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Florida State University LibrariesElectronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School
2018
An Examination of the Challenges andOpportunities Facing Female Coaches inHigh Performance International Track andFieldWilma Fiona Proctor
Follow this and additional works at the DigiNole: FSU's Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]
Today, there are fewer female coaches than male coaches in track and field at all levels
across the globe (International Olympic Committee, 2016). Moreover, the “high performance”
level of the sport is where we find the greatest discrepancy in the number of female and male
coaches (Acosta & Carpenter, 2012; Division for the Advancement of Women of the United
Nations Secretariat, 2008). “High performance” in this context (and in this research) refers to the
level in track and field that includes competitive environments such as Olympic Games, World
Championships, and Diamond League events.2 High performance coaches are those who hold
1 Title IX is a federal law that was passed in 1972 by Congress in the United States to prohibit sex discrimination in education programs that receive federal funding. Similarly in the United Kingdom, the Sex Discrimination Act was legislated in 1975 to protect men and women from discrimination based on sex or marital status. 2 The Diamond League is the top professional league of track and field. The league comprises 14 Diamond League meetings in which a total of 32 events are contested around the world.
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positions as head or specialized coaches of national teams, elite (professional) clubs, and of
individual professional athletes (athletes also employ personal coaches).
Researchers have contended that this disproportionate representation is symptomatic of
broader institutionalizing forces within various sports organizations (Cunningham, 2008;
Cunningham & Sagas, 2008; Walker & Satore-Baldwin, 2013). These scholars have argued that
governing bodies, associations, teams, and clubs across sports conform to norms that render
organizational practices and logics as similar to one another (DiMaggio & Powell, 1983). For
instance, in North America, O’Brien and Slack (2003) found that leagues of different sports—
namely hockey, basketball, football, and baseball—engaged in business transactions, and
established relationships with similar actors (media businesses) and enacted similar strategies
(innovative marketing) to achieve their organizational goals. In Europe and other parts of the
world, soccer, rugby, and cricket leagues similarly display organizational sameness in how they
transact business and interact with one another. According to sport management scholars, sports
organizations like other social entities are embedded within fields and share like strategies,
2012). Moreover, sport management scholars have said that sports organizations are indeed
institutionalized (Kikulis, 2000; Cousens & Slack, 2005). Scholars have used both concepts—
institutional theory and gender concepts—separately to explain social phenomena in sports, but
there is minimal research that has used them together to examine the paucity of female coaches
in sports.
In this dissertation project, I examine the challenges and opportunities women coaches
encounter in organizational environments unique to one of the most popular global sports: high
performance track and field. Given the history of uneven hiring and retention practices within the
sport, I aim to explicate how institutional processes act upon, and to some degree largely shape,
women coaches’ opportunities and experiences within the sport. Much like in other sport
contexts, women coaches in track and field are significantly underrepresented in the coaching
ranks across various international organizations and federations. Despite the sport’s increased
rates of participation and popularity among women athletes in recent decades, the disparity in
hiring and retaining women coaches is stark.
For instance, at the 2012 Olympic Games a total of 10,568 athletes competed, of which
more than 20% (2,231) were track and field athletes. Economically, track and field generated the
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greatest amount of revenue of all sports federations at the Games.3 This individual sport has
relatively fewer barriers for participation and skill development than team sports and other
individual sports. There is less dependence on other members as there is for team sports for
athletes to develop skills, improve, and participate. Also, unlike other individual sports like
swimming, or tennis, there are lower costs for infrastructure and equipment that could prohibit
participation.
At all levels of the sport, track and field is popular for male and female athletes. For
instance, in the year 2013 in the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) more than one
tenth (27,127) of all female athletes (203,565) competing in collegiate sports were participating
in track and field. On the men’s side, the number was similar (27,021) and second only to
football (Burnsed, 2016). In England, also, according to British Athletics (2016), in 2013 there
was a 25% increase in the number of athletes participating in the sport—making it the most
populous sport at all levels in that year.
Despite these growth trends, the low number of female coaches at the high-performance
level underscores inequity and lost opportunities for women. To understand this inequity in track
and field, I drew on tenets of institutional theory to develop an analysis of how gender politics
and inequalities are manifested, operationalized, and contested within the coaching profession at
the high-performance level of track and field. Specifically, I used a qualitative approach to
investigate the complex social interactions of women coaches within gendered organizational
structures in track and field. While I acknowledge likely limitations of drawing on the
3 At the 2012 Olympic Games, 26 sports federations participated. The income generated during the games was divided among the federations based on their contributions to the event (ticket sales, broadcasting, and other sponsorship arrangements). Track and field received $47 million out of the $519 million IOC gave to member federations (International Olympic Committee, 2016).
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experiences of women as opposed to both male and female coaches, it is a deliberate choice to
have women voice and interpret their own experiences. I want to provide space for women to
express their views about the environment in track and field and highlight their roles and status
in it. The experiences of these women most closely connected to the phenomenon under study
add meaning and understanding to this research. In short, these are the people who navigated
through the maze of obstructions, reached leadership positions, and remain in the profession.
In Chapter 2, I provide a literature review that begins with an overview of track and field
and coaching arrangements in high-performance levels of competition. This is followed by a
discussion of gender issues in sports, and a review of previous research conducted in sport
management on women in leadership and coaching positions. In the second part of the Literature
Review, I focus on foundational concepts of institutional theory and discuss its use in
organizational and in sport management literature. I conclude the chapter by explaining how I
will utilize various constructs and themes developed within these various literatures to move
forward with an analysis of women coaches’ experiences within the gendered and
institutionalized environments.
