Winning while losing: The Apprentice Boys of Derry walk their beat

Political Geography 26 (2007) 951e967www.elsevier.com/locate/polgeo

Winning while losing: The Apprentice Boysof Derry walk their beat

Shaul Cohen*

Department of Geography, The University of Oregon, 1251 University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97505-1251, USA

Abstract

Ethno-territorial conflict is a common feature of human affairs, and efforts to understand and mitigateits impacts require an examination of how peoples, communities, and nations ‘‘lose;’’ specifically, whathappens as and after they lose in terms of their relationship with place and space, and the associated ef-fects on self and community identity. This article examines recent Apprentice Boys of Derry parades inNorthern Ireland as a mechanism by which a community that has lost control of symbolically significantspace seeks to demonstrate an ongoing attachment to critical places. Twice-yearly parades allow Protes-tants to narrate their experience in the town of Derry/Londonderry as a victory, despite circumstantial ev-idence which suggests otherwise. The ability to claim victory through parading provides members of theApprentice Boys organization with a raison d’etre, and serves in place of an aggressive agenda to regaincontrol of territorial icons. The article draws upon extensive fieldwork, including interviews with key fig-ures on both sides of the sectarian divide, and explores the nature of the community and the evolution of itsparades as Protestants have lost influence in the town since the onset of Northern Ireland’s Troubles. Itsuggests that, in the study of ethno-territorial conflicts, attention should be paid to the tactics of thosewho lose hegemony, as their actions affect the potential for conflict management and the likelihood ofongoing strife.� 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Ethno-territorial conflict; Northern Ireland; Parades; Sectarianism; Territory; Derry; Londonderry

Out of Ireland we have comeGreat hatred, little room

-William Butler Yeats (Remorse for Intemperate Speech).

* Tel.: þ1 541 346 4500; fax: þ1 541 346 2067.

E-mail address: [email protected]

0962-6298/$ - see front matter � 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

doi:10.1016/j.polgeo.2007.10.004

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.elsevier.com/locate/polgeo

952 S. Cohen / Political Geography 26 (2007) 951e967

Political maps reflect the shifting territorial outcomes of winning and losing. Though historymay be written by the victors, lived experience pairs losers with them, and the aftermath of defeatis a geographical dynamic that merits study for both geographical and moral reasons. Ethno-territorial conflict is a common feature of human affairs, and efforts to understand and mitigateits impacts require an examination of how peoples, communities, and nations ‘‘lose;’’ specifi-cally, what happens as and after they lose in terms of their relationship with place and space,and the associated effects on self and community identity. Geographers must be attuned to therelationship between ‘‘lost’’ space, altered place, and sense of self and community, as this isthe condition for many people in times of both relative peace and various degrees of war. Thoseexperiencing spatial dissonance may have an agenda that generates resistance and contributes toongoing conflict. There is a considerable literature on the acts of victors; this article takes a dif-ferent approach, and studies the actions of a community that has lost its power (see Book, 2004;Cohen, 2000; Paasi, 1996; Slyomovics, 1998 for some other examples), yet still seeks to assertand demonstrate a territorial claim made in the self-described role of a victor.

Often, of course, circumstances are far more complicated than a simple binary of winners andlosers, and situations of double minorities, irredentist communities, and multiple or over-lappingidentities pose significant challenges to both researchers and the people they study. Many of theseelements are in play in Northern Ireland, where Protestant and Catholic communities continue tostruggle for local dominance within an evolving British and Irish contest for hegemony that hasyet to reveal who the final victor or victors will be (Graham, 1997; O’Dowd, 1998).1 The town ofDerry/Londonderry is a remarkable site for the study of winners and losers, as it is a key symbolicplace in the history of that conflict. It was there that the Troubles were ignited, and lately it hasbeen transforming itself from a source of violence to a possible model for negotiated accommo-dations (Moloney, 2002; Ryder & Kearney, 2002). In the period of this transition, however, theProtestant community of the town has shifted from political dominance (though numerically a mi-nority) to an defeated power, though within a Northern Ireland in which Protestants are still themajority and struggle to retain supremacy. As an outgrowth of the Troubles, Protestants in Derry/Londonderry have moved from the westdor Citysidedof the River Foyle, where the key histor-ical events took place, to the east bankdor Waterside; they are thus proximate to but removedfrom the cornerstones of their identity (see Fig. 1).

In some respects this situation serves as a bellwether for both Protestants and Catholics inNorthern Ireland. The city is within just a few miles of the border with the Republic of Ireland,and the hills of County Donegal in the Republic are in close view, a tangible if unnecessaryreminder that this is a geographic periphery. With the historic part of Derry/Londonderry onthe ‘‘Republic’’ side of the River Foyle, the Protestant claim to that space has always been a de-fiant one, marking an outpost of the Unionist presence in the northwest. As noted elsewhere inthis special issue, the meaning of the border between ‘‘the North’’ and ‘‘the South’’ is in flux,and in daily life its significance in Derry/Londonderry is often only practical (which side hasthe lower price for fuel or cigarettes for example, as many merchants on both sides will acceptpounds sterling or Euros). This makes many Protestants in the city uncomfortable, as they fear

1 The situation is of course more complex than this, with both the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain exhibiting

mixed feelings about administering Northern Ireland. To the extent that general sentiment among Catholics includes

identification with Ireland and general sentiment among Protestants includes identification as, at least in part, British,

that binary struggle holds true. Speaking of Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland is in itself a simplification and

shorthand for amalgams of positions and identities. See, for example, Boal, Cambell, and Livingstone (1991), Graham

(1998) and Shirlow and McGovern (1997).

