often recruited intohigher paying jobs in New Zealand and Australia,resulting in a serious “brain drain”.

Economically speaking, Pacific SIDS for the mostpart do not benefit from globalisation in its currentmanifestation. They are often the dumping ground

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 27for developed countries, receiving damaged andexpired food products, toxic waste, and in somecases, weaponry (Kwajalein Atoll in the MarshallIslands is the “catcher’s mitt” for President Bush’smissile defense tests). Their language and culture —again extremely fragile due to sheer lack of numbers— are overwhelmed by global pop culture in theform of videos, television and films. Their naturalresources are exploited through unfair deals withdeveloped and larger countries, particularly theirtimber, mineral and marine resources.

Globalisation is usually posited either as a panaceaor as the root of all evil. Certainly in its current man-ifestation, Pacific Islands do not benefit and areindeed exploited by the global system. However,there are opportunities for Pacific Islands to benefitfrom globalisation as long as they are empowered tomanage it (and the change inherent in globalisedcommunications, transport etc) on their own terms.This will require Pacific nations to maintain andstrengthen their fundamental building block — vil-lages — through a process of knowledge, education,appropriate technologies, and equitable and trans-parent “smart” partnerships.

Tourism, waste destroying marinebiodiversity

An example of where globalisation could poten-tially benefit Pacific SIDS is in the area of coral reefsand marine biodiversity. Currently, globalisation— in the form of mass tourism, international fish-ing, logging (with associated erosion and runoffonto coral reefs), and waste generated from west-ern styles of consumption — threaten to destroythe coral reefs of the Pacific. The impact of this can-not be over-estimated. Pacific islands depend oncoral and marine resources for their very survival.In countries such as Kiribati, fish represent the bulkof the population’s diet. Coral reefs protect islandsfrom damaging storms and waves, particularly inlow-lying atoll nations such as Kiribati and Tuvalu.In countries such as Fiji, coral reefs attract touristswho bring much needed cash into the local econo-my. From a cultural point of view, coral reefs arepart of the cultural “patrimony”, with sacredplaces and totem species. From an environmentalpoint of view, Pacific coral reefs harbor some of thegreatest marine biodiversity in the world.

Though the coral reefs of the Pacific remain rela-tively intact, particularly when compared to otherSIDS (such as in the Caribbean) where coral reefsare either dead or severely degraded, the currentdemands on these reefs threaten to destroy them.Overfishing, destructive fishing practices, land-based sources of pollution (from erosion of steepslope areas, improper waste management from

coastal communities and tourist facilities, etc.) allthreaten these reefs. It is now critical for PacificIslands to conserve and manage these reefs beforethey are lost. It’s possible to do this in a way thatbenefits both communities and biodiversity.

This process has begun in Fiji, where villages aretaking the initiative to reinstate traditional man-agement measures, including imposition of marineprotected areas (tabu areas), as well as “modern”management measures, including active coralrestoration through coral planting or “coral gar-dening”, appropriate forms of waste managementand other activities. They are “managing globaliza-tion” in support of their reefs by using the globaltourism and aquarium industries as an impetus forconservation. This exciting work is taking place ina number of communities in Fiji, in partnershipwith the Government of Fiji and NGOs, includingthe Foundation of the Peoples of the South PacificInternational (FSPI), Worldwide Fund for NatureSouth Pacific program (WWF), the University ofthe South Pacific, and other locally-based NGOsand organizations.

Project to restore coral reefs

Take the work of the communities of Cuvu Mina,located on Fiji’s Coral Coast. The Cuvu communi-ties are working with an NGO, the Foundation ofthe Peoples of the South Pacific Fiji (FSP Fiji), tobring their coral reefs back to life. These reefs areseverely degraded, largely due to the heavy impactof tourism and overfishing.

The Cuvu people have approached the majorresort in the area — the Fijian Shangri-la (part ofthe global Shangri-la chain of hotels) — and forgeda major partnership to restore their coral reefs. Firstand most importantly, the communities decided todeclare a tabu area to restrict fishing activities.They have designated fish wardens — youths fromthe community — to enforce the tabu. With assis-tance from FSP Fiji, the communities have replant-ed mangroves and other coastal trees to reduce ero-sion and absorb nutrients (reducing the amount ofpollution spilling onto the reef from the coast).They have also improved their waste managementpractices, moving pig pens away from the coast,and collecting and sorting rubbish.

The Fijian Shangri-la Hotel has also come to thetable — an example of how globalisation (throughthe global tourism industry), if managed, can posi-tively affect people’s lives in Pacific SIDS. Withassistance from FSP Fiji, the Fijian Hotel has upgrad-ed its waste management infrastructure through thedevelopment of “constructed wetlands” — artificialwetlands that absorb nutrients generated from the

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200328hotel sewerage system. Chemical analyses are nowshowing a substantial reduction in pollutants ema-nating from the hotel onto the reef. The Resort hasalso initiated a campaign to involve guests in coralreef conservation, setting up snorkeling trails andeducating guests on “no-impact” coral reef tourism.They have also supported training efforts, providingfinancial assistance to FSP Fiji to train communitymembers in active coral restoration methods,including coral gardening (planting certain speciesof fast-growing corals in degraded areas to bringback the coral reef), habitat enhancement (removingdeadly crown of thorn starfish from the reef, re-seeding the reef with shellfish including giant clamsand trochus), and construction of “fish houses”(stone and cement structures places strategically onthe reef to recruit fish and coral). Plans are under-way for the Resort to establish a community trustfund — through guest donations — for long-termconservation and sustainable management of Cuvucoral reefs.