In Chapter 3, I discuss my methodology, which is grounded in a qualitative approach.
Philosophically moored to a constructivist paradigm, for my research design I employed semi-
structured interviews with female coaches, whom I purposively selected using snowball
sampling. Given the incredibly low number of women coaches working at the elite international
level, I actively sought interviews with anyone whom might be willing to speak with me. I
recorded, transcribed, and analyzed interviews for emergent and cogent themes about
opportunities and challenges of female coaches. This approach was chosen because it allows for
the exploration and in-depth analysis of a complex social phenomenon. Given that, I show how I
looked at multiple realities of female coaches as we constructed knowledge about their
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experiences. I made the case that a qualitative approach offers a useful lens through which to
examine the coaches’ perspectives on institutionalized gender practices in sports organizations.
Using a qualitative approach in Chapter 4, I analyzed the empirical material obtained
from the interviews. I coded and categorized the empirical material to identify patterns and
emergent themes from the perspectives of the female coaches. This chapter includes biographical
information of coaches along with their perceptions of organizations and their experiences within
them. I refer back to literature during the analysis to identify connections and similarities of
gendered practices, behaviors, and structures in the different organizations from the experiences
of female coaches. Chapter 4 is therefore intended to be read in concert with Chapter 5, as it
helps to provide a thematic grounding of the experiences of women across different
organizations.
In Chapter 5, I engaged in a more inductive, exploratory, and interpretive examination of
emergent themes, discussed implications and limitations of this research, and considered
potential opportunities for future research. I analyzed how processes and behaviors reflective of
hegemonic masculinity impact female coaches in track and field. Additionally, I examined the
ways hegemonic masculinity become normalized or institutionalized. I then discuss the effects of
institutionalized gendered protocols on the careers of the coaches, and how they in turn develop
strategies to influence and circumvent these established norms. Finally, I conclude with a
summary of findings, limitations, implications, and future research ideas.
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter establishes the theoretical grounds for this dissertation. The chapter, much
like the dissertation more broadly, focuses on the challenges and opportunities female coaches
encounter in track and field. In it, I will briefly outline the research traditions from which this
study emanates and builds upon. Further, I define and explain the context as well as relevant
terms and vocabularies that I will use to examine the interplay between institutional pressures,
organizational conformity, and strategic choices of female coaches as they operate within the
sport. The review begins with an historical overview of track and field, and the organizations—
including coaching bodies—that govern the sport. This will be followed by a discussion on
gender in sports and the effect on female coaches. In the second section, I will discuss the
foundational concepts of institutional theory as they pertain to organizational action and
individual behavior. In the third section, I focus my attention on the institutionalization of sports
organizations and the agency of women as they navigate the coaching profession.
Previous research on gender and coaching has examined the causes for ongoing
marginalization of female coaches and has discussed systems that stymie their efforts to advance
within the profession (Cunningham, et al. 2007; Bracken, 2009; Danylchuk et al., 1996).
Research has shown that organizational actors are often inculcated with assigned sets of gender
behaviors. Men and women are expected to demonstrate characteristics that define and
differentiate them from one another (Hargreaves, 1994; McKay, Messner, & Sabo, 2000). For
instance, traditional norms often promoted within sport organizations would suggest that men
should be strong, physical, and active, while women should be soft, passive, and docile.
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Scholars have pointed out that specific institutional mechanisms and systems embedded
in sports significantly influence and constrain female coaches’ experiences (Acker, 1992;
Chappell & Waylen, 2013). They looked at race and gender and made the argument that
competitive sport is a highly racial and gendered institutionalized environment that promotes and
reinforces negative social and cultural attitudes. This institutionalized and misogynistic regard
for female coaches has become formalized and embedded in various levels and types of
organizational structures and activities—such as hiring coaches—and this has led to shared racial
and sexual segregation in practice (Cunningham & Sagas, 2003; Knoppers et al, 1991; Stangl &
Kane, 1991; Walker & Sartore-Baldwin, 2013). Although Cunningham, Sagas, and Ashley
(2001) looked at discriminatory hiring practices related to race and gender, they confirmed the
notion that institutional mechanisms embedded in sport lead to marginalization and
discrimination of women. Walker and Satore-Baldwin (2013) identified hegemonic masculinity
and institutionalized bias in men’s collegiate basketball. The researchers further contended that
there are institutionalized practices limiting women’s access to men’s sports overall.
Although there has been a growing line of inquiry describing how the institutional
environment of competitive sports culturally and socially constrains the behavior of female
Furthermore, through development programs funded by the IAAF, athletes receive
funding for training and travel to competitions; coaches and technical staff receive training,
certification, and travel grants; and administrators receive training and funding to IAAF
congresses, meetings, and other administrative gatherings. Male and female coaches benefit from
training and certification programs certainly, but statistical data of training programs from the
IAAF show far fewer women involved in coaching development programs. Statistics from the
six geographical area groups—Asia, Africa, South America, Europe, North America Central
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America and Caribbean (NACAC), and Oceania—show that out of a total of 6759 coaches
trained, 5623 were men and 1136 were women during the period 1991-1998 (IAAF, 2016). The
sport also became accessible to a wider population, and participation at all levels increased for
male and female athletes. Significantly though, the statistics of the 2012 Olympic Games
indicate that the gap narrowed between male and female participation in the sport.