953S. Cohen / Political Geography 26 (2007) 951e967

inclusion of the town by default in the affairs of the Republic. The fate of the town, and shifts inits political and territorial dynamics, are thus evaluated in the context of both the past and thefuture, and as harbingers of relations between the two communities in the North, and betweenNorthern Ireland and the Republic as well.

A recent study of Protestant attitudes in Derry/Londonderry (Shirlow et al., 2005) revealsa community that feels alienated from the Catholic majority of the town, disadvantaged in po-litical and economic spheres, and expresses pessimism about prospects for its future as a viablepart of the city.2 Moreover, many people in the Protestant neighborhoods of the Waterside arereluctant to cross the bridge over the River Foyle to shop, socialize, visit the city’s cemetery,and generally circulate in Catholic areas. While the situation is not as dire as during the periodof the Troubles, tension along neighborhood interfaces and increasing residential segregation

Fig. 1. The main parade route in Derry/Londonderry originates on the Waterside and takes marchers in front of the war

memorial in The Diamond, past the gates of St. Columb’s Cathedral and through The Fountain neighborhood before re-

crossing the river.

2 For some community leaders, both Protestant and Catholic, it has been important to assert the viability and future

prospects of the Protestants of the city. The study has thus been used to bolster claims of Protestant success in the town

and a measure of community revival, but I would argue that this stretches reasonable interpretation of the data contained

in the report.


are indicative of the fraught relations in the town and the diminished standing of its Protestantresidents, who used to hold the power there and wielded it to sectarian advantage (Smyth,1996). The common perception of the city today is that it is a ‘‘nationalist’’, i.e., Catholictown, and that the Cityside is (relatively) thriving, while the Watersidedwhich has a steadilydiminishing Protestant majoritydlanguishes.

The local ‘‘spin’’ on such a profound shift in fortunes is the subject of this article, whichexplores the commemorative parades held by the Apprentice Boys of Derry, a Protestant Loy-alist organization.3 Its tradition of marching fosters and narrates an identity of victory as a wayto preserve self and community in a situation in which, though winners and losers are still beingsorted out, the Protestant community is in obvious crisis. In the marching tradition of NorthernIreland, the Apprentice Boys parades in Derry/Londonderry are the largest, regularly includingmore than 10,000 participants and thousands of spectators, and they occur in an area that figuresprominently in key episodes in the Northern Irish conflict, both ‘‘ancient’’ and more recent.

The Apprentice Boys parades are a territorial demonstration and a claim of presence that iscarried out by a community that has lost its control of the contested space; it is thus distinct inthe literature on parading which generally deals with communities that are attempting to estab-lish new claims to territory to demonstrate their desire for inclusion and power. Typically Prot-estants in Northern Ireland invoke a siege mentality as a ‘‘tried and tested means of politicalmobilization’’ (Anderson & Shuttleworth, 1998: 202), and Derry/Londonderry serves as the ar-chetype for such images. It is my argument that the parades in Derry/Londonderry help theProtestant community4 adapt to its loss of local hegemony, and provide a way to maintain theirplace-based identity in the face of tangible dislocation. From their perch across the River Foyle,the Protestant community looks back on its sacred/symbolic space but, other than the two majorparades that carry it back for a brief re-creation of past glory, they have no current agenda ofreturn. The parades allow the Apprentice Boys and many in the broader Protestant communityto assert that they continue to fulfill their communal needs in the vacated space, and that beingable to hold the parades in a town dominated by Catholics is in itself a victory.

To learn about the territorial strategy of a community that has lost its dominance, this articleexplores the practice and myth around the parades held by the Apprentice Boys to mark keydates in their historic-symbolic calendar. I draw upon interviews I conducted in the years2003e2007 with principal figures in the Apprentice Boys organization, and local politicians,clerics, business people, peace activists, and paramilitary members5 on both sides of the

3 It is indicative of the ‘‘muddyness’’ of the conflict that the name of the Organization dedicated to the commemo-

ration of Protestant victory in the town uses the form of the city namedDerrydused by the Catholic community, a ver-

sion of the Celtic ‘‘Doire,’’ for ‘‘oaks’’. So long as Protestants held advantage in the town, as they did when the

organization was first created, use of the name Derry was not as political an issue as it is today. For the sake of neutrality

I will use Derry/Londonderry, though this construction satisfies few in the town.4 Of course one should more properly say ‘‘Protestant communities’’ to reflect the range of denominational, political,

and class differences, but for the sake of convenience I will use the unitary term. Focus-group interviews that I have

been conducting for the last several years show the importance of the parade even to many Protestants who may not

identify with the Apprentice Boys and never attend the parades. There are also Protestants who condemn the Apprentice

Boys for reinforcing sectarianism, but this is not a common sentiment.5 At this stage of Northern Ireland’s politics the Provisional Irish Republican Army has declared itself inactive, and

the two primary Protestant paramilitary groups, the Ulster Volunteer Force and the Ulster Defense Association, are in

the latter stages of effecting a similar transition. My interviews have included members and former members of these

organizations, as well as members in ‘‘dissident’’ Republican groups that have not declared cease-fire, and Protestants

who similarly reject dialogue and normative politics as the way forward.


conflict. Extensive interviews were also conducted with those who serve formally and infor-mally as mediators or facilitators between the two sides, and play a key role in the changingdynamic of the parades and the community relations that surround them. My research has in-cluded observation of parades and the discussions and negotiations around them and the asso-ciated festivities (and episodic violence), as well as many individual and focus-group interviewson both sides of the river.