This partnership between a local community, anational NGO and an international resort hasalready resulted in an improvement in the coralreef environment. Village members are reportingan increase in fish and shellfish. And they are ben-efiting from the tourist industry through jobs (forexample, village youth are working at the Resort as“reef guides”), and increased income.

Capacity building of communities is the underly-ing foundation of this exciting work. By armingpeople with knowledge and skills, communitiescan forge equitable partnerships with internationalplayers in a way that they manage and control, andthat ultimately benefits them.

Effort to transform aquarium industry

Another potential avenue for communities to man-age globalisation comes in the form of the aquari-um industry. The aquarium trade is a multi-billiondollar industry that sources its products for themost part from poor countries. The Pacific, partic-ularly Fiji, provides a significant percentage of livecoral, live rock and fish for the industry, with com-munities currently benefiting very little (and not atall in some cases, through unsustainable extractionof aquarium products — cyanide, crow bars, etc.).

NGOs are now working with communities andconsumers in developed countries to transform theaquarium industry into a sustainable tradethrough certification. This process is still in itsinfancy, but has the potential of enabling commu-nities to take part in a global industry on its ownterms, by receiving a fairer share in income gener-ated from the industry through “value added

products” (similar to shade-grown coffee), and byprotecting their marine environments through sus-tainable collecting and handling of aquarium prod-ucts. In Fiji, FSP Fiji is working on a small compo-nent of this trade by training communities in coralaquaculture. This will enable communities to sus-tainably grow corals for the trade, rather thanextracting corals from the wild. Again, communi-ties benefit by earning income through productionof a value-added product, while maintaining theintegrity of their environments.

The examples mentioned here are presented in aneffort to highlight the opportunity that economicglobalisation can bring Pacific SIDS if communitiesare armed with training and information to man-age globalisation on their own terms. The interna-tional community can contribute to this process bysupporting industries and companies that do notpay mere lip-service to sustainable development,but actually incorporate this idea into their every-day modus operandi. The international communitycan also support training and skills development inPacific SIDS through donor funding. Globalisationand all its inherent problems are here to stay.Pacific SIDS need to be smart players in this newsystem by demanding equitable and transparentpartnerships with global players. Pacific SIDS mustalso have a foundation of internal good gover-nance and rule of law so that everyone benefitsfrom the process. The examples mentioned here —partnership with the tourism and aquarium indus-try — rest on the premise that communities drivethe process, rather than a few corrupt governmentofficials. It is through this process that globalisationand localisation can merge in a fashion that main-tains the integrity of people and culture, while con-tributing to economic development.

Pomacanthus imperatorArtwork: Les Hata. © SPC


The mud crab:Victim of its own successJean-Luc David

Source: Les Nouvelles Calédonniennes, 8 and 9 February 2003

“Jesus Mary Joseph, that’s a beauty!” ClaudiaKaudra, kneeling in the mud, has just pulled anenormous crab weighing more than a kilo fromits hole using a wooden hook. Claudia, from theOua Tom tribe in New Caledonia, has alwaysmade her living from crab fishing, like her par-ents and grandparents before her.

She caught her first crab at the age of seven

In the heart of the mangrove swamp, among themangrove root labyrinth, with water up to herankles and sometimes mid-thighs, this fisher-woman finds her way around with an astonishing-ly accurate sense of direction. “The crabs alwayscome back to the same holes. The fishers who comehere regularly just have to go from hole to holewhereas those who are unfamiliar with the areahave to work hard to find their hiding places. AndI can tell you that it is exhausting to walk for hoursin this environment,” explains Claudia.

She knows this resource by heart. She caught herfirst crab at the age of seven. Then, when she wasonly 11, she fed her nine brothers and sisters afterthe death of her father.

At the time, she walked more than 10 km on footfrom her village to the seaside before going into themangrove area with her uncle or aunt and later hercompanion, Achille, looking for the green shells.Every Thursday, a travelling buyer purchased herweek’s harvest.

“Sometimes we walk for hours balancing on theroots in the middle of the mosquitoes and waspsjust to bring home one poor little crab. Sometimesyou just have to cry and people think that 1000francs per kilo is dear! At least in winter the tem-perature is a little less difficult to tolerate in themangroves,” admits Claudia, without showing theslightest weariness.

A night out in the swamp

In 1997, this traditional fisherwoman was givensome help in her activity. She obtained approvalfrom the Southern Province for a micro-projectsubmitted by the women of her village. The grantand a bank loan enabled her to buy an aluminium

runabout and an outboard motor. This helpedClaudia extend her fishing area along the coastfrom La Foa township.

Two years later she is investing in traps as manyother crab fishers already have. The yield fromher daily fishing was immediately boosted, butthis mangrove explorer is not giving in to the easymethods.

“Usually, I go out with my boat from Monday toThursday, taking bread, water and tinned meatwith me,” says Claudia. “I set my traps along theshore, but during low tide I continue to search theholes where the best crabs hide with my bag onmy back. At high tide, I spear fish in the channelsto use them as bait in the traps. Otherwise, I sleepunder my tarpaulin and pull in the traps the nextday, change the bait and put them back in a dif-ferent place.”

Endangered resource

When she gets home, she listens to the messages onher answering machine to find out where the crabsare expected. She does the accounting, sets aside5000 francs from each sale for maintenance andreplacement of the outboard motor. And in theevening at home she prepares strips of rubberinner tube to tie up her catch.