The IAAF is similar to other international governing bodies in that the organizational and
hierarchical processes and nuances are aligned to the procedures of a democratic government.
For example, the IAAF Council is comprised of 27 members4 who are elected by the Congress5
through a democratic process (one country, one vote) every four years to carry out the
administrative responsibilities of the association. The council members are elected from a pool of
individuals holding executive positions on, and nominated by, their national federations.
Although the membership of the council must have a minimum of six women, female
representation remains less than one-fourth in the organization responsible for global
administration of the sport. Individual member federations are responsible for the governance of
the sport within their territories, but they have constitutional oversight from the IAAF and must
comply with constitutional mandates to retain their association with the IAAF.
Whereas one of the key administrative functions of the IAAF is to develop policy for the
governance of the sport, other important roles are to organize international competitions, develop
athletes’ skill sets as well as the development of coaches and administrators. These features may
4 The elected members of the council include one president, four vice presidents, one treasurer, one representative from the six geographical area groups and 15 individual members. There is a guaranteed minimum of six women on the council. Each member is elected for a period of four years with no stipulation on the number of terms. 5 The Congress of the IAAF comprises of not more than three delegates from each National Member Federation. This body convenes every two years at the time and location of the World Championships.
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be similar to other international sports federations, but in track and field, international
competitions are the signifiers of affiliation and success for stakeholders involved—the country,
coach or athlete.6 Also, it is important to note that the IAAF plays a leading role in the
development of coaches and administrators globally. Although the IOC governs the quadrennial
spectacle (Olympic Games), the IAAF has administrative and regulatory responsibilities for the
competition during the games and is fully responsible for other competitions such as World
Championships and Diamond League events.
The IAAF is one of the most solvent international sports federations (International
Olympic Committee, 2016), and as the world governing body, it plays a significant role in the
development of the sport and individuals in NFs. As one of the popular sports globally, the
biennial World Championships and Diamond Leagues attract commercial sponsorships and other
revenue earning business, contributing to enriching the federation. In addition, and as I
previously noted, the federation receives the largest portion of revenue distributed by the IOC to
sports federations from income generated during the quadrennial games. It is through their
affiliation that NFs benefit from this revenue in the form of grants, training, and technical
assistance.
The structuring of track and field organizations within NFs might differ, but as affiliated
members, the governance of the sport must comply constitutionally with the IAAF. For example,
several of the smaller NFs in the Caribbean and Pacific Islands that are affiliated to the IAAF,
are largely dependent on resources procured through that relationship for their development and
therefore must comply with rules and policies to maintain membership. In North America, the
6 National federations must send athletes to IAAF competitions to maintain affiliation; and coaches and athletes receive remuneration, sponsorship, capital, and other incentives to participate at high-performance events.
15
United States Track and Field Association (USATF) is the national governing body responsible
for governing the sport at all levels. However, the NCAA has a strong organizational presence
and influence on the sport. The NCAA plays a significant role as the stepping-stone to the
professional and high-performance level for athletes in sports in the U.S. and other countries.
Furthermore, high-performance coaches in track and field either currently coached or were past
coaches in American collegiate programs. Other nations, like Australia and England, have strong
club systems, which facilitate the development of athletes and coaches, but in all these territories
(USA, Australia, England), despite the influence of other internal organizations, at the high-
performance level, the national federations as affiliated members must operate within
constitutional boundaries of IAAF.
Coaches in Track and Field
Coaching arrangements at the high-performance level of track and field are unique and
often specific to individual nations, but the collective outcome shows a paucity of female
coaches. At this level, unlike team sports like basketball and soccer—where the team hires
coaches—in track and field, national associations, elite clubs, individual athletes, and
organizations such as Nike and Adidas employ coaches. It is not uncommon for coaches to be
hired by all entities simultaneously. Coaches work with national associations during World
Championships and Olympic Games, but athletes also employ personal coaches as well during
these and Diamond League events. This involvement of several entities adds greater
complexities to hiring and retention of coaches in track and field7.
In the United States, USA Track and Field (USATF) selects head coaches and other
7 High-performance coaches in track and field work for different organizations and entities simultaneously. Coaches may have connections with companies like Adidas or Nike, while working with National Federations, professional clubs, and individual athletes.
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specialized coaches for each specific international event. In the 2016 Summer Olympic Games,
for instance, the coaching staff employed by USATF was comprised of eleven members, while
several other coaches simultaneously coached athletes on the team. A case in point, Rana Reider
coached the American triple jump gold medalist, Christian Taylor. However, Coach Reider was
employed by the Dutch Athletic Federation, had affiliation to Adidas, and coached athletes
representing Austria and Great Britain in addition to athletes representing the Netherlands and
USA. Also, Cliff Rovelto, one of the eleven-member USATF team, had been the current head
coach of Kansas State University for 24 years and coached athletes representing Barbados and
Jamaica at the games. Although USATF retained the services of eleven coaches, there were other
coaches working with athletes on the US team—the employment practices of USATF are not
uncommon, but on the contrary, are normal in high performance track and field.
Similar to USATF, Athletics Canada—the association that has purview for the sport in
Canada—employs a coaching staff during high-performance competitions. However, the
organization also hires a salaried head coach and other specialist coaches year-round on contract.
