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1 10 th International Congress of Asian Planning Schools Association “FUTURE OF ASIAN CITIES” 24 -26 November, 2009, CEPT University, Ahmedabad, India Withstanding the forces: A Study of the Spatial Configuration as the Factor of Organizing Activities in Small Cities Aruna Bandara, Lakshika Meetiyagoda & Jagath Munasinghe, Department of Town & Country Planning, University of Moratuwa, Sri Lanka [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], ____________________________________________________________________________ Abstract Small cities in Asia will have to play a major role in future urban scenario, as a considerable share of the world urban population by the mid of this century will be living in them. Planning their growth thus, has become a need of the day, and to support their planning with better informed decisions research is urgently needed in many aspects of small cities. One such important aspect is the dynamics of the configuration of spaces, which the existing body of knowledge in planning has yet not fully explained and, towards which the planning approaches are conventionally least sensitive. In that context, this paper explores the dynamics of the spatial order in two small cities in Sri Lanka, namely Galle and Rathnapura. The two cities have been experiencing two types of forces associated with their growth and change. The first is the set of endogenous forces that urges them to change, sometimes expanding outward from their boundaries. The second is the flux of exogenous forces, among which technocratic urban planning process and recurrent and unexpected natural disasters are the prominent. Rathnapura city experienced annual floods, and a planned intervention to overcome that, and Galle city experienced a sudden tsunami disaster and an unplanned project based intervention that affected its growth. The interventions resulted in a reconfigurations and changes in the spatial order of activities in both cities, but in manners that were unprecedented by the planning agencies. The paper discusses this phenomenon of self-organizing, responding to the effects of external forces of change, as a function of the ‘spatial configuration’: that is the overall composition of spatial elements, to determine the ‘activity pattern’: that is the order of the location of activities in space. The spatial configurations and the activity patterns of these two cities before and after the said interventions are compared. The pattern of the activity spaces are studied with activity mapping and the spatial configurations are studied using Space Syntax. Key Words: Small Cities, Forces of Change, Activity Pattern, Configuration
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Withstanding the Forces a Study of the Spatial Configuration

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Page 1: Withstanding the Forces a Study of the Spatial Configuration

1

10th International Congress of Asian Planning Schools Association “FUTURE OF ASIAN CITIES”

24 -26 November, 2009, CEPT University, Ahmedabad, India

Withstanding the forces: A Study of the Spatial Configuration

as the Factor of Organizing Activities in Small Cities

Aruna Bandara, Lakshika Meetiyagoda & Jagath Munasinghe,

Department of Town & Country Planning,

University of Moratuwa, Sri Lanka

[email protected], [email protected], [email protected],

____________________________________________________________________________

Abstract

Small cities in Asia will have to play a major role in future urban scenario, as a considerable share of the

world urban population by the mid of this century will be living in them. Planning their growth thus, has

become a need of the day, and to support their planning with better informed decisions research is

urgently needed in many aspects of small cities. One such important aspect is the dynamics of the

configuration of spaces, which the existing body of knowledge in planning has yet not fully explained

and, towards which the planning approaches are conventionally least sensitive. In that context, this paper

explores the dynamics of the spatial order in two small cities in Sri Lanka, namely Galle and Rathnapura.

The two cities have been experiencing two types of forces associated with their growth and change. The

first is the set of endogenous forces that urges them to change, sometimes expanding outward from their

boundaries. The second is the flux of exogenous forces, among which technocratic urban planning

process and recurrent and unexpected natural disasters are the prominent. Rathnapura city experienced

annual floods, and a planned intervention to overcome that, and Galle city experienced a sudden tsunami

disaster and an unplanned project based intervention that affected its growth. The interventions resulted in

a reconfigurations and changes in the spatial order of activities in both cities, but in manners that were

unprecedented by the planning agencies. The paper discusses this phenomenon of self-organizing,

responding to the effects of external forces of change, as a function of the ‘spatial configuration’: that is

the overall composition of spatial elements, to determine the ‘activity pattern’: that is the order of the

location of activities in space. The spatial configurations and the activity patterns of these two cities

before and after the said interventions are compared. The pattern of the activity spaces are studied with

activity mapping and the spatial configurations are studied using Space Syntax.