My interviews reveal that a key element of the negotiations is that the Apprentice Boys talkabout ‘‘accommodations’’ and ‘‘modifications,’’ but regularly deny making sacrifices or conces-sions. They do this while portraying their organization as being cooperative and engaging, andthey thus try to depict the negotiationdand the ensuing paradedas a victory that does not en-tail getting ‘‘permission,’’ but rather as exercising an inalienable right. For their part, Republi-cans accede to a negotiated parade as a need of the Apprentice Boys to mark their culture ina particular place, but they deny the right to march in areas where parades are not welcome.In the end, the negotiations, while serious and intense, are in many respects a symbolic exerciselinked to questions related more to power and identity than the whys and wherefores of a par-ticular march.6

Parading is a phenomenon that has drawn the attention of scholars from a number of disci-plines, as outlined below. To understand the process of narrating territorial loss and dislocationby Protestants in Derry/Londonderry and the significance that Apprentice Boys marches hold, itis first necessary to describe the history and symbolism of the town. I then touch upon thechanges in local residential and political patterns, as these related factors are integral to the de-cline of Protestant fortunes there. Next, I describe the course of the parades, focusing on thespecific places that mark the symbolic sources of Protestant ethos in Northern Ireland andmake it so critical to be in certain locations at particular times and in specific ways. I tracethe emergence of negotiation as a feature of the parades, and the structure which makes con-cession a mandatory part of what had formally been a demonstration of unbridled supremacy.It is here that the symbolic territorial dynamics are highlighted, inasmuch as members of theApprentice Boys seek to deny or more typically ameliorate the loss of power by parading,for a brief time, in their most significant spaces. My exposition of the accommodations inDerry/Londonderry concludes with a discussion that sets the negotiations in the context ofa broader political dynamic in Northern Ireland, links this case to a pursuit of strategies for con-flict resolution, and points the way for further research.

Parades as markers

Work on the tradition of parading in Northern Ireland, particularly that of the ProtestantLoyal Orders, has been extensively explored by Bryan (2000, 2001), Fraser (2000), Jarman(1997, 2003) and Jarman and Bryan (1998). Public processions and parades in Britain (Busteed,2007), Canada (Goheen, 1993; Jackson, 1992), Singapore (Kong & Yeoh, 1997), the Republicof Ireland (Finlay, 2004) and the United States (Davis, 1986; Marston, 1989) have been used bygeographers and others as analytical entry points for the study of public spacedparticularly‘‘the streets’’dand power, for the study of ritual, of celebration, of resistance, of community,

6 This is a more localized iteration of a phenomenon explored by Mikesell and Murphy (1991). This case study

doesn’t fit neatly with any of their minority group ambitions, but comes closest to the desire for recognition and perhaps

a measure of autonomy.


and identity. Some of these studies have drawn upon parades that were part of the Irish dia-sporic experience, and examine the struggle to assert community identity and rights, as wellas reactions against parades and the marchers who conduct them. Clearly parades have inherentpotential to be political, and often controversial or problematic.

A specific interest in the territorial dimension of parading was pursued by O’Reilly andCrutcher in relation to separate parades by blacks and gay whites in New Orleans, and theynote that the parades there can ‘‘reproduce the segregation’’ of those seeking to establish ter-ritorial claims while at the same time they ‘‘seek to convey a subversive message’’ by those‘‘excluded from larger public spaces on economic, social, or cultural grounds’’ (O’Reilly &Crutcher, 2006: 247e248). The parades of Derry/Londonderry speak to all of these categories,and here I highlight the role that ritual and celebration play in resisting challenges to identityand the reaction to a loss of power and territory.

Displaying visible markers in Northern Ireland, such as the flying of flags, the painting ofsectarian murals, and the burning of enormous bonfires, occurs in areas that are securely inthe hands of a particular community, or in the contested terrain at the interfaces between Cath-olics and Protestants (or rival intramural competitors). Though flags and murals are a commonfeature of the sectarian landscape (Bryan & Gillespie, 2005; Jarman, 1997), they tend to ebband flow in some conjunction with the parading season (roughly Easter through the end ofthe summer) when political tensions run high. Indeed, parading season is an intense periodof public demonstration of identity and territory in various forms. One of the fascinating ele-ments of parading is that parades can be traditional, i.e., recurring on specific routes and dates,but they are also ephemeral. Parades create a spectacle in a public place at a set time, and thenthey are gone. Indeed, the physical manifestation of a parade typically allows observers to viewits approach, apprehend the procession, and then watch it recede from view. For a community,a parade can create, maintain, and display an assertion of territoriality, but, unlike sovereignty,it need not be perpetual (though sovereignty too can draw upon ephemeral demonstrations ofpresence). In the context of a sectarian Northern Ireland, parades are a reflection of culturalidentity and social practice, but they can have very different messages if they are taking placein areas dominated by their own community as opposed to in territory associated with the‘‘other side.’’ In the case of the Apprentice Boys parades in Derry/Londonderry, as well asa number of other contentious parades in Northern Ireland, shifts in demographics and localpower have created situations in which demonstrations of community identity and tradition oc-cur in a radically transformed context. Yet though power has shifted, the icons of the Protestantethosdsuch as the walls of Derry/Londonderry and St. Columb’s Cathedraldremained fixed inplace, and the parades are the touchstone that allows the Apprentice Boys to maintain contactwith them, albeit on terms that are now the subject of intense negotiation.