Furthermore, like the U.S., their athletes employ coaches and retain their services during
championships. For example, Harry Marra (American)—though not a member of the US team—
coached Team USA’s athletes and also coached Canada’s bronze medalist, Brianne Thieson-
Eaton. Another example is Canada’s female long jumper (Christobel Nettey), who was coached
by Dan Pfaff (American), who also coached five other athletes from five other countries
(Feschuk, 2016).
In Europe, employment of coaches in track and field is similar to that in North America.
In Holland, the Royal Dutch Athletics Federation hires year-round specialized coaches, and in
the United Kingdom, British Athletics maintains a cadre of coaches on staff year-round.
However, at the Games athletes retain the services of coaches who were not named as team
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members of coaching staffs. In the Caribbean, with a few exceptions—notably, in Jamaica—the
majority of high-performance coaches are volunteers with their national federations. However,
athletes from the Caribbean also retain the services of coaches. Coaches’ employment at the
high-performance level of track and field is not as straightforward nor as continuous as with
other disciplines. Several entities and individuals may simultaneously influence the careers of
coaches, and as such issues related to hiring and retention may present alternative perspectives.
For track and field, despite the variety of organizations and diversity of rules and policies
regarding coach employment across different countries, underrepresentation of female coaches
remains a common phenomenon. While there may be an absence of definitive statistics on
coaches and population numbers in track and field, because of the fluid and complicated
arrangements noted above, nonetheless, research has cited percentages that show a disparity in
the number of female coaches. Acosta and Carpenter (2012) conducted a longitudinal study of
women in intercollegiate sports, including track and field in the NCAA, and found that the
percentage of female head coaches was 10% of all coaches. Norman (2008) reported that in
Canada, women coach 33% of all women’s teams, and only 20% of senior teams.
Leberman and Palmer (2009) also reported that women are more marginalized and
underrepresented in coaching at the highest levels in England and New Zealand. In fact, they
found that less than a quarter of all coaches are women, and few are appointed to coach
professional teams. According to Norman (2008), similar statistics were observed in Germany,
where data indicated six women out of a total of 120 were national coaches. The continuing
female underrepresentation in high-performance track and field coaching inarguably points to
inequity, and many scholars have attributed this to the gendered nature of sports (Hart,
Stangl & Kane, 1991). In sum, using these institutional theory constructs, I hope to understand
how female coaches from their perception are able to disrupt established gender norms in high-
performance track and field. Sport management scholars have underscored the existence of
similar strategies and policies across sports organizations as they conduct business (O’Brien &
Slack, 2003; Paramio-Salcines & Kitchin, 2013; Washington & Patterson, 2011). Other scholars
have also contended that sports organizations perpetuate institutionalized gender practices
(Cunningham, 2008; Knoppers, 1992; Stangl & Kane, 1991). I believe that an examination of
structures, processes, and practices within the coaching profession, from the view of women in
leadership positions, will add to our understanding of how female coaches can rise above gender
bias in this athletics context.
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CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
As noted previously, the purpose of this study is to understand the perspectives of female
high-performance track and field coaches—with a particular emphasis on how they encounter
and navigate challenges and opportunities presented by institutionalized gender politics. Using a
qualitative approach, the aim is to provide an inductive analysis of the multiple factors and
interrelationships that female coaches encounter and constitute as they seek to manage
institutionalized policies and practices. Therefore in this chapter, I provide insight on qualitative
research, and justifications for its use as related to this study. I also discuss the following topics:
the influence of my personal experiences on the research politics, design, and implementation,
the research method, participant selection, interview strategy, methods of analysis, and ethical
considerations.
Qualitative Research
The decision to use a qualitative approach was guided by the purpose of this research
along with my philosophical moorings. I inductively explored the perspectives of female coaches
to understand how they handle challenges and opportunities they encounter in their
environments. Each coach brought to the process realities that are socially and experientially
constructed and are therefore subjective and variable. This qualitative approach reveals patterns
and themes that emerge from empirical material and research process, and allows the use of
methods that have the capacity to explore social phenomena in context and detail. These notions
juxtapose with quantitative research, which is generally deductive, and seeks to build empirical
evidence that verifies and confirms conclusions (Trochim & Donnelly, 2008). Furthermore, in
the social sciences these quantitative methods tend to include surveys and statistical measures
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conducted on large populations and provide a broad picture of phenomena that is generalizable.
Given the purpose of this research, the relatively few number of participants, and the detail
needed to identify emergent themes, a qualitative approach was more appropriate than
quantitative methods.
Philosophically, I view this process of inquiry as a transactional construction of
knowledge between the participants and myself as coach-researcher (more on this in a bit) as we
discuss their ideas and beliefs about the structures and processes of the coaching profession, and
the roles they play in it. Therefore, I applied a constructivist approach, and because discussions
were contextual to the participants, their experience, and their reality within their environments,
my goal was not achieving generalizable ‘data’ from their experiences, but instead unique
interpretations and deep understanding of each participant’s situation. Moreover, as a female
coach, I am also uniquely positioned with experience and expertise in high-performance track
and field that enabled me to engage dialogically with each coach to construct rich empirical
material (Denzin, 1989).
Furthermore, I utilized qualitative research because it emphasizes lived experiences, the
meanings individuals place on processes and structures in their lives, and how they connect these
meanings to their social world. I believe that constructivism, which has the potential for
developing thick descriptions and revealing complexities of life, provides the greatest utility as
multiple meanings and realities of female coaches are explored (Brinkman, 2014; Lincoln &
Guba, 2000; Tanggaard, 2009).