Key Words: Small Cities, Forces of Change, Activity Pattern, Configuration

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10th International Congress of Asian Planning Schools Association “FUTURE OF ASIAN CITIES”

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1.0 Introduction

Asia will be playing the main role in all global affairs in the rest of this century and beyond, for which

Asian cities has already been placed at the centre of upcoming trends in urban research. Yet, research on

Asia has largely focused upon the few mega cities, in spite of the estimated two thirds of Asia’s urban

population that will be found in urban enclaves other than the few mega cities by the mid of this century.

Small cities, whose populations are reaching the line of 100,000 (as per the UN Classification) will be the

pivotal in future urban structure in Asia, and therefore, deserve attention in research agendas on the urban

future of Asia. Prompt attention on small cities is important due to the problematic trends of their present

growth and the less responsive planning interventions commonly seen in almost all of them. Limited land

resources, constrained by sensitive natural settings, conservable built heritage integrated into their

physical environment and the under developed infrastructure networks, which sometimes have been over

exploited, are all problematic for a smooth sustainable development of these cities. Further, it is

frequently complained that despite long inherited settlement planning traditions and decades old modern

urban planning and urban development administration systems dealt with these cities, their growth

patterns often contended what was envisaged by the plans. Hence, their developments can be guided only

through better informed, well thought and carefully drawn strategic interventions. For this purpose, a

better understanding of the spatial dynamics of small cities is essential for planners.

In that background, this paper presents a study that explored the dynamics of the formation and the

sustenance of spatial order of activities in two small cities of Sri Lanka; namely Galle and Rathnapura.

The paper discusses how both the cities have been self-organized responding to the effects of different

external forces of change, reflecting the capacity of the ‘spatial configuration’: that is the overall

composition of spatial elements, to determine the ‘activity pattern’: that is the order of organization of the

activities in space. The main objective of the paper is to bring into light the capacity of the configuration

to withstand forced change, a fact that urban planning approaches had conventionally less considered,

especially when they deal with small cities. The two cases selected for this study in some way urge

planners to reconsider some aspects of conventional planning, although not to totally do away with them,

in order to effectively address the issues related to the growth, functioning and withstanding natural

disasters. The levels of the hierarchy are identified with some prominent activities located in them.

The small cities in Sri Lanka, similar to those of any other country, have unique patterns characterized by

a hierarchy of primary, secondary and tertiary urban activity spaces, experienced by their inhabitants and

got organized over the years of their growth. These spaces are usually identified with the caliber, intensity

and the bustle of the activities associated with them. Spaces at each pattern of activities not only facilitate

the functioning of the city and its economy, but also sustain the socio-cultural events and the identity of

the place. The pattern is not necessarily static, but susceptible to change due to the effects of both

endogenous and exogenous forces. The endogenous forces surge from within the socio-economic and

political affairs of the cities and they push the cities to change, reconfiguring urban spaces within and

beyond their boundaries, converting the uses and transforming the apparent characters, introducing new

elements and eliminating the existing ones. The exogenous forces are imposed upon the city from outside

regional, national and global affairs effectuated by nature, society, economy and the polity. Emerging

trends in the world economy and its resulting effects in Sri Lankan economy make a tremendous impact

towards the changing the activity patterns of these cities. Recurrent and unexpected natural disasters such

as flood, landslides, tsunami, etc, affect most of these cities. Above all the technocratic urban planning

directly intervenes in them with the intension of regulating their activity patterns.