The importance of Derry/Londonderry

Belfast is the political capital of Northern Ireland and it has long been a focus of research onsectarian conflict (Boal, 1978, 1982, 2002; Dochartaigh, 2007; Shirlow, 2003). However, forsome Protestants in Northern Ireland, Derry/Londonderry holds a symbolic value that ismore like that of Jerusalem, serving as a touchstone for identity and history in ways that aresimultaneously sacred and secular. The history of the town in the first century of the plantationhas become emblematic of the broader Protestant experience on the island of Ireland. It was inDerry/Londonderry that the Protestant settlers’ effort to survive and subdue the resistance ofsurrounding indigenous Catholics reached its zenith. An attack against the walled city was


initiated by forces loyal to Catholic King James II on December 18, 1688, but the beleagueredtownspeopledfollowing the lead of 13 young Apprentice Boysdclosed the city gates andmanaged to hold out until relief arrived with the forces of Protestant King William III onAugust 12, 1689. A.T.Q. Stewart (1977) characterizes the siege against the city as beingsymbolic of the whole of the Protestant experience in Ireland, something that Shirlow andMcGovern (1997: 6) have termed a ‘sacrificial ethos.’ McBride (1997: 10) notes that:

the siege presents in dramatic form a series of lessons regarding the relationship betweenUlster Protestants and their traditional enemies. Like other political myths, the story ofthe siege is invoked to legitimate present actions and attitudes, and while the narrativehas retained its basic structure, each generation has found fresh meanings, emphasizingor suppressing different components according to its own ideological needs.

At its heart, the basic structure is the story of withstanding a surrounding enemy. It blendsa mix of heroism, sacrifice, and, critically, a sense of victimization at the hands of a morally(religiously) inferior and debased opponent (Finlay, 2004). Relief ultimately came to the de-fenders of Derry/Londonderry from King William, who is depicted as riding a white horse,and, as William went on to route King James, the Siege of Derry supports a messianic tropeof deliverance and ultimate victory. This is particularly salient for the generation of Protestantsthat witnessed a radical inversion of power in the city during the Troubles, and the ongoingerosion of the position of their community in Northern Ireland as a whole. For those whocame of age during the ascendance of the Catholics, the feeling of victimization may wellbe compounded by a sense of failure and guilt. The Apprentice Boys of Derry march in themidst of this powerful political change, and do so in the very place where their namesakes7

managed to survive, maintain their territory, and preserve their identity.

Sectarian geography

Derry/Londonderry is a compact town, first established on a hill in the north of Ireland, abovethe West Bank of the River Foyle. Today the town straddles the river, and though the ApprenticeBoys’ march has a circuit that includes both of its banks, it is the part of the route in the historicwalled city that ranks so strongly in the memory of the Protestant community in general, and theorganization’s members, in particular. At the time of the siege, the walled city was a regular ref-uge from the ongoing skirmishes between British forces, the settlers and mercenaries that theybrought to Ireland, and the local Gaelic-speaking people. As the site of the 1688/1689 siege,the walls of the city, its gates, and the churches within them provide witness to many of the at-tributes that form the Protestant ethos and identity: survival, tradition, physical presence.

Since the 17th century Protestants controlled the walled citydand the rest of the town as itdevelopeddthrough superior force, which was supplied by the settlers and their descendents,and the power of Great Britain. In the centuries following the siege, Catholics were barredfrom living within the walls of the city, and after completing a day’s labor were compelled to re-turn to their homes in the marshy lowlands to the west, called the Bogside. By the mid-19th cen-tury, however, more than half of the residents of the broader town of Derry/Londonderry were

7 I say ‘‘namesakes’’ in part because of the disproportionate number of Northern Irish Protestant males with the name

William, Willy, or Billy, commemorating their 17th century hero. Apprentice Boys clubs are also named after key

figures in the siege resistance.


Catholics. As in much of Ireland, however, they were deprived of equal rights, and denied theopportunity to secure them through fair elections. With control of the local government, Protes-tants were able to allocate resources in housing and jobs, and carry out a gerrymander thatensured the upper hand for their community.

Catholics on the march

In the late 1960s Derry/Londonderry’s Catholics began to adopt the tactics and attitudesmodeled by anti-establishment movements in other countries, particularly the United Statesand France, and they drew inspiration from charismatic protest leaders such as Ghandi andMartin Luther King (Melaugh, 2006). Their push for civil rights centered on improved housing,‘‘one man one vote,’’ and other issues, and used the protest march as the emblem of their cause.On October 5, 1968 one of these marches was banned by the government when the proposedroute overlapped with a minor Apprentice Boys function on the Waterside. When the marchwas held in defiance of the ban, the protesters were brutally attacked by the police and wide-spread rioting erupted, providing the spark for ‘‘The Troubles.’’

In addition to the turmoil that rocked Northern Ireland in the following decades, the violencein Derry/Londonderry had an immediate impact on the conduct of the Apprentice Boys parades.At that time one of the routes of the Relief of Derry parade8 took the marchers from the Water-side, across the River Foyle on the Craigavon bridge, then on a loop to the northeast before head-ing back into the walled city. This took them past William Street, which was a major entry pointfor the Bogside, and, with the high level of tension, it was widely assumed that trouble woulderupt when the marchers passed so close to their Catholic foes. On August 10, 1969 the leadershipof the Apprentice Boys was approached with an appeal to cancel the parade, or at least modify theroute (Fraser, 2000), but the appeal was summarily rejected (Doherty, 2004). When the subse-quent parade passed the William Street flashpoint on August 12, violence did indeed erupt,and the ensuing street fighting, dubbed the Battle of the Bogside, changed the course of NorthernIreland’s history. According to Jarman, the parades in this period did not cause the Troubles, but‘‘they proved critical in opening up the fracture zones in Northern Irish life’’ (Jarman, 1997: 78).