The Person(al) in this Research
According to Denzin and Lincoln (2011), the axiological imperative of qualitative
research is for the researcher to report values and biases, along with making clear their presence
in the process. I interject at this juncture my background so that my position and perspective in
56
this research are clear to the reader. I am a black female, from the small Caribbean Island
Anguilla. Sports are an integral aspect of my lifestyle and have contributed to my personal and
professional development. I actively engaged in several sports throughout my youth, teen years,
and adult life. I played both volleyball and tennis at the national level for a few years, and I
continue to play tennis and other racket sports recreationally.
In 1999, I received certification from the International Amateur Athletic Federation
(IAAF) as a Level I track and field coach and began working with the Anguilla Amateur Athletic
Federation (AAAF) as a volunteer. Subsequently, I earned certification as Level IV coach in
sprints and hurdles and Level V in horizontal jumps. Since obtaining coaching certification, I
have coached athletes and teams at several levels and have been the head coach of Anguilla’s
National Team at many competitions globally, including the IAAF World Championship Games.
Although sports have always been my passion, my involvement was largely recreational.
However, in 2005, after having devoted 20 years of my professional life to the field of
agriculture, I decided to pursue an online sport management program with the United Sports
Academy. Two years into the program, I applied for the post of Deputy Director of Sports with
the Ministry of Sports in Anguilla and transferred to that department. In 2008, I completed my
graduate studies and earned an MS degree in Sport Management. One year later I was promoted
to the post of Director of Sports with responsibility for the strategic development of sports and
sports persons in Anguilla. In the fall of 2013, I took a leave of absence from my position of
Director of Sports—with the option to return—to pursue doctoral studies in Sport Management
at Florida State University.
Although I held the position of Director of Sports in Anguilla, I spent all of my free time
coaching track and field and assisting with administrative responsibilities of AAAF. Often and
unavoidably, my roles overlapped and created perceptions of conflict. The main perceived
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conflict stemmed from my responsibility for the development of all sports and sports persons in
Anguilla, while all of my discretionary time was spent on one sport (track and field).
The perception of conflict was not unique to me as a sports administrator involved in
sports recreationally. Anguilla is a small island with a small population and limited human
resources, so of necessity individuals were involved in different sports simultaneously. For a
long time, I was the only qualified female track and field coach on the island. My involvement in
track and field began when the association needed a female chaperone to travel to regional youth
competitions with combined male and female teams. I became aware of an issue,8 when my
daughter was selected for a track team travelling to a regional competition. The exposure as a
chaperone prompted me to obtain coaches training and certification. Since that initial
involvement, I established connections in the field and have had opportunities not readily
available to other female coaches. I have coached male and female track and field athletes who
have gone on to compete at different levels of the sport, including NCAA, World Championships
and Olympic Games—including my two daughters, who both competed at NCAA Division I
schools and later represented both Anguilla and the United Kingdom at World Championship
Events.
Later, in the position as sports administrator, I was able to facilitate and implement the
development of programs for training coaches across several sports. In the interim, I coached and
travelled with youth, junior, and senior athletes and teams to regional and international
competitions. Often, I doubled as head coach and team leader from insufficient human and
financial resources.
8 The issue was the practice of youth and junior male and female teams travelling with all male officials. This practice was later addressed with the introduction of a national sports policy that mandated all sports associations sending youth teams of male and female athletes overseas include female chaperones and/or coaches.
58
As team leader, I represented AAAF at congresses and other meetings with
administrative and governance imperatives. As head coach, I also attended technical meetings
and other gatherings related to coaching at the particular competition. Over the years, I
networked with administrators and coaches from all over the world, and was involved in and
witnessed the decision-making processes in the IAAF. On the field as a coach, I have observed
and been an active participant at every level worldwide (including the NCAA, being a volunteer
coach with the FSU track team since 2014)9.
It is inevitable that my past and current experiences impact this research. I have access to
coaches with whom I have interacted on different levels over the years socially, in coaches
meetings and in coaches’ boxes (often the only female present). However, in this research, even
as I acknowledge my presence, I hope the voices of the participants rise above mine as we
construct knowledge together about women navigating challenges and opportunities in high-
performance track and field.
Research Method
As noted, I conducted a qualitative study as developed in and through a constructivist
paradigm. Constructivism is based on the premise that reality is specific to each individual,
though similarities may exist among individuals and groups (Guba & Lincoln, 1994).
Additionally, it allows for the interjection of the researcher’s personal, cultural, and historical
experiences to shape and interpret the meanings participants ascribe to their realities (Creswell,
2013). Therefore, I collaborated with female coaches as we injected our own understanding of
9 I am still unsure about my overall plans after completing PhD studies. While I would like to continue to coach track and field my uncertainty about future plans stems from not yet knowing what career choice offers the best opportunity for me to be able to contribute knowledge, experience, and any capital I have garnered in sports to promoting greater involvement of women in leadership positions.
59
truths in making sense of opportunities and challenges in the coaching environment.
Ontologically, I presumed that each participant views her experiences according to how each
makes sense of the world, and from an epistemological standpoint, each participant and I shared
our subjectivities about women in coaching. In doing so, we created knowledge that was
constituted and reconstituted throughout our interactions (Kvale, 1996).