Claudia would not give up this line of work foranything in the world: “My children learned howto walk on the boat in the middle of the mangrove,but the way the crab hunting is going today, I don’tknow how long the resource will last.”

Some questions put to Claudia Kaudra,licensed fisherwoman in La Foa township,by Les Nouvelles Caledoniennes (LNC)

LNC: How many crab fishers are there in the LaFoa community?

Claudia Kaudra: In our “commune” (municipaldistrict), there are about 20 people whomake most of their living from crab fishing.But in recent years, since the first Australiantraps were imported into the Territory,many more people have begun to getinvolved in this activity.

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200330LNC: How many traps do you use on a fishing

trip?

CK: I have about 30 traps. I also go around to thecrab holes in the mangrove swamp. Butnow some people set up to 180 or 200 trapswithout even paying for their businesslicense. It’s getting difficult along the coastand there are more and more disputes.

LNC: Does this overfishing represent a threat?

CK: Of course. Especially as some people do notrespect the regulations and do not releasecrabs under 14 cm. They sell crab meat at4000 francs a kilo or more. At that rate, theremight not be anything left in two years’time. And if it gets difficult to catch crabs,who is going to buy them at 3000 francs akilo?

LNC: Where do you sell your harvest?

CK: I have my customers — restaurants in thetownship — but also my personal cus-tomers. I also sell my crabs straight to com-panies which I generally visit once a month.

But sometimes people who don’t need tosell crabs to make a living have gone beforeme, they don’t need to sell crabs to make aliving, they’re just interested in the money.

LNC: Would you be in favour of more regula-tions?

CK: Well, things have been done for turtle anddugong fishing and other measures havebeen adopted on the nets, which should nothave a mesh size of under 35 mm. So whynot restrict the number of traps per fisher?And there would need to be checks.Pleasure fishermen are entitled to two trapsper boat but some have 20 or more onboard. Had I a mind to, I could have alreadyreported so many of them.

LNC: And what about the well-known soft-shelled crabs?

CK: There is a total ban on catching them. Youfind soft-shelled crabs during the first orlast crescent moon. That’s when theychange shells and go and shelter in theirholes to avoid being eaten by predators.

On the brinkJackie Sunde1

Source: Yemaya, No. 11

Coastal communities in South Africa have a verylong history of harvesting marine resources such asfish, shellfish and rock lobster or kreef for theirlivelihoods. It is estimated that 30,000 subsistenceor artisanal fishing people depend on theseresources to survive and another 30,000 areemployed seasonally in the fishing industry. SouthAfrica exports a large quantity of fish (about 40 percent) to countries in the north and this makes fish-ing a highly profitable industry from a commercialperspective.

In most communities men have traditionally beenthe ones to go to sea whilst women have playedsignificant roles in shore-based activities: makingand repairing nets, preparing bait, and processingand selling fish. Along some areas of the coast,women collect mussels and other shellfish off therocks. Women are the primary seasonal workers inthe fish processing factories along the Cape West

Coast. Of late, they are also playing an increasingrole in the administration and representation offishing associations on the West Coast, wherewomen chair at least three associations. Here theyplay critical roles in assisting fisher people to applyfor permits and quotas and in lobbying theDepartment of Marine and Coastal Management(MCM), the government department responsiblefor fisheries management.

The fishing industry has been shaped considerablyby the discriminatory legislation and practices dur-ing the white-dominated apartheid regime. Blackpeople were excluded from getting quotas in theirown right and had to work for white fishermen orcompanies. White-owned fishing companies flour-ished. Gradually the larger companies acquiredsmaller companies and extended their control. Ahandful of powerful white-owned companies cameto dominate the industry. The influx control laws,

1. Masifundise Development Organization, South Africa. Email: [email protected].

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 31job reservation, and Group Areas Act furtherexcluded black communities from getting fullaccess to the sea and its resources. After the elec-tion of South Africa’s first democratic governmentin 1994, efforts to transform the fishing industry byintroducing policies ensuring equitable access tomarine resources, were initiated. This was in theface of considerable pressure from large companiesfearful of losing control over the industry.

The Individual Transferable Quotas (ITQ) systemwas introduced. Although quotas were not new,this scheme was to enable people from previouslydisadvantaged communities to apply for quotas tofish. Other policies included giving incentives tocompanies that could show that they were trans-forming their employment practices to providemore opportunities for black and women workers.The new system intended to allocate quotas tocompanies of different sizes and, in this way, toenable a certain amount of smaller “new entrants”to establish companies.

However, despite these policies, some communitiesand people who have fished all their lives have beenleft without equitable access to fisheries resources.There appear to be several reasons for this.

CorruptionThe fishing industry has a history of corruption,with influential people using their connections toensure that their friends and families benefitedfrom quota allocations. Allocations were also madefor political purposes. Allocations were made tocertain coloured communities and leaders but notto others. Later, in 2000, the government tried tointroduce systems to ensure a more equitabledistribution. However, a lot of mistrust remains,especially since many people who have neverfished before have received quotas, while theaccess of many real, bona fide fishing people whohave fished for years and depended on fishing forsurvival, has declined.

High costsA big problem for fishing communities is the costand complex procedures involved in applying for aquota. The criteria used to decide quota allocationsare also seen as problematic.

Paper quotasA further problem is that of “paper quotas”. Becauseof the high value of quotas, many new entrants whowere allocated quotas sold them to other fishingcompanies. This has enabled these fishing compa-nies, even overseas-owned companies, to increasetheir power and control over the industry.