Before exploring the change that came with these critical parades, it is important to note sev-eral aspects of the situation in Derry/Londonderry as the Troubles began to unfold. First, powerwas clearly allied with and deployed on behalf of the Protestants of the city. This was evident inthe police response to the civil rights parades, and the unwillingness of the Apprentice Boys toconsider any voluntary modification of their own parades. Second, the attempt to engage in di-alogue with the Apprentice Boys failed to produce such modifications, and did not contribute toany future cooperation between the two sides (Daly, 2005). Third, the conduct of the paradewas provocative, and took the marchers into sensitive areas that were outside the city wallsand not associated with ‘‘ancient’’ Apprentice Boys history. Despite all this, the scale of theviolence dwarfed local custom and forced changes, setting in motion processes that endedthe Protestant territorial hegemony in the town.

The violence of 1969 and the years afterward led to a major reorganization in the way thatDerry/Londonderry, and then the rest of Northern Ireland, was policed. With the local policeforce widely viewed as being antagonistic to Catholics and prone to using undue force (albeit

8 The parade held each December to commemorate the onset of the siege is referred to as the ‘‘Closing the Gates’’

parade, whereas the August parade which marks the end of the siege is called the ‘‘Relief of Derry’’ parade.


often ineffectively, causing injury but failing to create/restore/maintain order), the British armywas deployed on August 14, 1969 to supplement and in effect replace the existing security appa-ratus. Initially this move was welcomed by Catholics, and viewed as a step that endorsed theircomplaints, shielded them from abuse, and woulddin leading to real changedbe temporary.One noticeable modification in the years immediately following the arrival of British forceswas that route limitations or an outright ban was applied to the Apprentice Boys’ parades.

The Apprentice Boys march

With the upsurge in violence that characterized the Troubles, Derry/Londonderry began toundergo a profound change, one which continues to mark it and provide the context for the Ap-prentice Boys parades today. Whereas, the Cityside had been home to a sizeable Protestantcommunity prior to the Troubles, the two decades from 1971e1991 saw a decrease of83.4% in the number of Protestants living on the West Bank of the Foyle (Shirlow et al.,2005). Today there is only one Protestant enclave, called The Fountain, remaining on the City-side, and the town has a whole has a roughly three-to-one Catholic majority.9 The Fountainserves an important role, as it sits just outside the walled city and provides a safe haven forProtestants coming to visit the churches and the Apprentice Boys Memorial Hall, as well asthe historic walls that enclose them. At the same time, The Fountain is a symbol of the precar-ious position of Protestants in the city today. Its population is dwindling, and today there arefewer than 500 residents, shielded by a ‘‘peace wall’’ that separates them from adjacent Cath-olic areas. Though many of the residents of The Fountain are defiant, there is a definite ghettomentality and a sense of vulnerability. On a wall near the entrance to the enclave there is a fa-mous mural which reads ‘‘West Bank Loyalists Still Under Siege’’ and repeats the slogan ‘‘NoSurrender,’’ an emblem that is physically passed by the Apprentice Boys as they march toemphasize that very point.10 The crucial difference, of course, is that in the past the paradesproceeded by dint of power, whereas today they march in the context of negotiation.

The parades are actually a sequence of marches that occur from morning to late afternoon onthe parade day, with the Closing the Gates festivities culminating in the burning of an effigy ofthe ‘‘traitor’’ of 1688/1689, Robert Lundy.11 Each component of the parades has a particularroute, rules, and set of participants. The first parade of the day takes place in the early morning,and leaves from the Apprentice Boys Memorial Hall.12 It is composed of members of the local

9 Census figures for 2001 yield this ratio in a total population for the city of 105,066, but there is some question as to

the precise numbers as respondents are asked about both their religion and the tradition in which they were raised, and

there is some discrepancy between the two. The Fountain is a fascinating place, and it reflects in many ways the siege

mentality of Protestants in Northern Ireland. See, for example, Smyth (1996).10 Redevelopment in 2007 of the structure on which the mural was painted has led to its demise. Local residents sug-

gest that it will be repainted on a wall opposite, but if so, it will be much smaller and less prominent, perhaps emblem-

atic of The Fountain as a whole.11 The commemoration actually begins before the parade day, with sectarian bonfires and other displays taking place in

the days leading up to the parades. For the Closing the Gates parades, a small number of Apprentice Boys make a mid-

night circuit before the parade, touching each of the gates of the walled city in symbolic remembrance of their closing

in 1688. Cannons are also fired at that hour, just before an enormous bonfire in The Fountain is ignited with the Irish

tri-color flag on top.12 I am speaking here only of the parades in Derry/Londonderry, as opposed to the ‘‘feeder parades,’’ those local

marches that bring groups of Apprentice Boys to a marshalling point in their home communities before they depart

for the day’s events, and then again after their return from the city.


‘‘parent clubs,’’ and it has two principal purposes. One is to make a circuit of the walls, march-ing on a path that exits on top of them. There are strict conditions on this portion of the parade,as will be discussed below. The second feature of the morning parade is a memorial servicewhich takes place in ‘‘The Diamond,’’ the crossroads of the walled city, where there is a mon-ument to soldiers killed in World Wars I and II. Here, too, the conduct of the parade is the sub-ject of ongoing negotiations. The subset of the Apprentice Boys which participates in themorning activities is largely comprised of senior members of the organization, and is mostlylocal, though with representatives from distant clubs as well.