My goal during the process was to acknowledge that creation of information is subjective
and reciprocal, as both the participants and I injected our realities in the exchanges (Guba &
Lincoln, 1994). Each participant brought with her subjective meanings of her experiences, and I
too carried with my realities and subjectivities as the process unfolded. By utilizing the
constructivist paradigm, I strove to acknowledge the understanding that each individual brings to
the process multiple realities with ascribed subjective meanings (Guba & Lincoln, 1994). Each
participant has formed opinions or come to understand her situation from interaction with others
and through operating within historical and cultural norms in their environment—as I do too. In
the end, even as I acknowledge that my multiple subjectivities (as woman, as coach, as
researcher, etc.) may affect every aspect of the process (decision to conduct the research,
composing research questions and selecting participants), I seek to represent the views of the
participants fairly and rigorously.
Participant Selection
To conduct this study, I used purposive homogenous sampling to identify and select
interview participants. Purposive homogenous sampling refers to the selection of participants of
similar or specific characteristics for a particular purpose (Teddlie & Yu, 2007). In this study, I
selected participants—female coaches in high-performance track and field—who are the focus of
the investigation (Merriam, 1998).
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I utilized snowball sampling and recruited nine coaches from different countries. I
recruited a sample of female coaches working in different environments—geographically and
organizationally. Given the low number of female coaches working in high-performance track
and field, the pool was limited. Further, I interacted with participants of diverse perspectives and
backgrounds to arrive at “information-rich” exchanges (Patton, 1990, p. 169), which I coded for
further analysis. Therefore, it was practical to limit the number of participants in order to
thoroughly and methodically manage the empirical material obtained. I recruited coaches in
person, by telephone conversations, or through email communications. Each participant agreed
to engage in one or two conversations that lasted 45 to 60 minutes each.
Interview Strategy
I used a semi-structured interview guide that provided prompts for the interactions with
participants. This type of interview is popularly used in qualitative research (Guba & Lincoln,
1994). It typically lasts about an hour to two hours and is conducted face to face, over telephone,
on Skype or other forms of media. I prepared topical areas for discussions, allowing flexibility to
explore, develop, and change topics. I focused on four themes based on my research questions.
These allowed for exploration of ideas and experiences as we collaboratively constructed
knowledge.
Although my interactions with participating female coaches were guided by a semi-
structured approach, the aim was to maintain sufficient flexibility to explore nuances of
institutionalization, gender, and role. The four core themes are: 1) why track and field
organizations commonly adopt gender mechanisms in different countries and in various
programs, 2) how the gender concept diffuses across various track and field organizations, 3)
how the process of gender institutionalization influences female coaches’ professional
development, and 4) how female coaches respond to the process of gender.
61
I engaged with participants in one-on-one conversations and utilized face-to-face,
telephone, and digital video modes (Skype and Facetime) of interaction. I chose these
communication methods because participants for this research are located in different
geographical zones. Therefore, it was not practical or economically feasible to conduct all
personal interviews face to face. The different communication modes—Facetime, Skype, and
Smartphone—afforded effective communication with participants. The flexibility and cost
effectiveness provided opportunity to engage with each participant separately and qualitatively.
The rationale for conducting individual in-depth interviews allowed participants to share
thoughts, emotions, ideas and experiences more freely than they would have in a group (Owens,
2006). Additionally, one-on-one interactions are more accommodating to the intuitive and
affective nature of semi-structured interviews, as issues specific to individual participants can be
developed more easily. Face-to-face, Skype, and Facetime interviews also afforded opportunities
to observe and record (see ethical considerations below) nonverbal communication (gestures,
expressions, dress and body language), which when combined with verbal communications add
other layers of meaning (Carr & Worth, 2001). All three forms of communication have benefits,
and as I used them together, I was able to enhance opportunities for constructing knowledge with
the coaches.
More specifically, in the interviews, the participants and I focused on topics related to
their experiences as high-performance track and field coaches. This form of interviewing is
regarded as the primary method in qualitative research, and the most direct interaction between
researcher and participant (Kvale, 2006). Additionally, it is an important methodological form of
engagement that is used when seeking a penetrating understanding of a particular phenomenon.
According to Tanggaard (2009), a qualitative interview is a dynamic interaction in which words
and discourse represent cultural and social contexts both within and beyond the interview setting.
62
Kvale and Brinkman (2008) suggested that it is the expressed perspectives of participants—in
the form of opinions, attitudes, beliefs, and feelings—that are not readily observed.
Each participant, beyond their coaching experiences, is influenced by social, political,
and cultural background and their place in it. Qualitative interviewing has the scope for dialogic
engagement between the researcher and participant to rationalize influences (Brinkman, 2007;
Tanggaard, 2009). Furthermore, such an interview mitigates some of the constraints of time and
space—having the capacity to capture information that would have occurred in the past and in
another geographical location (Patton, 2006). The qualitative interview is, according to Denzin,
2000), an exchange between the researcher and participant in which meanings of the social world
are shared.
However, researchers encounter challenges using this approach as they acquire and/or
reflexively generate knowledge—make known values, politics, and biases (Denzin & Lincoln,
2005). For instance, according to several researchers located in the qualitative genre—(Creswell,
are borne out in this research. Sports generally are, and specific to this research, sport coaching
generally is infused with institutionalized gender ideologies that have normalized the position as
a man’s role (Burton, 2015; Claringbould & Knoppers, 2012, Cunningham, 2008). Furthermore,
the women in this research recounted several occasions where they were ignored, excluded, and
in some cases insulted as coaches because they are women. However, the participants through
their actions and achievements have progressed in the field, interrupting established norms.