Failure to prioritize bona fide fisher peopleThe government has decided that, in the case ofcertain high-value species of fish and shellfish,quotas for these species will be allocated only tolarger enterprises operating as businesses and notto small, subsistence fishing groups, therebydepriving the latter of access to these resources.

Impact of global tradePressures from South Africa’s trading partners inthe north, such as from the countries of theEuropean Union, coupled with the government’scurrent export-oriented economic policy, haveaffected decisions about quota allocations, ostensi-bly in order to promote investment in the industry.These policies are being implemented at theexpense of the income and food security of localfishing communities.

Local fishing communities are thus facing social andeconomic crises as a result of the restricted access tofishing resources. Many fisher people who used tobe active now sit at home. In other cases, the limitedquota allocations mean that households have agreatly reduced seasonal income.

In certain cases people turn to poaching (catchingfish without a license/quota) as a means of short-term survival. They are attracted to the large sumsof money that are paid for protected species. Insome instances, local people poach in return forpayment in drugs. Powerful drug cartels use thelucrative trade in valuable marine resources as away of obtaining finance. In communities wherepoaching is rife, problems, such as drugs and gang-sterism, are on the increase. Linked to the high lev-els of poverty, gangsterism and drug abuse, is anincrease in rape, sexual abuse and trafficking inwomen and children.

For communities that do not poach, the econom-ic future is precarious. Given the seasonal natureof incomes, households find it difficult to paytheir house rents and there is increasing foodinsecurity and poverty. Fishing communities arerelatively excluded from economic developmentin their regions and have expressed their frustra-tion at the lack of information on alternative eco-nomic initiatives, for example, on how to accessthe tourism market.


Introduction

Milne Bay Province (MBP) lies at the far eastern tipof Papua New Guinea (PNG). The province’s 600islands, atolls and reefs lie within a maritime areaof approximately 110,000 km2 (Omeri 1991). Themajority of the province’s approximately 210,000inhabitants live near the shore, both on the islandsand the mainland. The communities are culturallysimilar, and are predominantly matrilineal (i.e. clanmembership, territorial rights, and inheritance aredetermined through the female line). Inhabitantsare mostly subsistence and artisanal fishers, manyof whom sell marine resources to exporters andrely on fishing, trade and subsistence agriculturefor their food security and livelihoods. Averageannual income per household has been estimatedat USD 130.00 (Kinch 2001; Mitchell et al. 2001).

Worldwide, women contribute in multiple ways tothe production, processing, marketing and man-agement of fish and other marine resources.Studies from PNG show that women’s fishing sup-plies an estimated 20 to 50 per cent of catches annu-ally in some regions (Haines 1979, 1982); studieselsewhere in the Pacific substantiate this produc-tivity (Rawlinson, et al. 1995).

Across the Pacific, women concentrate their fishingactivities on the collection of small fish, molluscsand invertebrates in lagoons, the inter-tidal zoneand inshore areas (Chapman 1987). Women inMBP, particularly in the Trobriand Islands and thesouth coast of mainland Milne Bay, especially har-vest invertebrates such as mud crabs. More recent-ly, women have entered the lucrative beche-de-mer(processed sea cucumber) fishery as harvesters andas scouts for male divers (Kinch 2002). MBP

women generally reef glean by walking along reefflats at low tide, collecting invertebrates, small fish,and very occasionally seaweed (Kinch 1999, 2003;Yamelu 1984).

Status of women

Traditionally, women have enjoyed a relativelyhigh status in MBP, and are central to land owner-ship and food production for the living and thedead (mortuary feasts are the most important ritu-als Milne Bay societies). Colonial administrativeofficers have noted the social standing and sailingprowess of women in MBP:

A noteworthy sociological feature of theseagoing inhabitants of the CalvadosChain, is the status of women in political,social, and economic life. They exerciseconsiderable influence in all questions fordiscussion — nor is this influence con-fined to the bedchamber brand of politics.They have no hesitation in airing theirviews on all subjects in no uncertainterms. They carry out all the indigenouseconomic activities that the men do, and itcan be said that they do them almost aswell. They are often seen sailing over thelagoons of the Archipelago, manninglarge ocean going canoes from which theyfish for trochus, turtles, shell and otherforms of seafood and produce (Teague1956:3).

Today, women still have a relatively prominent rolein village affairs. Women’s groups, particularlychurch-led women’s fellowships and clubs contin-ue to be an active part of every community.

Women's fishing

Women in fisheries in Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea:Past initiatives, present situation and future possibilities

Jeff Kinch1 and Jane Bagita2

1. Community Development and Artisanal Fisheries Specialist, Conservation International, Alotau, Papua New Guinea. Email: [email protected]

2. Provincial Fisheries Officer, Milne Bay Fisheries Authority, Papua New Guinea

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 33per week fishing and thatthis represented 17 per centof their productive worktime (Bayliss-Smith citedin Pernetta and Hill 1980).From my own observa-tions, I suggest this is anunderestimation. In theNuakata Fisheries surveyconducted by Conserva-tion International (CI) andthe Milne Bay ProvincialFisheries Division in 2000,76 households out of 100were surveyed on NuakataIsland. Eleven per cent ofthe households surveyedsaid they fished daily, and96 per cent said they hadfished within the last threedays (Kinch and Kelokelo2000). On Tubetube, Mac-Intyre (1983) noted thatpeople regularly fishedthree to four times a week

and fish was eaten on most days. Another study atEast Cape in the late 1980s (part of theCommonwealth Secretariat’s program, see below)showed fishing accounted for 24.1 per cent of allmen’s work time, compared with 9.0 per cent forwomen. As would be expected, given that sellingis predominately a women’s profession, men spentonly 0.2 per cent of all work time selling fish com-pared with 2.1 per cent for women. Men also con-tributed only 9.9 per cent of all work time todomestic duties compared with 40.2 per cent forwomen (Hunting-Fishtech 1990).