This component of the day’s activities is limited in its route, the number of participants, andtheir conduct. It also takes place ‘‘early’’ in the morning (approximately 9:30), and it is thusless likely to spark violence than what is to follow, despite the fact that symbolically it is highlycharged for both sides. The symbolic tension comes from the fact that the paraders are on thewall above the Bogside (at times just meters away from the nearest Catholic occupied homesand businesses, Fig. 2), and, when poised for commemoration in The Diamond, the ApprenticeBoys are occupying the figurative ‘‘center’’ of the city. Indeed, the walls have been the place ofsignificant violence in the past, and The Diamond is the locus of the greatest tension today,though that comes in the next of the marching day’s sequence of parades.

The main parade is the one that forms on the Waterside, crosses the Craigavon bridge overthe Foyle, makes a circuit through the walled city, and then returns to the Waterside (Fig. 1).This parade begins in the early afternoon and continues for several hours, and frequentlymore than 10,000 marchers participate, among them both Apprentice Boys members and otherswho play in Loyalist bands hired by the clubs to accompany them on the march. With the mainparade concluded, there is a final return march by the leadership and local clubs to the Cityside,terminating at the Apprentice Boys’ Memorial Hall. This is something of an anti-climax, as thenumber of participants, and the tension around the parade, is drastically diminished by thattime. During the Closing the Gates parade in December, however, as darkness comes to thetown, some of the marchers and supporters congregate in Bishop Street for the burning ofLundy’s effigy prior to departing for the day.13

Parading a point

Two elements of the parading are specific points of contention, and are key to the ApprenticeBoys organization and, more broadly, the Protestants in Northern Ireland. Perhaps the greater ofthe two is the opportunity to pass in front of the war memorialdthe cenotaphdin The Dia-mond. As noted, the morning parade conducts an observance and wreath-laying at the monu-ment, but the main parade passes in front of it as well. The respect given to the monument isa public enactment of a vital element of Protestant identity, i.e., the participation in the wars ofBritain. Moreover, the blood sacrifice by Protestants at the Battle of the Somme in 1916 hasbeen asserted as a price paid fordand thereby an enduring right todBritish citizenship and

13 The burning of the effigy used to take place from a column supporting a statue of one of the heroes of the siege,

George Walker. The statue was on a plinth adjacent to the wall of the old city near the Apprentice Boys Memorial

Hall. It towered over the adjacent Bogside and was visible from many Catholic areas. The statue was destroyed by

an I.R.A. bomb in 1973, and the ceremonial burning has since been moved to an area on Bishop Street, not far

from The Diamond and the Apprentice Boys Hall. From there, the flames cannot be seen from elsewhere in the city.

Sometimes Catholic youths do congregate in The Diamond at the time of the effigy burning and salute the effort

with a barrage of stones or other debris.


inclusion in the United Kingdom. As the marchers enter The Diamond, their playing falls silentsave for the beat of a single drum until exiting the area, when the full pomp and force of themusic, played by what are sometimes referred to as ‘‘blood and thunder bands’’ or ‘‘kick thePope bands,’’ re-emerges. Inasmuch as this is the closest and most visible point for the mainparade to the Bogside and the Catholics, it is significant that the parade goes silent in tributeto its ‘‘Britishness,’’ and then resumes with a sectarian roar.

Marching through The Diamond is contentious because of that message of identity and itsdialectical resonance with Catholics, who reject the monument precisely for what it is, a symbolof sacrifice for and inclusion in the British Empire. Though Catholics also volunteered and diedin that war, 1916 is more significant for them as the year of the Easter Rising in Dublin. Thus,homage paid to the memorial in The Diamond is understood in the context that the Protestantsintend: a down payment on the future, and an eternal bond with Britain. Though the wars of the20th century are receding in public memory, Protestants mark them on a regular basis to keepthe debt current, as events which include living members of their community. It is for this rea-son that the part of the parade passing through The Diamond is so essential to their identity andto their cause, and why it is on par with the historical significance of the siege.

A second critical component of Protestant identity in Northern Ireland is addressed by themarching on the walls of the city. During much of the period of the Troubles, the wallswere off-limitsdtheir circuit interrupted by locked gates, with access points blocked, andthe path on top used only by security forces. The rationale for closing the walls was publicsafety; it was felt that a public presence there would constitute undue provocation (of the otherside, whichever that was) and lead to violence. Moreover, the walls were viewed as a point ofpossible attack against the Bogside and other Catholic residential areas, the businesses insidethe walled city, and against the adjacent Protestant Fountain neighborhood. A central aim of

Fig. 2. The vanguard of the Apprentice Boys parade on the city wall adjacent to the Bogside neighborhood below, and

the Creggan neighborhood in the background. (Photo by Author 2007).


the Apprentice Boys organization is to march on the walls for the purpose of commemoratingthe siege, a ceremony that it views as critical to the maintenance of Protestant identity and tra-dition (Moore, 2005).

In the wake of the paramilitary cease-fires and the reduction in violence that followed fromthem, the walls of Derry were reopened to the public in 1995. The Apprentice Boys then askedto include a full circuit of the walls in their parade, and permission was granted to them, muchto the chagrin of residents of the Bogside, in particular, but for the Catholic population of thecity more broadly. The Republican community contended that the parades were triumphalist,insulting, and provocative, and constituted an unacceptable disruption of local life (Lamberton,2006; McNaillis, 2005). The Protestant community claimed that the parade was a legitimateexpression of culture, was non-political, and could only be realized in the historical spacesthat the parade commemorates (Crowe, 2006; Temple, 2005). Their position failed to convincethose in the adjacent Bogside neighborhood and the broader Republican community, and pro-testors unsuccessfully attempted to block the walls to prevent the Apprentice Boys from march-ing on them.