The cases of two small cities presented in this paper show two different manners in their growth, with two

different types of planning interventions, but experiencing somewhat similar effects of disaster. Galle city

has been changing its activity pattern in an order that was unexpected by the urban plans prepared for it,

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but favouring the adaptation to harsh experience of a natural disaster. Rathnapura city has been

maintaining a somewhat consistent pattern of activities despite the planned intervention expecting a

change to overcome the effects of a recurrent natural disaster. The paper explains the change in Galle, and

the sustenance in Rathnapura, in the order of their activities as a function of the overall configurations of

their space units: the streets and the other spaces of public movement. For this purpose, the order of the

distribution of activities and the configuration of spatial units in each city are comparatively studies at two

different stages of their growth: 1982 and 2007. The changes in activity patterns are studied through

activity mapping at two instances and the changing configuration of spatial elements are analyzed with

Space Syntax, which is an emerging space analysis technique.

2.0 Studies on the urban space, its organization and change

The urban space, its organization and its change has been a subject of interest for many research for over

many decades by now. Out of the voluminous body of literature, studies that dealt with the urban space as

a phenomenon in change can be divided into a few categories. The first category of literature viewed the

changing urban space relating to the figures and the events of history, presented by the forces of culture

and politics. For example Morris (1979), Mumford (1964), Kostof (1990), and Rossi(1984) even with

different arguments discussed the change and the evolution primarily as a historic process of shaping the

physical environment to accommodate the decisions of both the rulers and the ruled.

In the second category, Burgess’s (1925) mapping of Concentric Zones of Chicago, Homer Hoyt’s (1939)

observations on sector growth phenomenon of US cities and Harris and Ulmann’s (1945) model of

Multiple Nuclei cities, took a socio-spatial approach towards the urban space. These studies presupposed

an inevitable expansion of activities akin to the forces of urban growth. Thus, they explained the change

and the evolution of urban areas primarily as a continuous transformation of spaces, based either on the

growing demand for space by competing urban activities and the resident location preferences of different

social groups, or contesting perceptions of different inhabitant groups and their reflections on space. The

third group studied the evolutionary process of urban areas, mainly cities, as a responsive dialect between

the economic forces and the social organizations. Literature of this category takes the view that the

growth of contemporary cities is a process characterized by the inevitable invasion of traditional quarters

and agricultural suburbs by modern urban functions. (eg: Friedman, 1966).

Studies, inspired by Lefebvre (1984) and the later, focused upon the contested and negotiated,

propositional and oppositional interests on space between the colonial and the colonized, rulers and the

ruled, and the foreigners and natives (eg: Yeoh, 2003, Perera, 2002, Hosagrahar,1999). These works have

contributed some insights and understandings on the multiple authorship and parallel processes of making

and remaking urban spaces.

The Space Syntax research stream, initiated after Hanson & Hillier’s (1986) work on social logic and

movement economy of space, and furthered with the subsequent work of Hillier (1996, 1999), Read

(1999), Penn (1998) and many others, centred self-organized space as the responsive force of the city.

Space syntax is gaining popularity in the area of planning and urban design, mainly due to the urban

space modeling possibilities demonstrated by the method associated with it. In his early work

Hillier(1996) used space syntax method to analyze urban spaces of London and showed that the ‘spatial

configuration’ of a city results in different levels of ‘spatial integration’ to urban spaces and the most

integrated spaces attracted the most competitive urban activities, pedestrians and the life of the city.

‘Spatial Configuration’ is the order, in which the streets and other public access ways are organized,

enabling the movements between different spatial units within the city. ‘Spatial Integration’ of a space is

the interactive relationship that spatial unit maintains with all other units of the city in terms of

connectivity. The competition therefore, is between different segments of the city, and their unequal

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levels of spatial integration lead some urban spaces to overthrow the others being highly attractive. As the

city grows, the new elements introduced change the overall spatial configuration of the city, changing the

spatial integration of all individual spatial units. Thus, their attraction fluctuates leading to a change of

activity locations in the city.

In a subsequent work Hillier (1999) studied the formulation of central spaces, in which all employment

and higher order economic activities are concentrated, as a continuous process in cities. The displacement

of centrality of spaces along with the main activities from the historic quarters towards once an ‘edge’, as

the city expands or contracts is explained as a function of changing ‘spatial configuration’. Da Costa

Bagra (2007) supported the main idea by showing the continuation of the centrality of historic quarters of

Rio de Janeiro for three centuries as a result of the consistent spatial configuration.