Past initiatives

During 1989 and 1990, the CommonwealthSecretariat organized several studies on the role ofwomen in fisheries. These were undertaken withassistance from the then called South PacificCommission (SPC) and the Commonwealth Fundfor Technical Co-operation (CFTC) (Schoeffel andTalagi 1989). These studies recommended thatdevelopment programs involving women shouldfocus on building skills and providing training inpost-harvest techniques to enhance the incomeearning capacity of women. One study concludedthat the subsistence catch was much higher thanpresent assumptions, and that increased produc-tion was possible with an expansion of the market.It was thought that women’s lack of access to mar-kets and the lack of movement in the market werethe main factors limiting women’s development.Linked to this was the lack of post-harvest technol-ogy and skills transfer (Hunting-Fishtech 1990).

Unfortunately, due to the influence of the casheconomy, women’s position is being usurpedthrough changing values and a breakdown of tra-ditional social structures. The increasing use ofmoney in mortuary feasting has had a significantimpact on women’s status because women’s con-tribution of locally grown food, particularly yams,has been overshadowed by the use of money tobuy trade store food (Kinch 2001; Byford 2000a).The increase in cash from the sale of beche-de-merhas also meant the exclusion of women from deci-sions made about its use (Kinch et al. 2002).

Division of labour and fishing effort

As across most of Melanesia, men in MBP typicallydo tasks that require strength and sustained exer-tion, such as felling trees, building houses, cuttinggardens, netting fish, sailing canoes and generalmaintenance. They also do all butchering of pigsand turtles. Tasks performed by women are thoseassociated with nuture, including planting, weed-ing and harvesting of gardens, cooking, makingmats, baskets and clay pots, raising and feedingchildren and livestock. Women can also be seensailing canoes, diving and fishing. Although thereis a division of labour by gender (e.g. men catchmost fish, and women and children focus more onshellfish and inshore fisheries), MacIntyre (1983)noted that this is more pronounced in ideologythan in actual practice.

A fishing effort study in Milne Bay coastal villagesin the late 1970s reported that men spent 3.1 hours

Figure 1. Milne Bay Province

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200334In 1993, the PNG Department of Fisheries andMarine Resources (DFMR) and the Department ofHuman Affairs and Youth (DHAY) signed an MOUfor the establishment of the PNG Women inFisheries Project. Under this agreement, DFMRwas responsible for providing technical, financialand administrative support to women’s groupsthrough workshops on fish processing, marketing,distribution and small-business development.They were tasked with purchasing and distribut-ing fish processing equipment to women’s groupsand providing assistance in marketing fish prod-ucts. DHAY was responsible for awareness cam-paigns, organizing and co-coordinating trainingworkshops for small-scale processing and market-ing, and identifying promoters to start small scaleprocessing and marketing projects. Problems arosein the delivery of this project because DFMR hadtrouble running what was essentially a technicalfisheries project as well as a women’s project.Opposition was also generated from women in thefield who expected a project involving women togo through DHAY, while DHAY also believed theyshould control and implement the project. Theproject was eventually moved to DHAY, where itwas later terminated due to lack of staff andresources (Lambeth et al. 2002).

The present situation

The main seafood processor in MBP is NakoFisheries Limited, situated on the waterfront atSanderson Bay in Alotau. Nako Fisheries began in1994 in the wake of the failure of the Milne BayFishing Authority (MBFA) and is now the largestfishing company in MBP. In 1998 the company con-tinued with a capital development program aimed

at upgrading standards and operating capabilities.These developments included improvements tothe Nako fish processing factory and office, anextensive new slipway, and further equipment forthe marine workshop. Its aim is to establish itself asa broad-based, privately owned, fishing enterprise.

Nako purchases fish and crayfish from fishers bysending out fishing boats to coastal and islandcommunities. The fish are packed in ice, andbrought back to the central fish-processing shed inAlotau where they are filleted by women who aretrained processors (Anon. 2002). Previously, Nakoexported giant clam adductor muscle, trawled forprawns and longlined for yellowfin tuna. Nakoshares an aircraft with the courier service, DHL,and exports crayfish, crabs and prawns directly toCairns, Australia. Ninety per cent of the filletedfish it processes is sold within PNG, mainly to alarge company that provides catering services tomining companies and other large institutions.

Nako has trained several women in occupationsusually reserved for men such as engineers andshipwrights, with some receiving training inTownsville, Australia. One woman was recentlyaccepted as the first female engineer at theMaritime College in Madang (Anon. 2002).

The main option for fish marketing in MBP isthrough the district markets. Currently, most pub-

Women at the Alotau market selling fish, lobsters and juvenile

hawksbill turtles. Photos: Jeff Kinch

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin #12 – May 2003 35lic markets in MBP are inadequate and requireupgrading as there is little or no provision for theuse of ice or refrigeration, for protected displays,for access to potable water, or for any training inelementary hygiene. There are current plans toconstruct a new market placesfor Alotau, whichwill incorporate some of these issues.