Though in that instance the government enabled the march to take place on the walls, theApprentice Boys leadership was aware of the vulnerability of the parade to disruption by localresidents. Indeed, the newly forming Bogside Residents Group (BRG) felt that it could, throughstreet protest and other actions, prevent the parade from taking place anywhere on the Cityside(Lamberton, 2006; McNaillis, 2005). The parade had, during the early Troubles, been confinedto the Waterside in some years, and the Apprentice Boys leadership was committed to prevent-ing that restriction from recurring. The advent of the Northern Ireland Parades Commission in1997 gave the BRG an additional tool, as the Commission mandated discussions with localcommunity members before approving a contentious parade. For the Apprentice Boys to fulfilltheir desire (need) to parade on the walls, they had to make a good-faith effort toward dialoguewith their opponents (Pedlow, 2007). In the context of those negotiations, the Apprentice Boysundertook a reworking of their public persona, their needs, and the meaning of the parade.

Negotiating meanings

From the outset, the negotiations over the parades operated at a number of levels, and hadboth shared and specifically Loyalist or Republican objectives. At the visible level, the nego-tiations were about the conduct of the parade, in terms of the specific details regarding whatthe Apprentice Boys could do, and where, when, and who could do it. At a deeper level, thenegotiations were about relationships and power in the city specifically, but, more broadly,between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland. In this case, the actors were, in somerespects, proxies for Sinn Fein and the Protestant ‘‘establishment.’’ As a result, the intricaciesof the spatial negotiations carried greater stakes, and were tied to over-arching claims aboutrights and justice made by both sides.

For the Catholics of Derry/Londonderry, the parades are primarily problematic as a manifes-tation of Protestant power, and the alliance between the state and the Loyalist organizations thatmakes them possible. For Protestants, the parades are indeed an expression of power, but inDerry/Londonderry that power has lapsed, and the parades occur only by agreement of the Re-publican community. As a result, the discourse of the Apprentice Boys disavows any triumphal-ism, and speaks instead of commemoration and historical tradition. While these are oftenelements of parades elsewhere in Northern Ireland, the Apprentice Boys emphasize the link be-tween the events of 1688/1689 and the precise location of their paradedin and on the old city


walls. This emphasis suggests that their identity is one of an historical tie, rather than a politicalagenda. This created a ‘‘space for peace’’ dynamic, wherein the Apprentice Boys had to securethe ability to act in the face of possible Catholic protest, which could constitute a de facto vetoon the parade. The BRG, for its part, saw that dynamic as an opportunity to gain legitimacythrough recognition by and dialogue with a Loyal Order, both for itself and for Sinn Fein. Italso gave the organization an opportunity to secure concessions that could serve as a precedentfor limiting Loyalist parades and conduct elsewhere in Northern Ireland.

A question that parallels the negotiations and is currently the subject of my research is theacceptance or lack thereof in the broader communities of a negotiated parade. As it now stands,the Apprentice Boys parades in Derry/Londonderry are indeed a product of agreement and arecarried out with the approval of the Parades Commission.14 Despite that, they are conductedunder the watchful eye of a massive police presence, and are not entirely free of incidents ofviolence. The parades are also observed by those who do not welcome and sometimes openlyreject them, thus there is an accompaniment of catcalls, flag waving, spitting, and other displaysof displeasure on the part of some Catholics (and some similar provocations from marchers andProtestant observers). The question, then, is to what extent a successful parade reflects the ac-commodation secured through dialogue and negotiation, and to what extent it is simply guar-anteed by the monitoring, territorial separation, and threat of violence and arrest that come withthe police presence.

It should also be noted that the Apprentice Boys speak only for their own organization, andtheir willingness to negotiate in order to insure their parade is subject to contempt in some ofthe Loyalist community, and not a unanimous position within the organization itself. Similarly,the BRG officially speaks only for its members, though more broadly it is assumed to have anaffiliation of some informal sort with Sinn Fein (its spokesperson Donncha McNaillis, forinstance, has stood for local election as a Sinn Fein candidate). Both sides of the negotiationare beholden to ‘‘domestic’’ constituencies, and are vulnerable to the pressure and possiblesabotage of more extreme elements. Commitment to the negotiations makes the BRG andthe Apprentice Boys allies in a world that often has great antipathy toward cross-communal co-operation. The parade, as a reflection of such cooperation (though few would be eager to char-acterize it as such) is itself a target for those on either side who seek to impede the progress ofpeace-making in Northern Ireland.

Discussion

Despite the complicating factors listed above, the negotiations are often viewed as a modelfor other parading situations, though their replication is still at a nascent phase. Yet followinga small number of extremely violent Orange Order parades in Belfast in 2005, prominentBelfast-based Apprentice Boy and Chair of the North and West Belfast Parades Forum TommyCheevers (2006) noted in anticipation of the 2006 season that, ‘‘We are trying to create sharedspace in that area through dialogue rather than bickering over contested territory.’’ In a situationwhere sectarianism is the norm, violence is at least partly valorized, and extremes lose when

14 Applications are required for all parades and public protests in Northern Ireland. Technically, the Parades Commis-

sion doesn’t issue a ruling on parades that are not problematic, and currently that is the case with the Apprentice Boys’

parades in Derry/Londonderry. As such, it could be framed that the parades are subject to the disapproval of the Com-

mission if they do not come as the result of a productive dialogue between the organization and other interested parties.


progress is made toward peace, what is gained when contentious parades are negotiatedsuccessfully?