These works suggest that urban areas are in a process of change throughout, and the change in the order

of their activities, reorganization pattern and the growth can be better understood and guided by planners

by observing the power of the internal force: the ‘Spatial Configuration’. But conventional planning

approaches usually understand urban spaces as neutral, static end states that can be realized through

deterministic manipulations. Hence, they rarely account for the dynamic relationship between the

organization of space and the location order of activities, and the spatial strategies proposed by plans

often bear no value in the process.

3.0 The method of Study: Examination of organization and configuration

The method of the study consisted of three main steps. In the first step, the changing order of activity

spaces in the two cities over a period of twenty five years (from 1982-2007) are observed. This is done by

analyzing the changes observable in the organization of prominent urban activities within the areas under

consideration. For this purpose, the urban activities found in the two cities are classified into five groups,

based upon their generally implied competitiveness in urban locations (table 1). For example, commercial

banks, insurance companies, trade organizations and the similar, which are highly competitive in bidding

for urban spaces, are considered as the higher order activities, while the less competitive local businesses

such as the small general grocery shops, tea boutiques and small fruit and vegetable stalls are in

considered as the low-order activities. These activities are organized within urban areas into some pattern,

for which one can easily read a hierarchical arrangement in spaces. The spaces, in which the higher order

trade activities are prominent, are regarded as at the top of the hierarchy. Similarly the areas with only

local sales activities are placed at the lowest in the hierarchy. In this study, these hierarchical orders in

both the cities in 1982 and 2007 are compared to observe the changes.

In the second step the configurations of the streets and public movement paths of the cities in 1982 and

2007 are analyzed for a comparison. Syntactic analysis of the ‘Space Syntax’ method is used for this

purpose. The fundamental unit of consideration of Space Syntax method is the axial connectivity that

makes the shortest possible path from one end to another end of the public space (street, square, alley,

etc). Thus, the first step in Space Syntax analysis is to reduce the composition of streets, alleys and all

other public spaces in an urban area into a composition of axial lines that incident either on one another or

many others. The number of minimum axial line connections (shortest possible path) that a person has to

pass through to get into a space from another space decides the level of connectivity of the first in relation

to the second. In this manner, the connectivity of a space into all other spaces in the urban area can be

evaluated by accounting for overall spatial configuration of the area. The level of connectivity is an

indication of the degree to which each space is integrated into the urban area. In order to apply the method

the streets and other public movement paths of the two cities are reduced to ‘axial-line’ diagrams, and

these diagrams intern, are analyzed using ‘depth map’, which is the commonly used software for Space

Syntax studies. It analyses the level of integration of each axial line (which represent a street segment) at

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a given radius of consideration. In this study, the analysis is done at global level, which considered the

connectivity between all possible axial lines of the diagram.

Category Activities (Categorized based on the level of the competitiveness for the space)

Commercial – High Super Markets, Banks, Other financial agencies, Street vending, Jewelry, etc…

Commercial – Medium Groceries, Pharmacies, Hotels (tea boutiques), etc…

Commercial – Low Storages, Hardware, Vehicle spare parts, Vehicle repairing, etc…

Residential Individual dwellings (with gardens), Collective dwellings, etc…

Agriculture All types of agricultural activities

The method emphasizes two levels of integration of an urban space: local and global (Hillier, 1996).

Local integration is indicative of the structural composition of the public spaces at the locality level and

its analysis enables to identify the locations that are most and least attractive within the immediate

context. Hence, when an urban area is analyzed at the local level, the local centres emerge as the most

integrated spaces and more competitive land uses are usually concentrated into them. Global integration is

the indicator of the attractiveness of different public spaces at the overall spatial configuration of the city.

Only the global integration is taken into account in this study, as it deals with a change that has happened

at the city scale.

Last step was to visually correlate the changes observed in the prominent activity patterns with the

changes observed in the spatial configurations. The presented discussion of the paper is derived from the

findings of this correlative analysis. In the discussion part, an effort is made to understand the causative

factors behind the type of findings of the study.