In addition to establishing and maintaining relationships with mentors, the coaches
engage in other entrepreneurial actions that disrupt the existing connection between men and
coaching. Participants claimed that they constantly feel pressured to prove their prowess as
116
coaches. They admit they work hard and in some cases they believe they work harder than male
colleagues. Furthermore, some of the women stated that they have more responsibilities –family
and work—than their male colleagues. They contended that because of their added
responsibilities—family and work commitments—they must be skillful at planning, coordinating
and directing. Their ability to organize their family life and excel at their jobs demonstrates the
capacity to manage complex skills, defying the institutionalized notion that those skills are
deemed to be more congruent with masculine traits and more attributable to men.
Literature has shown that female coaches encounter discrimination because of
perceptions regarding the inability to manage or balance the competing demands of the
profession and family (Dixon & Bruening 2007; Kanter 1977; Pastore 1993). However, most of
the women in this research have families. Some of them affirmed having experienced conflict
about balancing work and family lives, but each confirmed the willingness to work hard to
overcome perceived weakness or inability to negotiate the demands of work and family. Each
participant worked hard because she loves the sport, but doubly so to demonstrate her
capabilities, and admittedly also to change perceptions.
In addition to deliberate and explicit actions to change perceptions, some of the
participants spoke about their desire to change organizational culture of track and field from the
grassroots level right on up to the managerial level of their NFs to reflect greater inclusivity. At
the grassroots level, with increased participation of female athletes, there is optimism for greater
numbers of athletes transitioning into coaching careers, especially given their backgrounds. They
believe that as mentors they have the agency to influence and help female athletes pursue careers
and young coaches seek leadership positions. In support of this notion, Everhart and Chelladuri
(1998) in their research found that female athletes coached by women were more interested in
coaching than female athletes who were coached by men. Based on research findings that
117
highlight the positive effects of female coaches and athletes, the participants in their current
positions and as mentors have the potential to influence cultural change. It is highly plausible
that a female coach is encouraged and inspired by Coach Anna Botha’s achievement or even a
female athlete by Coach/Athlete Sally Pearson’s achievements10.
Other specific actions the coaches discussed as viable strategies to change the existing
landscape of track and field were organizing and advocating for women’s forums, including
mentorship programs, training and development workshops, and other educational sessions. The
goal is to facilitate opportunities for instilling and reinforcing values in young women to develop
women leaders. This research shows that participants through their affiliations procured some
capital over time, and improved their agency to navigate the profession. Additionally, the
coaches expressed their interest in effecting change, their commitment to working hard, and their
desire to remain in the profession. They also emphasized a willingness to implement strategies to
bring about change. These attributes in combination adhere to the theoretical underpinnings of
institutional entrepreneurship that speak to disruption and changing established norms.
Limitations and Implications
The participants in this research live and work on four different continents—North
America, South America, Europe and Oceania. They shared several commonalities other than
coaching at the high-performance level of track and field. These coaches advanced and gained
experience and exposure as they progressed through the various levels. Furthermore, all were
former athletes; only one did not compete in track and field. In spite of the commonalities the
participants fundamentally share, they have different views. Additionally, these differences are
compounded by their diverse social, cultural and economic influences inherent in their
10 Sally Pearson is the reigning World Championship gold medalist in the 100-meter hurdles and she coached herself during the games and has continued in that capacity—coach/athlete.
118
nationalities. For instance, some countries have legislation that mandates equity and influences
the hiring of diverse work forces in organizations, while in other nations these social issues are
often not legislated nor scrutinized. In fact, participants from America compared their
circumstances to coaches from other nations and cited Title IX as the reason their national teams
often have higher representation of female coaches than teams from other nations.
While the findings of this research are not generalizable to all coaches in high-
performance track and field, this researcher does not view it as a limitation. In fact, given that
these coaches have different nationalities and varying perspectives of multiple levels of the sport
but share similar marginalizing experiences, though not generalizable, all this adds depth to the
issue of male dominance in sport. However, a limiting factor of this research is unpacking the
commonalities of their experiences without addressing their different social circumstances. This
limitation signals the need for more research to unpack institutionalized gender issues in this
globally popular sport for men and women.
Implications for Research
This research presented a qualitative analysis of the experiences of nine track and field
high-performance coaches, purposively selected from different geographical locations.
Specifically, the primary focus was to give voice to a minority population of female coaches who
gave perspectives on strategies—physical, mental, and emotional—related to the challenges and
opportunities they face as female coaches. There is little research specifically on the experience
of female coaches in track and field, and although I found consistencies in this analysis with
previous work on female coaches in other disciplines, several questions for future research
became apparent.
119
First, one of the common threads among the participants in this research is that they are
all former athletes. Although they did not all compete at the high-performance level, they all
competed for a long time in their youth and young adult life. Just as previous research has
shown, participants used their capital to gain access and advance their careers (Greenhill, Auld,
Cuskelly, & Hooper, 2009). Research that examines the perceptions of female athletes to
determine their interest in coaching at the end of their athletic career, and their attitudes
regarding gender and coaching, may provide greater understanding on motivation and
persistence to pursue careers in the profession. This is particularly important given the increasing
number of girls and women participating in track and field at all levels.