For the Apprentice Boys of Derry and the Protestant community of the city to which they arebound,15 the negotiated parade is the only parade they can have on the walls and through thesurrounding significant spaces. The Apprentice Boys leadership makes an explicit link betweenthe continuation of the parades and the viability of the Protestant community in the town. Theysuggest that an abolition of those parades would break the spirit of their people, and lead to anincreased exodus from the Waterside, constituting a death knell for Protestants of the town(Allen, 2006; Crowe, 2006; Hay, 2006).

This points to a critical function that the Apprentice Boys parades provide for the Protestantsof Derry/Londonderry. Though Protestants have lost control of the political apparatus in thetown, and many have (or consider themselves to have) lost their homes on the Cityside and(comfortable) access to their key symbolic spaces, they continue to assert claim to the wholeof Derry/Londonderry. The claim is accomplished through the presence of the ApprenticeBoys in The Diamond and within and on the city’s walls, even though that takes place fora very limited amount of time (a total of perhaps as much as 18 h a year) and in a very circum-scribed way. Indeed, the parades are periods of heightened tension, and in some respects thecirculation of Protestants on the Cityside is most problematic just then, as each side is moni-toring the other. Those caught ‘‘out of place’’ are in danger of paying a price for their presence,and even a few meters away from the parade route the territory is rigidly sectarian.

The parades establish no permanent or even lasting claim to the use of the territory; rather,they are maintaining historical claims to the specific spaces and places that are part of theircommunity narrative. As such, they are far more consequential in terms of identity than theyare in terms of territory. Protestants in Derry/Londonderry carry the package (baggage?) of theirNorthern Ireland experience: identification with Britain, a sense of place that justifies their pres-ence on the island of Ireland, and, increasingly, a feeling of alienation within the city, and a mar-ginalization within the province as well.16 At the same time, they are hosts to the largestparades in Northern Ireland, they march where their forbearers fought and won, and they main-tain their pledge of ‘‘No Surrender.’’

Winning while losing

Douglas (1998: 159) suggests that in Northern Ireland activities such as parading have be-come, ‘‘in themselves distinct values and aspirations. facets of identity in their own right to beplaced alongside the deeper ideas of right and wrong long planted in the collective.consciousness.’’ While the majority of parades are free of trouble, those that are contentiousdominate the public discussion of tension between the communities. Yet, close examinationindicates that in a number of cases, there is movement toward accommodation, even if the sides

15 Though it is only a rough approximation, Apprentice Boys leaders estimate that between 5 and 10% of their mem-

bership lives in Derry/Londonderry. The vast majority of those on parade come from elsewhere in Northern Ireland,

Scotland, and England.16 Even the Protestant political leadership in Northern Ireland seems to marginalize Derry/Londonderry, and the sad

economic fortunes of the city unite Catholic and Protestant in feeling neglected or cheated. Paradoxically, it is the trou-

bled political past of the city, both ancient and recent, that is being drafted as an engine of economic development

through tourism. This dynamic provides a common interest in maintaining the peace, even as it draws attention to

the ways in which the city is divided.


are not yet ready to openly acknowledge as much. The case of the Apprentice Boys is critical inthat it shows publicly and proudly the innovative way that the negotiations and subsequent pa-rades allow for territorial sharing, and help to accommodate the needs of both winners andlosers in the ethno-territorial conflict that, like many others, often assumes a zero-sum dynamic(Anderson, 1997). As it now stands, the Apprentice Boys parades allow both sides to declare atleast partial victory, yet in a way that does not negate their simultaneous sense of victimization.It is significant that this happens in the context of progress toward mutual recognition, if not yetreconciliation, and that the parades are an agent of this change rather than exacerbating the con-flict, as has been in the case with, for instance, the parades in Drumcree (Mulholland, 1999;O’Neill, 2000). Though the Protestants may make the claim of No Surrender, the truth is thatthey have lost their power and, to a great degree, their place in Derry/Londonderry. And, as recentresearch shows (Shirlow et al., 2005), they are continuing to lose ground, with little growth intheir community, alongside significant growth in the Catholic community. Yet despite theirloss, they continue to argue for their rights and struggle to maintain their identity.

It is interesting that in this struggle there is no articulation of a Protestant plan or agenda fora return to the Cityside. The critical places of their history in the city have been ceded, seem-ingly permanently even if unwillingly, to their antagonists. What is it that allows a communityto lose its most significant spaces, and not have an agenda to recover them? The struggle inNorthern Ireland is similar in many ways to those that plague communities around the world.The Apprentice Boys state that their need, and their right, is to parade on the walls of the city. Inthe past they were able to do this by dint of force; today, they march under the protection of thestate, but also by the suffrage of their foes. Despite this, they claim the parade as a victory forProtestant culture, which has been substituted for Protestant power: they assert that they arewinning even as they are losing. In this way, the parading in Derry/Londonderry shows the pos-sibility of redefining victors and vanquished, and suggests the possibility of compromise thatserves as a win-win in ethno-territorial contests.

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to acknowledge the help of Diane Baxter, Dominic Bryan, Michael Doh-erty, Brian Dougherty, Sean Fennan, David Frank and Neil Jarman, leaders of the ApprenticeBoys of Derry and Bogside Residents Group organizations, and the generous support of St.Columb’s Park House and the Peace and Reconciliation Group.

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Winning while losing: The Apprentice Boys of Derry walk their beat

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