4.0 The study areas:

4.1 Galle

The city of Galle has a long history (1400 BC) as an international trade center, but its presence was

globally highlighted after the arrival of the Portuguese in 1505. For Portuguese, Galle had been the

trading and administrative hub for the areas they captured in Sri Lanka. The advantage of the natural

setting of the Galle habour and its locational advantage caused to the Dutch invasion in 1650s. In 1660s,

Dutch built the presently apparent fortress in Galle, which is declared as a world heritage site by

UNESCO, demolishing the Portuguese structures. British who acquired the coastal areas in Sri Lanka in

1796 made Galle the local administrative centre for the southern area of the island. Since then, Galle has

been the main administrative centre of the Southern province of Sri Lanka. For a long period all major

administrative activities of the city was concentrated within the fortress, while the trade and commerce

were finding their places in the vicinity at the outside areas of the fortress. In 1970s some of the

government institutions got located out of the fortress, at a close proximity to the main Colombo-Matara

highway that runs across the city by the highly attractive sea front. The city was virtually developing

along the main highway with a concentration towards the centre where main bus stand and the rail station

are located (figure 1). In early 1980s, the Government of Sri Lanka established a new hospital complex,

along with a medical faculty of the Ruhuna Univeristy at Karapitiya, located 6 kilometers interior from

the city. The location was largely politically decided, but supported by the factors such as the availability

of vast extents of developable land at relatively lower prices. With the establishment of the hospital and

the medical faculty, a vast infrastructure development has taken place in this area. Along with that a new

Engineering faculty and a technical college too were established in 1990s. With this new development

Karapitiya has been an attraction to a larger residential population and needy urban activities. Most of the

agricultural and plantation lands were subdivided and got transformed into residential uses. Amidst them,

Table 01: Categorization of the urban activities

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large commercial complexes as well as small retail outlets, banks, private educational and other

institutions have also got located. More employment and business opportunities were available and more

transportation facilities are demanded linking the original urban area of Galle and Karapitiya (figure 2).

Figure 01: Locations of the key urban activities in Galle before 1980s

FORT

Administrative activities

OLD TOWN

Bus Terminal, Railway

Station and Major

Commercial activities

FORT

Administrative activities

Faculty of Engineering-

University of Ruhuna

KARAPITIYA JUNCTION

Faculty of Medicine -

University of Ruhuna and

Karapitiya Teaching

Hospital

activities

Figure 02: Locations of the key urban activities and new development in Galle after 1980s

THANI POLGAHA JUNCTION

Emerging Major Commercial

activities

OLD TOWN

Bus Terminal, Railway

Station and Major

Commercial activities

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However, the planning agencies did not have deliberate intension to direct the city away from its original

settings, as it is evident with the draft urban development plan of 1980s prepared by the UDA. But after

2004 Tsunami, which had severely hit the whole city, devalued the attraction of the original business and

residential locations of the coastal area and as a result, an accelerated movement of these activities

towards inland can be noted. Unlike the typical urban expansion, which is starting from the center and

spread along the main arteries in a descending pattern, the shifting in Galle happens with a few newly

emerging centers. Some of the activities at the old Galle city remains, while the new businesses and the

residences shows a preference to be located away from that and concentrated around the new centres,

including Karapitiya. It can be noted that except for the strength of the bus and rail terminal those have

been longstanding at the city centre to hold back, most of the trade, commercial, institutional and

residential activities would have found their way out of the old city into interiors by now.

4.2 Ratnapura

The name; “Rathnapura” implies the ‘City of Gems’ and the whole region of Rathnapura is known for

gem mining. Rathnapura has been the administrative centre of Sabaragomuwa Province of Sri Lanka from

1850s, from the times of British colonial ruling of the island. The city has grown outward from a nuclei

formed at the intersection of a few major highways of the country. Thus, it has a concentric form and

elongated along main highways (figure 3). Located at the bank of Kalu Ganga River, which carries the

runoff from the highest precipitated areas of the island, and situated at a very low elevation the city is also

known also for its experience of major floods almost every year. In certain years extensive property and

human loses are reported due to floods and the entire routine functions of the city are held for a few days

during flood occasions.