Future possibilities

Fisheries departments throughout the Pacificregion are concerned with downturns in nearshoremarine resources, and the subsequent effects ofoverharvesting and habitat loss. One of the mostcommon solutions is to encourage the use of off-shore resources where men receive gear, training,and advice on how to move their fishing activitiesoffshore to take the strain off the heavily utilizedinshore coastal resources. Women, however,receive little or none of the benefits of these pro-grams (Matthews 2002).

Three large multi-lateral projects have been initiat-ed in MBP: two looking at fisheries developmentand one assisting with sustainable fisheries. TheAsian Development Bank’s (ADB) Community-based Fisheries Development and ManagementProgram and the EU’s Rural Coastal FisheriesDevelopment Program have subcomponents thatallow for women’s skills-training. These trainingprograms will help women identify and respond topotential opportunities and will focus on fish qual-ity, marketing, value-added processing and busi-ness management. Economic opportunities direct-ed at women will be spread among a number ofareas, including social infrastructure developmentssuch as wharves, jetties and facilities that will pro-vide secure accommodation and proper sanitation.Value-added fish processing and marketing willalso enable women to respond to these opportuni-ties. These two programs also plan to establish con-sultative mechanisms whereby formal associa-tions, including women’s groups, have a greaterinvolvement in making fisheries development andmanagement decisions.

Women who work in seafood processing plantssuch as Nako are usually single women becausethe factory working requirements are usuallyincompatiable with the responsibilities of a womanwith a family. The ADB and EU programs both rec-ognize this and plan to conduct awareness pro-grammes on HIV/AIDS.

Conservation International has been contracted bythe United Nations Development Program to exe-cute the Milne Bay Community-based Coastal andMarine Conservation Program (CMCP). TheCMCP constitutes the first large-scale marine con-

servation and resource management initiative inPNG and is intended to be a 10-year programmeassisting many coastal and island communities invillage-based marine resource management andconservation activities aimed at the betterment oftheir livelihoods. As women are also marineexploiters, the CMCP will involve women’sgroups. CMCP is currently investigating alterna-tive income streams that will focus on food pro-duction and quality, and improving the nutritionalstatus of the family.

Finally, there are plans by the Milne Bay ProvincialAdministration to establish District Women’sBoards and Area Associations to support the PCWand to redesign the existing women’s creditscheme in consultation with Provincial Division ofCommerce and Industry.

Gender equity and other issues

The overriding aim for previous policies onwomen in PNG has been the increased participa-tion by women, both as beneficiaries and agentsin the development process, and improvement inthe quality of life for all. Turara (1995, cited inQuinn and Davis 1997) suggests that a lack of ana-lytical, gender-specific information has worked toinhibit development opportunities for women inthe fisheries sector, and this has resulted in eco-nomic planners not viewing women as stakehold-ers. Part of the reason for this is that much of thework done by women is not remunerated or ispoorly remunerated and therefore little valued infinancial terms (Williams 2002). The emphasisplaced by donors and governments on commer-cial fisheries development, especially offshorefishing where women have virtually no involve-ment, has also contributed to the lack of recogni-tion and support of women’s role in fisheries(Matthews 2002).

Gender analysis highlights the different roles andbehavior of men and women in production, repro-duction and management. Research on womenand gender in fisheries requires more rigorousmethodological and analytical tools, many ofwhich are being developed or already exist inmainstream gender analysis. This is necessary forsuccesful program development involving womenbecause gender-specific programs have not suc-ceeded in PNG.

Reasons for this failure include problems overwhich department should take the lead. Havingspecific women in fisheries programs can reinforcethe tendency of national fisheries agencies to sepa-rate women’s issues from fisheries issues. Issuesrelating to women tend to get offloaded onto the

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200336women in fisheries program, or onto women’sagencies that have no experience, resources orexpertise in fisheries (Lambeth et al. 2002). In thefuture, more attention must be given in projects towomen in fisheries development activities, whichcan be done through approaches such as support-ing the “family and development”, by promotingequal opportunities for women through the fish-eries sector (Williams 2002).

Conclusion

Although women’s involvement in harvesting,processing and marketing are increasinglyacknowledged and studied, women are still poor-ly represented in national fisheries agencies, fish-eries training courses and fisheries meetings; andare often not included in fisheries developmentand management planning processes (Lambeth etal. 2002).

Because women contribute a significant portion tothe overall marine resources caught, any attempt todevelop long-term sustainable fisheries willrequire women’s participation (see Bidesi 1994).Multi-lateral programs such as the ADB, EU and CIshould assess gender issues at the planning, imple-mentation and monitoring stages of projects, whichwill result in an increasing awareness of women’sinvolvement in fisheries. More information onsubsistence fisheries production, consumption andenvironmental impact is needed, with the analysisof the differing activities and contributions of menand women. This sex disaggregated data can thenbe used for determining the gender impact of pro-ject activities.

Impacts, both positive and negative, can be differ-ent for men and women. For example, women aremore likely than men to spend their wages on chil-dren and family (Lambeth et al. 2002), whilemoney earned by men is disproportionately spenton tobacco and alcohol, which adds to health andsocial problems. Already, malnutrition amongwomen in MBP is due to an inadequate intake ofenergy and protein foods; it is common for womento eat after men, and to eat less (Kinch 1999, 2001;Byford 2000b). The social outcome of womenbecoming wage earners is not always ideal becausethey are often expected to maintain their tradition-al gender roles within the home and community.There is a need, however, to allow women access tothe means for their improvement, including accessto capital, equipment, technology, transport, credit,training, employment and education as full andequitable participation of women in fisheries willultimately help improve health, nutrition and liter-acy standards, motivate savings, and can provideincentive for the family unit.