Second, this research highlighted the dominance of men in coaching and the normalcy of
masculine hegemony in the policies of leaders in the sport. Female coaches are still experiencing
discrimination because of outdated or non-existent policies. Specifically, female coaches with
families are excluded or forced to improvise which to prevailing bias appears natural and
legitimate. This research is consistent with previous work that identified discrimination because
Re: Re-approval of Use of Human subjects in Research
The Successful Female Coach: An examination of the pathway for female coaches in Track and
Field
Your request to continue the research project listed above involving human subjects has been
approved by the Human Subjects Committee. If your project has not been completed by
6/26/2017, you must request renewed approval by the Committee.
If you submitted a proposed consent form with your renewal request, the approved stamped
consent form is attached to this re-approval notice. Only the stamped version of the consent form
may be used in recruiting of research subjects. You are reminded that any change in protocol for
this project must be reviewed and approved by the Committee prior to implementation of the
proposed change in the protocol. A protocol change/amendment form is required to be submitted
132
for approval by the Committee. In addition, federal regulations require that the Principal
Investigator promptly report in writing, any unanticipated problems or adverse events involving
risks to research subjects or others.
By copy of this memorandum, the Chair of your department and/or your major professor are
reminded of their responsibility for being informed concerning research projects involving
human subjects in their department. They are advised to review the protocols as often as
necessary to insure that the project is being conducted in compliance with our institution and
with DHHS regulations.
Cc: Joshua Newman, Advisor
HSC No. 2016.18676
The Florida State University
Office of the Vice President For Research Human Subjects CommitteeP. O. Box
3062742Tallahassee, Florida 32306-2742
(850) 644-8673 · FAX (850) 644-4392
RE-APPROVAL MEMORANDUM
Date:03/30/2018
To:Wilma Proctor
Dept.:SPORT MANAGEMENT
From: Thomas L. Jacobson, ChairRe: Re-approval of Use of Human subjects in
Research:
Your request to continue the research project listed above involving human subjects has
been approved by the Human Subjects Committee. If your project has not been
133
completed by 05/29/2018 , you are must request renewed approval by the Committee.
If you submitted a proposed consent form with your renewal request, the approved
stamped consent form is attached to this re-approval notice. Only the stamped version of
the consent form may be used in recruiting of research subjects. You are reminded that
any change in protocol for this project must be reviewed and approved by the Committee
prior to implementation of the proposed change in the protocol. A protocol
change/amendment form is required to be submitted for approval by the Committee. In
addition, federal regulations require that the Principal Investigator promptly report in
writing, any unanticipated problems or adverse events involving risks to research subjects
or others.
By copy of this memorandum, the Chairman of your department and/or your major
professor are reminded of their responsibility for being informed concerning research
projects involving human subjects in their department. They are advised to review the
protocols as often as necessary to insure that the project is being conducted in compliance
with our institution and with DHHS regulations.
Cc:HSC No.
03/30/2018
Wilma Proctor
SPORT MANAGEMENT
The Successful Female Coach: An examination of the pathway for female coaches in Track and Field
134
APPENDIX C
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
Purpose of This Research:
The purpose of this research is to understand the perspective of female coaches in high-
performance track and field regarding discriminatory and marginalizing practices and behaviors
of male coaches and administrators. More specifically, the research also seeks to understand the
systemic structures, processes, and behaviors encountered in organizations and how female
coaches navigate though and around these impediments to advancement.
Procedures:
I will be conducting one-on-one interviews in this research for periods lasting 30 to 60
minutes, taking notes and using a recording device
Possible risks or benefits:
There are no known risks or benefits to you related to participating in this project.
Right of refusal to participate and withdrawal:
You may withdraw your consent and discontinue participation at any time without
consequence. You may also refuse to answer some or all the questions if you become
uncomfortable with those questions.
Confidentiality:
The information provided by you will remain confidential. Nobody except the principal
investigator will have access to it. Your name and identity will also not be disclosed at any time.
However the results of the research may be published in journals and elsewhere without giving
your name or disclosing your identity.
135
Information gathered from organizations will have some general identifiers but the
individual personnel and organizations will be anonymized.
Available Sources of Information:
If you have any questions concerning the research, you may contact me. You may also
contact the Human Subjects Committee at The Florida State University at (850) 644 8673 if you
have additional concerns about this research.
Authorization
I have read and understand this consent form, and I volunteer to participate in this
research. I understand that I will receive a copy of this form. I voluntarily choose
to participate, but I understand that I can withdraw from the research, without
consequence at any time, whether before it starts or while I am participating. I am
giving permission to be tape-recorded and understand that anonymity will be
ensured in the reporting of this research but there might be disguised extracts
quoted in subsequent publications.
………………………………………………... ……………………………
Signature Date
136
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
Wilma Proctor was born on the island of Saint Kitts and Nevis in the Caribbean, but lived most
of her life in Anguilla. She earned a B.Sc. in Horticulture at Iowa State University. Later, while
working with the Government of Anguilla, she earned a MSc. in Sport Management with the
United States Sports Academy. Wilma completed her Doctor of Philosophy in Sport
Management at Florida State University in May 2018. My research interests include coaching
and gender issues. Prior to obtaining her PhD, Wilma was the Director of Sports in Anguilla and
was a volunteer track and field coach for over two decades. Her hobbies are golf, fishing, and