Having considered the severity of the damages caused by the floods, the government of Sri Lanka decided

to relocate the major functions at a higher elevation close to the original location of the city. Accordingly

the Rathnapura New Town was built in early 1980s . The new town is built approximately 2 kilometers

away from the old town. The New Town was provided with all needy infrastructure and most of the

OLD TOWN

Bus Terminal, Railway

Station, Administrative and

Major Commercial activities

Figure 03: Locations of the key urban activities in Rathnapura before 1980s

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government institutions were shifted therein. New housing schemes were developed to attract people and

a gradual movement of commercial and other urban activities was expected. To a contrary, the city has

not shifted in the expected direction and instead it has been growing at a considerable rate centering the

old town. The new town does not have the life of a city as most of the lands are vacant still and becomes

dead, after working hours of the government offices (figure 4). At present, all city activities, except a few

administration institutions, are located in the old town, even amidst flood situations. A few major

highways that connect Rathnapura to other regions, public amenities such as the bus terminals, play

grounds, etc, and some of the high level trade and commercial facilities are inundated and inaccessible

during the periods of heavy rains, yet comfortably settled in the old town centre.

5.0 The Analysis and the Observations: The spatial order and the spatial configuration

In the first step of the study the locations of the five types of urban activities in the two cities in both 1982

and in 2007 were recorded in maps. According to the classification discussed earlier, the hierarchy of

spaces, based on the observations on prominent activity types, in the cities could be noted as in the

manner given in figures 5 and 6. The figures of Galle show a significant change in the location of activity

spaces between two years. A few new activity spaces have emerged by 2007 away from the spaces seen

in 1982 situation. This is an indication of a shift of the spatial order of the city. The figures of Rathnapura,

except for a few additions to the 1982 layout, show only a minor change in the order of activity spaces.

Especially, the higher order spaces remain the same and more activities of the type have got accumulated

in them. The new elements added to the city after 1982 do not seem to have changed the activity pattern

in a significant manner.

Figure 04: Locations of the key urban activities in Rathnapura after 1980s

OLD TOWN

Bus Terminal, Railway

Station and Major

Commercial activities

NEW TOWN

Administrative Activities

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In the second step the spatial configuration of the two cities at the two different situations are analyzed

with space syntax method. The results of the analysis are given in figures 7 and 8. The figures of Galle

show a clear change in the configuration as well as a very clear change in the levels of spatial integration

of different street segments. In 1982 situation, the most integrated spaces are noted in the old city centre

along the main highway, and the integration values are gradually decreasing towards the peripheries of

the city. In 2007 configuration the higher values of integration are noted at several segments. This leads to

the understanding that the new developments in the peripheral areas of the city within this period has

changed the overall spatial configuration of the whole area and thereby, adjusted the degree of spatial

integration of different street segments. The results of Rathnapura analysis show somewhat opposite

situation. The levels of spatial integration of most of the spaces have not changed significantly, although

the overall spatial configuration of the city was extended with the new components of the new town

development. Instead of changing locations, the street segments at the old city centre have achieved

increased levels of spatial integration as shown in the diagram. In other words, the new town

developments had a less impact on the overall spatial configuration of the Rathnapura city.

When these two sets of observations: that is the changes in the activity pattern and the changes in overall

spatial configuration: are compared, it is possible to note some parallel changes between the two cities. In

both instances examined in two cities, the street segments with the highest degree of integration are the

spaces that accommodated the higher order urban activities. In 1982, the location closer to the fortress at

the Colombo-Matara highway was the location for higher order urban activities in Galle and it at the same

time was the most integrated segment of the overall spatial configuration of the city. By 2007, Thani

Polgaha Junction at the interior of old quarter of Galle, near Katapitiya and a few other locations around

it, attracted higher order urban activities while these same locations have shown an increased level of

spatial integration. In Rathnapura, the main street and its surroundings has throughout been the location

for higher order urban activities and it is the segment that is mostly integrated in overall spatial

configuration, in both years. This indicates a high probability for the spatial configuration of a city to

have the capacity to change the pattern of its activity spaces, in line with the findings of previous Space