References

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Lambeth, L., Hanchard, B., Aslin, H., Fay-Sauni, L.,Tuara, P., Des Rochers, K. and Vunisea, A.2002. An overview of the involvemnet ofwomen in fisheries activities in Oceania. p.127–142. In: Williams, M., Chao, N., Choo, P.,Matics, K., Nandeesha, M., Shariff, M., Siason,I., Tech, E. and Wong, J. Global Symposium onWomen in Fisheries. Sixth Asian FisheriesForum, Nov 29, 2001, Kaohsiung, Taiwan.Kuala Lumpur: The WorldFish Center.

MacIntyre, M. 1983. Changing paths: A historicalethnography of the traders of Tubetube.Unpublished PhD Thesis, Australian NationalUniversity.

Matthews, E. 2002. Integrating women’s subsis-tence fishing into Pacific fisheries and conser-vation programmes. SPC Women in FisheriesInformation Bulletin 11:13–14.

Mitchell, D., Peters, J., Cannon, J., Holtz, C., Kinch,J. and Seeto, P. 2001. Sustainable use optionsplan for the Milne Bay Community-BasedCoastal and Marine Conservation Program. Areport to the United Nations Milne BayCommunity-Based Coastal and MarineConservation Program, PNG/99/G41, PortMoresby, Papua New Guinea. 151 p.

Omeri, N. 1991. Fisheries and marine policy forMilne Bay Province. A report prepared for theDepartment of Fisheries and MarineResources, Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea.

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Name changeThe Community Fisheries Section is now called the“Coastal Fisheries Management Section”. Thisname change signifies the section’s shift in focus tothe management of coastal fisheries.

Initially the section was charged with examiningissues relating to women in fisheries, and duringthat period, the focus was primarily on countryassessments of women’s participation in fisheries.Workshops and training on post-harvest activities,fishing methods and fish preparation techniqueswere held in several countries of the region. Inrecent years there has been a realisation that

women’s issues cannot be targeted in isolation butmust be considered within the larger framework ofthe communities women live in. It was also realisedthat it is important to assess women’s fisheriesdevelopment and participation in association withmen’s work. Thus, the current emphasis is on gen-der approaches to fishing, with a major emphasis onwomen’s roles and women's general welfare.Although the section has retained most of its targetareas, there has recently been more emphasis on themanagement of coastal fisheries by communities.Thus the name change to the Coastal FisheriesManagement Section.

News from the CoastalFisheries Management Section

Review of the Marshall Islands Community-based Coastal FisheriesManagement ProjectA six-monthly review of the Community-basedFisheries Management Program (CBFMP) for theMarshall Islands was conducted in November2002. As part of the review, all stakeholders whocontributed to the development of the CBFMPwere interviewed.

The first activity conducted by the CBFMP wastraining staff from the Marshall Islands MarineResources Authority (MIMRA), the EnvironmentProtection Authority (EPA), the Ministry ofInternal Affairs (MIA), NGOs, and mayors of localgovernments on methods of dealing with localcommunities. Twenty-four participants attendedthe training, nine of which were local governmentmayors.

Mejatto Island, west of Kwajalein Atoll, is the firstcommunity to participate in the CBFMP, as a resultof requests from the mayor of the Rongelap LocalGovernment. A team of two community facilita-tors, a staff member from the Rongelap LocalGovernment and SPC’s Fisheries Adviser conduct-ed community workshops aimed at establishing a

fisheries management plan for the community. Allmembers of Mejatto’s community (men, womenand youth) participated in the workshop. Mejatto’splan is now ready for submission to MIMRA.

The CBFMP is now working on plans to include asecond community, Likiep Atoll, following arequest from the mayor of the Likiep LocalGovernment. Community work at Likiep Atollbegan in mid-January 2003.

Support for the CBFMP comes from the EPA, MFA,MIA, College of the Marshall Islands (CMI), and themayors of Rongelap and Likiep Local Governments.

The CBFMP review found that recommendationsmade as a result of previous visits have beenimplemented, including: the recruitment of twonew staff (one of them a woman), training ofcoastal fisheries staff, establishment of a workinggroup, running a community workshop, projectadvertising, and the translation of informationsheets into local languages.


Review of American Samoa’s Community-based Management Projectimplementing the 12 recommendations, activitiesundertaken by the programme, the rate at whichvillage fisheries management plans (VFMP) aredeveloped, and staffing.

This 12-month review was a follow up to the firstsix-monthly review of the programme in January2000. The initial review identified 12 recommenda-tions aimed at resolving the problems identified.This 12-monthly review focused on the progress in

Tuna Development and Management Plan for KiribatiThis work was carried out for the Forum FisheriesAgency as part of the Tuna Development andManagement Study for the Republic of Kiribati.Although the study was too brief to fully investigatethe many issues relating to gender, social issues, anddevelopment and livelihood factors, the surveydoes help in gauging conditions and assessing theimplications of major development interventions orchanges to the current tuna industry.

The key tasks identified in the study’s Terms ofReference include:• gather and review existing baseline data on the

roles of men and women in the tuna industry; • identify the key gender issues in the industry;• consider the likely implications for both men

and women of the different industry develop-ment and management options available;

• identify strategies to monitor and address anyundesirable gender impacts of these industrydevelopment and management options;

• identify in particular the potential to enhanceparticipation by women in the Kiribati tunaindustry, including participation in terms ofemployment, management and investment;and strategies for achieving that potential.