Syntax studies (eg: London, Santiago (Hillier,1996))

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Commercial - High

Commercial - Medium

Commercial - Low

Residential

Agriculture

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Commercial - High

Commercial - Medium

Commercial - Low

Residential

Agriculture

1982

Figure 05: Distribution of activity types in Galle in 1982 and 2007 (prominent activities)

2007

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1982

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Commercial - High

Commercial - Medium

Commercial - Low

Residential

Agriculture

[

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Commercial - High

Commercial - Medium

Commercial - Low

Residential

Agriculture

2007

Figure 06: Distribution of activity types in Rathnapura in 1982 and 2007 (prominent activities)

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Integration (Global)

0.119 - 0.151

0.152 - 0.176

0.177 - 0.194

0.195 - 0.208

0.209 - 0.221

0.222 - 0.233

0.234 - 0.245

0.246 - 0.256

0.257 - 0.265

0.266 - 0.272

0.273 - 0.279

0.280 - 0.284

0.285 - 0.291

0.292 - 0.297

0.298 - 0.303

0.304 - 0.309

0.310 - 0.315

0.316 - 0.321

0.322 - 0.328

0.329 - 0.334

0.335 - 0.342

0.343 - 0.350

0.351 - 0.359

0.360 - 0.369

0.370 - 0.379

0.380 - 0.389

0.390 - 0.403

0.404 - 0.421

0.422 - 0.445

0.446 - 0.490

[

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Integration (Global)

0.152 - 0.161

0.162 - 0.171

0.172 - 0.180

0.181 - 0.190

0.191 - 0.199

0.200 - 0.209

0.210 - 0.218

0.219 - 0.228

0.229 - 0.237

0.238 - 0.246

0.247 - 0.256

0.257 - 0.265

0.266 - 0.275

0.276 - 0.284

0.285 - 0.294

0.295 - 0.303

0.304 - 0.313

0.314 - 0.322

0.323 - 0.331

0.332 - 0.341

0.342 - 0.350

0.351 - 0.360

0.361 - 0.369

0.370 - 0.379

0.380 - 0.388

0.389 - 0.398

0.399 - 0.407

0.408 - 0.416

0.417 - 0.426

0.427 - 0.435

1982

2007

Figure 07: Spatial Integrations of Galle in 1982 and 2007 (Global)

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[

1

Kilometers

Integration (Global)

0.044 - 0.051

0.052 - 0.057

0.058 - 0.064

0.065 - 0.070

0.071 - 0.076

0.077 - 0.083

0.084 - 0.089

0.090 - 0.096

0.097 - 0.102

0.103 - 0.109

0.110 - 0.115

0.116 - 0.122

0.123 - 0.128

0.129 - 0.134

0.135 - 0.141

0.142 - 0.147

0.148 - 0.154

0.155 - 0.160

0.161 - 0.167

0.168 - 0.173

0.174 - 0.180

0.181 - 0.186

0.187 - 0.193

0.194 - 0.199

0.200 - 0.205

0.206 - 0.212

0.213 - 0.218

0.219 - 0.225

0.226 - 0.231

0.232 - 0.238

[

1

Kilometers

Integration (Global)

0.039 - 0.046

0.047 - 0.053

0.054 - 0.060

0.061 - 0.067

0.068 - 0.073

0.074 - 0.078

0.079 - 0.083

0.084 - 0.087

0.088 - 0.091

0.092 - 0.095

0.096 - 0.099

0.100 - 0.102

0.103 - 0.106

0.107 - 0.110

0.111 - 0.113

0.114 - 0.116

0.117 - 0.120

0.121 - 0.123

0.124 - 0.126

0.127 - 0.129

0.130 - 0.133

0.134 - 0.136

0.137 - 0.139

0.140 - 0.143

0.144 - 0.147

0.148 - 0.151

0.152 - 0.156

0.157 - 0.162

0.163 - 0.169

0.170 - 0.179

2007

1982

Figure 08: Spatial Integrations of Rathnapura in 1982 and 2007 (Global)