For this study, it was necessary to gather informa-tion on gender and other social issues from othersectors of the government.

The main methods used to acquire information werea literature search, interviews and individual dis-cussions, meetings, and two weeks of fieldwork inKiribati. Fieldwork involved visits to factories, andmeetings with different groups and personnel. Amajor part of the study was talking to and holdingdiscussions with women involved in the tuna mar-keting business, and women involved in other areasof the industry. One of the more interesting aspectsof this study was information gathering throughrandom interviews, and discussions with womeninvolved in the social life of the crew of major tunaboats that are usually in port in Kiribati.

Field observations and the use of local counterpartsas interviewers assisted greatly. Because of time and

other social and institutional constraints, informa-tion collected so far can only provide general guide-lines. Any in-depth work in specific areas mayrequire the use of local graduates and/or profes-sional staff to conduct on-the-ground fieldwork andinformation and data gathering over longer periods.

The tuna development and management studycould not be conducted in isolation, especiallywhen dealing with a small economy and closely-knit community like the Republic of Kiribati. Thelimited land area characterises the Republic as atotal coastal entity, with the seas and EEZ provid-ing the primary development option for the future.The limited land area means that the public sector,private enterprise, non-governmental agencies andcommunities physically merge into a closely-knitcommunity, with their work overlapping in manyareas. This suggests that planning and develop-ment for one sector must necessarily involve allsectors. All sectorial development or managementinitiatives must be planned and implemented,using a multi-stakeholder approach.

Many socioeconomic issues were involved indeveloping the gender component of the TunaDevelopment and Management Plan for Kiribati.Socioeconomic and cultural factors significantlyinfluence interpretations of gender roles and per-ceptions in Kiribati. People are faced with apredicament: globalisation and associated mod-ernisation result in significant lifestyle and prefer-ence changes, while traditional perceptions of gen-der roles continue to persist. On a general level itwas obvious that discrimination against women inmost aspects of life (including political, economicand social) continues although there are attemptsto try to address this. Women’s participation wasnotably minimal in the higher management anddecision-making positions of the government.

Major long-term socioeconomic factors that have tobe considered within the Tuna Development andManagement Study are the rapidly rising popula-tion; the need for employment opportunities in thenear future; and how the projected populationincrease will exert enormous pressure on resources

SPC Women in Fisheries Information Bulletin # 12 – May 200340and finances as the country works to meet peoples’essential economic, social and infrastructure needs.Indirect effects of industry expansion also have to betaken into account. These impacts can be exacerbat-ed by existing social conditions and impacts, includ-ing the easy availability and abuse of alcohol.

Key gender issues identified include the impor-tance of considering traditional and customarygender expectations and norms in the entire tunadevelopment process. For a close-knit communitylike Kiribati, radical changes in traditional genderexpectations and orientation could be receivedwith mixed attitudes and thus indirectly affectimplementation of certain areas of developmentplans. There is no gender discrimination in offeringemployment opportunities, but traditional percep-tions of gender roles may undermine this. Womenare actively participating in the market economythrough various means, and positive support ofsuch involvement could result in the furtheradvancement of their roles. Although women’sparticipation in non-domestic activities was obvi-ous, involvement in decision-making is still domi-nantly through traditional councils, which effec-tively leave out women.

Meaningful participation in the tuna industryrequires more vigorous education and training (inboth the formal and informal sectors) to prepare

people for participation in the industry, and forassociated changes in lifestyle. Meeting trainingneeds requires a commitment from the govern-ment and the private sector. Existing maritimetraining institutions can expand current roles andtake on training and education responsibilities forthe tuna industry. Young people and communityleaders can be mobilised at the village level, wheremore vigorous awareness work is needed.

Some of the major social concerns of the industry arenot freely discussed or referred to because of cultur-al and social restrictions, but the problems of prosti-tution and sexually transmitted diseases should beaddressed openly. An expansion of the industrycould result in an increase in risks of such socialimpacts, making awareness campaigns and infor-mal community teaching even more important. Thisis a major social concern, and may in time becomethe major gender and social concern for the country.Research, information dissemination and education-al programmes need to be strengthened to ensurethat people are informed and able to make decisionsabout their lifestyle and employment options. Thismeans involving people through informal trainingand awareness campaigns, by conducting learningopportunities, and involving those already in thebusiness; assistance should be provided in settingup support systems for alcohol abuse and otherrelated social problems.

Women selling fresh fish on the roadside, Tarawa, Kiribati

Pacific Islands Marine Resources Information System

PIMRIS is a joint project of five international organi-sations concerned with fisheries and marineresource development in the Pacific Islands region.The project is executed by the Secretariat of thePacific Community (SPC), the South Pacific ForumFisheries Agency (FFA), the University of the SouthPacific (USP), the South Pacific Applied GeoscienceCommission (SOPAC), and the South PacificRegional Environment Programme (SPREP). Thisbulletin is produced by SPC as part of its commit-ment to PIMRIS. The aim of PIMRIS is to improve

the availability of information on marine resourcesto users in the region, so as to support their ratio-nal development and management. PIMRIS activi-ties include: the active collection, cataloguing andarchiving of technical documents, especially ephe-mera (“grey literature”); evaluation, repackagingand dissemination of information; provision of lit-erature searches, question-and-answer services andbibliographic support; and assistance with thedevelopment of in-country reference collectionsand databases on marine resources.

Women in Fisheries - The Pacific Community

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