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24 -26 November, 2009, CEPT University, Ahmedabad, India

6.0 Discussion: The planned and the self-organized change

The findings of the above analysis raise a few points to consider, especially in the context of planning and

urban development. As it was discussed earlier, the major changes in Rathnapura city within the studied

period of twenty five years were planned developments. The new town was the main extension to the city

and it was built with the intention of encouraging major activities of the city to move into the new high

grounds from their present flood prone locations in the old town. Yet, the expected shift has been very

marginal and the old town area was still thriving as the centre and the most demanded area of the city.

The situation is rather problematic for two reasons. First, the planning effort and the investment on road

and other infrastructure in the new town project are questionable as they could not accomplish the

intended purpose of the project. The new town is rather under-utilized and perhaps become an additional

burden on municipal council as it got to maintain an area that still does not have a substantial population

and activities. Second, the original problem of flood and related hazards continue with the losses

recurrently recorded almost every year.

On the other hand, the prevalent trends of growth in Galle are not planned situations. The establishment

of the new hospital, university colleges, and other institutions away from the main city areas were largely

isolated decisions, without a known consideration of the subsequent developments. Rather than on

development planning grounds the project locations were decided more upon political grounds. From the

times of their establishment, the city gradually began to grow in that direction, even without, and

somewhat contradicting the development plan prepared for Galle city. However, this unprecedented

pattern of growth had been realized to be a blessing after the main city area was badly hit by a tsunami in

December 2004. The amended development plans in the post-tsunami era adopted the trend positively and

the future development will be admittedly directed in that way.

Both cases studied above show us that the cities have grown not necessarily in the direction that the plans

had expected them to grow. Rather than conforming to the framework set by the plans, they had more

propensities to take their own turns and forms at the instances of intervention. Responding to the

interventions, they got self-organized to have their own configurations. The case of Galle shows how the

city has actively responded to unplanned isolated projects by reconfiguring its spaces and reorganizing the

activities in a considerable manner. The case of Rathnapura shows how the city’s meager response to a

planned intervention by organizing spaces and activities on its own to keep the newly added spaces bit

away from its existed order. This leaves the question whether the planning of these two cities was based

on adequate consideration of the spatial dynamics and their ground realities.

In a democratic society and free market oriented economy within which the planning operates in Sri

Lanka and many other countries, people have the right to have a choice of residential location, shopping

and movement. The investors enjoy high freedom to exercise their choice of business location. The

businesses are allowed to thrive with fewer constraints for mobility. In that context, it is obvious that all

of them find the best locations of their preference. In an open competition as it is available in our urban

areas, the most competitive activities gets the most advantageous locations, which are the most accessible

points. The most accessible spaces are marked by higher degrees of integration in the overall

configuration as examined in this study. Thus, the locations offered by the plans may not necessarily be

the preferred choices of the urban activities, if they do not have the required degree of integration. The

question then is whether the cities can be planned to have the preferred levels of integration in spaces in

their overall configuration. Mega cities are usually complex, and their configuration can be well beyond

the planner’s comprehension, to cope up in a singularized planning attempt. The smaller cities are not less

complex, but the planners can deal with their configuration in a more versatile manner, if the spatial

dynamics of the organization are well understood. The conclusion we can derive at the end of this paper is

that the overall configuration of spatial elements: that is streets and public pathways, in a city is decisive

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on the spatial order of the location of different types of urban activities in it. This implies that, if the

potential self-driven reconfiguration possibilities of a city with different planning interventions are

studied in depth, there is a high probability for the planners to envisage an achievable spatial order and to

achieve what is envisaged by the plan, in a small city like the ones studied here. The most strategic

interventions with the higher probability to lead the city to reconfigure in the direction of the intended

spatial order of activities, be it shifting of existing ones, inducing a new order, or otherwise, can be

regarded as what the planner must consider, deviating from the conventional deterministic approaches.

For that purpose, modeling of alternatives using methods such as space syntax will be highly useful.

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